Church History
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Chapter 1
1.1PG 67:33
Εὐσέβιος ὁ Παμφίλου ἐν ὅλοις δέκα βιβλίοις τὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἱστορίαν ἐκθέμενος, κατέπαυσεν εἰς τοὺς χρόνους τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου, ἐν οἷς καὶ ὁ παρὰ τοῦ Διοκλητιανοῦ κατὰ Χριστιανῶν γενόμενος διωγμός ἀπεπαύσατο. Γράφων δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸν βίον Κωνσταντίνου, τῶν κατ᾿ ῎Αρειον μερικῶς μνήμην πεποίηται, τῶν ἐπαίνων τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ τῆς πανηγυρικῆς ὑψηγορίας τῶν λόγων μᾶλλον, ὡς ἐν ἐγκωμίῳ φροντίσας, ἢ περὶ τοῦ ἀκριβῶς περιλαβεῖν τὰ γενόμενα. Ἡμεῖς δὲ προθέμενοι συγγράψαι τὰ ἐξ ἐκείνου μέχρι τῶν τῇδε περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας γενόμενα, τῆς ὑποθέσεως ἀρχὴν, ἐξ ὧν ἐκεῖνος ἀπέλιπε, ποιησόμεθα· οὐ φράσεως ὄγκου φροντίζοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ἢ ἐγγράφως εὕρομεν, ἢ παρὰ τῶν ἱστορησάντων ἠκούσαμεν διηγουμένων. Καὶ ἐπειδὴ πρὸς τὸ προκείμενον συλλαμβάνεται ἡμῖν μνημονεῦσαι, τίνα τρόπον ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος ἐπὶ τὸ Χριστιανίζειν ἐλήλυθε, μικρὰ περὶ τούτου ὡς οἷόν τε μνημονεύσωμεν, ἐνθένδε ποθὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιησάμενοι.
Eusebios ho Pamphilou en holois deka bibliois tēn ekklēsiastikēn historian ekthemenos, katepausen eis tous chronous tou basileōs Kōnstantinou, en hois kai ho para tou Dioklētianou kata Christianōn genomenos diōgmos apepausato. Graphōn de ho autos eis ton bion Kōnstantinou, tōn kat᾿ ᾿Areion merikōs mnēmēn pepoiētai, tōn epainōn tou basileōs, kai tēs panēgyrikēs hypsēgorias tōn logōn mallon, hōs en enkōmiǭ phrontisas, ē peri tou akribōs perilabein ta genomena. Hēmeis de prothemenoi syngrapsai ta ex ekeinou mechri tōn tę̄de peri tas ekklēsias genomena, tēs hypotheseōs archēn, ex hōn ekeinos apelipe, poiēsometha; ou phraseōs onkou phrontizontes, all᾽ hosa ē engraphōs heuromen, ē para tōn historēsantōn ēkousamen diēgoumenōn. Kai epeidē pros to prokeimenon syllambanetai hēmin mnēmoneusai, tina tropon ho basileus Kōnstantinos epi to Christianizein elēlythe, mikra peri toutou hōs hoion te mnēmoneusōmen, enthende pothen tēn archēn poiēsamenoi.
Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, set out the history of the church in ten books in all and brought it to a close at the times of the emperor Constantine, when the persecution raised against the Christians by Diocletian also ceased. Writing on the life of Constantine, the same author made only partial mention of the affair of Arius, since he cared more for the emperor’s praises and for the festal grandeur of his words, as in an encomium, than for an exact account of what happened. We, having set ourselves to write what has happened in the churches from that time to our own, shall make the beginning of our subject where he left off. We do not care for an inflated style, but set down whatever we have found in writing or have heard from those who told of it. And since it helps our purpose to recall how the emperor Constantine came to be a Christian, let us say a little about this, as far as we can, and begin from there.
1.2PG 67:33–37
Ἡνίκα Διοκλητιανὸς, καὶ Μαξιμιανὸς ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Ἡρκούλιος &, ἐκ συνθέματος τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποθέμενοι, τὸν ἰδιωτικὸν ἐπανείλοντο βίον· καὶ Μαξιμιανὸς ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Γαλέριος, ὁ συμβασιλεύσας αὐτοῖς, ἐπιβὰς τῆς Ἰταλίας, δύο κατέστησε Καίσαρας, Μαξιμίνον μὲν ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἑῴαν, Σεβήρον δὲ ἐν τοῖς κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν· Κατὰ δὲ τὰς Βρεττανίας Κωνσταντῖνος ἀνηγορεύθη βασιλεὺς, εἰς τόπον Κωνσταντίου τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ, τεθνηχότος τῷ πρώτῳ ἐνιαυτῷ τῆς διακοσιοστῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, τῇ πέμπτῃ εἰκάδι τοῦ Ἰουλίου μηνός. Ἐν Ῥώμῃ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τῶν πῥαιτωρίων, Μαξέντιος ὁ υἱὸς Μαξιμιανοῦ τοῦ Ἑρκουλίου, ἤρθη τύραννος μᾶλλον ἣ βασιλεύς. τούτων ὁ Ἡρκούλιος εἰς ἐπιθυμίαν πάλιν βασιλείας ἀρθεὶς, ἐπεχείρησεν ἀπολέσαι τὸν υἱὸν Μαξέντιον. ᾿Αλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν ποιῆσαι ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν διεχωλύθη. Ὕστερον δὲ ἐν Ταρσῷ τῆς Κιλικίας ἐτελεύτα τὸν βίον. Σεθῆρος δὲ ὁ Καῖσαρ ὑπὸ τοῦ Γαλερίου Μαξιμίνου πεμφθεὶς εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην ἐπὶ τὴν Μαξεντίου σύλληψιν, ἀνῃρέθη, τῶν στρατιωτῶν προδεδιυχότων αὐτόν. Καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα πάντα Μαξιμιανὸς ὁ Γαλέριος περιέπων τελευτᾷ, πρότερον βασιλέα καταστήσας " ὃς ἣν παλαιῶν τῶν χρόνων συστρατιώτης αὑτῷ ἀπὸ Δαχίας ὁρμώμενος. Μαξέντιος ὃὲ κακῶς τοὺς Ῥωμαίους ἐἑπέτριθε, τυραννιχῷ μᾶλλον ἣ βασιλικῷ τρόπῳ χρώμενος κατ᾽ αὑτῶν" μοιχεύων ἀναίδην τὰς τῶν ἐλευθέρων πολλοὺς ἀναιρῶν, ποιῶν τὰ τούτοις ἀκόλουθα. Τοῦτο γνοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος, ῥύσασθαι Ῥωμαίους τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δουλείας ἐσπούδαζεν " εὐθύς τε φροντίδας ἐτίθει, τίνα τρόπον χαθέλοι τὸν τύραννον. Καὶ ὡς ἐν τηλιχαύτῃ φροντίδι, ἐπενόει τίνα Θεὸν ἐπίχουρον πρὺς τὴν μάχην καλέσειε. Κατὰ νοῦν δὲ ἐλάμβανεν, ὡς οὐδὲν ὥνᾳαντο οἱ περὶ Διοχλητιανὸν, περὶ τοὺς Ἑλλήνων θεοὺς διακείμενοι · ηὕρισκέν τε ὡς ὁ αὐτοῦ πατὴρ Κωνστάντιος ἀποστραφεὶς τὰς Ἑλλήνων θρησκείας, εὐδαιμονέστερον τὸν βίον διήγαγεν. Ἐν τοιαύτῃ τοίνυν ἀμφισβητήσει τυγχάνοντι, καί που ἅμα τοῖς στρατιώταις ὁδεύοντι, συνέβη θαυμάσιόν τι καὶ λόγου κρείττον θεάσασθαι. Περὶ γὰρ μεσημ βρινὰς ἡλίου ὥρας, ἤδη τῆς ἡμέρας ἀποκλινούσης, εἶδεν ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ στύλον φωτὸς σταυροειδή, ἐν ᾧ γράμματα ἦν λέγοντα· Ἐν τούτῳ νίκα. Τοῦτο φανὲν τὸ σημεῖον, τὸν βασιλέα ἐξέπληττεν. Αὐτός τε τοῖς οἰκείοις σχεδὸν ἀπιστῶν ὀφθαλμοῖς, ἠρώτα καὶ τοὺς παρόντας, εἰ καὶ αὐτοὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ἀπολαύουσιν ὅψεως. Τῶν δὲ συμφωνησάντων, ἀνεῤῥώννυτο μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τῇ θείᾳ καὶ θαυμαστῇ φαντασίᾳ. κτὸς δὲ ἐπιλαβούσης, κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὁρᾷ τὸν Χριστὸν λέγοντα αὐτῷ κατασκευάσαι κατὰ τὸν τύπον τοῦ ὀφθέντος σημείου, καὶ τούτῳ κατὰ τῶν πολεμίων, ὡς ἑτοίμῳ κεχρῆσθαι τροπαίῳ. Τούτῳ πεισθεὶς τῷ χρησμῷ, κατασκευάζει μὲν τὸ σταυροειδές τρόπαιον, ὁ μέχρι νῦν τοῖς βασιλείοις φυλάττεται. Σὺν προθυμίᾳ δὲ μείζονι πρὸς τὰς πράξεις ἐχώρει. Συμβαλών τε αὐτῷ πρὸ τῆς Ῥώμης περὶ τὴν καλουμένην Μουλβίαν γέφυραν νικᾷ, Μαξεντίου εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀποπνιγέντος. Ἦν δὲ τοῦτο ἔβδομον ἔτος τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ ἡνίκα τὴν κατὰ Μαξεντίου ἤρατο νίκην. Μετὰ ταῦτα Λικιννίου τοῦ συμβασιλεύοντος αὐτῷ, τοῦ καὶ γαμβροῦ αὐτοῦ τυγχάνοντος ἐπὶ τῇ ἀδελφῇ αὐτοῦ Κωνσταντίᾳ ὁ κατὰ τὴν Ἑῴαν διάγοντος, αὐτὸς ἀπολαύσας τῶν τηλικούτων εὐεργεσιῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ, χαριστήρια τῷ εὐεργέτη προσέφερε. ( Ταῦτα δὲ ἦν, ἀνεῖναι τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς τοῦ διώκεσθαι, καὶ τοὺς ἐν ἐξορίᾳ ὄντας ἀνακαλεῖσθαι· τοὺς δὲ ἐν δεσμωτηρίῳ ἀφίεσθαι, καὶ τοῖς δημευθεῖσιν αὐτῶν τὰς οὐσίας ἀποκαθίστασθαι. Τάς τε έκκλησίας ἀνώρθου, καὶ πάντα ἐποίει σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ καὶ Διοκλητιανὸς, ὁ τὴν βασιλείαν ἀποθέμενος, ἐν Σαλῶνι τῆς Δαλματίας ἐτελεύτα.
Hēnika Dioklētianos, kai Maximianos ho epiklētheis Hērkoulios &, ek synthematos tēn basileian apothemenoi, ton idiōtikon epaneilonto bion; kai Maximianos ho epiklētheis Galerios, ho symbasileusas autois, epibas tēs Italias, dyo katestēse Kaisaras, Maximinon men en tois kata tēn Heǭan, Sebēron de en tois kata tēn Italian; Kata de tas Brettanias Kōnstantinos anēgoreuthē basileus, eis topon Kōnstantiou tou patros autou, tethnēchotos tǭ prōtǭ eniautǭ tēs diakosiostēs hebdomēkostēs prōtēs Olympiados, tę̄ pemptę̄ eikadi tou Iouliou mēnos. En Rhōmę̄ de hypo tōn stratiōtōn tōn prhaitōriōn, Maxentios ho huios Maximianou tou Herkouliou, ērthē tyrannos mallon hē basileus. toutōn ho Hērkoulios eis epithymian palin basileias artheis, epecheirēsen apolesai ton huion Maxention. ᾿Alla touto men poiēsai hypo tōn stratiōtōn diechōlythē. Hysteron de en Tarsǭ tēs Kilikias eteleuta ton bion. Sethēros de ho Kaisar hypo tou Galeriou Maximinou pemphtheis eis tēn Rhōmēn epi tēn Maxentiou syllēpsin, anę̄rethē, tōn stratiōtōn prodediychotōn auton. Kai ta teleutaia panta Maximianos ho Galerios periepōn teleutą, proteron basilea katastēsas " hos hēn palaiōn tōn chronōn systratiōtēs hautǭ apo Dachias hormōmenos. Maxentios hoe kakōs tous Rhōmaious heepetrithe, tyrannichǭ mallon hē basilikǭ tropǭ chrōmenos kat᾽ hautōn" moicheuōn anaidēn tas tōn eleutherōn pollous anairōn, poiōn ta toutois akoloutha. Touto gnous ho basileus Kōnstantinos, rhysasthai Rhōmaious tēs hyp᾽ autou douleias espoudazen " euthys te phrontidas etithei, tina tropon chatheloi ton tyrannon. Kai hōs en tēlichautę̄ phrontidi, epenoei tina Theon epichouron prys tēn machēn kaleseie. Kata noun de elambanen, hōs ouden hōnąanto hoi peri Diochlētianon, peri tous Hellēnōn theous diakeimenoi ; hēurisken te hōs ho autou patēr Kōnstantios apostrapheis tas Hellēnōn thrēskeias, eudaimonesteron ton bion diēgagen. En toiautę̄ toinyn amphisbētēsei tynchanonti, kai pou hama tois stratiōtais hodeuonti, synebē thaumasion ti kai logou kreitton theasasthai. Peri gar mesēm brinas hēliou hōras, ēdē tēs hēmeras apoklinousēs, eiden en tǭ ouranǭ stylon phōtos stauroeidē, en hǭ grammata ēn legonta; En toutǭ nika. Touto phanen to sēmeion, ton basilea exeplētten. Autos te tois oikeiois schedon apistōn ophthalmois, ērōta kai tous parontas, ei kai autoi tēs autēs apolauousin hopseōs. Tōn de symphōnēsantōn, anerrhōnnyto men ho basileus epi tę̄ theią kai thaumastę̄ phantasią. ktos de epilabousēs, kata tous hypnous horą ton Christon legonta autǭ kataskeuasai kata ton typon tou ophthentos sēmeiou, kai toutǭ kata tōn polemiōn, hōs hetoimǭ kechrēsthai tropaiǭ. Toutǭ peistheis tǭ chrēsmǭ, kataskeuazei men to stauroeides tropaion, ho mechri nyn tois basileiois phylattetai. Syn prothymią de meizoni pros tas praxeis echōrei. Symbalōn te autǭ pro tēs Rhōmēs peri tēn kaloumenēn Moulbian gephyran niką, Maxentiou eis ton potamon apopnigentos. Ēn de touto ebdomon etos tēs basileias autou hēnika tēn kata Maxentiou ērato nikēn. Meta tauta Likinniou tou symbasileuontos autǭ, tou kai gambrou autou tynchanontos epi tę̄ adelphę̄ autou Kōnstantią ho kata tēn Heǭan diagontos, autos apolausas tōn tēlikoutōn euergesiōn tou Theou, charistēria tǭ euergetē prosephere. ( Tauta de ēn, aneinai tous Christianous tou diōkesthai, kai tous en exorią ontas anakaleisthai; tous de en desmōtēriǭ aphiesthai, kai tois dēmeutheisin autōn tas ousias apokathistasthai. Tas te ekklēsias anōrthou, kai panta epoiei syn prothymią pollę̄. En toutǭ de kai Dioklētianos, ho tēn basileian apothemenos, en Salōni tēs Dalmatias eteleuta.
