Church History 3.3–3.13
Greek text: PG 67 (OCR text layer from the Bavarian State Library, cleaned for this site).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 2, vol. 2 (1890).
Chapter 3
3.3PG 67:381–387
Ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ Γεωργίου ἀναιρέσε: χαλεπήνας ὁ βασιλεὺς, δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δήμου καθήψατο. Λόγος δὲ διεδόθτ,, ὡς ταῦτα εἰς Γεώργιον ἔδρασαν οἱ δι' ᾿Αθανάσιον ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς αὐ τόν. Ἐγὼ δὲ ἡγοῦμαι μὲν καὶ τοὺς μισοῦντας ἐν ταῖς στάσεσι συνεπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν. Ἡ μέντοι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολὴ τῷ δήμῳ μᾶλλον, ἢ Χριστιανοῖς ἐγκαλεῖ. Ἐφάνη δὲ Γεώργιος, καὶ πρότερον καὶ μεταταῦτα βαρὺς γεγονὼς καὶ ὀχληρὸς τοῖς πᾶσι· καὶ διατοῦτο ἐξεκαύθη εἰς φιλονεικίαν τὰ πλήθη. Ὅτι δὲ τῷ δήμῳ μᾶλλον ἐγκαλεῖ, αὐτῆς ἐπἀκουε τῆς ἐπιστολῆς 4. Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Ἰουλιανός, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, Αλεξανδρέων τῷ δήμῳ. Εἰ μὴ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν οἰκιστὴν ὑμῶν, καὶ πρό γε τούτου, τὸν θεὸν τὸν μέγαν, τὸν ἀγιώτατον Σάὑμῶν παρώξυνεν · εἶτα εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν ραπιν αἰδεῖσθε, τοῦ κοινοῦ γοῦν ὑμᾶς καὶ ἀνθρωπί νου καὶ πρέποντος, πῶς οὐδεὶς εἰσῆλθε λόγος; προσθήσω δὲ ὅτι καὶ ἡμῶν, οὓς οἱ θεοὶ πάντες, ἐν πρώ· τοις δὲ ὁ μέγας Σάραπις, ἄρχειν ἐδικαίωσαν τῆς οἱκουμένης. Οἷς πρέπον ἦν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἠδικηκότων ὑμᾶς φυλάξαι διάγνωσιν. Ἀλλ᾽ ὀργὴ τυχὸν ἴσως ὑμᾶς ἐξηπάτησε καὶ θυμὸς, ὅσπερ οὖν εἴωθε τὰ δεινὰ πράττειν, τὰς φρένας μετοικίσας· εἶτα τῆς ὁρμῆς ἀνα - στείλαντες, τῆς παραχρῆμα βεβουλευμένης καλῶς ὕστερον ἐπήγαγε τὴν παρανομίαν. Οὐδ᾽ ἡσχύνθητε δῆμος ὄντες τολμῆσαι ταῦτα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐκείνους ἐμισήσατε δικαίως. Εἴπατε γάρ μοι πρὸς τοῦ Σαράπιδος, ὑπὲρ ποίων ἀδικημάτων ἐχαλεπήνατε Γεωργίῳ. Τὸν μακαριώτατον Κωνστάντιον ἐρεῖτε δήπουθεν ὅτι καθ' πόλιν στρατόπεδον. Καὶ κατέλαβεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὸ ἁγιώτατον τοῦ Θεοῦ τέμενος, ἀποσυλήσας ἐκεῖθεν εἰκόνας, καὶ ἀναθήματα, καὶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς κόσμον. Ὑμῶν δὲ ἀγανακτούντων εἰκότως, καὶ πειρωμένων ἀμύνειν τῷ Θεῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς τοῦ Θεοῦ κτήμασιν, ὁ δὲ ἐτόλμησεν ὑμῖν ἐπιπέμψαι τοὺς ὀπλίτας, ἀδίκως, καὶ παρανόμως καὶ ἀσεβῶς. Ἴσως Γεώργιον μᾶλλον, ἢ τὸν Κωνστάντιον δεδοικώς, ἑαυτὸν παρἐφύλαττεν. Εἰς μετριώτερον ὑμῖν καὶ πολιτικώτερον, ἀλλὰ μὴ τυραννικώτερον πόρρωθεν προσεφέρετο. Τούτων οὖν ἕνεκεν ὀργιζόμενοι τῷ Θεοῖς ἐχθρῷ Γεωργίῳ, τὴν ἱερὰν αὖθις ἐμιάνατε πόλιν, ἐξὸν ὑποβάλλειν αὐτὸν ταῖς τῶν δικαστῶν ψήφοις. Οὕτω γὰρ ἐγίνετο ἂν οὐ φόνος, οὐδὲ παρανομία τὸ πρᾶγμα · δίκη δὲ ἐμμελὴς, ὑμᾶς μὲν ἀθώους πάντη φυλάττουσα, τιμωρουμένη μὲν τὸν ἀνίατα δυσσεβήσαντα, σωφρονίζουσα δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας, ὅσοι τῶν θεῶν ὀλιγωροῦσι, καὶ προσέτι τὰς τοιαύτας πόλεις καὶ τοὺς ἀνθοῦντας δήμους, ἐν οὐδενὶ τίθενται· τῶν ἑαυτῶν δὲ ποιοῦνται πάρεργον δυναστείας τὴν κατ᾿ ἐκείνων ὠμότητα. Παραβάλλετε τοίνυν ταύτην μου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν, ᾗ μικρῷ πρώην ἐπέστειλα· καὶ τὸ διάφορον κατανοήσατε, πόσους μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαίνους ἔγραφον τότε. Νυνὶ δὲ, μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς, ὀφείλων ὑμᾶς ἐπαινεῖν, οὐ δύναμαι διὰ τὴν παρανομίαν. Τολμᾷ δῆμος ὥσπερ οἱ κύνες, ἄνθρωπον σπαράττειν. Εἶτα οὐκ αἰσχύνεται καὶ φυλάττειν καθαρὰς τὰς χεῖρας ὡς προσάγειν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς, αἵματος καθαρευούσας. ᾿Αλλὰ Γεώργιος ἄξιος ἦν τοῦ τοιαῦτα παθεῖν. Καὶ τούτων ἴσως ἐγὼ φαίην ἂν χείρονα καὶ πικρότερα. Καὶ δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐρεῖτε · σύμφημι καὶ αὐτός· παρ᾽ ὑμῶν δὲ εἰ λέγοιτο τοῦτο, οὐκέτι συγχωρῶ. Νόμοι γὰρ ὑμῖν εἰσιν, οὓς χρὴ τιμᾶσθαι μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων ἰδίᾳ καὶ στέργεσθαι. Πλὴν ἐπειδὴ συμβαίνει τῶν καθ᾿ ἕκαστόν τινας παρανομεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κοινὰ γοῦν εὐνομεῖσθαι χρὴ, καὶ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς νόμοις ὑμᾶς, καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ὅσαπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐνομίσθη καλῶς. Εὐτύχημα γέγονεν ὑμῖν, ἄνδρες ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ πλημμελῆσαι τοιοῦτό τοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὃς αἰδοῖ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ διὰ τὸν πάππον τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ ὁμώνυμον, ὃς ἦρξεν αὐτῆς τε Αἰγύπτου, καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας πόλεως, ἀδελφικὴν ὑμῖν εὔνοιαν ἀποσώζω. Τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀκαταφρόνητον, καὶ τὸ ἀπηνέστερον καὶ καθαρὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς, οὔποτε ἂν δήμου περιιδεῖν τόλμημα, μὴ καθάπερ νόσημα χαλεπὸν, πικροτέρῳ διακαθᾶραι φαρμάκῳ. Προσφέρω δὲ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν, δι᾽ ἄσπερ ἔναγχος ἔφην αἰτίας, τὸ προσηνέστατον, παραίνεσιν καὶ λόγους. Ὑφ᾽ ὧν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι πείσεσθε μᾶλλον, ἤπερ ἐστὲ, καθάπερ ἀκούω, τὸ τε ἀρχαῖον Ἕλληνες, καὶ τὰ νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς εὐγενείας ἐκείνης ὕπεστιν ὑμῖν ἀξιόλογος καὶ γενναῖος ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὁ χαρακτήρ. Προστεθήτω τοῖς ἐμοῖς πολίταις ᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσιν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς.
Epi men oun tou Geōrgiou anairese: chalepēnas ho basileus, di᾽ epistolēs tou ᾿Alexandreōn dēmou kathēpsato. Logos de diedotht,, hōs tauta eis Geōrgion edrasan hoi di' ᾿Athanasion apechthōs echontes pros au ton. Egō de hēgoumai men kai tous misountas en tais stasesi synepitithesthai tois adikousin. Hē mentoi tou basileōs epistolē tǭ dēmǭ mallon, ē Christianois enkalei. Ephanē de Geōrgios, kai proteron kai metatauta barys gegonōs kai ochlēros tois pasi; kai diatouto exekauthē eis philoneikian ta plēthē. Hoti de tǭ dēmǭ mallon enkalei, autēs epakoue tēs epistolēs 4. Autokratōr Kaisar Ioulianos, Megistos, Sebastos, Alexandreōn tǭ dēmǭ. Ei mē ton ᾿Alexandron ton oikistēn hymōn, kai pro ge toutou, ton theon ton megan, ton agiōtaton Saumōn parōxynen ; eita eisēgagen eis tēn hieran rapin aideisthe, tou koinou goun hymas kai anthrōpi nou kai prepontos, pōs oudeis eisēlthe logos? prosthēsō de hoti kai hēmōn, hous hoi theoi pantes, en prō; tois de ho megas Sarapis, archein edikaiōsan tēs hoikoumenēs. Hois prepon ēn tēn hyper tōn ēdikēkotōn hymas phylaxai diagnōsin. All᾽ orgē tychon isōs hymas exēpatēse kai thymos, hosper oun eiōthe ta deina prattein, tas phrenas metoikisas; eita tēs hormēs ana - steilantes, tēs parachrēma bebouleumenēs kalōs hysteron epēgage tēn paranomian. Oud᾽ hēschynthēte dēmos ontes tolmēsai tauta, eph᾽ hois ekeinous emisēsate dikaiōs. Eipate gar moi pros tou Sarapidos, hyper poiōn adikēmatōn echalepēnate Geōrgiǭ. Ton makariōtaton Kōnstantion ereite dēpouthen hoti kath' polin stratopedon. Kai katelaben ho basileus tēs Aigyptou to hagiōtaton tou Theou temenos, aposylēsas ekeithen eikonas, kai anathēmata, kai ton en tois hierois kosmon. Hymōn de aganaktountōn eikotōs, kai peirōmenōn amynein tǭ Theǭ, mallon de tois tou Theou ktēmasin, ho de etolmēsen hymin epipempsai tous oplitas, adikōs, kai paranomōs kai asebōs. Isōs Geōrgion mallon, ē ton Kōnstantion dedoikōs, heauton parephylatten. Eis metriōteron hymin kai politikōteron, alla mē tyrannikōteron porrōthen prosephereto. Toutōn oun heneken orgizomenoi tǭ Theois echthrǭ Geōrgiǭ, tēn hieran authis emianate polin, exon hypoballein auton tais tōn dikastōn psēphois. Houtō gar egineto an ou phonos, oude paranomia to pragma ; dikē de emmelēs, hymas men athōous pantē phylattousa, timōroumenē men ton aniata dyssebēsanta, sōphronizousa de tous allous pantas, hosoi tōn theōn oligōrousi, kai proseti tas toiautas poleis kai tous anthountas dēmous, en oudeni tithentai; tōn heautōn de poiountai parergon dynasteias tēn kat᾿ ekeinōn ōmotēta. Paraballete toinyn tautēn mou tēn epistolēn, hę̄ mikrǭ prōēn epesteila; kai to diaphoron katanoēsate, posous men hymōn epainous egraphon tote. Nyni de, ma tous theous, opheilōn hymas epainein, ou dynamai dia tēn paranomian. Tolmą dēmos hōsper hoi kynes, anthrōpon sparattein. Eita ouk aischynetai kai phylattein katharas tas cheiras hōs prosagein pros tous theous, haimatos kathareuousas. ᾿Alla Geōrgios axios ēn tou toiauta pathein. Kai toutōn isōs egō phaiēn an cheirona kai pikrotera. Kai di᾽ hymas ereite ; symphēmi kai autos; par᾽ hymōn de ei legoito touto, ouketi synchōrō. Nomoi gar hymin eisin, hous chrē timasthai malista men hypo pantōn idią kai stergesthai. Plēn epeidē symbainei tōn kath᾿ hekaston tinas paranomein, alla ta koina goun eunomeisthai chrē, kai peitharchein tois nomois hymas, kai mē parabainein hosaper ex archēs enomisthē kalōs. Eutychēma gegonen hymin, andres ᾿Alexandreis, ep᾿ emou plēmmelēsai toiouto toi pros hymas, hos aidoi tę̄ pros ton Theon, kai dia ton pappon ton emon kai homōnymon, hos ērxen autēs te Aigyptou, kai tēs hymeteras poleōs, adelphikēn hymin eunoian aposōzō. To gar tēs exousias akataphronēton, kai to apēnesteron kai katharon tēs archēs, oupote an dēmou periidein tolmēma, mē kathaper nosēma chalepon, pikroterǭ diakatharai pharmakǭ. Prospherō de egō hymin, di᾽ asper enanchos ephēn aitias, to prosēnestaton, parainesin kai logous. Hyph᾽ hōn eu oid᾽ hoti peisesthe mallon, ēper este, kathaper akouō, to te archaion Hellēnes, kai ta nyn epi tēs eugeneias ekeinēs hypestin hymin axiologos kai gennaios en tę̄ dianoią kai tois epitēdeumasin ho charaktēr. Prostethētō tois emois politais ᾿Alexandreusin. Toiauta men oun ho basileus.
The emperor, angry at George’s murder, rebuked the people of Alexandria by letter. A report spread that those who hated George on Athanasius’s account had done this to him. I think indeed that in riots those who hate join in attacking the wrongdoers; but the emperor’s letter blames the people rather than the Christians. George appears both before and afterwards to have been oppressive and troublesome to all, and for this reason the crowds were kindled to strife. That the emperor blames the people rather, hear from the letter itself:
“Imperator Caesar Julian, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of Alexandria. If you do not revere Alexander your founder, and before him the great god, the most holy Sarapis, how did no thought occur to you of what is common, human, and fitting? I will add also of us, whom all the gods, and first of all great Sarapis, have deemed worthy to rule the world, and to whom it would have been fitting to reserve the judgment on those who wronged you. But perhaps anger deceived you, and rage, which is wont to do terrible things, unseating the mind; then, when you had checked your impulse, it later added lawlessness to what had at first been well resolved. Nor were you ashamed, being a people, to dare those things for which you justly hated them. Tell me, by Sarapis, for what wrongs were you angry with George? You will say, no doubt, that he provoked the most blessed Constantius against you, and then brought an army into the holy city; and the governor of Egypt seized the god’s most holy precinct, stripping from it images, offerings, and the ornaments in the temples. When you were justly indignant and tried to defend the god, or rather the god’s possessions, he dared to send troops against you, unjustly, lawlessly, and impiously, fearing George, perhaps, more than Constantius. He would have kept himself safer if from the first he had dealt with you more moderately and civilly, and not tyrannically. Angry, then, for these reasons with George, the enemy of the gods, you again polluted the holy city, when you could have submitted him to the votes of the judges. So the thing would have been not murder nor lawlessness, but fitting justice, keeping you wholly guiltless, punishing him who had been incurably impious, and correcting all the others who slight the gods and, moreover, count such cities and flourishing peoples as nothing, and make cruelty against them a side task of their own power. Compare, then, this letter of mine with the one I sent you a little while ago, and note the difference: how many praises of you I wrote then. Now, by the gods, though I ought to praise you, I cannot, because of your lawlessness. A people dares, like dogs, to tear a man apart, and then is not ashamed but keeps its hands, as if pure, to bring before the gods, as though clean of blood! But George deserved to suffer such things. And perhaps I would say worse and more bitter things than these. And you will say that it was on your account. I agree myself; but if you say that it was for you to inflict it, I no longer allow it. For you have laws, which ought above all to be honoured and loved by all individually. Since it happens that some individuals break the law, yet the community at least ought to be well governed, and you ought to obey the laws and not transgress what was rightly established from the beginning. It has been your good fortune, men of Alexandria, to commit such an offence in my time, who, out of reverence for the god and for my grandfather and namesake, who governed Egypt itself and your city, keep a brotherly goodwill towards you. For the dignity of power and the stricter and purer sort of rule would never overlook a people’s daring, but would purge it, like a grievous disease, with a more bitter medicine. But for the reasons I have just stated, I offer you the gentlest remedy, exhortation and words, by which I know well you will be persuaded the more, since you are, as I hear, Greeks of old, and even now the character remaining in you from that noble descent is notable and noble in mind and in practice. Let it be posted for my citizens of Alexandria.” Such was the emperor’s letter.
Notes and citation
Summary: Julian writes to the Alexandrians rebuking them, in the name of Sarapis, for lynching George instead of leaving him to the courts.
- Julian’s letter to the Alexandrians (Letter 21 in modern editions) is quoted in full. The scan displaces a line (“provoked … against you; and then brought into the holy [city an army]”) to the opening sentence; it is translated in its proper place, and the obscure sentence on the governor’s fear is translated by sense.
- The pagan religious language of Julian’s letter is translated as written.
- “My grandfather and namesake”: so the text as printed; the person meant is probably Julian’s maternal uncle Julian, who had governed Egypt.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.3 (PG 67:381–387; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-3). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-3
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.4PG 67:387
Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῆς φυγῆς κατελθόντα ᾿Αθανάσιον, ἀσμένως ὁ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαὸς ἐδέξατο· ἐξώθησαν τότε ἐκ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοὺς τοῦ ᾿Αριανοῦ δόγματος· παραδιδόασι δὲ ᾿Αθανασίῳ τοὺς εὐκτηρίους τόπους. Οἱ δὲ ἀρειανίζοντες, ἐν οἰκίσκοις ἀσήμοις Ει συναγόμενοι, εἰς τόπον Γεωργίου Λούκιον προχειρίζονται. Ἐν· τοιαύτῃ μὲν δὴ καταστάσει τὰ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἦν.
Ouk eis makran tēs phygēs katelthonta ᾿Athanasion, asmenōs ho tōn ᾿Alexandreōn laos edexato; exōthēsan tote ek tōn ekklēsiōn tous tou ᾿Arianou dogmatos; paradidoasi de ᾿Athanasiǭ tous euktērious topous. Hoi de areianizontes, en oikiskois asēmois Ei synagomenoi, eis topon Geōrgiou Loukion procheirizontai. En; toiautę̄ men dē katastasei ta kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian ēn.
Not long afterwards Athanasius returned from his flight, and the people of the Alexandrians received him gladly. They then drove those of the Arian doctrine out of the churches and handed over the houses of prayer to Athanasius. The Arians, gathering in obscure little houses, put forward Lucius in place of George. Such was the state of affairs at Alexandria.
Notes and citation
Summary: Athanasius returns to Alexandria and recovers the churches; the Arians choose Lucius as their bishop.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.4 (PG 67:387; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-4
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.5PG 67:387
Ἐν δὲ δὴ τῷδε τῷ χρόνῳ Λούκιφερ καὶ Εὐσέβιος, προστάγματι τοῦ βασιλέως, τῆς ἐξορίας ἀνακέκληντο· Λούκιφερ μὲν Καράλων ἐπίσκοπος ῾, ἡ ἐστι πόλις Σαρδανίας· Εὐσέβιος δὲ Βρεκέλλων· πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ Λιγύων, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. ῎Αμφω οὖν τῶν ἄνω Θηβῶν τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανιόντες, σύμβουλον ἐποιοῦντο, τίνα τρόπον τὸν τῆς Ἐχκλησίας κανόνα διαφθειρόμενον μὴ παρίδωσιν.
En de dē tǭde tǭ chronǭ Loukipher kai Eusebios, prostagmati tou basileōs, tēs exorias anakeklēnto; Loukipher men Karalōn episkopos ῾, hē esti polis Sardanias; Eusebios de Brekellōn; polis de hautē tōn en Italią Ligyōn, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. ᾿Amphō oun tōn anō Thēbōn tēs exorias epaniontes, symboulon epoiounto, tina tropon ton tēs Echklēsias kanona diaphtheiromenon mē paridōsin.
At this time Lucifer and Eusebius were recalled from exile by the emperor’s order: Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, a city of Sardinia, and Eusebius of Vercelli, a city of the Ligurians in Italy, as I said before. Both, returning from their exile in the Upper Thebaid, took counsel how they might not overlook the rule of the church being corrupted.
Notes and citation
Summary: Lucifer of Cagliari and Eusebius of Vercelli, recalled from exile, consult on restoring church order.
Topics: Church office
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.5 (PG 67:387; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-5
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-3-5) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.6PG 67:387–389
· Ἐδόκει οὖν, Λουκίφερα μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν παραγενέσθαι, Εὐσέβιον δὲ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν· ὅπως ἂν σύνοδον ἅμα ᾿Αθανασίῳ ἀθροίσαντες, τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας κρατύνωσι δόγματα. Λούκιφερ μὲν οὖν διάκονον εἰς τὸν αὐτοῦ τόπον ἀποστέλλει, δι' οὗ στέρξειν ὡμολόγει τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου τυπούμενα. Αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν χωρήσας, εὑρίσκει τεταραγμένην τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν· ἐδιχονόει γὰρ τὰ πλήθη πρὸς ἑαυτά. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἡ ᾿Αρειανὴ αἵρεσις ὑπὸ Εύζωΐου τυγχάνουσα τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἐχώριζεν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ, ὡς ἤδη πρότερον ἔφην, καὶ οἱ Μελετίῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες, ἐν σπουδῇ τῇ περὶ τὸν καθηγητὴν, πρὸς τοὺς ὁμόφρονας διεκρίνοντο. Καταστήσας οὖν Παυλῖνον ἐπίσκοπον αὐτοῖς, αὖθις ἀπεχώρει.
; Edokei oun, Loukiphera men epi tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian paragenesthai, Eusebion de ep᾿ ᾿Alexandreian; hopōs an synodon hama ᾿Athanasiǭ athroisantes, ta tēs Ekklēsias kratynōsi dogmata. Loukipher men oun diakonon eis ton autou topon apostellei, di' hou sterxein hōmologei ta hypo tēs synodou typoumena. Autos de epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian chōrēsas, heuriskei tetaragmenēn tēn Ekklēsian; edichonoei gar ta plēthē pros heauta. Ou gar monon hē ᾿Areianē hairesis hypo Euzōïou tynchanousa tēn Ekklēsian echōrizen; alla gar kai, hōs ēdē proteron ephēn, kai hoi Meletiǭ akolouthēsantes, en spoudę̄ tę̄ peri ton kathēgētēn, pros tous homophronas diekrinonto. Katastēsas oun Paulinon episkopon autois, authis apechōrei.
It was decided, then, that Lucifer should go to Antioch in Syria and Eusebius to Alexandria, so that by assembling a synod together with Athanasius they might confirm the doctrines of the church. Lucifer sent a deacon in his place, through whom he promised to accept what the synod should lay down. He himself went to Antioch and found the church troubled, for the people were divided among themselves. Not only did the Arian heresy under Euzoius separate the church, but also, as I said before, those who followed Meletius, in their devotion to their leader, kept apart from those who shared their opinion. So, having appointed Paulinus bishop for them, he went away again.
Notes and citation
Summary: Lucifer goes to Antioch and ordains Paulinus bishop for the older Nicene congregation.
Topics: Church office
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.6 (PG 67:387–389; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-6
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-3-6) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.7PG 67:389–395