When Diocletian and Maximian, surnamed Herculius, by agreement laid down the imperial power and took up a private life, Maximian surnamed Galerius, who had reigned with them, came into Italy and appointed two Caesars, Maximin in the regions of the East and Severus in those of Italy. In Britain Constantine was proclaimed emperor in the place of his father Constantius, who died in the first year of the two hundred and seventy-first Olympiad, on the twenty-fifth of July. At Rome Maxentius, the son of Maximian Herculius, was raised up by the praetorian soldiers, a tyrant rather than an emperor. Herculius, carried away by a desire for power again, tried to destroy his son Maxentius, but was prevented from doing this by the soldiers; afterwards he ended his life at Tarsus in Cilicia. Severus the Caesar, sent by Galerius Maximian to Rome to seize Maxentius, was killed, his soldiers having betrayed him. And Galerius Maximian, who at the last held charge of everything, died, having first made emperor … , who had been his fellow soldier in former times and came from Dacia. Maxentius oppressed the Romans badly, treating them in a tyrannical rather than an imperial manner: he shamelessly committed adultery with the wives of free men, killed many, and did what goes with such things. Learning this, the emperor Constantine was eager to free the Romans from slavery under him, and at once began to consider how he might overthrow the tyrant. In so great an anxiety he considered what god he should call on as his helper in the battle. He reflected that Diocletian and his colleagues had gained nothing by their devotion to the pagan gods, and he found that his own father Constantius, who had turned away from the pagan religions, had passed a more prosperous life. While he was in this uncertainty, and marching somewhere with his soldiers, it happened that he saw a wonderful sight, beyond words. About the midday hours of the sun, when the day was already declining, he saw in the sky a pillar of light in the form of a cross, on which were letters saying, “By this conquer.” The sign, when it appeared, astonished the emperor. Hardly trusting his own eyes, he asked those present whether they too saw the same sight; and when they agreed, the emperor was encouraged by the divine and wonderful vision. When night came on, he saw Christ in his sleep, telling him to make a likeness of the sign he had seen and to use it against his enemies as a ready trophy. Persuaded by this oracle, he made the cross-shaped trophy, which is kept in the palace to this day, and went on to action with greater eagerness. Engaging Maxentius before Rome near the so-called Mulvian Bridge, he won, and Maxentius was drowned in the river. It was the seventh year of his reign when he won the victory over Maxentius. After this, while Licinius, who reigned with him and was also his brother-in-law through his sister Constantia, was living in the East, Constantine, having enjoyed such great benefits from God, offered thank-offerings to his benefactor. These were to release the Christians from persecution, to recall those in exile, to free those in prison, and to restore their property to those whose goods had been confiscated. He rebuilt the churches and did everything with great eagerness. At this time Diocletian, who had laid down the imperial power, died at Salona in Dalmatia.
1.3PG 67:39
Ἀλλὰ Κωνσταντίνος μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ φρονῶν, πάντα ὡς Χριστιανὸς ἔπραττεν, ἀνεγείρων τὰς ἐκκλησίας, καὶ πολυτελέσι τιμῶν ἀναθήμασιν · ἔτι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Ἑλλήνων ναοὺς κλείων καὶ καθαιρῶν, καὶ δημοσιεύων τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς ἀγάλματα. Λικίννιος δὲ ὁ συμβασιλεύων αὐτῷ, τὰς ἑλληνικὰς ἔχων δόξας, ἐμίσει Χριστιανούς. Καὶ διωγμὸν μὲν προφανῆ, φόβῳ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου, κινεῖν ὑπεστέλλετο. Λεληθότως δὲ πολλοὺς ἐσκευωρεῖτο. Προϊὼν δὲ, καὶ φανερῶς αὐτοὺς βλάπτειν ἐπεχείρει. Καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ὁ διωγμὸς τοπικός. Ἔνθα γὰρ ἦν Λικίννιος, ἐκεῖ μόνον ἐγένετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτά τε καὶ ἄλλα τυραννικῶς ποιῶν, οὐδαμῶς Κωνσταντῖνον ἐλάνθανεν. Ἔγνω τε ἐπὶ τούτοις χαλεπαίνοντα, πρὸς · ἀπολογίαν ἐτρέπετο. Καὶ θεραπεύων αὐτὸν, πλαστὴν φιλίαν ἐσπένδετο, πολλοὺς ὅρκους ὀμνὺς, μηδὲν τυραννικὸν φρονήσειν ποτέ· ἅμα τε ὀμνὺς, καὶ ἑπιορκῶν. Οὐ γὰρ μετετίθετο τοῦ φρονεῖν τε τὰ τυραννικὰ, καὶ κατὰ Χριστιανῶν κινεῖν διωγμόν. Νόμῳ γὰρ ἐκέλευσε, τοὺς ἐπισκόπους μὴ φοιτᾶν παρ' Ἕλλησιν, ὡς ἂν μὴ ἔχοι πρόφασιν αὔξεσθαι τὰ Χριστιανῶν. Ἡν δὲ ὁ διωγμὸς θρυλλούμενος ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ ἀπόῤῥητος. Ἐκρύπτετό τε τῷ λόγῳ, καὶ ἔργῳ ἦν φανερός. ᾿Ανήκεστα γὰρ οἱ διωκόμενοι, εἴς τε τὸ σῶμα, καὶ εἰς τὰ χρήματα ἔπασχον.
Alla Kōnstantinos men ho basileus ta tou Christou phronōn, panta hōs Christianos epratten, anegeirōn tas ekklēsias, kai polytelesi timōn anathēmasin ; eti de kai tous Hellēnōn naous kleiōn kai kathairōn, kai dēmosieuōn ta en autois agalmata. Likinnios de ho symbasileuōn autǭ, tas hellēnikas echōn doxas, emisei Christianous. Kai diōgmon men prophanē, phobǭ tou basileōs Kōnstantinou, kinein hypestelleto. Lelēthotōs de pollous eskeuōreito. Proïōn de, kai phanerōs autous blaptein epecheirei. Kai gar houtos ho diōgmos topikos. Entha gar ēn Likinnios, ekei monon egeneto. Epei de tauta te kai alla tyrannikōs poiōn, oudamōs Kōnstantinon elanthanen. Egnō te epi toutois chalepainonta, pros ; apologian etrepeto. Kai therapeuōn auton, plastēn philian espendeto, pollous horkous omnys, mēden tyrannikon phronēsein pote; hama te omnys, kai hepiorkōn. Ou gar metetitheto tou phronein te ta tyrannika, kai kata Christianōn kinein diōgmon. Nomǭ gar ekeleuse, tous episkopous mē phoitan par' Hellēsin, hōs an mē echoi prophasin auxesthai ta Christianōn. Hēn de ho diōgmos thrylloumenos en tautǭ kai aporrhētos. Ekrypteto te tǭ logǭ, kai ergǭ ēn phaneros. ᾿Anēkesta gar hoi diōkomenoi, eis te to sōma, kai eis ta chrēmata epaschon.
The emperor Constantine, then, holding to Christ, did everything as a Christian: he raised up churches and honoured them with costly offerings, and he also closed and pulled down the temples of the pagans and exposed the statues in them to public view. But Licinius, who reigned with him, held pagan beliefs and hated the Christians. For fear of the emperor Constantine he shrank from stirring up an open persecution, but he secretly plotted against many, and as time went on he tried to harm them openly. This persecution was local: it took place only where Licinius was. Since in doing these and other tyrannical acts he did not escape Constantine’s notice, and he knew that Constantine was angry about them, he turned to excuses. Courting him, he made a pretended friendship, swearing many oaths that he would never plan anything tyrannical, and swearing and perjuring himself at the same time. For he did not give up his tyrannical intentions or his stirring up of persecution against the Christians. He ordered by law that bishops should not visit the pagans, so that the Christian cause might have no means of growing. The persecution was at once notorious and unspoken: it was concealed in word and plain in deed, for those persecuted suffered irreparable harm both in body and in property.
1.4PG 67:39–41
Ἑκ δὲ τούτου, πρὸς ἀπέχθειαν μεγίστην τὸν βασιλέα Κωνσταντῖνον ἐκίνησεν. Ἡσάν τε πολέμιοι, διακοπείσης αὐτοῖς τῆς ἐπιπλάστου φιλίας. Οὐκ εἰς μακράν τε εἰς τὸ πολεμεῖν ἀλλήλους ἐτράπησαν. Καὶ πολλῶν γενομένων συμβολῶν καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν, τέλος πρὸς Χρυσόπολιν τῆς Βιθυνίας, ἐπίνειον δὲ τοῦτο τῆς Χαλκηδόνος ἐστὶν, ἡττηθεὶς ἐξέδωκεν ἑαυτόν. Ζῶντα οὖν συλλαβὼν φιλανθρωπεύεται· καὶ κτείνει μὲν οὐδαμῶς, οἰκεῖν δὲ τὴν Θεσσαλονίκην προσέταξεν ἡσυχάζοντα. Ὁ δὲ πρὸς ὀλίγον ἡσυχάσας, ὕστερον βαρβάρους τινὰς συναγαγών, ἀναμαχέσασθαι τὴν ἧτταν ἐσπούδαζεν. Τοῦτο γνοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἀναιρεθῆναι αὐτὸν προσέταξε. Καὶ κελεύσαντος αὐτοῦ ἀνῃρέθη. Κωνσταντίνος τοίνυν πάντων γενόμενος ἐγκρατὴς, αὐτοκράτωρ τε βασιλεὺς ἀναδειχθεὶς, τὰ Χριστιανῶν αὖθις αὔξειν ἐσπούδαζεν. Ἐποίει τε τοῦτο διαφόρως · καὶ ἦν ἐν βαθείᾳ εἰρήνῃ τὰ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ δι' αὐτόν. ᾿Αλλὰ δὴ τὴν τηλικαύτην εἰρήνην ἐμφύλιος τῶν Χριστιανῶν πόλεμος διαδέχιται. Τις δὲ ἦν οὗτος, καὶ ὅπως ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχὴν, ὡς οἷόν τε διηγήσομαι.
Hek de toutou, pros apechtheian megistēn ton basilea Kōnstantinon ekinēsen. Hēsan te polemioi, diakopeisēs autois tēs epiplastou philias. Ouk eis makran te eis to polemein allēlous etrapēsan. Kai pollōn genomenōn symbolōn kai kata gēn kai kata thalattan, telos pros Chrysopolin tēs Bithynias, epineion de touto tēs Chalkēdonos estin, hēttētheis exedōken heauton. Zōnta oun syllabōn philanthrōpeuetai; kai kteinei men oudamōs, oikein de tēn Thessalonikēn prosetaxen hēsychazonta. Ho de pros oligon hēsychasas, hysteron barbarous tinas synagagōn, anamachesasthai tēn hēttan espoudazen. Touto gnous ho basileus, anairethēnai auton prosetaxe. Kai keleusantos autou anę̄rethē. Kōnstantinos toinyn pantōn genomenos enkratēs, autokratōr te basileus anadeichtheis, ta Christianōn authis auxein espoudazen. Epoiei te touto diaphorōs ; kai ēn en batheią eirēnę̄ ta tou Christianismou di' auton. ᾿Alla dē tēn tēlikautēn eirēnēn emphylios tōn Christianōn polemos diadechitai. Tis de ēn houtos, kai hopōs elabe tēn archēn, hōs hoion te diēgēsomai.
By this he roused the emperor Constantine to the greatest hostility. Their pretended friendship broken off, they became enemies, and before long they turned to war against each other. After many engagements by land and sea, Licinius was finally defeated at Chrysopolis in Bithynia (it is the port of Chalcedon) and surrendered himself. Constantine took him alive and treated him humanely: he did not kill him, but ordered him to live quietly at Thessalonica. He kept quiet for a short time, but afterwards gathered some barbarians and tried to retrieve his defeat. When the emperor learned this, he ordered him to be put to death, and at his command he was killed. Constantine, then, having become master of all and proclaimed sole emperor, again set himself to advance the Christian cause. He did this in various ways, and through him Christianity was in deep peace. But a civil war among the Christians followed upon so great a peace. What it was, and how it began, I will relate as well as I can.
1.5PG 67:41
Μετὰ Πέτρον · τὸν γενόμενον ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, τὸν καὶ ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ μαρτυρήσαντα, διαδέχεται τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ᾿Αχιλλᾶς· μετὰ δὲ Ἀχιλλᾶν, ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐπὶ τῆς μνημονευθείσης εἰρήνης· καὶ ἀδεέστερον διάγων, τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν συνεκρότει· καί ποτε παρόντων τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ πρεσβυτέρων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν κληρικῶν, φιλοτιμότερον περὶ τῆς ἀγίας Τριάδος, ἐν Τριάδι μονάδα εἶναι φιλόσοφῶν, ἐθεολόγει. Ἄρειος ἱ δὲ τις πρεσβύτερος τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ ταττομένων, ἀνὴρ οὐκ ἄμοιρος τῆς διαλεκτικῆς λέσχης, οἰόμενος τὸ Σαβελλίου τοῦ Λίβυος δόγμα εἰσηγεῖσθαι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ἐκ φιλονεικίας κατὰ διάμετρον εἰς τὸ ἐναντίον τῆς τοῦ Λίβυος δόξης ἀπέκλινε, καὶ ὡς ἐδόκει, γοργῶς ὑπαπήντησε πρὸς τὰ παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου λεχθέντα · καί φησιν, Εἰ ὁ Πατὴρ ἐγέννησε τὸν Υἱὸν, ἀρχὴν ὑπάρξεως ἔχει ὁ γεννηθείς· καὶ ἐκ τούτου δῆλον, ὅτι ἦν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν ὁ Υἱός· ἀκολουθεῖ τε ἐξ ἀνάγκης, ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἔχειν αὐτὸν τὴν ὑπόστασιν.
Meta Petron ; ton genomenon episkopon ᾿Alexandreias, ton kai epi Dioklētianou martyrēsanta, diadechetai tēn episkopēn ᾿Achillas; meta de Achillan, ᾿Alexandros epi tēs mnēmoneutheisēs eirēnēs; kai adeesteron diagōn, tēn Ekklēsian synekrotei; kai pote parontōn tōn hyp᾿ autǭ presbyterōn kai tōn loipōn klērikōn, philotimoteron peri tēs agias Triados, en Triadi monada einai philosophōn, etheologei. Areios hi de tis presbyteros tōn hyp᾿ autǭ tattomenōn, anēr ouk amoiros tēs dialektikēs leschēs, oiomenos to Sabelliou tou Libyos dogma eisēgeisthai ton episkopon, ek philoneikias kata diametron eis to enantion tēs tou Libyos doxēs apekline, kai hōs edokei, gorgōs hypapēntēse pros ta para tou episkopou lechthenta ; kai phēsin, Ei ho Patēr egennēse ton Huion, archēn hyparxeōs echei ho gennētheis; kai ek toutou dēlon, hoti ēn hote ouk ēn ho Huios; akolouthei te ex anankēs, ex ouk ontōn echein auton tēn hypostasin.