Εὐσέβιος δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, σπουδαιότερον ἅμα ᾿Αθανασίῳ συνεκρότει τὴν σύνοδον. Συνῆλθόν τε ἐκ διαφόρων πόλεων ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ περὶ πλείστων καὶ ἀναγκαιοτάτων λόγους ἐγύμνασαν. "Ενθα καὶ τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα θεολογήσαντες, τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ Τριάδι συνανελαμβάνοντο. Καὶ τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, οὐ μόνον ἔνσαρκον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐμψυχωμένον ἀπεφήναντο, ᾗ καὶ πάλαι τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐδόκει. Οὐ γὰρ νεαράν τινα θρησκείαν ἐπι - νοήσαντες εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἰσήγαγον, ἀλλὰ ἄπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ ἡ ἐκκλησιαστικὴ παράδοσις ἔλεγε, καὶ ἀποδεικτικῶς παρὰ τοῖς Χριστιανῶν σοφοῖς ἐφιλοσοφεῖτο. Οὕτω γὰρ πάντες οἱ παλαιότεροι περὶ τούτου λόγον γυμνάσαντες, ἔγγραφον ἡμῖν κατέλιπον. Καὶ γὰρ Εἰρηναῖός τε καὶ Κλήμης, ᾿Απολινάριός τε ὁ Ἱεροπολίτης, καὶ Σαραπίων ὁ τῆς ἐν Ἀντιοχεία προεστὼς ἐκκλησίας, Ἐμψυχον τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, ἐν τοῖς πονηθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς λόγοις ὡς ὁμολογούμενον Eναιη αὐτοῖς φάσκουσιν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ διὰ Βήρυλλον τὸν Φιλαδελφίας τῆς ἐν ᾿Αραβίᾳ ἐπίσκοπον γενομένη σύνοδος, γράφουσα Βηρύλλῳ, τὰ αὐτὰ παραδέδωκεν. Ωριγένης δὲ πανταχοῦ μὲν ἐν τοῖς φερομένοις αὐτοῦ βιβλίοις, ἔμψυχον τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα οἶδεν. Ἰδικῶς δὲ, ὁ εἰς τὴν Γένεσιν αὐτῷ πεπονημένος ἔννατος τόμος, τὸ περὶ τούτου μυστήριον ἐφανέρωσεν, ἔνθα ᾿Αδὰμ μὲν τὸν Χριστὸν, Εὔαν δὲ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἶναι πλατύτερον κατεσκεύασε. Μάρτυρες τούτων ἀξιόπιστοι, ὅ τε ἱερὸς Πάμφιλος, καὶ ὁ ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρηματίζων Εὐσέβιος. ῎Αμφω γὰρ κοινῇ τὸν Ωριγένους παρατιθέμενοι βίον, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ προλήψεως ἀπεχθανομένους πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα ἀπαντῶντες, ἐνδόξοις βιβλίοις ἀπολογίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενοι, οὐ πρῶτον Ωριγένην ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν πραγματείαν ἐλθεῖν φασιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας μυστικὴν ἑρμηνεῦσαι παράδοσιν. Κἀκεῖνοι δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ συνόδῳ παρόντες, οὐκ ἀβασάνιστον εἴασαν, φημὶ δὴ τὸ περὶ οὐσίας καὶ ὑποστάσεως 8, Ὅσιος γὰρ ὁ Κοδρούβης τῆς ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος, οὗ καὶ ἔμπροσθεν πεποιήμεθα μνήμην, ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου εἰς τὸ κατασβέσαι τὴν τότε ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀρείου γενομένην ταραχήν προαποσταλεὶς, τὸ Σαβελλίου τοῦ Λίβυος ἐκβαλεῖν δόγμα προθυμούμενος, τὴν περὶ οὐσίας καὶ ὑποστάσεως πεποίηται ζήτησιν, ἥτις καὶ αὐτὴ ἑτέρας ἐρεσχελίας ὑπόθεσις γέγονεν. ᾿Αλλὰ τότε μὲν ἡ ἐν Νικαίᾳ ἐπιγενομένη σύνοδος, περὶ τὴν τούτου ζήτησιν οὐδὲ λόγου ἠξίωσεν · ἐπεὶ δὲ μεταταῦτά τινες περὶ τούτου ἐρεσχελεῖν ἤθελον, διατοῦτο ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ συνόδῳ, περὶ οὐσίας τε καὶ ὑποστάσεως τάδε ἀπεφήναντο· Οὐκ ἐπὶ Θεοῦ δεῖν ἔφασαν ταύταις χρῆσθαι ταῖς λέξεσιν. Οὐσίαν μὲν γὰρ μηδὲ ὠνομάσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων· τῷ δὲ τῆς ὑποστάσεως ὀνόματι καταχρήσασθαι τὸν ᾿Απόστολον τῇ τῶν δογμάτων ἀνάγκῃ. καθ' ἕτερον δὲ λόγον προσπαραλαμβάνειν τὰς λέξεις ἐδογμάτισαν, ὅτ᾽ ἂν τὴν Σαβελλίου δόξαν ἐκβάλλωσιν, ἵνα μὴ στενώσει τῶν λέξεων, ὡς ἓν πρᾶγμα τριώνυμον νομίζωμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν ὀνομαζομένων περὶ τῆς Τριάδος, ἐν ἰδίᾳ ὑποστάσει θεολογοῖτο. Ταῦτα μὲν τότε ἡ σύνοδος. "Α δὲ ἡμεῖς περὶ οὐσίας ὑποστάσεως ἴσμεν, οὐδὲν κωλύει διὰ βραἃ ὑπόστασιν. χέων εἰπεῖν. ΟἹ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν παρ᾽ “Ἕλλησι φίαν ἐκθέμενοι, τὴν μὲν οὐσίαν πολλαχῶς ὡρίσατο " ὑποστάσεω: δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἡντιναοῦν μγήμην πεποίηνται. Εἰρηναῖος δὲ ὁ γραμματικὸς ἐν τῷ κατὰ στοιχεῖον ᾿Αττιχιστῇ, βάρβαρον ἀποχατὴν λέξιν. Μηδὲ γὰρ παρά τιν τῶν παλαιῶν εἰρῆσθαι. Εἰ δέ καὶ ηὕρηται, μὴ ταῦτα σημαίνειν, ἐφ' ὧν νῦν παραλαμθάνεται. Παρὰ μὲν γὰρ Σοφοχλεῖ ἐν Φοίνιχι ἐνέδραν στμαίνειν τὴν ὑπόστασιν. Παρὰ δὲ Μενάνδρῳ, τὰ χαρυχεύματα, ὡς εἴ τις λέγοι τὴν ἐν τῷ πίθῳ τοῦ οἴνου τρύγα, ὑπόστασιν. Ἰστέον μέντοι ὅτι εἰ οἱ παλαιοὶ φιλό - σοφοι τὴν λέξιν παρέλιπον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οἱ τῶν φιλοσόφων συνεχῶς ἀντὶ τῆς οὐσίας, τῇ λέξει τῆς ὑποστάσεως ἀπεχρήσαντο. Οὐσίας δὲ τὸν ὅρον, ὡς ἔφαμεν, διαφόρως ἀποδεδώχασιν. Εἰ δὲ ὅρῳ ἡ οὐσία περιλαμθάνεται, πῶς ἐπὶ Θεοῦ τοῦ μὴ δυναμένου περιληφθῆναι, χυρίω: τῇ λέξει χρησαίμεθα ; Εὐάγριος δὲ ἐν τῷ Μοναχιχῷ, προπετῶς μὲν ἀπερισκέπτως θεολογεῖν ἀποσυμθουλεύει " ὁρίζεσθαι δὲ ὡς ἁπλοῦν τὸ Θεῖον πάντη ἀπαγορεύει. Τῶν γὰρ συνθέτων τοὺς ὅρους φησίν. Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς ταῦτα λέξιν διδάσκει. Πᾶσα πρότασις, ἢ γένος ἔχε: χατηγορούμενον, ἣ διαφορὰν,ἣ εἶδος, ἢ ἴδιον, ἢ συ".δεθηχὸς, ἣ τὸ τούτων συγχείμενον, οὐδὲν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἁγίας Τριάδος τῶν εἰρημένων ἔστι λαθεῖν. Σιωπῇ προτχυνείσθω τὸ ἄῤῥητον. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Εὐάγριος, περὶ οὗ εἰς ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ εἰ καὶ ἐν παρεχθάσει δοχοῦμεν ταῦτα εἰρηκέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς χρησίμὼν τῇ ὑποθέσει τῆς ἱστορίας μονεύσαμεν
Eusebios de katalabōn tēn ᾿Alexandreian, spoudaioteron hama ᾿Athanasiǭ synekrotei tēn synodon. Synēlthon te ek diaphorōn poleōn episkopoi, kai peri pleistōn kai anankaiotatōn logous egymnasan. "Entha kai to hagion Pneuma theologēsantes, tę̄ homoousiǭ Triadi synanelambanonto. Kai ton enanthrōpēsanta, ou monon ensarkon, alla kai empsychōmenon apephēnanto, hę̄ kai palai tois ekklēsiastikois andrasin edokei. Ou gar nearan tina thrēskeian epi - noēsantes eis tēn Ekklēsian eisēgagon, alla aper ex archēs kai hē ekklēsiastikē paradosis elege, kai apodeiktikōs para tois Christianōn sophois ephilosopheito. Houtō gar pantes hoi palaioteroi peri toutou logon gymnasantes, engraphon hēmin katelipon. Kai gar Eirēnaios te kai Klēmēs, ᾿Apolinarios te ho Hieropolitēs, kai Sarapiōn ho tēs en Antiocheia proestōs ekklēsias, Empsychon ton enanthrōpēsanta, en tois ponētheisin autois logois hōs homologoumenon Enaiē autois phaskousin; ou mēn alla kai hē dia Bēryllon ton Philadelphias tēs en ᾿Arabią episkopon genomenē synodos, graphousa Bēryllǭ, ta auta paradedōken. Ōrigenēs de pantachou men en tois pheromenois autou bibliois, empsychon ton enanthrōpēsanta oiden. Idikōs de, ho eis tēn Genesin autǭ peponēmenos ennatos tomos, to peri toutou mystērion ephanerōsen, entha ᾿Adam men ton Christon, Euan de tēn Ekklēsian einai platyteron kateskeuase. Martyres toutōn axiopistoi, ho te hieros Pamphilos, kai ho ex autou chrēmatizōn Eusebios. ᾿Amphō gar koinę̄ ton Ōrigenous paratithemenoi bion, kai pros tous ek prolēpseōs apechthanomenous pros ton andra apantōntes, endoxois bibliois apologian hyper autou poioumenoi, ou prōton Ōrigenēn epi tautēn tēn pragmateian elthein phasin, alla tēn tēs Ekklēsias mystikēn hermēneusai paradosin. Kakeinoi de hoi en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią synodǭ parontes, ouk abasaniston eiasan, phēmi dē to peri ousias kai hypostaseōs 8, Hosios gar ho Kodroubēs tēs en Hispanią episkopos, hou kai emprosthen pepoiēmetha mnēmēn, hypo tou basileōs Kōnstantinou eis to katasbesai tēn tote hypo tou Areiou genomenēn tarachēn proapostaleis, to Sabelliou tou Libyos ekbalein dogma prothymoumenos, tēn peri ousias kai hypostaseōs pepoiētai zētēsin, hētis kai autē heteras ereschelias hypothesis gegonen. ᾿Alla tote men hē en Nikaią epigenomenē synodos, peri tēn toutou zētēsin oude logou ēxiōsen ; epei de metatauta tines peri toutou ereschelein ēthelon, diatouto en tautę̄ tę̄ synodǭ, peri ousias te kai hypostaseōs tade apephēnanto; Ouk epi Theou dein ephasan tautais chrēsthai tais lexesin. Ousian men gar mēde ōnomasthai hypo tōn hierōn Grammatōn; tǭ de tēs hypostaseōs onomati katachrēsasthai ton ᾿Apostolon tę̄ tōn dogmatōn anankę̄. kath' heteron de logon prosparalambanein tas lexeis edogmatisan, hot᾽ an tēn Sabelliou doxan ekballōsin, hina mē stenōsei tōn lexeōn, hōs hen pragma triōnymon nomizōmen, all᾽ hekaston tōn onomazomenōn peri tēs Triados, en idią hypostasei theologoito. Tauta men tote hē synodos. "A de hēmeis peri ousias hypostaseōs ismen, ouden kōlyei dia braa hypostasin. cheōn eipein. HoI tēn Hellēnikēn par᾽ “Hellēsi phian ekthemenoi, tēn men ousian pollachōs hōrisato " hypostaseō: de oud᾽ hēntinaoun mgēmēn pepoiēntai. Eirēnaios de ho grammatikos en tǭ kata stoicheion ᾿Attichistę̄, barbaron apochatēn lexin. Mēde gar para tin tōn palaiōn eirēsthai. Ei de kai hēurētai, mē tauta sēmainein, eph' hōn nyn paralamthanetai. Para men gar Sophochlei en Phoinichi enedran stmainein tēn hypostasin. Para de Menandrǭ, ta charycheumata, hōs ei tis legoi tēn en tǭ pithǭ tou oinou tryga, hypostasin. Isteon mentoi hoti ei hoi palaioi philo - sophoi tēn lexin parelipon, all᾽ homōs hoi tōn philosophōn synechōs anti tēs ousias, tę̄ lexei tēs hypostaseōs apechrēsanto. Ousias de ton horon, hōs ephamen, diaphorōs apodedōchasin. Ei de horǭ hē ousia perilamthanetai, pōs epi Theou tou mē dynamenou perilēphthēnai, chyriō: tę̄ lexei chrēsaimetha ? Euagrios de en tǭ Monachichǭ, propetōs men aperiskeptōs theologein aposymthouleuei " horizesthai de hōs haploun to Theion pantē apagoreuei. Tōn gar synthetōn tous horous phēsin. Ho de autos tauta lexin didaskei. Pasa protasis, ē genos eche: chatēgoroumenon, hē diaphoran,hē eidos, ē idion, ē sy".dethēchos, hē to toutōn syncheimenon, ouden de epi tēs hagias Triados tōn eirēmenōn esti lathein. Siōpę̄ protchyneisthō to arrhēton. Tauta men oun ho Euagrios, peri hou eis hysteron eroumen. Hēmeis de ei kai en parechthasei dochoumen tauta eirēkenai, all᾽ hōs chrēsimōn tę̄ hypothesei tēs historias moneusamen
Eusebius, reaching Alexandria, zealously convened the synod together with Athanasius. Bishops gathered from various cities and discussed very many and most necessary matters. There, declaring the divinity of the Holy Spirit, they included him in the homoousian Trinity; and they declared that he who became man was not only in flesh but also ensouled, as the men of the church had long held. For they did not devise some new religion and bring it into the church, but what church tradition said from the beginning and what was philosophically demonstrated by the wise among Christians. For so all the more ancient writers who discussed this left it to us in writing. Irenaeus and Clement, Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and Serapion who presided over the church at Antioch, speak in the works they composed of him who became man as ensouled, as something agreed upon by them. Moreover the synod held on account of Beryllus, bishop of Philadelphia in Arabia, writing to Beryllus, handed down the same. Origen everywhere in his extant books knows him who became man as ensouled; but in particular the ninth tome he composed on Genesis revealed the mystery concerning this, where he argued at length that Adam is Christ and Eve the church. Trustworthy witnesses of these things are the holy Pamphilus and Eusebius, named after him. Both of them together, setting out the life of Origen and answering those who from prejudice were hostile to the man, making a defence for him in famous books, say that Origen was not the first to undertake this subject, but interpreted the mystical tradition of the church.
Those present at the synod in Alexandria also did not leave unexamined the question about essence and hypostasis. For Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain, whom we have mentioned before, sent beforehand by the emperor Constantine to quench the disturbance then caused by Arius, in his eagerness to cast out the doctrine of Sabellius the Libyan, raised the question about essence and hypostasis, which itself became the occasion of another wrangle. At that time the synod held afterwards at Nicaea did not think the question worth a word; but since afterwards some wished to wrangle about it, at this synod they declared the following about essence and hypostasis. They said that these words ought not to be used of God; for “essence” is not named in the sacred writings, and the apostle misused the name “hypostasis” under the necessity of doctrine. But they decreed that the words are to be admitted in another sense when they cast out the opinion of Sabellius, so that we may not, through poverty of words, think of one thing with three names, but that each of those named in the Trinity may be spoken of in its own hypostasis. This is what the synod then declared.
What we know about essence and hypostasis nothing prevents us from saying briefly. Those who set out Greek philosophy among the Greeks defined essence in many ways, but made no mention at all of hypostasis. Irenaeus the grammarian, in his alphabetical Atticist, calls the word barbarous, for it was not used by any of the ancients; and if it is found, it does not mean what it is now taken to mean. In Sophocles’ Phoenix hypostasis means “an ambush”; in Menander, “seasonings”, as if one were to call the lees of wine in the jar hypostasis. It should be known, however, that although the ancient philosophers passed over the word, later philosophers constantly used the word hypostasis instead of essence. The definition of essence, as we said, they have given variously. But if essence is comprehended by a definition, how could we properly use the word of God, who cannot be comprehended? Evagrius in his Monachicus advises against speaking of God rashly and thoughtlessly, and forbids altogether defining the Godhead, since it is simple; for definitions, he says, belong to compound things. The same author teaches word for word as follows: “Every proposition has as predicate either a genus, or a difference, or a species, or a property, or an accident, or what is composed of these; but none of these can be found in the holy Trinity. Let the inexpressible be worshipped in silence.” So says Evagrius, of whom we shall speak later. Though we seem to have said these things in a digression, we have mentioned them as useful to the subject of the history.
Heb 1:3 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 2:24 (allusion, medium confidence) · Eph 5:32 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: The synod of Alexandria (362) affirms the Spirit’s divinity and Christ’s human soul, and rules on the terms essence and hypostasis; Socrates adds his own remarks on the word hypostasis and quotes Evagrius.
- The synod of Alexandria of 362 issued the Tome to the Antiochenes (Athanasius), which is on this site.
- Origen’s Commentary on Genesis, book 9, is lost; Pamphilus and Eusebius wrote the Defence of Origen, of which book 1 survives in Latin.
- “The apostle misused the name hypostasis”: Heb 1:3.
- The quotation from Evagrius is from the Gnostikos (Socrates calls it the Monachicus).
- In the scan some words in the paragraph on hypostasis are displaced or lost (“philosophy”, “calls the word barbarous”); the sense is translated.
Extrabiblical texts: Athanasius, Tom. (Tome to the Antiochenes; allusion); Pamphilus, Apol. Orig. (Apology for Origen; allusion); Sophocles, Phoenix (Sophocles (plays and fragments); allusion); Menander (Menander (fragments); allusion); Evagrius Ponticus, Gnost. (Evagrius Ponticus, Gnostikos; echo)
Topics: Trinity, Christology
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.7 (PG 67:389–395; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-7
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-3-7) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.8PG 67:395–403
᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ καὶ τὸν περὶ τῆς φυγῆς ἀπολογητικὸν λόγον πάλαι πεπονημένον αὐτῷ, ἐπὶ τῶν παρόντων τότε διεξῆλθεν, Οὗ μέρη τὰ χρήσιμα ἐπωφεἐνταῦθα προσγράφων, τὸν ὅλον λόγον πολύστιχον ὄντα, ζητεῖν καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν τοῖς φιλοπόνοις ἀνῆκα. Ἰδοὺ ταῦτα · τῶν ἀσεβῶν τὰ τολμήματα. Ταῦτα δρῶντες, καὶ μὴ ἐντραπέντες ἐφ᾽ οἷς πρότερον καθ᾿ ἡμῶν ἑτυράννευσαν κακοῖς, ἔτι καὶ νῦν κατηγοροῦσιν ἐκφυγεῖν δυνηθέντας αὐτῶν τὰς ἀνδροφόνους χεῖρας· μᾶλλον δὲ ὀδύρονται πικρῶς, ὅτι μὴ καὶ ἐκποδὼν τέλεον πεποιήκασι. Καὶ λοιπὸν προφασίζονται δειλίαν ὀνειδίζοντες, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι καὶ τοῦτο γογγύζοντες, εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιστρέφουσι μᾶλλον τὴν μέμψιν. Εἰ γὰρ φαῦλον τὸ φεύγειν, πολλῷ χεῖρον τὸ διώκειν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ, ἵνα μὴ ἀποθάνῃ, κρύπτεται· ὁ δὲ, διώκει ζητῶν ἀποκτεῖναι. Καὶ τὸ μὲν φεύγειν γέγραπται · ὁ δὲ ζητῶν ἀναιρῆσαι, παραβαίνει τὸν νόμον, καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτὸς τὴν πρόφασιν τοῦ φεύγειν παρέχει. Εἴπερ οὖν τὴν φυγὴν ὀνειδίζουσιν, ἐντρεπέτωσαν πλέον ἑαυτοὺς οἱ διώκοντες· παυέσθωσαν ἐπιβουλεύοντες, καὶ παύονται καὶ οἱ φεύγοντες εὐθύς. Ἀλλὰ τῆς μὲν ἰδίας πονηρίας οὐ παύονται· τοῦ δὲ καταβαλεῖν ὁ ἕνεκα, πάντα πράττουσιν · εἰδότες ὅτι τῶν διωκομένων ἡ φυγή, μέγας ἔλεγχός ἐστι κατὰ τῶν διωκόντων. Οὐδεὶς γὰρ τὸν πρᾶον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον φεύγει, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὸν ἄγριον καὶ πονηρὸν ὄντα τὸν τρόπον. Πᾶς γὰρ κατώδυνος καὶ ὑπόχρεως, ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Σαούλ ἔφευγε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Δαβὶδ κατέφευγε. Διατοῦτο καὶ οὗτοι τοὺς κρυπτομένους αὐτοῖς· ἀναιρεῖν σπουδάζουσιν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν ἔχειν τῆς ἑαυτῶν πονηρίας τὸν ἔλεγχον. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ δοκοῦσιν τυφλώττειν οἱ πλανώμενοι. Ὅσῳ γὰρ ἡ φυγὴ πρόδηλος, τοσούτῳ πλέον ἡ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς γιγνομένη παρ' αὐτῶν ἀναίρεσις καὶ ἐξορία, προφανεστέρα γενήσεται. Αν τε γὰρ ἀποκτείνωσιν, ὁ θάνατος μεῖζον ον ἠχήσει κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. ῎Αν τε πάλιν ἐξορίσωσι, πανταχοῦ καθ' ἑαυτῶν αὐτοὶ μνημεῖα τῆς παρανομίας ἐξαποστέλλουσιν. Εἱ μὲν οὖν ἔσωζον τὰς φρένας, ἔβλεπον ἑαυτοὺς ἐν τούτοις συνεχομένους, καὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν προσκόπτοντας λογισμοῖς. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀπώλεσαν, διατοῦτο καὶ διώκοντες ἐξάγονται, καὶ ζητοῦντες ἀνελεῖν, οὐχ ὁρῶσιν ἑαυτῶν τὴν ἀσέβειαν. Εἰ γὰρ λοιδοροῦσι τοὺς κρυπτομένους ἀπὸ τῶν ζητούντων ἀνελεῖν, καὶ διαβάλλουσι τοὺς φεύγοντας ἀπὸ τῶν διωκόντων, τί ποιήσουσιν ὁρῶντες τὸν μὲν Ἰακὼβ φεύγοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰσαῦ· τὸν δὲ Μωϋσῆν εἰς Μαδιὰν ἀναχωροῦντα διὰ τὸν φόβον τοῦ Φαραώ, Τί δὲ τοιαῦτα φλυαροῦντες ἀπολογήσονται τῷ Δαβίδ φεύγοντι τὸν Σαούλ, ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ἀποστείλαντα αὐτὸν ἀναιρεθῆναι, καὶ κρυπτομένῳ μὲν αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ σπηλαίῳ, καὶ ἀλλοιοῦντι τὸ πρόσωπον ἑαυτοῦ, ἕως οὗ παρέλθῃ τὸν ᾿Αβιμέλεχ, καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκκλίνῃ; Τί δ᾽ ἂν εἴποιεν οἱ πάντα λέγοντες εὐχερῶς, τὸν μέγαν Ἠλίαν ὁρῶντες, ἐπικαλούμενον μὲν τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ νεκρὸν ἐγείραντα, κρυπτόμενον δὲ διὰ τὸν Αχαάμ, καὶ φεύγοντα διὰ τὰς ἀπειλὰς τῆς Ἱεζάβελ ; Τότε γὰρ ζητούμενοι καὶ οἱ υἱοὶ προφητῶν ἐκρύπτοντο, λανθάνοντες ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις παρὰ τῷ ᾿Αβδίᾳ 1. Η τούτοις μὲν ὡς παλαιοῖς οὐκ ἐνέτυχον ; Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον, οὐδεμίαν μνήμην ἔχουσι. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ διὰ τὸν φόβον τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἀνεχώρουν κρυπτόμενοι· καὶ ὁ Παῦλος ἐν Δαμασκῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἐθνάρχου ζητούμενος, ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐν σαργάνῃ κεχάλασται, καὶ ἐξέφυγε τοῦ ζητοῦντος τὰς χεῖρας. Τῆς τοίνυν Γραφῆς τοιαῦτα λεγούσης περὶ τῶν ἁγίων, ποίαν ἄρα πρόφασιν τῆς ἑαυτῶν προπετείας ἐξευρεῖν δυνήσονται; Αν τε γὰρ δειλίαν ὀνειδί σωσι, κατ' αὐτῶν ὡς μαινομένων τὸ τόλμημα. Κάν τε ὡς παρὰ τὸ βούλημα τοῦ Θεοῦ ποιοῦντας αὐτοὺς διαβάλλουσιν, οὐκ εἰδότες εἰσὶ παντελῶς τὰς Γραφάς. Ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῷ νόμῳ, πρόσταξις ἦν ἐκταγῆναι καὶ πόλεις φυγαδευτηρίους, ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς ζητουμένους εἰς θάνατον, ὅπως δήποτε δύνασθαι διασώζεσθαι. Ἐπὶ δὲ συντελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων παραγενόμενος αὐτὸς, ὁ τῷ Μωϋσῇ λαλήσας Λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς, πάλιν ἐντολὴν ταύτην δίδωσι λέγων· "Οταν δὲ διώκωσιν ὑμᾶς, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης φεύγετε εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν. Καὶ μετ' ὀλίγα φησίν· Ὅταν οὖν ἴδητε τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ Δανιὴλ τοῦ προφήτου, ἑστὼς ἐν τόπῳ ἁγίῳ· ὁ ἀναγινώσκων νοείτω· τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαία φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη. Ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ δώματος, μὴ καταβήτω ἆραι τὰ ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ· ὁ ἐν τῷ ἀγρῷ μὴ ἐπιστρεψάτω ἆραι τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Ταῦτα γὰρ εἰδότες οἱ ἅγιοι, τοιαύτην εἶχον τῆς πολιτείας ἀγωγήν. "Α γὰρ νῦν προσέταξεν ὁ Κύριος, ταῦτα καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐνσάρκου παρουσίας ἐν τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐλάλει. Καί ἐστιν οὗτος ὅρος ἀνθρώποις εἰς τελειότητα φέρων, ὃ δ᾽ ἂν ὁ Θεὸς προστάξῃ, τοῦτο ποιεῖν. Διατοῦτο καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Λόγος, δι᾽ ἡμᾶς γενόμενος ἄνθρωπος, κατηξίωσε ζητούμενος ὡς ἡμεῖς κρυβῆναι, καὶ πάλιν διωκόμενος φεύγειν, καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκκλῖναι. Ἔπρεπε γὰρ αὐτὸν, ὡς ἐκ τοῦ πεινῇν καὶ διψῇν καὶ τοῦτο παθεῖν, οὕτω καὶ ἐκ τούτου δεικνύειν ἑαυτὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα. Ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν ἅμα τῷ γενέσθαι ἄνθρωπος, ὅτε παιδίον ἦν αὐτὸς, διὰ τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἐνετείλατο τῷ Ἰωσὴφ, Ἐγερθεὶς παράλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ, καὶ φεῦγε εἰς Αἴγυπτον· μέλλει γὰρ Ἡρώδης ζητεῖν τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ παιδίου. Καὶ ἀποθανόντος δὲ Ἡρώδου, φαίνεται δι' ᾿Αρχέλαον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὴν Ναζαρέτ. "Ὅτε δὲ λοιπὸν καὶ Θεὸν ἑαυτὸν ἐδείκνυε, καὶ τὴν ξηρὰν χεῖρα πεποίηκεν ὑγιῆ, οἱ μὲν Φαρισαῖοι ἐξελθόντες συμβούλιον ἐποίουν κατ' αὐτοῦ, 6. ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. Ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς γνοὺς ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκεῖθεν. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ὅτε τὸν Λάζαρον ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνης, φησὶ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐβουλεύσαντο ἵνα ἀποκτείνωσιν αὐτόν. Ὁ οὖν Ἰησοῦς οὐκέτι παῤῥησίᾳ περιεπάτει ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις· ἀλλὰ ἀπἦλθεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐγγὺς τῆς ἐρήμου. Εἶτα λέγοντος τοῦ Σωτῆρος · Πρὶν Ἀβραὰμ γενέσθαι, ἐγώ είμι, οἱ μὲν Ἰουδαῖοι ἔλαβον λίθους, ἵνα βάλωσιν ἐπ' αὐτόν. ῾Ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἐκρύβη, καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ· καὶ διελθὼν διὰ μέσου αὐτῶν, ἐπορεύετο καὶ παρῆγεν. Οὕτως ἆρα ταῦτα βλέποντες, μᾶλλον δὲ κατανοοῦντες, ἐπεὶ μὴ βλέπουσι κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον, οὐ θέλουσι γενέσθαι πυρίκαυστοι, ὅτι ἐναντία ὧν ὁ Κύριος ποιεῖ καὶ διδάσκει, βουλεύονται καὶ φθέγγονται ; Καὶ γὰρ ὅτε Ἰωάννης μεμαρτύρηκε, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ τὸ σῶμα ἔθαψαν, ἀκούσας ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν πλοίῳ εἰς ἔρημον τόπον κατ᾿ ἰδίαν. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Κύριος ἐποίει ταῦτα, καὶ οὕτως ἐδίδασκεν. Εἴθε δὲ οὗτοι κἂν οὕτως αἰσχυνθῶσι, καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνθρώπων στήσωσιν ἑαυτῶν τὴν προπέτειαν, καὶ μὴ πλέον μανέντες, ἐγκαλέσωσι καὶ τῷ Σωτῆρι δειλίαν, ἅπαξ κατ' αὐτοῦ βλασφημεῖν μελετήσαντες. Αλλ' οὔτε μαινομένων αὐτῶν τις ἀνέξεται. Μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ τὰ Εὐαγγέλια μὴ νοοῦντες ἐλεγχθήσονται. Ἔστι γὰρ ἡ πρόφασις τῆς τοιαύτης ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ φυγῆς, εὔλογος καὶ ἀληθῆς· ἣν ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ Σωτῆρος οἱ εὐαγγελισταὶ κειμένην ἀπεμνημόνευσαν. Δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκ τούτου ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων τὴν αὐτὴν λογίζεσθαι. "Α γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἀνθρωπίνως γέγραπται, ταῦτα τῷ κοινῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων άναφέρεσθαι προσήκει. Τὰ γὰρ ἡμῶν - ἐκεῖνος ἀνεδέξατο, καὶ τὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀσθενείας πάθη ἐνεδεί κνυτο. Απερ ὁ Ἰωάννης ἔγραφεν οὕτως· Ἐζήτουν οὖν αὐτὸν πιάσαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐπέβαλεν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας, ὅτι οὔπω ἐληλύθει ἡ ὥρα αὐτοῦ. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ταύτην ἐλθεῖν, ἔλεγεν αὐτὸς τῇ μὲν μητρί· Ούπω ἦλθεν ἡ ὥρα μου. Τοῖς δὲ χρηματίσασιν ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ, Ὁ ἐμὸς καιρὸς οὔπω πάρεστι.". Πάλιν τε ἐλθόντος τοῦ καιροῦ, ἔλεγε τοῖς μαθηταῖς · Καθεύδετε λοιπὸν καὶ ἀναπαύεσθε. Ἰδοὺ γὰρ ἤγγικεν ἡ ὥρα, καὶ ὁ Υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδοθήσεται εἰς χεῖρας ἁμαρτωλῶν. Οὔτε δὲ πρὸ τοῦ τὸν χρόνον ἐλθεῖν, ἤφιεν ἑαυτὸν κρατεῖσθαι· οὔτε τοῦ καιροῦ παρόντος, ἐκρύπτετο· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔκδοτον ἑαυτὸν ἐδίδου τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσιν. Οὕτω καὶ οἱ μακάριοι μάρτυρες, ἐν τοῖς κατὰ καιροὺς διωγμοῖς ἐφύλαττον. Καὶ διωκόμενοι μὲν ἔφευγον, καὶ λανθά νοντες ἐκαρτέρουν · εὑρισκόμενοι δὲ, ἐμαρτύρουν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Αθανάσιος ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς φυγῆς ᾿Απολογητικῷ διεξῆλθεν.