After Peter, who had been bishop of Alexandria and was martyred under Diocletian, Achillas succeeded to the bishopric, and after Achillas, Alexander, in the time of the peace we have mentioned. Living with less fear, he built up the church. Once, in the presence of the presbyters under him and the rest of the clergy, he spoke about the Holy Trinity with some ambition, philosophizing that there is a unity in the Trinity. One Arius, a presbyter among those placed under him, a man not without skill in the talk of dialectic, thought that the bishop was introducing the doctrine of Sabellius the Libyan. Out of love of contention he swung to the diametrically opposite of the Libyan’s opinion and, as he thought, met the bishop’s words sharply. He said: “If the Father begot the Son, he who was begotten has a beginning of existence; and from this it is clear that there was when the Son was not. It follows necessarily that he has his subsistence from things that are not.”
1.6PG 67:41–53
Ταῦτα τῷ καινοπρεπεῖ λόγῳ συλλόγισάμενος, ἀναρριπίζει τοὺς πολλοὺς πρὸς τὸ ζήτημα. Καὶ ἀνάπτε-ται ἀπὸ σμικροῦ σπινθῆρος μέγα πῦρ. Ἀρξάμενόν τε τὸ κακὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίας, διέτρεχε τὴν σύμπασαν Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Λιβύην, καὶ τὴν ἄνω Θηβαΐδα· ἤδη δὲ καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐπενέμετο ἐπαρχίας τε καὶ πόλεις. Συνελαμβάνοντο τῇ ᾿Αρείου δόξῃ πολλοὶ μὲν καὶ ἄλλοι, μάλιστα δὲ Εὐσέβιος ἡ αὐτῆς ἀντείχετο, οὐχ ὁ Καισαρεὺς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ πρότερον μὲν τῆς Βηρυτίων Ἐκκλησίας ἐπίσκοπος, τότε δὲ τῆς ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ Νικομηδείας τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ὑποδύς. Ταῦτα ἀκούων καὶ ὁρῶν τε γινόμενα ὁ ᾿Αλέξαν δρος, πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐξάπτεται· καὶ συνέδριον πολλῶν ἐπισκόπων καθίσας, τὸν μὲν Ἄρειον, καὶ τοὺς ἀποδεχομένους τὴν δόξαν αὐτοῦ καθαιρεῖ ἐ. Γράφει δὲ τοῖς κατὰ πόλιν τοιάδε · Ἐπιστολὴ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἱ Ἀλεξανδρείας. Τοῖς ἀγαπητοῖς καὶ τιμιωτάτοις συλλειτουργοῖς τοῖς ἀπανταχοῦ τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ᾿Αλέξαν δρος ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Ἑνὸς σώματος ὄντος τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἐντολῆς τε οὔσης ἐν ταῖς θείαις Γραφαῖς, τηρεῖν σύνδεσμον τῆς ὁμονοίας καὶ εἰρήνης, ἀκόλουθόν ἐστι γράφειν ἡμᾶς καὶ σημαίνειν ἀλλήλοις τὰ παρ' ἑκά στοις γιγνόμενα, ἵνα εἴτε πάσχει, εἴτε χαίρει ἓν μέ λος, ἢ συμπάσχωμεν, ἢ συγχαίρωμεν ἀλλήλοις. Ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ τοίνυν παροικίᾳ ἐξῆλθον νῦν ἄνδρες παράνομοι καὶ χριστομάχοι, διδάσκοντες ἀποστασίαν, ἣν εἰκότως ἄν τις πρόδρομον τοῦ ᾿Αντιχρίστου νομίσειε καὶ καλέσειε. Καὶ ἐβουλόμην μὲν σιωπῇ παραδοῦναι τὸ τοιοῦτον, ἵν᾽ ἴσως ἐν τοῖς ἀποστάταις μόνοις ἀναλωθῇ τὸ κακὸν, καὶ μὴ εἰς ἑτέρους τόπους διαβὰν, ῥυπώσῃ τινῶν ἀκεραίων τὰς ἀκοάς. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Εὐσέβιος ὁ νῦν ἐν τῇ Νικομηδείᾳ, νομίσας ἐπ' αὐτῷ κεῖσθαι τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ὅτι καταλείψας τὴν Βηρυτὸν, καὶ ἐποφθαλμίσας τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ Νικομηδέων, οὐκ ἐκδεδίκηται κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ, προΐσταται τούτων τῶν ἀποστατῶν, γράφειν ἐπεχείπανταχοῦ, συνιστῶν αὐτοὺς, εἴπως ὑποσύρῃ τινὰς ἀγνοοῦντας εἰς τὴν ἐσχάτην καὶ χριστομάχον ἀΐρεσιν" ἀνάγκην ἔσχον, εἰδὼς τὸ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ γέγραμμένον, μηκέτι μὲν σιωπῇσαι, ἀναγγεῖλαι δὲ πᾶσιν ὑμῖν, ἵνα γινώσχητε τούς ἀποστάτας γενομένους, καὶ τὰ τῆς αἱρέσεως αὐτῶν δύστηνα ῥημάτια, Χαὶ ἐὰν γράφῃ Εὐσέδιος, μὴ προσέχῆτε. Τὴν πάλαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ χαχόνοιαν τὴν χρόνῳ σιωπηθεῖσαν, νῦν διὰ ξούτων ἀνανεῶσαι βουλόμενος, σχηματίζεται μὲν ὡς ὑπὲρ τούτων γράφων" ἔργῳ δὲ δείκνυσιν, ὡς ὅτι ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ σπουδάζων, τοῦτο ποιεῖ. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀποστάται γενόμενοί εἰσιν" "Αρειος, ᾿Αχιλλᾶς, ᾿λειθαλὴς Καρπώνης, ἕτερος "Ἄρειος, Σαρμάτης Εὐζώϊος, Λούκιος, καὶ Ἶουλιανὸς, Μηνᾶς, Ἑλλάδιος, Γάϊος, καὶ : δὺν αὑτοῖς Σεκοῦνδος Θεωνᾶς, οἱ ποτὲ λεχθέντες ἐπίσκοποι. Ποῖα δὲ παρὰ τὰς Γραφὰς ἐφευρόντες λαλοῦσιν, ἔστι ταῦτα Οὐχ ἀεὶ ὁ Θεὸς πατὴρ ἦν 1" ἀλλ᾽ ἣν ὅτε ὁ Θεὸς πατὴρ οὐχ Οὐχ ἀεὶ ἣν ὁ τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων γέγονεν. Ὁ γὰρ ὧν Θεὸς, τὸν μὴ ὄντα τοῦ μὴ ὄντος πεποίηκε. Διὸ καὶ ἣν ποτε, ὅτε οὐχ ἣν. Κτίσμα γάρ ἐστι ποίημα ὁ Υἱός. Οὔτε δὲ ὅμοιος κατ᾽ οὐσίαν τῷ Πατρί ἔστιν, οὔτε ἀληθινὸς καὶ φύσει τοῦ Πατρὸς Λόγος ἐστὶν, οὔτε ἀληθινὴ σοφία αὐτοῦ ἐστι ἀλλ᾽ εἷς μὲν τῶν ποιημάτων γενητῶν ἐστι " χαταχρηστικῶς δὲ Λόγος καὶ Σοφία, γενόμενος καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ τῷ ἰδίῳ τοῦ Θεοῦ λόγῳ, καὶ τῇ ἐν τῷ Θεῷ σοφίᾳ, ἐν καὶ τὰ πάντα καὶ αὐτὸν πεποίηκεν ὁ Θεός. Διὸ καὶ τρεπτός ἔστι ἀλλοιωτὸς τὴν φύσιν, ὡς καὶ πάντα τὰ λονιχά. Ξένος τε καὶ ἀλλότριο:, καὶ ἀπἃς εσχοινισμένος ἐστὶν ὁ Λόγος τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ οὐσίας. Καὶ ἄῤῥητός ἐστιν ὁ Πατὴρ τῷ Υἱῷ. Οὔτε γὰρ τελείως καὶ ἀκριβῶς γινώσκει ὁ Υἱὸς τὸν Πατέρα, οὔτε τελείως ὁρᾷν αὐτὸν δύναται. Καὶ γὰρ ἑαυτοῦ τὴν οὐσίαν οὐκ οἶδεν ὁ Υἱὸς ὡς ἔστι· δι᾽ ἡμᾶς γὰρ πεποίηται, ἵνα ἡμᾶς δι' αὐτοῦ ὡς δι᾽ ὀργάνου κτίσῃ ὁ Θεός · καὶ οὐκ ἂν ὑπέστη, εἰ μὴ ἡμᾶς ὁ Θεὸς ἤθελεν ποιῆσαι. Ἠρώτησε γοῦν τις αὐτοὺς, εἰ δύναται ὁ τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγος τραπῆναι ὡς ὁ διάβολος ἐτράπη· καὶ οὐκ ἐφοβήθησαν εἰπεῖν, Ναὶ δύναται. Τρεπτῆς γὰρ φύσεώς ἐστι, γεννητὸς καὶ τρεπτὸς ὑπάρ· χων. Ταῦτα λέγοντας τοὺς περὶ ῎Ἄρειον, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις ἀναισχυντοῦντας, αὐτούς τε καὶ τοὺς συνακολουθήσαντας αὐτοῖς, ἡμεῖς μὲν μετὰ τῶν κατ' Αϊγυπτον ἐπισκόπων καὶ τῆς Λιβύης, ἐγγὺς ἑκατὸν ὄντων, συνελθόντες ἀνεθεματίσαμεν· οἱ δὲ περὶ Εὐσέβιον προσεδέξαντο, σπουδάζοντες συγκαταμίξαι τὸ ψεῦδος τῇ ἀληθείᾳ, καὶ τὴν ἀσέβειαν τῇ εὐσεβείᾳ. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐκ ἰσχύσουσι. Νικᾷ γὰρ ἡ ἀλήθεια· καὶ οὐδεμία ἐστὶ κοινωνία φωτὶ πρὸς σκότος, οὐδὲ συμφώνησις Χριστῷ πρὸς Βελίαρ. Τίς γὰρ ἤκουσε πώποτε τοιαῦτα; Ἢ τίς νῦν ἀκούων οὐ ξενίζεται, καὶ τὰς ἀκοὰς βύει, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ τὸν ῥύπον τούτων τῶν ῥημάτων ψαῦσαι τῆς ἀκοῆς; Τίς ἀκούων Ἰωάννου λέγοντος, Ἐν ἀρχῇ ἦν ὁ Λόγος, οὐ καταγινώσκει τούτων λεγόντων, ὧν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν; Ἢ τίς ἀκούων ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ, μονογενὴς Υἱὸς, καὶ, Δι' αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο τὰ πάντα, οὐ μισήσει τούτους φθεγγομένους, ὅτι εἶς ἐστι τῶν ποιημάτων ὁ Υἱός; Πῶς δὲ δύναται ἴσος εἶναι τῶν δι' αὐτοῦ γενομένων; Η πῶς μονογενὴς, ὁ τοῖς πᾶσι κατ' ἐκείνους συναριθ μούμενος ; Πῶς δὲ ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἂν εἴη, τοῦ Πατρὸς λέγοντος, Ἐξηρεύξατο ἡ καρδία μου λόγον ἀγαθόν· καὶ, Ἐκ γαστρὸς πρὸ ἑωσφόρου ἐγέννησά σε; Ἢ πῶς ἀνόμοιος τῇ οὐσίᾳ τοῦ Πατρὸς, ὁ ὢν. εἰκὼν τελεία, καὶ ἀπαύγασμα τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ λέγων, Ὁ ἐμὲ ἑωρακὼς, ἑώρακε τὸν Πατέρα; Πῶς δὲ, εἰ λόγος καὶ σοφία ἐστὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ ὁ Υἱὸς, ἦν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν; ἴσον γάρ ἐστιν αὐτοὺς λέγειν, ἄλογὸν καὶ ἄσοφόν ποτε τὸν Θεόν. Πῶς δὲ τρεπτὸς ἢ ἀλλοιωτὸς, ὁ λέγων δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, Ἐγὼ ἐν τῷ Πατρὶ, καὶ ὁ Πατήρ ἐν ἐμοί· καὶ, Ἐγὼ καὶ ὁ Πατὴρ ἔν ἐσμεν· διὰ δὲ τοῦ προφήτου, Ἴδετέ με ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι, καὶ οὐκ ἠλλοίωμαι; Εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπ' αὐτὸν τις τὸν Πατέρα τὸ ῥητὸν δύναται ἀναφέρειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἁρμοδιώτερον ἂν εἴη περὶ τοῦ Λόγου νῦν λεγόμενον, ὅτι καὶ γενόμενος ἄνθρωπος οὐκ ἠλλοίωται, ἀλλ' ὡς ὁ ᾿Απόστολος, Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς χθὲς καὶ σήμερον, ὁ αὐτὸς καὶ εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. Τί δὲ ἄρα εἰπεῖν αὐτοὺς ἔπεισεν, ὅτι δι᾽ ἡμᾶς γέγονε, καίτοι τοῦ Παύλου γράφοντος, Δὶ ὃν τὰ πάντα, καὶ δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα; Περὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ βλασφημεῖν αὐτοὺς, ὅτι οὐκ οἶδε τελείως ὁ Υἱὸς τὸν Πατέρα, οὐ δεῖ θαυμάζειν. "Απαξ γὰρ προθέμενοι χριστομαχεῖν, παρακρούονται καὶ τὰς φωνὰς αὐτοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου λέγοντος, Καθὼς γινώσκει με ὁ Πατὴρ, κἀγὼ γινώσκω τὸν Πατέρα. Εἰ μὲν οὖν ἐκ μέρους γινώσκει ὁ Πατὴρ τὸν Υἱὸν, δῆλον ὅτι καὶ ὁ Υἱὸς ἐκ μέρους γινώσκει τὸν Πατέρα. Εἰ δὲ τοῦτο λέγειν οὐ θέμις, οἶδε δὲ τελείως ὁ Πατὴρ τὸν Υἱὸν, δῆλον ὅτι καθὼς γινώσκει ὁ Πατὴρ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ Λόγον, οὕτω καὶ ὁ Λόγος γινώσκει τὸν ἑαυτοῦ Πατέρα, οὗ καὶ ἔστι Λόγος. Καὶ ταῦτα λέγοντες, καὶ ἀναπτύσσοντες τὰς θείας Γραφὰς, πολλάκις ἀνετρέψαμεν αὐτούς. Καὶ πάλιν ὡς χαμαιλέοντες μετεβάλλοντο, φιλονεικοῦντες εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐφελκύσαι τὸ γεγραμμένον, "Οταν ἔλθῃ ὁ ἀσεβὴς εἰς βάθη κακῶν, καταφρονεῖ π. Πολλαὶ γοῦν αἱρέσεις πρὸ αὐτῶν γεγόνασιν, αἴτινες πλέον τοῦ δέοντος τολμήσασαι, πεπτώκασιν εἰς ἀφροσύνην. Οὗτοι δὲ διὰ πάντων αὐτῶν τῶν ῥημάτων, ἐπιχειρήσαντες ταῖς ἀναιρέσεσι τῆς τοῦ Λόγου θεότητος, ἐδικαίωσαν ἐξ ἑαυτῶν ἐκείνας, ὡς ἐγγύτεροι τοῦ ἀντιχρίστου γενόμενοι. Διὸ καὶ ἀπεκηρύχθησαν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ ἀνεθεματίσθησαν. Λυπούμεθα μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀπωλείᾳ τούτων, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι μαθόντες ποτὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, νῦν ἀπεπήδησαν. Οὐ ξενιζόμεθα δέ. Τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ Ὑμέναιος καὶ Φιλητὸς πεπόνθασι· καὶ πρὸ αὐτῶν Ἰούδας, ἀκολουθήσας τῷ Σωτῆρι, ὕστερον δὲ προδότης καὶ ἀποστάτης γενόμενος. Καὶ περὶ τούτων δὲ αὐτῶν οὐκ ἀδίδακτοι μεμενήκαμεν. Ἀλλ᾿ ὁ μὲν Κύριος προείρηκε, Βλέπετε μή τις ὑμᾶς πλανήσῃ· πολλοὶ γὰρ ἐλεύσονται ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματί μου λέγοντες, Ἐγώ εἰμι, καὶ ὁ καιρὸς ἤγγικε· καὶ πολλοὺς πλανήσουσι. Μὴ πορευθῆτε ὀπίσω αὐτῶν. Ὁ δὲ Παῦλος μαθὼν ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ Σωτῆρος, ἔγραψεν, ὅτι Ἐν ὑστέροις καιροῖς ἀποστήσονταί τινες τῆς πίστεως τῆς ὑγιαινούσης, προσέχοντες πνεύμασι πλάνοις, καὶ διδασκαλίαις δαιμονίων, ἀποτρεφομένων τὴν ἀλήθειαν. Τοῦ τοίνυν Κυρίου καὶ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, διά τε αὐτοῦ παραγγέλλοντος, καὶ διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου σημαίναντος περὶ τῶν τοιούτων, ἀκολούθως ἡμεῖς αὐτήκοοι τῆς ἀσεβείας αὐτῶν γενόμενοι, ἀνεθεματίσαμεν καθά προείπομεν 13. τοὺς τοιούτους, ἀποδείξαντες αὐτοὺς ἀλλοτρίους τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας τε καὶ πίστεως. Ἐδηλώσαμεν δὲ καὶ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ θεοσεβείᾳ, ἀγαπητοὶ καὶ τιμιώτατοι συλλειτουργοὶ, ἵνα μήτε τινὰς ἐξ αὐτῶν, εἰ προπετεύσαιντο καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐλθεῖν, μὴ προσδέξησθε, μήτε Εὐσεβίῳ, ἢ ἑτέρῳ τινὶ γράφοντι περὶ αὐτῶν πεισθῆτε. Πρέπει γὰρ ἡμᾶς ὡς Χριστιανοὺς ὄντας, πάντας τοὺς κατὰ Χριστοῦ λέγοντάς τε καὶ φρονοῦντας, ὡς θεομάχους καὶ φθορέας τῶν ψυχῶν