᾿Athanasios de kai ton peri tēs phygēs apologētikon logon palai peponēmenon autǭ, epi tōn parontōn tote diexēlthen, Hou merē ta chrēsima epōpheentautha prosgraphōn, ton holon logon polystichon onta, zētein kai anaginōskein tois philoponois anēka. Idou tauta ; tōn asebōn ta tolmēmata. Tauta drōntes, kai mē entrapentes eph᾽ hois proteron kath᾿ hēmōn hetyranneusan kakois, eti kai nyn katēgorousin ekphygein dynēthentas autōn tas androphonous cheiras; mallon de odyrontai pikrōs, hoti mē kai ekpodōn teleon pepoiēkasi. Kai loipon prophasizontai deilian oneidizontes, agnoountes hoti kai touto gongyzontes, eis heautous epistrephousi mallon tēn mempsin. Ei gar phaulon to pheugein, pollǭ cheiron to diōkein. Ho men gar, hina mē apothanę̄, kryptetai; ho de, diōkei zētōn apokteinai. Kai to men pheugein gegraptai ; ho de zētōn anairēsai, parabainei ton nomon, kai mallon autos tēn prophasin tou pheugein parechei. Eiper oun tēn phygēn oneidizousin, entrepetōsan pleon heautous hoi diōkontes; pauesthōsan epibouleuontes, kai pauontai kai hoi pheugontes euthys. Alla tēs men idias ponērias ou pauontai; tou de katabalein ho heneka, panta prattousin ; eidotes hoti tōn diōkomenōn hē phygē, megas elenchos esti kata tōn diōkontōn. Oudeis gar ton praon kai philanthrōpon pheugei, alla mallon ton agrion kai ponēron onta ton tropon. Pas gar katōdynos kai hypochreōs, apo men tou Saoul epheuge, pros de ton Dabid katepheuge. Diatouto kai houtoi tous kryptomenous autois; anairein spoudazousin, hyper tou mē dokein echein tēs heautōn ponērias ton elenchon. Alla kai en toutǭ dokousin typhlōttein hoi planōmenoi. Hosǭ gar hē phygē prodēlos, tosoutǭ pleon hē ex epiboulēs gignomenē par' autōn anairesis kai exoria, prophanestera genēsetai. An te gar apokteinōsin, ho thanatos meizon on ēchēsei kat᾿ autōn. ᾿An te palin exorisōsi, pantachou kath' heautōn autoi mnēmeia tēs paranomias exapostellousin. Hei men oun esōzon tas phrenas, eblepon heautous en toutois synechomenous, kai tois heautōn proskoptontas logismois. Epeidē de kai to sōphronein apōlesan, diatouto kai diōkontes exagontai, kai zētountes anelein, ouch horōsin heautōn tēn asebeian. Ei gar loidorousi tous kryptomenous apo tōn zētountōn anelein, kai diaballousi tous pheugontas apo tōn diōkontōn, ti poiēsousin horōntes ton men Iakōb pheugonta ton adelphon Isau; ton de Mōÿsēn eis Madian anachōrounta dia ton phobon tou Pharaō, Ti de toiauta phlyarountes apologēsontai tǭ Dabid pheugonti ton Saoul, apo tēs oikias aposteilanta auton anairethēnai, kai kryptomenǭ men autǭ en tǭ spēlaiǭ, kai alloiounti to prosōpon heautou, heōs hou parelthę̄ ton ᾿Abimelech, kai tēn epiboulēn ekklinę̄? Ti d᾽ an eipoien hoi panta legontes eucherōs, ton megan Ēlian horōntes, epikaloumenon men ton Theon, kai nekron egeiranta, kryptomenon de dia ton Achaam, kai pheugonta dia tas apeilas tēs Hiezabel ? Tote gar zētoumenoi kai hoi huioi prophētōn ekryptonto, lanthanontes en tois spēlaiois para tǭ ᾿Abdią 1. Ē toutois men hōs palaiois ouk enetychon ? Tōn de kata to Euangelion, oudemian mnēmēn echousi. Kai gar kai hoi mathētai dia ton phobon tōn Ioudaiōn, anechōroun kryptomenoi; kai ho Paulos en Damaskǭ para tou ethnarchou zētoumenos, apo tou teichous en sarganę̄ kechalastai, kai exephyge tou zētountos tas cheiras. Tēs toinyn Graphēs toiauta legousēs peri tōn hagiōn, poian ara prophasin tēs heautōn propeteias exeurein dynēsontai? An te gar deilian oneidi sōsi, kat' autōn hōs mainomenōn to tolmēma. Kan te hōs para to boulēma tou Theou poiountas autous diaballousin, ouk eidotes eisi pantelōs tas Graphas. En men gar tǭ nomǭ, prostaxis ēn ektagēnai kai poleis phygadeutērious, hyper tou tous zētoumenous eis thanaton, hopōs dēpote dynasthai diasōzesthai. Epi de synteleią tōn aiōnōn paragenomenos autos, ho tǭ Mōÿsę̄ lalēsas Logos tou Patros, palin entolēn tautēn didōsi legōn; "Otan de diōkōsin hymas, ek tēs poleōs tautēs pheugete eis tēn heteran. Kai met' oliga phēsin; Hotan oun idēte to bdelygma tēs erēmōseōs to rhēthen dia Daniēl tou prophētou, hestōs en topǭ hagiǭ; ho anaginōskōn noeitō; tote hoi en tę̄ Ioudaia pheugetōsan eis ta orē. Ho epi tou dōmatos, mē katabētō arai ta ek tēs oikias autou; ho en tǭ agrǭ mē epistrepsatō arai ta himatia autou. Tauta gar eidotes hoi hagioi, toiautēn eichon tēs politeias agōgēn. "A gar nyn prosetaxen ho Kyrios, tauta kai pro tēs ensarkou parousias en tois hagiois elalei. Kai estin houtos horos anthrōpois eis teleiotēta pherōn, ho d᾽ an ho Theos prostaxę̄, touto poiein. Diatouto kai autos ho Logos, di᾽ hēmas genomenos anthrōpos, katēxiōse zētoumenos hōs hēmeis krybēnai, kai palin diōkomenos pheugein, kai tēn epiboulēn ekklinai. Eprepe gar auton, hōs ek tou peinę̄n kai dipsę̄n kai touto pathein, houtō kai ek toutou deiknyein heauton enanthrōpēsanta. Ex archēs men hama tǭ genesthai anthrōpos, hote paidion ēn autos, dia tou angelou eneteilato tǭ Iōsēph, Egertheis paralabe to paidion kai tēn mētera autou, kai pheuge eis Aigypton; mellei gar Hērōdēs zētein tēn psychēn tou paidiou. Kai apothanontos de Hērōdou, phainetai di' ᾿Archelaon ton huion autou anachōrōn eis tēn Nazaret. "Hote de loipon kai Theon heauton edeiknye, kai tēn xēran cheira pepoiēken hygiē, hoi men Pharisaioi exelthontes symboulion epoioun kat' autou, 6. hopōs auton apolesōsin. Ho de Iēsous gnous anechōrēsen ekeithen. Kai gar kai hote ton Lazaron ēgeiren ek nekrōn, ap᾿ ekeinēs, phēsi, tēs hēmeras ebouleusanto hina apokteinōsin auton. Ho oun Iēsous ouketi parrhēsią periepatei en tois Ioudaiois; alla apēlthen ekeithen eis tēn chōran engys tēs erēmou. Eita legontos tou Sōtēros ; Prin Abraam genesthai, egō eimi, hoi men Ioudaioi elabon lithous, hina balōsin ep' auton. ῾Ho de Iēsous ekrybē, kai exēlthen ek tou hierou; kai dielthōn dia mesou autōn, eporeueto kai parēgen. Houtōs ara tauta blepontes, mallon de katanoountes, epei mē blepousi kata to gegrammenon, ou thelousi genesthai pyrikaustoi, hoti enantia hōn ho Kyrios poiei kai didaskei, bouleuontai kai phthengontai ? Kai gar hote Iōannēs memartyrēke, kai hoi mathētai to sōma ethapsan, akousas ho Iēsous anechōrēsen ekeithen en ploiǭ eis erēmon topon kat᾿ idian. Ho men oun Kyrios epoiei tauta, kai houtōs edidasken. Eithe de houtoi kan houtōs aischynthōsi, kai mechri tōn anthrōpōn stēsōsin heautōn tēn propeteian, kai mē pleon manentes, enkalesōsi kai tǭ Sōtēri deilian, hapax kat' autou blasphēmein meletēsantes. All' oute mainomenōn autōn tis anexetai. Mallon de kai ta Euangelia mē noountes elenchthēsontai. Esti gar hē prophasis tēs toiautēs anachōrēseōs kai phygēs, eulogos kai alēthēs; hēn epi men tou Sōtēros hoi euangelistai keimenēn apemnēmoneusan. Dei de hēmas ek toutou epi pantōn tōn hagiōn tēn autēn logizesthai. "A gar epi tou Sōtēros anthrōpinōs gegraptai, tauta tǭ koinǭ genei tōn anthrōpōn anapheresthai prosēkei. Ta gar hēmōn - ekeinos anedexato, kai ta tēs hēmeteras astheneias pathē enedei knyto. Aper ho Iōannēs egraphen houtōs; Ezētoun oun auton piasai, kai oudeis epebalen ep᾿ auton tas cheiras, hoti oupō elēlythei hē hōra autou. Kai gar kai pro tou tautēn elthein, elegen autos tę̄ men mētri; Oupō ēlthen hē hōra mou. Tois de chrēmatisasin adelphois autou, Ho emos kairos oupō paresti.". Palin te elthontos tou kairou, elege tois mathētais ; Katheudete loipon kai anapauesthe. Idou gar ēngiken hē hōra, kai ho Huios tou anthrōpou paradothēsetai eis cheiras hamartōlōn. Oute de pro tou ton chronon elthein, ēphien heauton krateisthai; oute tou kairou parontos, ekrypteto; alla kai ekdoton heauton edidou tois epibouleuousin. Houtō kai hoi makarioi martyres, en tois kata kairous diōgmois ephylatton. Kai diōkomenoi men epheugon, kai lantha nontes ekarteroun ; heuriskomenoi de, emartyroun. Toiauta men oun ᾿Athanasios en tǭ peri tēs phygēs ᾿Apologētikǭ diexēlthen.
Athanasius also read before those then present the Defence of his Flight, which he had composed earlier. Adding here the useful parts of it, I leave it to the industrious to seek out and read the whole work, which is long. Here they are:
“See, these are the bold deeds of the impious. Doing these things, and not ashamed of the evils with which they earlier tyrannized over us, even now they accuse us for having been able to escape their murderous hands; or rather they lament bitterly that they have not put us altogether out of the way. And so they make a pretext of it, reproaching us with cowardice, not knowing that by this grumbling they turn the blame rather on themselves. For if flight is bad, persecution is far worse. The one hides so as not to die; the other pursues, seeking to kill. Flight is written of; but he who seeks to kill transgresses the law, and it is rather he who gives the occasion for flight. If, then, they reproach flight, let the persecutors be the more ashamed of themselves; let them stop plotting, and those who flee will stop at once. But they do not stop their own wickedness; they do everything to destroy, knowing that the flight of the persecuted is a great proof against the persecutors. For no one flees the gentle and kindly, but rather the man who is savage and wicked in character. Everyone who was in distress or in debt fled from Saul and took refuge with David. For this reason these men too are eager to kill those who hide from them, so that they may not seem to have the proof of their own wickedness. But in this too the deluded seem to be blind. For the more evident the flight, the more manifest will be the murder and exile brought about by their plotting. If they kill, the death will cry out the louder against them; if again they banish, they themselves send out everywhere memorials of their lawlessness against themselves. If they kept their senses, they would see that they are caught in these things and stumble against their own reasonings. But since they have lost their sobriety too, therefore they are carried away in persecuting, and seeking to kill, they do not see their own impiety. For if they revile those who hide from those who seek to kill them, and slander those who flee from their persecutors, what will they do when they see Jacob fleeing from his brother Esau, and Moses withdrawing to Midian for fear of Pharaoh? What defence will they make, talking such nonsense, to David fleeing from Saul, who sent from his house to have him killed, hiding in the cave and changing his face until he got away from Abimelech and escaped the plot? What would they say, who say everything so easily, on seeing the great Elijah, who called on God and raised the dead, hiding because of Ahab and fleeing because of the threats of Jezebel? For then the sons of the prophets too, being sought, hid, concealed in the caves by Obadiah. Or have they not read these, as being ancient? Of what is in the Gospel they have no memory. For the disciples too withdrew and hid for fear of the Jews; and Paul, sought by the ethnarch in Damascus, was let down from the wall in a basket and escaped the hands of him who sought him. Since Scripture says such things of the saints, what pretext can they find for their own rashness? If they reproach cowardice, the bold deed is against themselves as madmen. And if they slander them as acting against the will of God, they are wholly ignorant of the Scriptures. For in the law there was a command that cities of refuge be appointed, so that those sought for death might in some way be saved. And at the consummation of the ages the Word of the Father himself, who spoke to Moses, came and again gives this command, saying, ‘When they persecute you in this city, flee to the other.’ And a little later he says: ‘When, then, you see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the prophet standing in the holy place (let the reader understand), then let those in Judea flee to the mountains; let him who is on the housetop not go down to take what is in his house, and let him who is in the field not turn back to take his garments.’ Knowing these things, the saints had such a rule of conduct. For what the Lord has now commanded he was speaking in the saints even before his coming in the flesh. And this is the standard that brings men to perfection: to do whatever God commands. For this reason the Word himself, having become man for our sake, deigned, when sought, to hide as we do, and again, when persecuted, to flee and avoid the plot. For it was fitting that, as by hungering and thirsting and suffering, so by this too he should show himself to have become man. At the very beginning, as soon as he became man, when he was a child, he himself commanded Joseph through the angel: ‘Rise, take the child and his mother, and flee to Egypt; for Herod is about to seek the child’s life.’ And when Herod died, he is seen withdrawing to Nazareth because of Archelaus his son. When afterwards he showed himself God and made the withered hand whole, the Pharisees went out and took counsel against him how they might destroy him; but Jesus, knowing it, withdrew from there. And when he raised Lazarus from the dead, ‘from that day,’ it says, ‘they took counsel to kill him. Jesus therefore no longer walked openly among the Jews, but went away from there to the country near the desert.’ Then when the Saviour said, ‘Before Abraham was, I am,’ the Jews took up stones to throw at him; but Jesus hid himself and went out of the temple, and passing through the midst of them went his way. Seeing these things, or rather understanding them, since they do not see, as it is written, do they not wish to be burned up, because they plan and say the opposite of what the Lord does and teaches? For when John had been martyred and the disciples had buried his body, Jesus, hearing it, withdrew from there in a boat to a deserted place by himself. So the Lord did these things and taught so. Would that these men might be ashamed at least so, and limit their rashness to men, and not, going madder still, accuse the Saviour too of cowardice, since they have once set themselves to blaspheme him! But no one will bear with them in their madness. Rather they will be convicted of not understanding the Gospels either. For the reason for such withdrawal and flight is reasonable and true; the evangelists recorded it as set down in the case of the Saviour, and from this we must reckon the same in the case of all the saints. For what is written of the Saviour humanly should be referred to the common race of men; for he took on himself what is ours and showed the experiences of our weakness. John wrote of these thus: ‘They sought to seize him, and no one laid hands on him, because his hour had not yet come.’ And before it came he himself said to his mother, ‘My hour has not yet come,’ and to those called his brothers, ‘My time is not yet here.’ And again, when the time had come, he said to the disciples, ‘Sleep now and take your rest; for behold, the hour is at hand, and the Son of Man will be delivered into the hands of sinners.’ Neither did he let himself be seized before the time came, nor did he hide when the time was present, but gave himself up to those who plotted against him. So too the blessed martyrs kept this in the persecutions from time to time: when persecuted they fled, and when concealed they persevered; but when found, they bore witness.”
Such are the things Athanasius set out in the Defence of his Flight.
1 Sam 22:2 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 27:43 (allusion, high confidence) · Exod 2:15 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Sam 19:11 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Sam 22:1 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Sam 21:13 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Kgs 17:22 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Kgs 19:3 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Kgs 18:4 (allusion, high confidence) · John 20:19 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Cor 11:32 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Cor 11:33 (allusion, high confidence) · Num 35:11 (allusion, high confidence) · Matt 10:23 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 24:15 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 24:16 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 24:17 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 24:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 2:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 2:22 (allusion, high confidence) · Matt 12:14 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 12:15 (quotation, high confidence) · John 11:53 (quotation, high confidence) · John 11:54 (quotation, high confidence) · John 8:58 (quotation, high confidence) · John 8:59 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 14:13 (quotation, high confidence) · John 7:30 (quotation, high confidence) · John 2:4 (quotation, high confidence) · John 7:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 26:45 (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Socrates quotes Athanasius’s Defence of his Flight, which justifies fleeing persecution from the examples of Jacob, Moses, David, Elijah, Paul, and Christ himself, while the martyrs bore witness when found.
- The quotation is from Athanasius, Defence of his Flight 8–15 (selected).
- “Do they not wish to be burned up” is an obscure phrase in the text as printed (perhaps from Isa 9:5 LXX); it is translated literally.
- “Everyone who was in distress or in debt …”: 1 Sam 22:2.
Extrabiblical texts: Athanasius, Fug. 8-15 (Defence of His Flight; quotation)
Topics: Persecution, Martyrdom
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.8 (PG 67:395–403; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-8
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.9PG 67:403–405
Εὐσέβιος δὲ ὁ Βρεκέλλων ἐπίσκοπος, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν. Εὐρών τε Παυλῖνον μὲν ὑπὸ Λουκίφερος χειροτονηθέντα, τὰ δὲ πλήθη διεστηκότα (οἱ γὰρ Μελιτίῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες ἰδίᾳ συνήγοντο), ταραχθεὶς ὅτι τῇ γενομένῃ χειροτονίᾳ μὴ πάντες συνήνουν, κατέγνω μὲν καθ᾿ ἑαυτὸν τοῦ γενομένου τῇ δὲ πρὸς Λουκίφερα αἰδοῖ, σιωπήσας ἀνεχώρησεν, ἐπαγγειλάμενος ἐν συνεδρίῳ ἐπισκόπων τὰ γενόμενα διορθώσασθαι. Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πολλὴν σπουδὴν θέμενος ἑνῶσαι τοὺς διεστῶτας, οὐκ ἴσχυσεν· ἔφθασε Μελίτιος τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανελθών. Καὶ εὑρὼν ἰδίᾳ συναγομένους τοὺς συνελθόντας αὐτῷ, τούτων προἴστατο. Ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτει Εὐζώῖος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας. Παυλινός τε μίαν τῶν μικρῶν ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως ἐκκλησιῶν εἶχεν, ἧς αὐτὸν Εὐζώῖος αἰδοῖ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐξέβαλε. Μελίτιος δὲ ἔξω τῶν πυλῶν τῆς πόλεως τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιεῖτο". Τότε μὲν δὴ οὕτω τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας Εὐσέβιος ἀνεχώρησε. Λούκιφερ δὲ πυθόμενος μὴ δέχεσθαι ὑπὸ Εὐσεβίου τὴν χειροτονίαν αὐτοῦ, ὕβριν ἡγεῖτο, καὶ δεινῶς ἡγανάκτει. Διεκρίνετο οὖν κοινω νεῖν Εὐσεβίῳ· καὶ τὰ τῇ συνόδῳ ἀρέσαντα, ἀποδοκιμάζειν ἐκ φιλονεικίας ἐβούλετο. Ταῦτα ἐν καιρῷ λύπης λεγόμενα, πολλοὺς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἀπέστησε. Καὶ γίνεται πάλιν Λουκιφεριανῶν ἑτέρα αἵρεσις. ᾿Αλλὰ Λούκιφερ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀποπληρῶσαι οὐκ ἴσχυσεν. Ἐδέδετο γὰρ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἀπολογίαις, δι' ὧν ἀποστείλας τὸν διάκονον, στέρξειν τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου τυπούμενα καθυπέσχετο. Διόπερ αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας φρονῶν, εἰς τὴν Σαρδανίαν ἐπὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον θρόνον ἀπεχώρει. Οἱ δὲ πρότερον συλλυπηθέντες αὐτῷ, ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας χωρίζονται. Εὐσέβιος μέντοι δίκην ἀγαθοῦ ἰατροῦ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ανατολὴν τὰς πορείας ποιούμενος, τοὺς ἡσθενηκότας περὶ τὴν πίστιν ἀνελάμβανε, στοιχειῶν καὶ διδάσκων τὰ ἐκκλησιαστικά κηρύγματα. Μεταβὰς δὲ ἐκεῖθεν, ἐπί τε Ἰλλυριοὺς παραγίνεται, καὶ Ἰταλίας ἐπιβὰς ὁ, τὰ αὐτὰ διεπράττετο.
Eusebios de ho Brekellōn episkopos, euthys meta tēn synodon ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen. Eurōn te Paulinon men hypo Loukipheros cheirotonēthenta, ta de plēthē diestēkota (hoi gar Melitiǭ akolouthēsantes idią synēgonto), tarachtheis hoti tę̄ genomenę̄ cheirotonią mē pantes synēnoun, kategnō men kath᾿ heauton tou genomenou tę̄ de pros Loukiphera aidoi, siōpēsas anechōrēsen, epangeilamenos en synedriǭ episkopōn ta genomena diorthōsasthai. Kai meta tauta pollēn spoudēn themenos henōsai tous diestōtas, ouk ischysen; ephthase Melitios tēs exorias epanelthōn. Kai heurōn idią synagomenous tous synelthontas autǭ, toutōn proistato. Alla tōn men ekklēsiōn ekratei Euzōios ho tēs ᾿Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias. Paulinos te mian tōn mikrōn endon tēs poleōs ekklēsiōn eichen, hēs auton Euzōios aidoi tę̄ pros auton ouk exebale. Melitios de exō tōn pylōn tēs poleōs tas synagōgas epoieito". Tote men dē houtō tēs ᾿Antiocheias Eusebios anechōrēse. Loukipher de pythomenos mē dechesthai hypo Eusebiou tēn cheirotonian autou, hybrin hēgeito, kai deinōs hēganaktei. Diekrineto oun koinō nein Eusebiǭ; kai ta tę̄ synodǭ aresanta, apodokimazein ek philoneikias ebouleto. Tauta en kairǭ lypēs legomena, pollous tēs Ekklēsias apestēse. Kai ginetai palin Loukipherianōn hetera hairesis. ᾿Alla Loukipher tēn orgēn apoplērōsai ouk ischysen. Ededeto gar tais heautou apologiais, di' hōn aposteilas ton diakonon, sterxein ta hypo tēs synodou typoumena kathypescheto. Dioper autos men ta tēs Ekklēsias phronōn, eis tēn Sardanian epi ton oikeion thronon apechōrei. Hoi de proteron syllypēthentes autǭ, eti kai nyn tēs Ekklēsias chōrizontai. Eusebios mentoi dikēn agathou iatrou kata tēn ᾿Anatolēn tas poreias poioumenos, tous hēsthenēkotas peri tēn pistin anelambane, stoicheiōn kai didaskōn ta ekklēsiastika kērygmata. Metabas de ekeithen, epi te Illyrious paraginetai, kai Italias epibas ho, ta auta diepratteto.
Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, went at once after the synod from Alexandria to Antioch. Finding Paulinus ordained by Lucifer and the people divided (for those who followed Meletius met separately), he was troubled that not all agreed to the ordination that had taken place, and privately he disapproved of what had been done; but out of respect for Lucifer he kept silent and departed, promising to set right what had happened in a council of bishops. Afterwards, though he took great pains to unite those who were divided, he could not; for Meletius returned from exile first, and finding his followers meeting separately, he took charge of them. Euzoius, head of the Arian religion, held the churches. Paulinus had one of the small churches inside the city, from which Euzoius, out of respect for him, did not expel him; Meletius held his assemblies outside the gates of the city. So Eusebius then left Antioch. When Lucifer learned that his ordination was not accepted by Eusebius, he took it as an insult and was very angry. He refused communion with Eusebius and, out of contentiousness, wished to reject what the synod had approved. These things, said in a moment of vexation, separated many from the church, and so another sect arose, that of the Luciferians. But Lucifer could not carry out his anger; for he was bound by his own undertakings, by which, in sending the deacon, he had promised to accept what the synod laid down. So he himself, holding to the church, went away to Sardinia to his own throne; but those who had earlier shared his vexation are still separated from the church. Eusebius, like a good physician, travelling through the East, restored those weak in the faith, instructing them and teaching the church’s preaching. Passing from there, he came to Illyricum, and arriving in Italy, did the same there.
Notes and citation
Summary: Eusebius of Vercelli disapproves of Paulinus’s ordination at Antioch; the angered Lucifer’s followers form the Luciferian schism, while Eusebius strengthens the faithful in the East, Illyricum, and Italy.
- The scan begins with the end of the editor’s chapter title (“and being unable to unite them, withdrew”), and moves a sentence about Lucifer (“But Lucifer could not carry out his anger”) to the start; the title is removed and the sentence restored to its place by logged corrections.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (displaced line restored to its place; end of the chapter title leaked into the text, and a displaced line): καὶ τούτους ἑνῶσαι μὴ δυνηθεὶς, ὑπανεχώρησεν. ᾿Αλλὰ Λούκιφερ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀποπληρῶσαι οὐκ ἴσχυ Εὐσέβιος → Εὐσέβιος; αἵρεσις. σεν. Ἐδέδετο → αἵρεσις. ᾿Αλλὰ Λούκιφερ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀποπληρῶσαι οὐκ ἴσχυσεν. Ἐδέδετο.