ἀποστρέ φεσθαι, καὶ μηδὲ κᾶν χαίρειν τοῖς τοιούτοις λέγειν, ἵνα μή ποτε καὶ ταῖς ἁμαρτίαις αὐτῶν κοινωνοὶ γενώμεθα, ὡς παρήγγειλεν ὁ μακάριος Ἰωάννης. Προσ είπατε τοὺς παρ' ὑμῖν ἀδελφούς. Ὑμᾶς οἱ σὺν ἐμοὶ προσαγορεύουσι. Τοιαῦτα τοῖς ἀπανταχοῦ κατὰ πόλιν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου γράφοντος, χεῖρον ἐγένετο τὸ κακὸν, εἰς φιλονεικίαν ἐξαπτομένων, οἷς τὰ γραφέντα ἐγνωρίζετο. Καὶ οἱ μὲν τοῖς γραφεῖσι σύμψηφοι γινόμενοι, καὶ προσυπέγραφον. Οἱ δὲ τοὐναντίον ἐποίουν. Μάλιστα δὲ πρὸς ἀντιπάθειαν ἐκεκίνητο ὁ τῆς Νικομηδείας Εὐσέβιος, ὅτι αὐτοῦ κακῶς ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν τοῖς γραφεῖσι μνήμην πεποίητο. Ἴσχυε δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνο τοῦ καιροῦ μάλιστα ὁ Εὐσέβιος, ὅτι κατὰ τὴν Νικομήδειαν ὁ βασιλεὺς τότε διέτριβε. Καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ τὰ βασίλεια μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν οἱ περὶ Διοκλετιανὸν ἐπεποίηντο. Διὰ τοῦτο οὖν πολλοὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων τῷ Εὐσεβίῳ ὑπήκουον· κἀκεῖνος συνεχῶς ἐπέστελλεν, ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ μὲν, ἵνα καθυφεὶς τὸ κινούμενον ζήτημα, δέξηται τοὺς περὶ "Αρειον. Τοῖς δὲ κατὰ πόλιν, ὅπως ἂν μὴ γένοιντο σύμψηφοι ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ. Ὅθεν τὰ πάντα ἦν ταραχῆς ἀνάμεστα. Οὐ γὰρ μόνους ἦν ἰδεῖν τοὺς τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν προέδρους λόγοις διαπληκτιζομένους, ἀλλὰ καὶ πλήθη τεμνόμενα· τῶν μὲν ὡς τούτοις, τῶν δὲ θατέροις ἐπικλινομένων. Εἰς τοσοῦτον δὲ ἀτοπίας προέβη τὸ πρᾶγμα, ὥστε δημοσίᾳ καὶ ἐν αὐτοῖς θεάτροις τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν γελᾶσθαι. Οἱ μὲν οὖν κατ᾿ αὐτὴν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, νεανικῶς περὶ τῶν ἀνωτάτω δογμάτων διεπληκτίζοντο, διεπρεσβεύοντό τε πρὸς τοὺς κατ' ἐπαρχίαν ἐπισκόπους. Οἱ δὲ, εἰς θάτερον τεμνόμενοι μέρος, τῆς ἐκείνων ὁμοίας στάσεως ἐγίνοντο. Συνανεμίγνυντο δὲ τοῖς ᾿Αρειανίζουσι Μελιτιανοὶ, οἱ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας χωρισθέντες. Τίνες δέ εἰσιν οὗτοι, λεκτέον. Ὑπὸ Πέτρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Αλεξανδρείας, τοῦ ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ μαρτυρήταντος, Μελίτιός τις "μιᾶς τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πόλεων ἐπίέσχοπος καθῃρέθη, δι᾽ ἄλλας τε πολλὰς τίας, μάλιστα ὅτι ἐν τῷ διωγμῷ ἀρνησάμενος τὴν πίστιν, ἐπέθυσεν. χαθαιρεθεὶς, πολ)ούς τε ἐσχηκὼς τοὺς ἑπομένους αὐτῷ, αἱρεσιάρχης κατἐστη τῶν ἄχρι νῦν ἐξ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον Μελιτιανῶν καλουμένων. ᾿Απολογίαν τε οὐδὲ μίαν εὕλογον ἔχων τοῦ κεχωρίσθαι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἠδιχῇσθαι μὲν ἔλεγεν ἑαυτὸν ἀπλῶς. Ἐχακχηγόρει δὲ καὶ ἐλοιδόρει τὸν Πέτρον. ᾿Αλλὰ Πέτρος μὲν ἐν τῷ διωγμῷ μαρτυρήσας, ἐτελεύτησεν. Ὃ δὲ μεταφέρει τὰς λοιδορίας ἐπὶ ᾿Αχιλλᾶν, ὅς μετὰ Πέτρον ἐπίσκοπος αὖθις ἐπὶ τὸν μετὰ ᾿Αχιλλᾶν γεγενημένον ᾿Αλέξανδρον. τούτοις δὲ καθεστώτων αὐτῶν, ἐπιγίνεται τὸ κατὰ “Ἄρειον ζήτημα' ὁ Μελίτιος ἅμα τοῖς αὐτοῦ συνελαμθάνετο τῷ ᾿Αρείῳ, κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου συμφατριάζων αὐτῷ. Καὶ ὅσοις μὲν ἄτοἮν ἡ ᾿ΔΑρείου δόξα, ἀπεδέχοντο τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τὴν ἐπὶ ᾿Αρείῳ κρίσιν, ὡς δικαία εἴη ἡ κατὰ τῶν οὕτω φρονούντων ψῆφος. "Ἔγραφον δὲ οἱ περὶ τὸν Νικομηδέα Εὐσέδιην, καὶ ὅσοι τὴν ᾿Αρείου δόξαν ἐσμένιζον, ὥστε λύειν μὲν τὴν φθάσασαν ἀποχήρνξιν, ἐπανάγειν δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν τοὺς ἀποχηρυχθέντας" μήτε γὰρ. δοξάζειν κακῶς. Οὕτως ἐναντίων τῶν γραμμάτων πρὸς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αλεξανδρείας πεμπομένων, πεποίηνται τῶν ἐπιστολῶν τούτων συναγωγὰς, μὲν τῶν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, ᾿Α)έξανδρος δὲ τῶν ἐναντίων" τοῦτο πρόφασις γέγονεν ἀπολογίας ταῖς νῦν ἐπιπολαζούσαις αἱρέσεσιν ᾿Αρειανῶν, Εὐνομιανῶν, ὅσοι τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἀπὸ Μακεδονίου ξχουσιν" ἔκαστοι γὰρ μάρτυσι ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς ἐχρήσαντο τῆς οἰκείας αἱρέσεως.
Tauta tǭ kainoprepei logǭ syllogisamenos, anarripizei tous pollous pros to zētēma. Kai anapte-tai apo smikrou spinthēros mega pyr. Arxamenon te to kakon apo tēs ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsias, dietreche tēn sympasan Aigypton te kai Libyēn, kai tēn anō Thēbaïda; ēdē de kai tas loipas epenemeto eparchias te kai poleis. Synelambanonto tę̄ ᾿Areiou doxę̄ polloi men kai alloi, malista de Eusebios hē autēs anteicheto, ouch ho Kaisareus, all᾽ ho proteron men tēs Bērytiōn Ekklēsias episkopos, tote de tēs en Bithynią Nikomēdeias tēn episkopēn hypodys. Tauta akouōn kai horōn te ginomena ho ᾿Alexan dros, pros orgēn exaptetai; kai synedrion pollōn episkopōn kathisas, ton men Areion, kai tous apodechomenous tēn doxan autou kathairei e. Graphei de tois kata polin toiade ; Epistolē ᾿Alexandrou hi Alexandreias. Tois agapētois kai timiōtatois sylleitourgois tois apantachou tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias, ᾿Alexan dros en Kyriǭ chairein. Henos sōmatos ontos tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias, entolēs te ousēs en tais theiais Graphais, tērein syndesmon tēs homonoias kai eirēnēs, akolouthon esti graphein hēmas kai sēmainein allēlois ta par' heka stois gignomena, hina eite paschei, eite chairei hen me los, ē sympaschōmen, ē synchairōmen allēlois. En tę̄ hēmeterą toinyn paroikią exēlthon nyn andres paranomoi kai christomachoi, didaskontes apostasian, hēn eikotōs an tis prodromon tou ᾿Antichristou nomiseie kai kaleseie. Kai eboulomēn men siōpę̄ paradounai to toiouton, hin᾽ isōs en tois apostatais monois analōthę̄ to kakon, kai mē eis heterous topous diaban, rhypōsę̄ tinōn akeraiōn tas akoas. Epeidē de Eusebios ho nyn en tę̄ Nikomēdeią, nomisas ep' autǭ keisthai ta tēs Ekklēsias, hoti kataleipsas tēn Bēryton, kai epophthalmisas tę̄ Ekklēsią Nikomēdeōn, ouk ekdedikētai kat᾿ autou, proïstatai toutōn tōn apostatōn, graphein epecheipantachou, synistōn autous, eipōs hyposyrę̄ tinas agnoountas eis tēn eschatēn kai christomachon aïresin" anankēn eschon, eidōs to en tǭ nomǭ gegrammenon, mēketi men siōpę̄sai, anangeilai de pasin hymin, hina ginōschēte tous apostatas genomenous, kai ta tēs haireseōs autōn dystēna rhēmatia, Chai ean graphę̄ Eusedios, mē prosechēte. Tēn palai gar autou chachonoian tēn chronǭ siōpētheisan, nyn dia xoutōn ananeōsai boulomenos, schēmatizetai men hōs hyper toutōn graphōn" ergǭ de deiknysin, hōs hoti hyper heautou spoudazōn, touto poiei. Hoi men oun apostatai genomenoi eisin" "Areios, ᾿Achillas, ᾿leithalēs Karpōnēs, heteros "Areios, Sarmatēs Euzōïos, Loukios, kai Ioulianos, Mēnas, Helladios, Gaïos, kai : dyn hautois Sekoundos Theōnas, hoi pote lechthentes episkopoi. Poia de para tas Graphas epheurontes lalousin, esti tauta Ouch aei ho Theos patēr ēn 1" all᾽ hēn hote ho Theos patēr ouch Ouch aei hēn ho tou Theou Logos, all᾽ ex ouch ontōn gegonen. Ho gar hōn Theos, ton mē onta tou mē ontos pepoiēke. Dio kai hēn pote, hote ouch hēn. Ktisma gar esti poiēma ho Huios. Oute de homoios kat᾽ ousian tǭ Patri estin, oute alēthinos kai physei tou Patros Logos estin, oute alēthinē sophia autou esti all᾽ heis men tōn poiēmatōn genētōn esti " chatachrēstikōs de Logos kai Sophia, genomenos kai autos de tǭ idiǭ tou Theou logǭ, kai tę̄ en tǭ Theǭ sophią, en kai ta panta kai auton pepoiēken ho Theos. Dio kai treptos esti alloiōtos tēn physin, hōs kai panta ta lonicha. Xenos te kai allotrio:, kai apas eschoinismenos estin ho Logos tēs tou Theou ousias. Kai arrhētos estin ho Patēr tǭ Huiǭ. Oute gar teleiōs kai akribōs ginōskei ho Huios ton Patera, oute teleiōs horąn auton dynatai. Kai gar heautou tēn ousian ouk oiden ho Huios hōs esti; di᾽ hēmas gar pepoiētai, hina hēmas di' autou hōs di᾽ organou ktisę̄ ho Theos ; kai ouk an hypestē, ei mē hēmas ho Theos ēthelen poiēsai. Ērōtēse goun tis autous, ei dynatai ho tou Theou Logos trapēnai hōs ho diabolos etrapē; kai ouk ephobēthēsan eipein, Nai dynatai. Treptēs gar physeōs esti, gennētos kai treptos hypar; chōn. Tauta legontas tous peri ᾿Areion, kai epi toutois anaischyntountas, autous te kai tous synakolouthēsantas autois, hēmeis men meta tōn kat' Aïgypton episkopōn kai tēs Libyēs, engys hekaton ontōn, synelthontes anethematisamen; hoi de peri Eusebion prosedexanto, spoudazontes synkatamixai to pseudos tę̄ alētheią, kai tēn asebeian tę̄ eusebeią. ᾿All᾽ ouk ischysousi. Niką gar hē alētheia; kai oudemia esti koinōnia phōti pros skotos, oude symphōnēsis Christǭ pros Beliar. Tis gar ēkouse pōpote toiauta? Ē tis nyn akouōn ou xenizetai, kai tas akoas byei, hyper tou mē ton rhypon toutōn tōn rhēmatōn psausai tēs akoēs? Tis akouōn Iōannou legontos, En archę̄ ēn ho Logos, ou kataginōskei toutōn legontōn, hōn pote hote ouk ēn? Ē tis akouōn en tǭ Euangeliǭ, monogenēs Huios, kai, Di' autou egeneto ta panta, ou misēsei toutous phthengomenous, hoti eis esti tōn poiēmatōn ho Huios? Pōs de dynatai isos einai tōn di' autou genomenōn? Ē pōs monogenēs, ho tois pasi kat' ekeinous synarith moumenos ? Pōs de ex ouk ontōn an eiē, tou Patros legontos, Exēreuxato hē kardia mou logon agathon; kai, Ek gastros pro heōsphorou egennēsa se? Ē pōs anomoios tę̄ ousią tou Patros, ho ōn. eikōn teleia, kai apaugasma tou Patros, kai legōn, Ho eme heōrakōs, heōrake ton Patera? Pōs de, ei logos kai sophia esti tou Theou ho Huios, ēn pote hote ouk ēn? ison gar estin autous legein, alogon kai asophon pote ton Theon. Pōs de treptos ē alloiōtos, ho legōn di᾽ heautou, Egō en tǭ Patri, kai ho Patēr en emoi; kai, Egō kai ho Patēr en esmen; dia de tou prophētou, Idete me hoti egō eimi, kai ouk ēlloiōmai? Ei de kai ep' auton tis ton Patera to rhēton dynatai anapherein, alla kai harmodiōteron an eiē peri tou Logou nyn legomenon, hoti kai genomenos anthrōpos ouk ēlloiōtai, all' hōs ho ᾿Apostolos, Iēsous Christos chthes kai sēmeron, ho autos kai eis tous aiōnas. Ti de ara eipein autous epeisen, hoti di᾽ hēmas gegone, kaitoi tou Paulou graphontos, Di hon ta panta, kai di' hou ta panta? Peri men oun tou blasphēmein autous, hoti ouk oide teleiōs ho Huios ton Patera, ou dei thaumazein. "Apax gar prothemenoi christomachein, parakrouontai kai tas phōnas autou tou Kyriou legontos, Kathōs ginōskei me ho Patēr, kagō ginōskō ton Patera. Ei men oun ek merous ginōskei ho Patēr ton Huion, dēlon hoti kai ho Huios ek merous ginōskei ton Patera. Ei de touto legein ou themis, oide de teleiōs ho Patēr ton Huion, dēlon hoti kathōs ginōskei ho Patēr ton heautou Logon, houtō kai ho Logos ginōskei ton heautou Patera, hou kai esti Logos. Kai tauta legontes, kai anaptyssontes tas theias Graphas, pollakis anetrepsamen autous. Kai palin hōs chamaileontes meteballonto, philoneikountes eis heautous ephelkysai to gegrammenon, "Otan elthę̄ ho asebēs eis bathē kakōn, kataphronei p. Pollai goun haireseis pro autōn gegonasin, aitines pleon tou deontos tolmēsasai, peptōkasin eis aphrosynēn. Houtoi de dia pantōn autōn tōn rhēmatōn, epicheirēsantes tais anairesesi tēs tou Logou theotētos, edikaiōsan ex heautōn ekeinas, hōs engyteroi tou antichristou genomenoi. Dio kai apekērychthēsan apo tēs Ekklēsias, kai anethematisthēsan. Lypoumetha men oun epi tę̄ apōleią toutōn, kai malista hoti mathontes pote kai autoi ta tēs Ekklēsias, nyn apepēdēsan. Ou