Topics: Church office
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.9 (PG 67:403–405; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-9). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-9
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-3-9) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.10PG 67:405–409
Ἐφθάκει δὲ καὶ Ἱλάριος Ρ, ὁ Πυκτάβων ἐπίσκοπος, πόλις δὲ αὕτη δευτέρας Ακυτανίας, προκαταβεβλημένος τὰ τῆς ὁμοδόξου πίστεως δόγματα, τοῖς τε ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ Γαλλίᾳ ἐπισκόποις. Καὶ γὰρ πρότερος τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανιών, κατειλήφει τοὺς τόπους. "Αμφω μὲν οὖν γενναίως τῇ πίστει συνηγωνίσαντο. Ἱλάριός τε καὶ ἐλλόγιμος ὢν, βιβλίοις τῇ Ῥωμαίων γλώττῃ τὰ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου παρέδωκε δόγματα · δι' ὧν ἱκανῶς μὲν τοῦτο συνέστη • δυνατῶς δὲ καὶ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν δογμάτων καθήψατο. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν μικρὸν ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν ἀνάκλησιν τῶν ἐξορισθέντων ἐγένετο. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι κατὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον οἱ περὶ Μακεδόνιον καὶ Ἐλεύσιον, Εὐστάθιόν τε καὶ Σωφρόνιον, πάντες ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίζοντες, συνόδους συνεχῶς ἐν διαφόροις ἐποιοῦντο τόποις. Καὶ συγκαλοῦντες τοὺς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ τῇ αὐτῶν ἀκολουθήσαντας γνώμῃ, τοὺς τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀναθεμάτιζον μέρους, λέγω δὴ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον · καὶ τὴν ἐν Ἀριμήνῳ πίστιν ἐκβάλλοντες, τὴν ἐν Σελευκείᾳ ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἐκύρουν. Αὕτη δὲ ἦν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἤδη πρότερον ἐκτεθεῖσα, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου βιβλίῳ πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Ἐρωτηθέντες γοῦν ὑπό τινων· Ὑμεῖς, φησὶ, οἱ Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίζοντες, εἰ ἔτερα φρονεῖτε τοῖς περὶ Ἀκάκιον, πῶς αὐτοῖς ἄχρι νῦν ὡς ὁμοδόξοις ἐκοινωνεῖτε ; Πρὸς ταύτην τὴν πεῦσιν ἀπεκρίναντο διὰ Σωφρονίου τοῦ Πομπηΐίου πόλεως τῆς ἐν Παφλαγονίᾳ ἐπισκόπου, τάδε. Οἱ κατὰ τὴν Δύσιν, φησὶν, ἐνόσουν τὸ ὁμοού σιον. ᾿Αέτιος δὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ανατολῇ, παραχαράξας εἰσήγαγε τὸ κατ᾿ οὐσίαν ἀνόμοιον. Καὶ ἦν ἔκνομα ἀμφότερα. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀτάκτως τὰς ἰδιαζούσας ὑποστάσεις Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ συνέπλεκον εἰς ἑνότητα, τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου ὀνόματι χορδῇ κακίας δεσμούμενοι. Ὁ δὲ καὶ σφόδρα τῆς τοῦ Υἱοῦ πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα φύσεως διίστα τὴν οἰκειότητα, τῷ τοῦ ἀνομοίου κατ' οὐσίαν ὀνόματι. Αμφοτέρων δὲ εἰς πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων πιπτόντων ἀκρότητα, ἡ μέση ἀμφοῖν ὁδὸς ἱκανῶς ἡμῖν ἐφάνη τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἔχειν εὐσέβειαν, ὅμοιον Λέγουσα τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ καθ᾽ ὑπόστασιν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ Μακεδονιανοὶ πρὸς τὴν πεῦσιν διὰ Σωφρονίου ἀπεκρίναντο, καθὰ ὁ Σαβῖνος ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνοδικῶν φησι. Διὰ δὲ τοῦ μέμψασθαι Λέτιον ὡς τοῦ ἀνομοίου ἀρχηγὸν, καὶ μὴ τοὺς περὶ Ἀκάκιον, φαίνονται σοφιζόμενοι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, δοκοῦντες ἐν μέρει τοὺς ᾿Αρειανοὺς ἐκκλίνειν, ἐν μέρει δὲ τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον. Ἐλέγχονται δὲ διὰ τῆς ἰδίας φωνῆς, ὅτι ἀμφοτέρων καινοτομοῦντες ἐξέδυσαν. Τοσαῦτα δὴ καὶ περὶ τούτων λελέχθω.
Ephthakei de kai Hilarios R, ho Pyktabōn episkopos, polis de hautē deuteras Akytanias, prokatabeblēmenos ta tēs homodoxou pisteōs dogmata, tois te en Italią kai Gallią episkopois. Kai gar proteros tēs exorias epaniōn, kateilēphei tous topous. "Amphō men oun gennaiōs tę̄ pistei synēgōnisanto. Hilarios te kai ellogimos ōn, bibliois tę̄ Rhōmaiōn glōttę̄ ta tou homoousiou paredōke dogmata ; di' hōn hikanōs men touto synestē • dynatōs de kai tōn ᾿Areianōn dogmatōn kathēpsato. Tauta men oun mikron hysteron meta tēn anaklēsin tōn exoristhentōn egeneto. Isteon de, hoti kata tonde ton chronon hoi peri Makedonion kai Eleusion, Eustathion te kai Sōphronion, pantes ek tou henos Makedonianoi chrēmatizontes, synodous synechōs en diaphorois epoiounto topois. Kai synkalountes tous en Seleukeią tę̄ autōn akolouthēsantas gnōmę̄, tous tou heterou anathematizon merous, legō dē tous peri ᾿Akakion ; kai tēn en Arimēnǭ pistin ekballontes, tēn en Seleukeią anagnōstheisan ekyroun. Hautē de ēn en ᾿Antiocheią ēdē proteron ektetheisa, hōs en tǭ pro toutou bibliǭ pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Erōtēthentes goun hypo tinōn; Hymeis, phēsi, hoi Makedonianoi chrēmatizontes, ei etera phroneite tois peri Akakion, pōs autois achri nyn hōs homodoxois ekoinōneite ? Pros tautēn tēn peusin apekrinanto dia Sōphroniou tou Pompēïiou poleōs tēs en Paphlagonią episkopou, tade. Hoi kata tēn Dysin, phēsin, enosoun to homoou sion. ᾿Aetios de en tę̄ ᾿Anatolę̄, paracharaxas eisēgage to kat᾿ ousian anomoion. Kai ēn eknoma amphotera. Hoi men gar ataktōs tas idiazousas hypostaseis Patros kai Huiou syneplekon eis henotēta, tǭ tou homoousiou onomati chordę̄ kakias desmoumenoi. Ho de kai sphodra tēs tou Huiou pros ton Patera physeōs diista tēn oikeiotēta, tǭ tou anomoiou kat' ousian onomati. Amphoterōn de eis pollēn tōn enantiōn piptontōn akrotēta, hē mesē amphoin hodos hikanōs hēmin ephanē tēn tēs alētheias echein eusebeian, homoion Legousa ton Huion tǭ Patri kath᾽ hypostasin. Toiauta men oun hoi Makedonianoi pros tēn peusin dia Sōphroniou apekrinanto, katha ho Sabinos en tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodikōn phēsi. Dia de tou mempsasthai Letion hōs tou anomoiou archēgon, kai mē tous peri Akakion, phainontai sophizomenoi tēn alētheian, dokountes en merei tous ᾿Areianous ekklinein, en merei de tous phronountas to homoousion. Elenchontai de dia tēs idias phōnēs, hoti amphoterōn kainotomountes exedysan. Tosauta dē kai peri toutōn lelechthō.
Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, a city of Aquitania Secunda, had already gone before and laid down the doctrines of the orthodox faith for the bishops in Italy and Gaul; for he had returned from exile first and reached those regions. Both, then, contended nobly for the faith. Hilary, being a learned man, handed down the doctrines of the homoousios in books in the Latin language, by which he both established it sufficiently and attacked the Arian doctrines powerfully. This happened a little after the recall of the exiles. It should be known that at this time Macedonius and Eleusius, Eustathius and Sophronius and their party, all called Macedonians after the one man, were continually holding synods in various places. Calling together those who at Seleucia had followed their opinion, they anathematized those of the other party, I mean Acacius and his party; and rejecting the faith of Ariminum, they confirmed the one read at Seleucia, which had been set out earlier at Antioch, as we mentioned in the previous book. When some asked them, “You who are called Macedonians, if you think differently from Acacius and his party, how is it that you have communicated with them until now as being of the same opinion?” they answered this question through Sophronius, bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, as follows: “The westerners were sick with the homoousios; Aetius in the East falsified it and brought in the unlikeness in essence. Both were unlawful. The former disorderly wove together into a unity the distinct hypostases of the Father and the Son, being bound by the name homoousios as by a cord of wickedness; the latter separated too far the kinship of the Son’s nature to the Father by the name of unlikeness in essence. Since both fell into the great extreme of opposites, the way between them seemed to us to hold the piety of the truth sufficiently, saying that the Son is like the Father in hypostasis.” So the Macedonians answered the question through Sophronius, as Sabinus says in his collection of synodal acts. By blaming Aetius as the author of the unlikeness, and not Acacius and his party, they plainly quibble with the truth, seeming partly to avoid the Arians and partly those who hold the homoousios. But they are convicted by their own words of having stripped themselves of both, by innovating. Let this much be said about these things.
Prov 5:22 (echo, low confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Hilary of Poitiers defends the homoousios in Latin books; the Macedonians, through Sophronius, claim a middle way, “like in hypostasis”, between homoousios and Aetius’s “unlike”.
- Hilary’s On the Trinity and other works are on this site.
- Sophronius’s answer is quoted from Sabinus’s lost collection, as Socrates says; it is translated exactly.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.10 (PG 67:405–409; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-10
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.11PG 67:409
Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς Ἰουλιανὸς κατ' αρχὰς ἡδὺς τοῖς πᾶσιν φανεὶς 4, προβαίνων οὐ πᾶσιν ὅμοιος ἐδείκνυτο. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔνθα μὲν διαβολή τις κατὰ Κωνσταντίου ἐγίνετο, προθυμότατα τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς τὰς αἰτήσεις παρείχεν. Ὅπου δὲ μὴ τοῦτο ἦν, τὸ οἰκεῖον μίσος, ὁ κοινῇ κατὰ πάντων Χριστιανῶν εἶχε, φανερῶς πᾶσιν ἀπεδείκνυεν. Αὐτίκα γοῦν Ναυατιανῶν μὲν τὴν ἐν Κυζίκῳ ἐκκλησίαν ὑπὸ Εὐζωΐου εἰς ἔδαφος καθαιρεθείσαν, οἰκοδομηθῆναι κελεύει, καταδίκην βαρυτάτην ἐπιθεὶς Ἐλευσίῳ τῷ τῇδε ἐπισκόπῳ, ἣν μὴ ἐντὸς δύο μηνῶν οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασι τὴν οἰκοδομίαν ποιήσηται. Τὸν μέντοι Ἑλληνισμὸν συνεκρότει. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς ἔφην, ἠνέῳκτο· θυσίας δὲ ἐπετέλει τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως Τύχῃ δημοσίᾳ ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ τῆς Τύχης ἴδρυται ἄγαλμα.
Ho mentoi basileus Ioulianos kat' archas hēdys tois pasin phaneis 4, probainōn ou pasin homoios edeiknyto. ᾿All᾽ entha men diabolē tis kata Kōnstantiou egineto, prothymotata tois Christianois tas aitēseis pareichen. Hopou de mē touto ēn, to oikeion misos, ho koinę̄ kata pantōn Christianōn eiche, phanerōs pasin apedeiknyen. Autika goun Nauatianōn men tēn en Kyzikǭ ekklēsian hypo Euzōïou eis edaphos kathairetheisan, oikodomēthēnai keleuei, katadikēn barytatēn epitheis Eleusiǭ tǭ tę̄de episkopǭ, hēn mē entos dyo mēnōn oikeiois analōmasi tēn oikodomian poiēsētai. Ton mentoi Hellēnismon synekrotei. Kai ta men hiera tōn Hellēnōn, hōs ephēn, ēneǭkto; thysias de epetelei tę̄ Kōnstantinou poleōs Tychę̄ dēmosią en tę̄ basilikę̄, entha kai to tēs Tychēs idrytai agalma.
The emperor Julian, who at first appeared pleasant to all, as he went on did not show himself alike to all. Where something served to discredit Constantius, he granted the Christians’ requests most readily; but where this was not the case, he showed openly to all the hatred he had for all Christians in common. For instance, he ordered the church of the Novatianists at Cyzicus, which had been razed to the ground by Euzoius, to be rebuilt, imposing a very heavy penalty on Eleusius, the bishop there, if he did not complete the building at his own expense within two months. But he promoted paganism: the temples of the pagans, as I said, were opened, and he offered sacrifices publicly to the Fortune of Constantinople in the basilica, where the statue of Fortune stands.
Notes and citation
Summary: Julian favours Christians only where it discredits Constantius, makes Eleusius rebuild the Novatianist church at Cyzicus, and sacrifices to the Fortune of Constantinople.
- The text names Euzoius as the destroyer of the church; Socrates’ earlier account (2.38) says Eleusius razed it, and it is Eleusius who is made to rebuild it.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.11 (PG 67:409; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-11
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.12PG 67:411
Τότε δὴ καὶ Μάρις ὁ τῆς ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ Χαλκηδόνος ἐπίσκοπος χειραγωγούμενος: ἦν γὰρ δὴ πρὸς τῷ γήρᾳ ὑπόχυσιν ὀφθαλμῶν ὑπομείνας· πολλὰ τὸν βασιλέα προσελθὼν περιύβρισε, τὸν ἀσεβῆ καλῶν, τὸν ἀποστάτην καὶ ἄθεον. Ὁ δὲ λόγοις τὰς ὕβρεις ἡμύνετο, τυφλὸν καλέσας. Καὶ οὐκ ἂν, φησὶν, ὁ Γαλιλατός σου Θεὸς θεραπεύσει σε. Γαλιλαῖον γὰρ εἰώθει ὁ Ἰουλιανὸς καλεῖν τὸν Χριστὸν, καὶ τοὺς Χριστιανούς Γαλιλαίους. Ὁ δὲ δὴ Μάρις, παῤῥησιαίτερον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἀπήντησεν. Εὐχαριστῶ, φησὶ, τῷ Θεῷ τυφλώσαντί με, ἵνα μὴ ἴδω τὸ πρόσ· ωπόν σου οὕτως ἐκπεπτωκὸς πρὸς τὴν ἀσέβειαν. Οὐδὲν πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπεκρίνατο. Δεινῶς δὲ καὶ τοῦτον μετήρχετο. Ἑωρακὼς γὰρ τοὺς ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ μαρτυρήσαντας ὑπὸ τῶν Χριστιανῶν τιμωμένους, προθύμως τε σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὸ μαρτυρῆσαι πολλοὺς ἐπιστάμενος, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ τούτῳ τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἀμυνόμενος, ἐπὶ ἑτέραν ἐτρέπετο. Καὶ τὴν μὲν ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ ὠμότητα ὑπερέθετο· οὐ μὴν πάντη τοῦ διώκειν ἀπέσχετο. Διωγμὸν δὲ λέγω, τὸ ὁπωσοῦν ταράττειν τοὺς ἡσυχάζοντας. Ἑτάραττε δὲ ὧδε· Νόμῳ ἐκέλευε ", Χριστιανοὺς παιδεύσεως μὴ μετέχειν. Ἵνα μὴ, φησὶν, ἀκονώμενοι τὴν γλῶτταν, ἑτοίμως πρὸς τοὺς διαλεκτικοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπαντῶσιν.