xenizometha de. Touto gar kai Hymenaios kai Philētos peponthasi; kai pro autōn Ioudas, akolouthēsas tǭ Sōtēri, hysteron de prodotēs kai apostatēs genomenos. Kai peri toutōn de autōn ouk adidaktoi memenēkamen. All᾿ ho men Kyrios proeirēke, Blepete mē tis hymas planēsę̄; polloi gar eleusontai epi tǭ onomati mou legontes, Egō eimi, kai ho kairos ēngike; kai pollous planēsousi. Mē poreuthēte opisō autōn. Ho de Paulos mathōn tauta para tou Sōtēros, egrapsen, hoti En hysterois kairois apostēsontai tines tēs pisteōs tēs hygiainousēs, prosechontes pneumasi planois, kai didaskaliais daimoniōn, apotrephomenōn tēn alētheian. Tou toinyn Kyriou kai Sōtēros hēmōn Iēsou Christou, dia te autou parangellontos, kai dia tou ᾿Apostolou sēmainantos peri tōn toioutōn, akolouthōs hēmeis autēkooi tēs asebeias autōn genomenoi, anethematisamen katha proeipomen 13. tous toioutous, apodeixantes autous allotrious tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias te kai pisteōs. Edēlōsamen de kai tę̄ hymeterą theosebeią, agapētoi kai timiōtatoi sylleitourgoi, hina mēte tinas ex autōn, ei propeteusainto kai pros hymas elthein, mē prosdexēsthe, mēte Eusebiǭ, ē heterǭ tini graphonti peri autōn peisthēte. Prepei gar hēmas hōs Christianous ontas, pantas tous kata Christou legontas te kai phronountas, hōs theomachous kai phthoreas tōn psychōn apostre phesthai, kai mēde kan chairein tois toioutois legein, hina mē pote kai tais hamartiais autōn koinōnoi genōmetha, hōs parēngeilen ho makarios Iōannēs. Pros eipate tous par' hymin adelphous. Hymas hoi syn emoi prosagoreuousi. Toiauta tois apantachou kata polin ᾿Alexandrou graphontos, cheiron egeneto to kakon, eis philoneikian exaptomenōn, hois ta graphenta egnōrizeto. Kai hoi men tois grapheisi sympsēphoi ginomenoi, kai prosypegraphon. Hoi de tounantion epoioun. Malista de pros antipatheian ekekinēto ho tēs Nikomēdeias Eusebios, hoti autou kakōs ᾿Alexandros en tois grapheisi mnēmēn pepoiēto. Ischye de kat' ekeino tou kairou malista ho Eusebios, hoti kata tēn Nikomēdeian ho basileus tote dietribe. Kai gar ekei ta basileia mikron emprosthen hoi peri Diokletianon epepoiēnto. Dia touto oun polloi tōn episkopōn tǭ Eusebiǭ hypēkouon; kakeinos synechōs epestellen, ᾿Alexandrǭ men, hina kathypheis to kinoumenon zētēma, dexētai tous peri "Areion. Tois de kata polin, hopōs an mē genointo sympsēphoi ᾿Alexandrǭ. Hothen ta panta ēn tarachēs anamesta. Ou gar monous ēn idein tous tōn ekklēsiōn proedrous logois diaplēktizomenous, alla kai plēthē temnomena; tōn men hōs toutois, tōn de thaterois epiklinomenōn. Eis tosouton de atopias proebē to pragma, hōste dēmosią kai en autois theatrois ton Christianismon gelasthai. Hoi men oun kat᾿ autēn tēn ᾿Alexandreian, neanikōs peri tōn anōtatō dogmatōn dieplēktizonto, diepresbeuonto te pros tous kat' eparchian episkopous. Hoi de, eis thateron temnomenoi meros, tēs ekeinōn homoias staseōs eginonto. Synanemignynto de tois ᾿Areianizousi Melitianoi, hoi mikron emprosthen tēs Ekklēsias chōristhentes. Tines de eisin houtoi, lekteon. Hypo Petrou tou episkopou Alexandreias, tou epi Dioklētianou martyrētantos, Melitios tis "mias tōn en Aigyptǭ poleōn epieschopos kathę̄rethē, di᾽ allas te pollas tias, malista hoti en tǭ diōgmǭ arnēsamenos tēn pistin, epethysen. chathairetheis, pol)ous te eschēkōs tous hepomenous autǭ, hairesiarchēs katestē tōn achri nyn ex autou kata tēn Aigypton Melitianōn kaloumenōn. ᾿Apologian te oude mian heulogon echōn tou kechōristhai tēs Ekklēsias, ēdichę̄sthai men elegen heauton aplōs. Echakchēgorei de kai eloidorei ton Petron. ᾿Alla Petros men en tǭ diōgmǭ martyrēsas, eteleutēsen. Ho de metapherei tas loidorias epi ᾿Achillan, hos meta Petron episkopos authis epi ton meta ᾿Achillan gegenēmenon ᾿Alexandron. toutois de kathestōtōn autōn, epiginetai to kata “Areion zētēma' ho Melitios hama tois autou synelamthaneto tǭ ᾿Areiǭ, kata tou episkopou symphatriazōn autǭ. Kai hosois men atoĒn hē ᾿DAreiou doxa, apedechonto tou ᾿Alexandrou tēn epi ᾿Areiǭ krisin, hōs dikaia eiē hē kata tōn houtō phronountōn psēphos. "Egraphon de hoi peri ton Nikomēdea Eusediēn, kai hosoi tēn ᾿Areiou doxan esmenizon, hōste lyein men tēn phthasasan apochērnxin, epanagein de eis tēn Ekklēsian tous apochērychthentas" mēte gar. doxazein kakōs. Houtōs enantiōn tōn grammatōn pros ton episkopon ᾿Alexandreias pempomenōn, pepoiēntai tōn epistolōn toutōn synagōgas, men tōn hyper autou, ᾿A)exandros de tōn enantiōn" touto prophasis gegonen apologias tais nyn epipolazousais hairesesin ᾿Areianōn, Eunomianōn, hosoi tēn epōnymian apo Makedoniou xchousin" ekastoi gar martysi tais epistolais echrēsanto tēs oikeias haireseōs.
Having reasoned this out by a novel argument, he fanned many into dispute over the question, and from a small spark a great fire was kindled. The evil began in the church of Alexandria and ran through all Egypt and Libya and the Upper Thebaid, and was already spreading over the other provinces and cities. Many others took up Arius’s opinion, but above all Eusebius held to it: not the bishop of Caesarea, but the one who had formerly been bishop of the church of Berytus and had then taken over the bishopric of Nicomedia in Bithynia. Hearing and seeing these things happen, Alexander was kindled to anger. He convened a council of many bishops and deposed Arius and those who accepted his opinion, and he wrote to those in each city as follows.
Letter of Alexander of Alexandria. To the beloved and most honoured fellow ministers everywhere in the catholic church, Alexander sends greeting in the Lord. Since the catholic church is one body, and there is a command in the divine Scriptures to keep the bond of concord and peace, it follows that we should write and inform one another of what happens among each of us, so that if one member suffers or rejoices, we may suffer or rejoice with one another. In our diocese, then, lawless men, enemies of Christ, have now gone out, teaching an apostasy which one might rightly consider and call a forerunner of Antichrist. I wished to bury such a thing in silence, so that perhaps the evil might be spent among the apostates alone and not pass to other places and defile the ears of some of the simple. But Eusebius, now in Nicomedia, thinks that the affairs of the church depend on him, because he left Berytus and set his eye on the church of the Nicomedians without being punished for it. He has put himself at the head of these apostates and undertaken to write everywhere commending them, in the hope of drawing some who are ignorant into this last and Christ-fighting heresy. So, knowing what is written in the law, I was compelled no longer to keep silent but to announce it to you all, so that you may know those who have become apostates and the wretched phrases of their heresy, and that if Eusebius writes, you may pay no attention. For he wishes to renew through these men his old ill will, which had been silenced by time; he pretends to write on their behalf, but in fact shows that he does this out of zeal for himself.
Those who have become apostates, then, are Arius, Achillas, Aeithales, Carpones, another Arius, Sarmates, Euzoius, Lucius, Julian, Menas, Helladius, and Gaius, and with them Secundus and Theonas, who were once called bishops. What they have invented and say, contrary to the Scriptures, is this: “God was not always Father, but there was when God was not Father. The Word of God was not always, but has come into being from things that are not. For the God who is has made him who was not out of what was not; therefore there was once when he was not. For the Son is a creature and a thing made. He is neither like the Father in essence, nor the true and natural Word of the Father, nor his true Wisdom, but one of the things made and created. He is called Word and Wisdom by a misuse of terms, since he himself came into being by God’s own Word and by the Wisdom that is in God, by which God made all things and him too. Therefore he is changeable and alterable in nature, as are all rational beings. The Word is foreign and alien to the essence of God and cut off from it. And the Father is inexpressible to the Son: for the Son neither knows the Father perfectly and exactly, nor can he see him perfectly. Indeed the Son does not know his own essence as it is. For he was made for our sake, so that God might create us through him as through an instrument; and he would not have come to exist if God had not wished to make us.” Someone asked them whether the Word of God can change as the devil changed, and they were not afraid to say, “Yes, he can; for he is of a changeable nature, being begotten and changeable.”
Since Arius and his party say these things and are shameless about them, we met with the bishops of Egypt and Libya, nearly a hundred in number, and anathematized both them and those who followed them. But Eusebius and his party received them, eager to mix falsehood with truth and impiety with piety. But they will not prevail: for the truth conquers, and there is no fellowship of light with darkness, nor agreement of Christ with Beliar. Who ever heard such things? Or who, hearing them now, is not astonished and does not stop his ears, so that the filth of these words may not touch his hearing? Who, hearing John say, “In the beginning was the Word,” does not condemn these men who say, “There was once when he was not”? Or who, hearing in the Gospel “only-begotten Son” and “Through him all things were made,” will not hate those who declare that the Son is one of the things made? How can he be equal to the things made through him? Or how is he only-begotten, if on their view he is counted among all the rest? How could he be from things that are not, when the Father says, “My heart has poured forth a good word,” and, “From the womb before the morning star I begot you”? Or how is he unlike in essence to the Father, who is the perfect image and radiance of the Father, and who says, “He who has seen me has seen the Father”? And if the Son is the Word and Wisdom of God, how was there once when he was not? That is the same as their saying that God was once without word and without wisdom. How is he changeable or alterable who says of himself, “I am in the Father and the Father in me,” and “I and the Father are one,” and through the prophet, “See me, that I am, and I have not changed”? Even if one can refer this saying to the Father himself, it would now be said more fittingly of the Word, that even when he became man he was not changed, but, as the apostle says, “Jesus Christ is the same yesterday and today and for ever.” And what persuaded them to say that he came into being for our sake, though Paul writes, “for whom are all things, and through whom are all things”? As for their blasphemy that the Son does not know the Father perfectly, one need not be surprised. For having once set themselves to fight against Christ, they thrust aside even the words of the Lord himself, who says, “As the Father knows me, I also know the Father.” If, then, the Father knows the Son in part, clearly the Son also knows the Father in part. But if it is not right to say this, and the Father knows the Son perfectly, clearly as the Father knows his own Word, so also the Word knows his own Father, whose Word he is.
By saying these things and unfolding the divine Scriptures we have often refuted them. But again, like chameleons, they changed, striving to bring upon themselves what is written: “When the ungodly comes into the depth of evils, he despises.” Many heresies indeed have arisen before them, which by daring more than was right have fallen into folly. But these men, by attempting with all their phrases to do away with the divinity of the Word, have made those others look righteous by comparison, since they have come nearer to Antichrist. Therefore they have been publicly expelled from the church and anathematized. We grieve over their ruin, especially because they too once learned the church’s teaching and have now leapt away from it. But we are not surprised. Hymenaeus and Philetus suffered this too, and before them Judas, who followed the Saviour and afterwards became traitor and apostate. Nor have we been left untaught about these very men. The Lord foretold: “Take heed that no one leads you astray; for many will come in my name saying, ‘I am he,’ and, ‘The time is near,’ and they will lead many astray. Do not go after them.” And Paul, having learned these things from the Saviour, wrote that “in later times some will depart from the sound faith, giving heed to deceiving spirits and teachings of demons, that turn away from the truth.” Since, then, our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ has both commanded this himself and signified it through the apostle concerning such men, we, having heard their impiety with our own ears, have accordingly anathematized such men, as we said before, declaring them aliens from the catholic church and faith. We have made this known also to your piety, beloved and most honoured fellow ministers, so that you may not receive any of them, should they rashly come to you, nor trust Eusebius or anyone else who writes about them. For it befits us as Christians to turn away from all who speak and think against Christ, as fighters against God and corrupters of souls, and not even to bid such men greeting, lest we become partakers of their sins, as the blessed John commanded. Greet the brothers with you. Those with me greet you.
When Alexander had written such things to those in each city everywhere, the evil became worse, since those to whom the letter was made known were kindled to contention. Some agreed with what was written and also signed it; others did the opposite. Eusebius of Nicomedia above all was moved to opposition, because Alexander had made unfavourable mention of him in the letter. Eusebius was very powerful at that time, because the emperor was then residing at Nicomedia; for Diocletian and his colleagues had built the palace there a little before. For this reason many of the bishops obeyed Eusebius. He wrote continually: to Alexander, that he should drop the question that had been stirred up and receive Arius and his party; and to those in each city, that they should not side with Alexander. So everything was full of confusion. One could see not only the presidents of the churches skirmishing with words, but the people split, some inclining to one side and some to the other. The matter went so far into absurdity that Christianity was publicly ridiculed, even in the very theatres. Those in Alexandria itself quarrelled hotly about the highest doctrines and sent envoys to the bishops of each province; and these, dividing into one party or the other, fell into the same kind of strife.
The Melitians, who a little before had been separated from the church, mingled with those who held with Arius. Who these are must be told. Melitius, bishop of one of the cities of Egypt, was deposed by Peter, bishop of Alexandria, who was martyred under Diocletian, for many other reasons and especially because in the persecution he had denied the faith and sacrificed. Deposed, and having many followers, he became the founder of the heresy of those who to this day are called Melitians after him in Egypt. He had no reasonable defence at all for his separation from the church, but said simply that he had been wronged, and he slandered and reviled Peter. Peter died a martyr in the persecution, and Melitius transferred his abuse to Achillas, who … bishop after Peter, and again to Alexander, who came after Achillas. While matters stood so, the question about Arius arose, and Melitius with his followers took Arius’s side, joining in faction with him against the bishop. All who found Arius’s opinion absurd approved Alexander’s judgment on Arius, holding that the sentence against those who thought this way was just. But Eusebius of Nicomedia and his party, and all who favoured Arius’s opinion, wrote asking that the sentence of expulsion already passed be lifted and the expelled be brought back into the church, since they did not hold wrong opinions. As letters of opposite kinds were thus being sent to the bishop of Alexandria, collections were made of these letters: … of those in his favour, Alexander of those against him. This became a means of defence for the heresies that now prevail, of the Arians, the Eunomians, and those named after Macedonius; for each party used the letters as witnesses for its own heresy.
1.7PG 67:53–59
Ταῦτα δὲ πυθόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ τὴν Ψυχὴν ὑπεραλγήῆτνας, συμφοράν τε οἰκείαν εἶναι τὸ πρᾶγμα ἀγησάμενος, παραχρῆμα τὸ ἀναφθὲν κακὸν κατασδέσαι σπουδάζων, γράμματα πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον καὶ Ἄρειον πέμπει, δι' ἀνδρὸς ἀξιοπίστου, ᾧ ὄνομα μὲν ἦν Ὅσιος ο, μιᾶς δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Ισπανίᾳ πόλεων ὄνομα Κουδρούβης, ὑπῆρχεν ἐπίσκοπος· πάνυ τε αὐτὸν ἠγάπα, καὶ διὰ τιμῆς ἦγεν ὁ βασιλεύς. Ὧν γραμμάτων μέρος ἐνταῦθα κεῖσθαι οὐκ ἄκαιρον. Ἡ γὰρ ὅλη ἐπιστολὴ ἐν τοῖς Εὐσεβίου εἰς τὸν Κωνσταντίνου βίον κεῖται βιβλίοις. Νικητὴς Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστὸς, ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ καὶ ᾿Αρείῳ. Μανθάνω ἐκεῖθεν ὑπῆρχθαι τοῦ παρόντος ζητήματος τὴν καταβολήν. Ὅτε γὰρ σὺ, ὦ ᾿Αλέξανδρε, ἐζήτεις παρὰ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, τί δήποτε ἕκαστος αὐτῶν ὑπέρ τινος τόπου τῶν ἐν τῷ νόμῳ γε¬ γραμμένων, μᾶλλον δὲ ὑπέρ τινος ματαίου ζητήματος μέρους πυνθάνοιο· σύ τε, ὦ ῎Αρειε, ὅπερ μήτε τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐνθυμι θυμηθῆναι, ἢ αι, ἢ ἐνθυμηθέντα, σιωπῇ παραδοῦναι προσῆκον ἦν, ἀπροόπτως ἐντέθεικας· ὅθεν τῆς ἐν ὑμῖν διχονοίας ἐγερθείσης, ἡ μὲν σύναδος ἠρνήθῃ· ὁ δὲ ἁγιώτατος λαὸς εἰς ἀμφοτέρους σχισθεὶς, ἐκ τῆς τοῦ κοινοῦ σώματος ἁρμονίας ἐχωρίσθη. Οὐκοῦν ἑκάτερος ὑμῶν ἐξίσου τὴν γνώμην παρασχὼν, ὅπερ ἂν ὁ συνθεράπων ὑμῶν δικαίως παραινεῖ, δεξάσθω. Τί δὲ τοῦτό ἐστιν; Οὔτε έρωτᾷν ὑπὲρ τῶν τοιούτων ἐξ ἀρχῆς προσῆκον ἦν, οὔτε ἐρωτώμενον ἀποκρίνασθαι. Τὰς γὰρ τοιαύτας ζητήσεις, ὁπόσας οὐ νόμου τινὸς ἀνάγκη προστάττει, ἀλλὰ ἀνωφελοῦς ἀργίας ἐρεσχελία προστίθησιν, εἰ καὶ φυσικῆς τινος γυμνασίας ἕνεκα γίνοιτο, ὅμως ὀφείλομεν εἴσω τῆς διανοίας ἐγκλείειν, καὶ μὴ προχείρως εἰς δημοσίας συνόδους ἐκφέρειν, μηδὲ ταῖς πάντων ἀκοαῖς ἀπρονοήτως πιστεύειν. Πόσος γάρ ἐστιν ἕκαστος, ὡς τε πραγμάτων οὕτῳ μεγάλων καὶ λίαν δυσχερῶν δύναμιν, ἢ πρὸς τὸ ἀκριβὲς συνιδεῖν, ἢ κατ᾿ ἀξίαν ἑρμηνεῦσαι; Εἰ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν τις εὐχερῶς νομισθείη, πόσον μέρος τοῦ δήμου πείσει; ἢ τίς ὁ ταῖς τῶν τοιούτων ζητημάτων ἀκριβείαις, ἔξω τῆς ἐπικινδύνου παρολισθήσεως, ἀντισταίη; Οὐκοῦν ἐφεκτέον ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις τὴν πολυλογίαν, ἵνα μήπως ἡ ἡμῶν ἀσθένεια τῆς φύσεως, τὸ προτεθὲν ἑρμηνεῦσαι μὴ δυνηθέντων, ἢ ἡ τῶν διδασκομένων ἀκρρατῶν βραδυτέρα σύνεσις, πρὸς ἀκριβῆ τοῦ ῥηθέντος κατάληψιν ἐλθεῖν μὴ χωρησάντων, αὖθις ἐξ ἑκατέρου τούτων ἢ βλασφημίας, ἢ σχίσματος εἰς ἀνάγκην ὁ δῆμος περισταίη. Διόπερ καὶ ἐρώτησις ἀπροφύλακτος, καὶ ἀπόκρισις ἀπρονόητος, τὴν ἴσην ἀλλήλαις ἐπιδιδότωσαν ἐφ᾽ ἑκατέρῳ συγγνώμην· οὐδὲ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ κορυφαίου τῶν ἐν τῷ νόμῳ παραγγελμάτων ὑμῖν ἐξήφθη πρόφασις, οὐδὲ καινή τις ὑμῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ θρησκείας αἵρεσις ἀντεισήχθη· ἀλλ᾽ ἕνα καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν ἔχετε λογισμὸν, ὥσπερ τὸ τῆς κοινωνίας σύνθημα. Ὑμῶν γὰρ ἐν ἀλλήλοις ὑπὲρ μικρῶν καὶ λίαν ἐλαχίστων φιλονεικούν - των, τοσοῦτον τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ λαὸν ταῖς ὑμετέραις ἰθύνεσθαι φρεσὶν προσήκει, διὰ τὸ διχονοεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε πρέπον, οὔτε ὅλως θεμιτὸν εἶναι πιστεύεται· ἵνα δὲ μικρῷ παραδείγματι τὴν ὑμετέραν σύνεσιν ὑπομνήσω, λέξω. Ἴστε δὴ καὶ τοὺς φιλοσόφους αὐτοὺς, ὡς ἑνὶ μὲν ἅπαντες δόγματι συντίθενται· πολλάκις δὲ ἐπειδὰν ἔν τινι τῶν ἀποφάσεων μέρει διαφωνοῦσιν, εἰ καὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπιστήμης ἀρετῇ χωρίζονται, τῇ μέντοι τοῦ σώματος ἑνώσει πάλιν εἰς ἀλλήλους συμπνέουσιν. Εἰ δὲ τοῦτό ἐστι, πῶς οὐ πολλῷ δικαιότερον ὑμᾶς τοὺς τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοῦ θεράποντας καθεστῶτας, ἐν τοιαύτῃ προαιρέσει θρησκείας, ὁμοψύχους ἀλλήλοις εἶναι; Ἐπισκεψώμεθα δὲ λο γισμῷ μείζονι, καὶ πλείονι συνέσει τὸ ῥηθεν ἐνθυμηθῶμεν, εἴπερ ὀρθῶς ἔχει δι᾽ ὀλίγας καὶ ματαίας ῥημάτων ἐν ὑμῖν φιλονεικίας, ἀδελφοὺς ἀδελφοῖς ἀντικεῖσθαι, καὶ τὸ τῆς συνόδου τίμιον ἀσεβεῖ διχονοίᾳ χωρίζεσθαι δι᾽ ὑμῶν, οἳ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ μικρῶν οὕτω καὶ μηδαμῶς ἀναγκαίων φιλονεικοῦμεν; Δημώδη ταῦτ᾽ ἔστι, καὶ παιδικαῖς ἀνοίαις ἀρμόττοντα μᾶλλον, ἢ τῇ τῶν ἱερέων καὶ φρονίμων ἀνδρῶν συνέσει προσήκοντα. Αποστῶμεν ἑκόντες τῶν διαβολικῶν πειρασμῶν. Ὁ μέγας ἡμῶν Θεὸς ὁ ( Σωτὴρ πάντων, κοινὸν ἅπασι τὸ φῶς ἐξέτεινεν. Ἐφ᾿ ὦ τῇ προνοίᾳ, ταύτην ἐμοὶ τῷ θεραπευτῇ τοῦ κρείττονος τὴν σπουδὴν εἰς τέλος ἐνεγκεῖν συγχωρήσατε, ὅπως ὑμᾶς τοὺς ἐκείνου δήμους, ἐμῇ προσφωνήσει καὶ ὑπηρεσίᾳ, καὶ νουθεσίας ἐνστάσει πρὸς τὴν τῆς συνόδου κοινωνίαν ἐπανάγοιμι. Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ, ὡς ἔφην, μία τίς ἐστι πίστις ἐν ὑμῖν, καὶ μία τῆς καθ' ὑμᾶς αἱρέσεως σύνεσις, τό τε τοῦ νόμου παράγγελμα, τοῖς δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ μέρεσιν εἰς μίαν ψυχῆς πρόθεσιν, τὸ ὅλον συγκλείει· τοῦτο ὅπερ ὑμῖν ἐν ἀλλήλοις φιλονεικίαν ἤγειρεν, ἐπειδὴ μὴ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ παντὸς νόμου δύναμιν ἀνήκει, χωρισμόν τινα καὶ στάσιν ἐν ὑμῖν μηδαμῶς ἐμποιείτω. Καὶ λέγω ταῦτα, οὐχ ὡς ἀναγκάζων ὑμᾶς ἐξάπαντος τῇ λίαν εὐήθει, καὶ οἴα δήποτέ ἐστιν ἐκείνη ζητήσει συντίθεσθαι. Δύναται γὰρ καὶ τὸ τῆς συνόδου τίμιον ὑμῖν ἀκέραιον φυλάττεσθαι, καὶ ἡ αὐτὴ κατὰ πάντων κοινωνία τηρεῖσθαι, κἂν τὰ μάλιστά τις ἐν μέρει πρὸς ἀλλήλους ὑπὲρ ἐλαχίστου διαφωνία γένηται· ἐπεὶ μηδὲ πάντες ἐν πᾶσι ταὐτὸ βουλόμεθα, μηδὲ μία τις ἐν ἡμῖν φύσις ἢ γνώμη πολιτεύεται. Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς θείας προνοίας μία τις ἐν ὑμῖν ἔστω πίστις, μία σύνεσις, μία συνθήκη τοῦ κρείττονος. "Α δὲ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐλαχίστων τούτων ζητήσεων ἀλλήλοις ἀχριθολογεῖσθε, οἱ πρὸς μίαν γνώμην συμφέρητε, μένειν εἴσω λογισμῶν πρησήχει, τῷ τῆς διανοίας ἀποῤῥήτῳ τηρούμενα. Τὸ μέντοι τῆς κοινῆς φιλίας ἀπόῤῥητόν τε καὶ ἐξαίρετον, καὶ ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας πίστις, τε περὶ τὸν Θεὸν τὴν τοῦ νόμου θρησκείαν τιμὴ, μενέτω παρ᾽ ὑμῖν ἀσάλευτος" ἐπανέλθετε ὃὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀλλήλων φιλίαν τε καὶ χάριν. ᾿Απόδοτε τῷ σύμπαντι λαῷ τὰς οἰκείας περιπλοχάς " ὑμεῖς τε αὐτοὶ καθάπερ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ψυχὰς ἐκχχαθάραντες, αὖθις ἀλλήλους ἐπίγνωτε.. Ἡδίων γὰρ πολλάκις γίνεται. φιλία μετὰ τὴν τῆς. ἔχθρας ὑπόθεσιν αὖθις εἰς. χαταλλαγὴν ἐπανέλθετε. ᾿Απόδοτε οὖν μοι γαληνὰς μὲν ἡμέρας, νύκτας. δὲ ἀμερίμνους, ἵνα χἀμοί τις ἡδονὴ χαθαροῦ φωτὸς, βίου λοιπὸν ἤσυχος εὐφροσύνη σώζηται" εἰ δὲ, μὴ, στένειν ἀνάγκη, καὶ δαχρύοις δι᾽ ὅλου συνέχεσθαι, καὶ μηδὲ τὸν τοῦ ζῇν αἰῶνα πραέως ὑφίστασθαι. Τῶν. γάρτοι τοῦ Θεοῦ λαῶν, τῶν συνθεραπόντων λέγω τῶν ἐμῶν, οὕτως ἀδίχῳ καὶ βλαδερᾷ πρὸς ἀλλήλους. φιλονεικίᾳ χεχωρισμένων, ἐμὲ πῶς ἐγχωρεῖ τῷ. λογισμῷ συνεστάναι λοιπόν ; Ἵνα δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τούτῳ. λύπης τὴν ὑπερβολὴν αἴσθησθε, ἀχούσατε. Πρώην ἐπιστὰς τῇ Νικομηδέων πόλει, παραχρῆμα εἰς τὴν. ἑῴαν ἠπειγόμην τῇ γνώμῃ. Σπεύδοντι δέ μοι πρὸς . ὑμᾶς ἤδη, καὶ τῷ πλείονι μέρει σὺν ὑμῖν ὄντι, ἡ τοῦδε. τοῦ πράγματος ἀγγελία, πρὸς τὸ ἔμπαλιν τὸν λογισμὸν. ἀνεχαίτισεν᾽ ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρᾷν ἀναγχα-. σθείην, ἃ μηδὲ ταῖς ἀκοαῖς προσέσθαι δυνατὸν ἡγούμην. ᾿Ανοίξατε δή μοι λοιπὸν ἐν τῇ καθ᾽ ὑμᾶς ὁμονοίᾳ τῆς ἑῴας τὴν ὁδὸν, ἣν ταῖς πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλονεικίαις ἀπεχλείσατε. Καὶ συγχωρήσατε θᾶττον. ὑμᾶς τε ὁμοῦ, καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ἅπαντας δήμους ἐπἰδεῖν χαίροντας, καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ τῆς κοινῆς ἁπάντων ὁμονοίας τε ἐλευθερίας ὀφειλομέντν χάριν, ἐπ᾿ εὐφήμοις λόγων συνθήμασιν, ὁμολογῆσαι τῷ κρείττονι,