Tote dē kai Maris ho tēs en Bithynią Chalkēdonos episkopos cheiragōgoumenos: ēn gar dē pros tǭ gērą hypochysin ophthalmōn hypomeinas; polla ton basilea proselthōn periybrise, ton asebē kalōn, ton apostatēn kai atheon. Ho de logois tas hybreis hēmyneto, typhlon kalesas. Kai ouk an, phēsin, ho Galilatos sou Theos therapeusei se. Galilaion gar eiōthei ho Ioulianos kalein ton Christon, kai tous Christianous Galilaious. Ho de dē Maris, parrhēsiaiteron pros ton basilea apēntēsen. Eucharistō, phēsi, tǭ Theǭ typhlōsanti me, hina mē idō to pros; ōpon sou houtōs ekpeptōkos pros tēn asebeian. Ouden pros tauta ho basileus apekrinato. Deinōs de kai touton metērcheto. Heōrakōs gar tous epi Dioklētianou martyrēsantas hypo tōn Christianōn timōmenous, prothymōs te speudein epi to martyrēsai pollous epistamenos, hōsper autǭ toutǭ tous Christianous amynomenos, epi heteran etrepeto. Kai tēn men hyperballousan epi Dioklētianou ōmotēta hyperetheto; ou mēn pantē tou diōkein apescheto. Diōgmon de legō, to hopōsoun tarattein tous hēsychazontas. Hetaratte de hōde; Nomǭ ekeleue ", Christianous paideuseōs mē metechein. Hina mē, phēsin, akonōmenoi tēn glōttan, hetoimōs pros tous dialektikous tōn Hellēnōn apantōsin.
At that time Maris, bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia, being led by the hand (for in his old age he suffered from cataract of the eyes), came up to the emperor and insulted him greatly, calling him impious, apostate, and godless. He repaid the insults with words, calling him blind: “Your Galilean God will not heal you,” he said. For Julian used to call Christ the Galilean and Christians Galileans. Maris answered the emperor more boldly still: “I thank God who blinded me, so that I might not see your face so fallen into impiety.” The emperor answered nothing to this; but he took vengeance on him in a dreadful way. For seeing that those martyred under Diocletian were honoured by the Christians, and knowing that many were eager to become martyrs, as if taking vengeance on the Christians in this very matter, he turned to another course. He refrained from the excessive cruelty of the time of Diocletian, yet he did not abstain altogether from persecuting; by persecution I mean troubling in any way those who are at peace. He troubled them in this way: by law he ordered that Christians should not share in education, “so that,” he said, “having sharpened their tongues, they may not be ready to meet the dialecticians of the pagans.”
Notes and citation
Summary: The blind bishop Maris rebukes Julian to his face; Julian, avoiding open martyrdoms, forbids Christians to teach or study pagan literature.
- Julian’s school law of 362 forbade Christians to teach the classics; Socrates describes it as forbidding Christians education.
- The scan has “Galilatos” for “Galilaios”.
Topics: Persecution
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.12 (PG 67:411; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-12). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-12
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.13PG 67:411–415
Ἐκέλευε δὲ, μηδὲ κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους καταλιπεῖν μὲν τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν, ἐπὶ τὸ θύειν δὲ τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν ἔρχεσθαι. Μήτε μὴν Χριστιανοὺς τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ἄρχοντας γίνεσθαι, λέγων ὡς κελεύει νόμος μὴ χρῆσθαι ξίφει κατὰ τῶν ἄξια θανάτου πεπλημμεληκότων. Πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ κολακείαις καὶ δωρεαῖς ἐπὶ τὸ θύειν προετρέπετο. Αὐτίκα γοῦν ὡς ἐν χωνευτηρίῳ, οἵ τε ὄντες Χριστιανοὶ καὶ οἱ νομιζόμενοι, φανεροὶ πᾶσιν ἐγίνοντο. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὀρθῇ γνώμῃ Χριστιανίζοντες, εὐθυμότεροι τὴν ζώνην ἀπετίθεντο, πάντα μᾶλλον ὑπομένειν ἢ ἀρνεῖσθαι τὸν Χριστὸν αἰρούμενοι. Ἐν τούτοις ἦσαν Ἰοβιανὸς, Οὐαλεντινιανός τε καὶ Οὐάλης, οἱ καὶ ὕστερον βασιλεύσαντες. Ἕτεροι δὲ ὅσοι μὴ ὀρθῇ γνώμῃ ἐχριστιάνιζον, ὅσοι τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὴν ἐνταῦθα τιμὴν, τῆς ἀληθοῦς εὐδαιμονίας προκρίναντες, μὴ μελλήσαντες πρὸς τὸ θύειν ἀπέκλινον. Ὧν εἷς ἦν καὶ ὁ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως σοφιστὴς Ἐκηβόλιος. Ὅστις τοῖς ἤθεσι τῶν βασιλέων ἑπόμενος, ἐπὶ μὲν Κωνσταντίου διαπύρως Χριστιανίζειν ὑπεκρίνατο · ἐπὶ δὲ Ἰουλιανοῦ, γοργὸς Ἕλλην ἐφαίνετο· καὶ αὖθις μετὰ Ἰουλιανὸν, Χριστιανίζειν ἤθελε. Ῥίψας γὰρ ἑαυτὸν πρηνῆ πρὸ τῆς πύλης τοῦ εὐκτηρίου οἴκου, Πατήσατέ με, ἐβόα, τὸ ἄλας τὸ ἀναίσθητον. Τοιοῦτος μὲν οὖν κοῦφος καὶ εὐχερὴς Ἐκηβόλιος πρότερόν τε καὶ ὕστερον ἦν. Τότε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, Πέρσας ἀμύνεσθαι ι βουλόμενος, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου τὴν Ῥωμαίων χώραν κατέδραμον, σπουδαίως διὰ τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἐπὶ τὰ ἑῷα μέρη διέβαινεν. Εἰδὼς δὲ ὅσα πόλεμος ἔχει κακὰ, καὶ ὡς πολλῶν δεῖται χρημάτων, καὶ ἄνευ τούτων οὐ κατορθοῦται, πανούργως ἐπενόησε συλλέγειν τὰ χρήματα παρὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν. Τοῖς γὰρ μὴ βουλομένοις θύειν, ἐπέθηκε χρηματικὴν καταδίκην κ. Καὶ ἀπαίτησις κατὰ τῶν ἀληθῶς Χριστιανιζόντων ἐγίνετο σύντονος. Ἕκαστος γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ὕπαρξιν ἀναλόγως εἰσέφερε. Καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀδίκου συλλογῆς τῶν ἀδίκων χρημά των, ταχὺ πλούσιος ἦν. Ἐχρῆτο γὰρ τῷ νόμῳ, ὅπου τε μὴ παρῆν, καὶ ὅπου διέβαινε. Τηνικαῦτα καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων κατέτρεχον· σύῤῥοιά τε τῶν φιλοσοφεῖν λεγόντων ἐγίνετο. Καὶ τελετάς τινας συνίστασαν, ὡς καὶ σπλαγχνοσκοπούμενοι παῖδας καταθύειν ἀφθόρους, ἄῤῥενας καὶ θηλείας, καὶ τῶν σαρκῶν ἀπογεύεσθαι. Καὶ ταῦτα ἐποίουν κατά τε τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, καὶ κατὰ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Ἔνθα καὶ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου σκευωρίαν ποιησάμενοι, γνωρίζουσι βασιλεῖ, ὡς λυμαίνοιτο τὴν πόλιν καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον, καὶ δεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπαλλάττειν τῆς πόλεως. Κεκίνητό τε κατ' αὐτοῦ, ἐκ προστάγματος βασιλικοῦν καὶ ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἔπαρχος.
Ekeleue de, mēde kata ta basileia strateuesthai tous mē boulomenous katalipein men ton Christianismon, epi to thyein de tois agalmasin erchesthai. Mēte mēn Christianous tōn eparchiōn archontas ginesthai, legōn hōs keleuei nomos mē chrēsthai xiphei kata tōn axia thanatou peplēmmelēkotōn. Pollous de kai kolakeiais kai dōreais epi to thyein proetrepeto. Autika goun hōs en chōneutēriǭ, hoi te ontes Christianoi kai hoi nomizomenoi, phaneroi pasin eginonto. Hoi men gar orthę̄ gnōmę̄ Christianizontes, euthymoteroi tēn zōnēn apetithento, panta mallon hypomenein ē arneisthai ton Christon airoumenoi. En toutois ēsan Iobianos, Oualentinianos te kai Oualēs, hoi kai hysteron basileusantes. Heteroi de hosoi mē orthę̄ gnōmę̄ echristianizon, hosoi ta chrēmata kai tēn entautha timēn, tēs alēthous eudaimonias prokrinantes, mē mellēsantes pros to thyein apeklinon. Hōn heis ēn kai ho Kōnstantinoupoleōs sophistēs Ekēbolios. Hostis tois ēthesi tōn basileōn hepomenos, epi men Kōnstantiou diapyrōs Christianizein hypekrinato ; epi de Ioulianou, gorgos Hellēn ephaineto; kai authis meta Ioulianon, Christianizein ēthele. Rhipsas gar heauton prēnē pro tēs pylēs tou euktēriou oikou, Patēsate me, eboa, to alas to anaisthēton. Toioutos men oun kouphos kai eucherēs Ekēbolios proteron te kai hysteron ēn. Tote de ho basileus, Persas amynesthai i boulomenos, anth᾽ hōn epi Kōnstantiou tēn Rhōmaiōn chōran katedramon, spoudaiōs dia tēs ᾿Asias epi ta heǭa merē diebainen. Eidōs de hosa polemos echei kaka, kai hōs pollōn deitai chrēmatōn, kai aneu toutōn ou katorthoutai, panourgōs epenoēse syllegein ta chrēmata para tōn Christianōn. Tois gar mē boulomenois thyein, epethēke chrēmatikēn katadikēn k. Kai apaitēsis kata tōn alēthōs Christianizontōn egineto syntonos. Hekastos gar kata tēn hyparxin analogōs eisephere. Kai ho basileus ek tēs adikou syllogēs tōn adikōn chrēma tōn, tachy plousios ēn. Echrēto gar tǭ nomǭ, hopou te mē parēn, kai hopou diebaine. Tēnikauta kai hoi Hellēnes tōn Christianizontōn katetrechon; syrrhoia te tōn philosophein legontōn egineto. Kai teletas tinas synistasan, hōs kai splanchnoskopoumenoi paidas katathyein aphthorous, arrhenas kai thēleias, kai tōn sarkōn apogeuesthai. Kai tauta epoioun kata te tas allas poleis, kai kata tas ᾿Athēnas, kai kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Entha kai kata ᾿Athanasiou tou episkopou skeuōrian poiēsamenoi, gnōrizousi basilei, hōs lymainoito tēn polin kai pasan tēn Aigypton, kai dein auton apallattein tēs poleōs. Kekinēto te kat' autou, ek prostagmatos basilikoun kai ho ᾿Alexandreias eparchos.
He also ordered that those who would not give up Christianity and come to sacrifice to the statues should not serve in the palace; nor should Christians be governors of the provinces, saying that their law commands them not to use the sword against those who have committed offences deserving death. Many he urged to sacrifice by flatteries and gifts. At once, as in a furnace, both those who were Christians and those who were thought to be so became plain to all. Those who were Christians with a right mind laid aside their belts of office the more cheerfully, choosing to endure anything rather than deny Christ. Among them were Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens, who later became emperors. But others who were not Christians with a right mind, who preferred money and honour here to true happiness, without delay turned to sacrifice. One of them was Ecebolius, the sophist of Constantinople. Following the ways of the emperors, under Constantius he pretended to be an ardent Christian; under Julian he appeared a zealous pagan; and again after Julian he wanted to be a Christian. Throwing himself face down before the door of the house of prayer, he cried, “Trample on me, the salt that has lost its savour.” Such a light and fickle man was Ecebolius, before and after.
At that time the emperor, wishing to take vengeance on the Persians for overrunning Roman territory under Constantius, crossed eagerly through Asia to the eastern parts. Knowing what evils war brings, and that it needs much money and cannot succeed without it, he cunningly devised to collect money from the Christians. He laid a money penalty on those who would not sacrifice; and the exaction against those who were truly Christians was strict, for each contributed in proportion to his property. The emperor quickly grew rich from the unjust collection of unjust money; for he applied the law both where he was not present and where he passed through. At that time the pagans attacked the Christians, and there was a flocking together of those who claimed to be philosophers. They established certain rites, so that, inspecting entrails, they sacrificed pure children, boys and girls, and tasted their flesh. They did this in the other cities and at Athens and Alexandria. There, having contrived a plot against bishop Athanasius, they informed the emperor that he was ruining the city and all Egypt and that he must be removed from the city. And the prefect of Alexandria was set in motion against him by imperial order.
Matt 5:13 (allusion, high confidence) · Rom 13:4 (echo, low confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Julian excludes Christians from the palace guard and governorships and fines those who will not sacrifice; Christians such as Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens resign, Ecebolius conforms; pagans attack Christians and denounce Athanasius.
- The report that some pagans sacrificed children in divination is translated exactly as Socrates gives it.
- “The salt that has lost its savour” alludes to Matt 5:13.
Topics: Persecution
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.13 (PG 67:411–415; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-13). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-13
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.