Tauta de pythomenos ho basileus, kai tēn Psychēn hyperalgēētnas, symphoran te oikeian einai to pragma agēsamenos, parachrēma to anaphthen kakon katasdesai spoudazōn, grammata pros ᾿Alexandron kai Areion pempei, di' andros axiopistou, hǭ onoma men ēn Hosios o, mias de tōn en tę̄ Ispanią poleōn onoma Koudroubēs, hypērchen episkopos; pany te auton ēgapa, kai dia timēs ēgen ho basileus. Hōn grammatōn meros entautha keisthai ouk akairon. Hē gar holē epistolē en tois Eusebiou eis ton Kōnstantinou bion keitai bibliois. Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, ᾿Alexandrǭ kai ᾿Areiǭ. Manthanō ekeithen hypērchthai tou parontos zētēmatos tēn katabolēn. Hote gar sy, ō ᾿Alexandre, ezēteis para tōn presbyterōn, ti dēpote hekastos autōn hyper tinos topou tōn en tǭ nomǭ ge¬ grammenōn, mallon de hyper tinos mataiou zētēmatos merous pynthanoio; sy te, ō ᾿Areie, hoper mēte tēn archēn enthymi thymēthēnai, ē ai, ē enthymēthenta, siōpę̄ paradounai prosēkon ēn, aprooptōs entetheikas; hothen tēs en hymin dichonoias egertheisēs, hē men synados ērnēthę̄; ho de hagiōtatos laos eis amphoterous schistheis, ek tēs tou koinou sōmatos harmonias echōristhē. Oukoun hekateros hymōn exisou tēn gnōmēn paraschōn, hoper an ho syntherapōn hymōn dikaiōs parainei, dexasthō. Ti de touto estin? Oute erōtąn hyper tōn toioutōn ex archēs prosēkon ēn, oute erōtōmenon apokrinasthai. Tas gar toiautas zētēseis, hoposas ou nomou tinos anankē prostattei, alla anōphelous argias ereschelia prostithēsin, ei kai physikēs tinos gymnasias heneka ginoito, homōs opheilomen eisō tēs dianoias enkleiein, kai mē procheirōs eis dēmosias synodous ekpherein, mēde tais pantōn akoais apronoētōs pisteuein. Posos gar estin hekastos, hōs te pragmatōn houtǭ megalōn kai lian dyscherōn dynamin, ē pros to akribes synidein, ē kat᾿ axian hermēneusai? Ei de kai touto poiein tis eucherōs nomistheiē, poson meros tou dēmou peisei? ē tis ho tais tōn toioutōn zētēmatōn akribeiais, exō tēs epikindynou parolisthēseōs, antistaiē? Oukoun ephekteon en tois toioutois tēn polylogian, hina mēpōs hē hēmōn astheneia tēs physeōs, to protethen hermēneusai mē dynēthentōn, ē hē tōn didaskomenōn akrratōn bradytera synesis, pros akribē tou rhēthentos katalēpsin elthein mē chōrēsantōn, authis ex hekaterou toutōn ē blasphēmias, ē schismatos eis anankēn ho dēmos peristaiē. Dioper kai erōtēsis aprophylaktos, kai apokrisis apronoētos, tēn isēn allēlais epididotōsan eph᾽ hekaterǭ syngnōmēn; oude gar hyper tou koryphaiou tōn en tǭ nomǭ parangelmatōn hymin exēphthē prophasis, oude kainē tis hymin hyper tēs tou Theou thrēskeias hairesis anteisēchthē; all᾽ hena kai ton auton echete logismon, hōsper to tēs koinōnias synthēma. Hymōn gar en allēlois hyper mikrōn kai lian elachistōn philoneikoun - tōn, tosouton ton tou Theou laon tais hymeterais ithynesthai phresin prosēkei, dia to dichonoein, all᾽ oute prepon, oute holōs themiton einai pisteuetai; hina de mikrǭ paradeigmati tēn hymeteran synesin hypomnēsō, lexō. Iste dē kai tous philosophous autous, hōs heni men hapantes dogmati syntithentai; pollakis de epeidan en tini tōn apophaseōn merei diaphōnousin, ei kai tę̄ tēs epistēmēs aretę̄ chōrizontai, tę̄ mentoi tou sōmatos henōsei palin eis allēlous sympneousin. Ei de touto esti, pōs ou pollǭ dikaioteron hymas tous tou megalou Theou therapontas kathestōtas, en toiautę̄ proairesei thrēskeias, homopsychous allēlois einai? Episkepsōmetha de lo gismǭ meizoni, kai pleioni synesei to rhēthen enthymēthōmen, eiper orthōs echei di᾽ oligas kai mataias rhēmatōn en hymin philoneikias, adelphous adelphois antikeisthai, kai to tēs synodou timion asebei dichonoią chōrizesthai di᾽ hymōn, hoi pros allēlous hyper mikrōn houtō kai mēdamōs anankaiōn philoneikoumen? Dēmōdē taut᾽ esti, kai paidikais anoiais armottonta mallon, ē tę̄ tōn hiereōn kai phronimōn andrōn synesei prosēkonta. Apostōmen hekontes tōn diabolikōn peirasmōn. Ho megas hēmōn Theos ho ( Sōtēr pantōn, koinon hapasi to phōs exeteinen. Eph᾿ ō tę̄ pronoią, tautēn emoi tǭ therapeutę̄ tou kreittonos tēn spoudēn eis telos enenkein synchōrēsate, hopōs hymas tous ekeinou dēmous, emę̄ prosphōnēsei kai hypēresią, kai nouthesias enstasei pros tēn tēs synodou koinōnian epanagoimi. Epeidē gar, hōs ephēn, mia tis esti pistis en hymin, kai mia tēs kath' hymas haireseōs synesis, to te tou nomou parangelma, tois di᾽ heautou meresin eis mian psychēs prothesin, to holon synkleiei; touto hoper hymin en allēlois philoneikian ēgeiren, epeidē mē pros tēn tou pantos nomou dynamin anēkei, chōrismon tina kai stasin en hymin mēdamōs empoieitō. Kai legō tauta, ouch hōs anankazōn hymas exapantos tę̄ lian euēthei, kai oia dēpote estin ekeinē zētēsei syntithesthai. Dynatai gar kai to tēs synodou timion hymin akeraion phylattesthai, kai hē autē kata pantōn koinōnia tēreisthai, kan ta malista tis en merei pros allēlous hyper elachistou diaphōnia genētai; epei mēde pantes en pasi tauto boulometha, mēde mia tis en hēmin physis ē gnōmē politeuetai. Peri men oun tēs theias pronoias mia tis en hymin estō pistis, mia synesis, mia synthēkē tou kreittonos. "A de hyper tōn elachistōn toutōn zētēseōn allēlois achrithologeisthe, hoi pros mian gnōmēn sympherēte, menein eisō logismōn prēsēchei, tǭ tēs dianoias aporrhētǭ tēroumena. To mentoi tēs koinēs philias aporrhēton te kai exaireton, kai hē tēs alētheias pistis, te peri ton Theon tēn tou nomou thrēskeian timē, menetō par᾽ hymin asaleutos" epanelthete hoe pros tēn allēlōn philian te kai charin. ᾿Apodote tǭ sympanti laǭ tas oikeias periplochas " hymeis te autoi kathaper tas heautōn psychas ekchchatharantes, authis allēlous epignōte.. Hēdiōn gar pollakis ginetai. philia meta tēn tēs. echthras hypothesin authis eis. chatallagēn epanelthete. ᾿Apodote oun moi galēnas men hēmeras, nyktas. de amerimnous, hina chamoi tis hēdonē chatharou phōtos, biou loipon ēsychos euphrosynē sōzētai" ei de, mē, stenein anankē, kai dachryois di᾽ holou synechesthai, kai mēde ton tou zę̄n aiōna praeōs hyphistasthai. Tōn. gartoi tou Theou laōn, tōn syntherapontōn legō tōn emōn, houtōs adichǭ kai bladerą pros allēlous. philoneikią chechōrismenōn, eme pōs enchōrei tǭ. logismǭ synestanai loipon ? Hina de tēs epi toutǭ. lypēs tēn hyperbolēn aisthēsthe, achousate. Prōēn epistas tę̄ Nikomēdeōn polei, parachrēma eis tēn. heǭan ēpeigomēn tę̄ gnōmę̄. Speudonti de moi pros . hymas ēdē, kai tǭ pleioni merei syn hymin onti, hē toude. tou pragmatos angelia, pros to empalin ton logismon. anechaitisen᾽ hina mē tois ophthalmois horąn anancha-. stheiēn, ha mēde tais akoais prosesthai dynaton hēgoumēn. ᾿Anoixate dē moi loipon en tę̄ kath᾽ hymas homonoią tēs heǭas tēn hodon, hēn tais pros allēlous philoneikiais apechleisate. Kai synchōrēsate thatton. hymas te homou, kai tous allous hapantas dēmous epidein chairontas, kai tēn hyper tēs koinēs hapantōn homonoias te eleutherias opheilomentn charin, ep᾿ euphēmois logōn synthēmasin, homologēsai tǭ kreittoni,
When the emperor learned these things, he was deeply grieved in soul and considered the matter a misfortune of his own. Eager to put out at once the evil that had been kindled, he sent a letter to Alexander and Arius by a trustworthy man named Hosius, who was bishop of one of the cities of Spain called Corduba; the emperor loved him greatly and held him in honour. It is not out of place to set down part of this letter here; the whole letter is in Eusebius’s books on the life of Constantine.
“Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Alexander and Arius. I learn that the present question had its origin in this. When you, Alexander, asked the presbyters what each of them thought about a certain passage of what is written in the law, or rather about some part of a futile question, and you, Arius, rashly put forward what it was not fitting even to think of in the first place, or, having thought of it, to commit to silence, disagreement arose among you; fellowship was refused, and the most holy people, split between you both, was separated from the harmony of the common body. Let each of you, then, show equal good will and accept what your fellow servant justly advises. And what is that? It was not fitting either to ask about such things in the first place, or to answer when asked. For such questions, which no necessity of any law requires but the wrangling of unprofitable idleness puts forward, even if they arise for the sake of some exercise of nature, we ought nevertheless to shut up within our minds, and not carelessly bring them out into public assemblies nor thoughtlessly entrust them to everyone’s ears. For how great is each of us, that he can either discern exactly the force of matters so great and so very difficult, or explain them worthily? And even if one were thought able to do this easily, how great a part of the people will he persuade? Or who can withstand the subtleties of such questions without a dangerous slip? We must therefore check much talk in such matters, so that neither the weakness of our nature, when we cannot explain what has been proposed, nor the slower understanding of those taught, when they cannot reach an exact grasp of what was said, should drive the people by either of these into the necessity of blasphemy or schism. Therefore let both the unguarded question and the thoughtless answer grant each other equal pardon. For no occasion of quarrel has been kindled among you about the chief of the commandments in the law, nor has any new heresy about the worship of God been brought in against you; you have one and the same mind, as it were the watchword of fellowship. Since you quarrel with one another about small and very trifling things, it is believed to be neither fitting nor at all lawful that so great a people of God should be guided by your minds, because of your disagreement. That I may remind your understanding by a small example, I will speak. You know that even the philosophers all agree in one doctrine, and often, when they disagree in some part of their statements, although they are divided by the excellence of their learning, they nevertheless breathe together again in the unity of the body. If this is so, is it not far more just that you, who have been appointed servants of the great God, should be of one mind with one another in such a choice of religion? Let us consider with greater reasoning and reflect with more understanding on what has been said: is it right that, because of a few empty quarrels over words among you, brothers should be set against brothers, and the honour of the assembly be torn apart by impious disagreement through us, who quarrel with one another about things so small and in no way necessary? These things are vulgar, and better suited to childish folly than fitting for the understanding of priests and prudent men. Let us willingly withdraw from the temptations of the devil. Our great God, the Saviour of all, has spread out his light to all in common. Under his providence, permit me, the servant of the Almighty, to bring this endeavour to its end, so that I may lead you, his peoples, back to the fellowship of the assembly by my address, my service, and the earnestness of my admonition. For since, as I said, there is one faith among you and one understanding of your doctrine, and the precept of the law through its parts encloses the whole in one purpose of soul, let this matter which has raised a quarrel among you, since it does not concern the force of the whole law, in no way cause any division or strife among you. I say this not to compel you to agree entirely on that very silly question, whatever it may be. For the honour of the assembly can be kept unimpaired among you, and the same fellowship can be kept with all, even if some disagreement arises between you in part about a very small matter; for we do not all want the same thing in everything, nor does one nature or opinion govern us all. Concerning the divine providence, then, let there be among you one faith, one understanding, one covenant of the Supreme. But what you argue about with one another so minutely in these very small questions, even if you do not come to one opinion, ought to remain within your reasonings, kept in the secret of the mind. But let the precious and choice bond of common friendship, the faith of the truth, and the honour paid to God and to the worship of the law remain unshaken among you. Return to friendship and kindness with one another. Give back to the whole people their own embraces; and you yourselves, as if you had cleansed your souls, recognize one another again. For friendship often becomes sweeter when, after a cause of enmity, it returns again to reconciliation. Give me back, then, calm days and nights without anxiety, so that some pleasure of pure light and the gladness of a quiet life may be kept for me henceforth. Otherwise I must groan and be wholly given over to tears, and not even bear the rest of my life calmly. For while the peoples of God, I mean my fellow servants, are separated from one another by so unjust and harmful a quarrel, how can I keep my composure any longer? That you may feel how great my grief over this is, listen. Lately, when I came to the city of Nicomedia, I was at once eager in mind to go to the East. But as I was already hastening towards you, and was with you in the greater part of myself, the news of this matter turned my thoughts back, so that I might not be compelled to see with my eyes what I thought I could not bear even to hear. Open to me, then, by your concord the road to the East, which you have closed by your quarrels with one another, and allow me soon to see both you and all the other peoples rejoicing, and to confess to the Supreme, in words of praise and thanksgiving, the gratitude owed for the common concord and freedom of all.”
1.8PG 67:59–77
Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν θαυμαστὰ σοφίας μεστὰ. παρΐήνει ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολή. Τὸ δὲ κακὸν ἐπικρατέστερον ἦν τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδῆς, ἀξιοπιστίας τοῦ διαχονησαμένονυ τοῖς γράμμασιν" οὔτε γὰρ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, οὔτε "Ἄρειος ὑπὸ τῶν γραφέντων ἐμαλάτσοντο, ἀλλά τις ἦν ἄχριτος παρὰ τοῖς λαοῖς ἔρις ταραχή" προῦπῆρχε δὲ ἄλλη. τις προτέρα νόσος τοπιχὴ, τὰς ἐκκλησίας ταράττουσα, διαφωνία τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῆς" ἥτις περὶ. τὰ τῆς ἑῴας μέρη μόνον ἐγένετο" τῶν μὲν Ἰουδαΐ- | χώτερον ἑορτὴν ποιεῖν ἑσπουδαχότων, τῶν δὲ μουμένων σύμπαντας τοὺς κατὰ τὴν οἰκουμένην Χρι» στιανούς. Διαφωνοῦντες δὲ οὕτω περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς, τῆς κοινωνίας μὲν οὐδαμῶς ἐχωρίζοντο, στυγνοτέραν δὲ τὴν ἑορτὴν τῇ διαφωνίᾳ εἰργάζοντο. Δι᾿ ἀμφότερα τοίνυν ὁρῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ταραττομένην τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, σύνοδον οἰκουμενικὴν συνεκρότει, τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισκόπους διὰ γραμμάτων εἰς Νίκαιαν τῆς Βιθυνίας ἀπαντῆσαι παρακαλῶν. Παρῆσάν τε ἐκ πολλῶν ἐπαρχιῶν καὶ πόλεων οἱ ἐπίσκοποι· περὶ ὧν ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ βιβλίῳ τῶν εἰς τὸν Κωνσταντίνου βίον, τάδε κατὰ λέξιν φησίν· Τῶν γοῦν ἐκκλησιῶν ἁπασῶν, αἱ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἅπασαν, Λιβύην τε καὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν ἐπλήρουν, ὁμοῦ συνῆκτο τῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ λειτουργῶν τὰ ἀκροθίνια. Εἷς τε οἶκος εὐκτήριος, ὥσπερ ἐκ Θεοῦ πλατυνόμενος, ἔνδον ἐχώρει κατὰ τὸ αὐτὸ Σύρους τε καὶ Κίλικας, Φοίνικάς τε καὶ ᾿Αραβίους, καὶ Παλαιστινοὺς, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτοις Αἰγυπτίους, Θηβαίους, Λίβυας, τους τε ἐκ μέσης τῶν ποταμῶν ὁρμωμένους· ἤδη δὲ καὶ Πέρσης ἐπίσκοπος τῇ συνόδῳ παρῆν· οὔτε Σκύθης ἀπελιμπάνετο τῆς χορείας. Πόντος τε καὶ Ἀσία, Φρυγία τε καὶ Παμφυλία, τοὺς παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς παρεῖχον ἐκκρίτους. Ἀλλὰ καὶ Θρᾷκες καὶ Μακεδόνες, ᾿Αχαιοί τε καὶ Ἠπειρῶται, τούτων τε οἱ ἔτι προσωτάτω οἰκοῦντες ἀπήντων. Αὐτός τε Ἱσπανῶν ὁ πάνυ βοώμενος, εἷς ἦν τοῖς πολλοῖς ἅμα συνεδρεύων. Τῆς δέ γε βασιλευούσης πόλεως, ὁ μὲν προεστὼς, διὰ γῆρας ὑστέρει· πρεσβύτεροι δὲ αὐτοῦ παρόντες, τὴν αὐτοῦ τάξιν ἐπλήρουν. Τοιοῦτον μόνον ἐξ αἰῶνος, εἷς βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος, Χριστῷ στέφανον δεσμῷ συνάψας εἰρήνης, τῷ αὐτοῦ Σωτῆρι τῆς κατ᾿ ἐχθρῶν καὶ πολεμίων νίκης θεοπρεπὲς ἀνετίθη χαριστήριον, εἰκόνα χορείας ἀποστολικῆς ταύτην καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς συστησάμενος. Ἐπεὶ κατ᾿ ἐκείνους συνῆχθαι λόγος, ἀπὸ παντὸς ἔθνους τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἄνδρας εὐλαβεῖς, ἐν οἷς ἐτύγχανον Πάρθοι καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Ἐλαμῖται, καὶ οἱ κατοικοῦντες Μεσοποταμίαν, Ἰουδαίαν τε καὶ Καππαδοκίαν, Πόντον τε καὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν, Φρυγίαν τε καὶ Παμφυλίαν, Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὰ μέρη τῆς Λιβύης, τῆς κατὰ Κυρήνην· οἵ τε ἐπιδημοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, Ἰουδαῖοί τε καὶ προσήλυτοι, Κρήτες καὶ ᾿Αραβες. Πλὴν ὅσον ἐκείνοις μὲν ὑστέρει, τὸ μὴ ἐκ Θεοῦ λειτουργῶν συνεστάναι τοὺς πάντας· ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς παρούσης χορείας, ἐπισκόπων μὲν πληθὺς τριακοσίων ἀριθμὸν ὑπερακοντίζουσα ἦν· ἑπομένων δὲ τούτοις πρεσβυτέρων καὶ διακόνων, ἀκολούθων τε πλείστων ὅσων ἑτέρων, οὐδὲ ἦν ἀριθμός. Τῶν δὲ τοῦ Θεοῦ λειτουργῶν οἱ μὲν διέπρεπον σοφίας λόγῳ· οἱ δὲ βίου στεῤῥότητι, καὶ καρτερίας ὑπομονῇ· οἱ δὲ η τῷ μέσῳ τρόπῳ κατεκοσμοῦντο. Ἧσαν δὲ τούτων οἱ μὲν χρόνου μήκει τετιμημένοι· οἱ δὲ νεότητι καὶ ψυχῆς ἀκμῇ διαλάμποντες· οἱ δὲ ἄρτι παρελθόντες ἐπὶ τὸν τῆς λειτουργίας δρόμον. Οἷς δὴ πᾶσι βασιλεύ, ἐφ᾿ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τὰ σιτηρέσια δαψιλῶς χορηγεῖ σθαι διετάξατο. Καὶ τοιαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ συν· ελθόντων Εὐσέβιος. Ἐπιτελέσας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπινίκιον κατὰ Λικιννίου ἑορτὴν, ἀπήντα καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν Νίκαιαν. Διέπρεπον δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἐπισκόποις Παφνούτιός τε ὁ ἐκ τῆς ἄνω Θηβαΐδος, καὶ Σπυρίδων· ὁ ἐκ Κύπρου. Ὅτου χάριν δὲ τούτων ἐμνημονεύσαμεν, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐρῷ. Συμπαρῆσαν δὲ λαϊκοὶ πολλοί διαλεκτικῆς ἔμπειροι, ἐν ἑκατέρῳ μέρει συνηγορεῖν προθυμούμενοι. ᾿Αλλὰ τὴν μὲν ᾿Αρείου δόξαν συνεκρότουν Εὐσέβιός τε Νικομηδεὺς, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται, καὶ Θέογνις, καὶ Μάρις· ὧν ὁ μὲν Νικαίας ἐπίσκοπος ἦν, Μάρις δὲ τῆς ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ Χαλκηδόνος· τούτοις δὲ γενναίως ἀντηγωνίζετο ᾿Αθανάσιος, διάκονος μὲν τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίας. Σφόδρα δὲ αὐτὸν διὰ τιμῆς ἦγεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος· διὸ καὶ φθόνος ὡπλίσατο κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ, ὡς ὕστερον λέξομεν. Μικρὸν οὖν πρὸ τῆς εἰς ἕνα τόπον συνελεύσεως τῶν ἐπισκόπων, οἱ διαλεκτικοὶ πρὸς τοὺς πολλοὺς προαγῶνας ἐποιοῦντο τῶν λόγων. Ἑλκομένων δὲ πολλῶν πρὸς τὸ τοῦ λόγου τερπνὸν, εἷς τις τῶν ὁμολογητῶν λαϊκὸς, ἀκέραιον ἔχων τὸ φρόνημα, ἀντιπίπτει τοῖς διαλεκτικοῖς, καὶ φησι πρὸς αὐτοὺς· ὡς ἄρα ὁ Χριστὸς, καὶ οἱ ἀπόστολοι οὐ διαλεκτικὴν ἡμῖν παρέδοσαν τέχνην, οὐδὲ κενὴν ἀπάτην, ἀλλὰ γυμνὴν γνώμνην, πίστει καὶ καλοῖς ἔργοις φυλαττομένην. Ταῦτα εἰπόντος, οἱ μὲν παρόντες πάντες. ἐθαύμασαν καὶ ἀπεδέξαντο· οἱ δὲ διαλεκτικοὶ εὐγνωμονέστερον ποιοῦντες ἡσύχασαν, τὸν ἁπλοῦν λόγον τῆς ἀληθείας ἀκούσαντες. Τότε μὲν οὖν οὕτως ὁ ἐκ τῆς διαλεκτικῆς γινόμενος θόρυβος κατεστάλη. Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς πάντες ἅμα οἱ ἐπίσκοποι εἰς ἕνα τόπον συνήρχοντο. Παρῄει δὲ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς μετ᾿ αὐτούς. Καὶ ἐπεὶ παρῆλθεν, εἰς μέσους ἔστη· καὶ οὐ πρότερον καθίζειν ἡρεῖτο, πρὶν ἂν οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἐπινεύσειαν. Τοσαύτη τις εὐλάβεια καὶ αἰδὼς τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸν βασιλέα κατεῖχεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ἡ πρέπουσα τῷ καιρῷ ἡσυχία ἐγένετο, ἤρξατο ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτόθεν ἐκ τῆς καθέδρας παραινετικοῖς πρὸς αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι λόγοις, πρὸς συμφωνίαν καὶ ὁμόνοιαν προτρέπων αὐτούς· καὶ τὴν μὲν ἑκάστου ἰδιάζουσαν λύπην πρὸς τὸν πλησίον παραχωρεῖν συνεβούλευε· καὶ γὰρ ἀντεγκαλοῦντες ἦσαν ἀλλήλοις οἱ πλείονες· πολλοί τε ἐξ αὐτῶν βιβλία δεήσεων τῷ βασιλεῖ τῇ προτεραίᾳ ἦσαν ὀρέξαντες. Ἐπὶ δὲ τὸ προκείμενον, διὸ καὶ συνεληλύθεισαν, χωρεῖν παρακαλέσας, τὰ βιβλία καυθῆναι ἐκέλευσεν, ἐπειπὼν μόνον· Κελεύει Χριστὸς ἀφιέναι τῷ ἀδελφῷ τὸν ἀφέσεως τυχεῖν ἐπειγόμενον. Τότε οὖν τοὺς περὶ αὖθις περὶ τῶν δογμάτων ἐπιμελέστερον ἐπισκέψασθαι τῇ αὐτῶν γνώμῃ ἐπέτρεψεν. Οἷα δὲ καὶ περὶ τούτων ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τρίτῳ βιβλίῳ τῶν εἰς τὸν βίον Κωνσταντίνου ὁ αὐτός φησιν Εὐσέβιος, ἐπακοῦσαι καλόν· ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα· Πλείστων δὴ τῶν ὑφ᾽ ἑκατέρῳ τάγματι προτεινομένων, πολλῆς τε ἀμφιλογίας ταπρῶτα συνισταμένης, ἀνεξικάκως ἐπηκροᾶτο ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν πάντων, σχολῇ τε εὐτόνῳ τὰς προτάσεις ὑπεδέχετο. Ἐν μέρει τε ἀντιλαμβανόμενος τῶν παρ' ἑκατέρου τάγματος λεγομένων, ἠρέμα συνῆγε τοὺς φιλονείκως ἐνισταμένους, πραέως τε ποιούμενος τὰς πρὸς ἕκαστον ὁμιλίας· Ἑλληνίζων τε τῇ φωνῇ, ὅτι μηδὲ ταύτης ἀμαθῶς εἶχε, γλυκύτερός τις ἦν καὶ ἡδὺς, τοὺς μὲν συμπείθων, τοὺς δὲ καὶ δυσωπῶν τῷ λόγῳ· τοὺς δὲ εὖ λέγοντας ἐπαινῶν. Πάντας δὲ εἰς ὀμόνοιαν ἐλαύνων, ὁμογνώμονάς τε καὶ ὁμοδόξους αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀμφισβητουμένοις ἅπασιν ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτὸ κατεστήσατο, ὡς ὁμοφώνως μὲν κρατῆσαι τὴν πίστιν, τῆς δὲ σωτηρίου ἑορτῆς τὸν αὐτὸν παρὰ τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁμολογηθῆναι καιρόν. Ἐκυροῦτό τε ἤδη καὶ ἐγγράφως δι᾽ ὑποσημειώσεως ἑκάστου τὰ κοινῇ · δεδογμένα. Τοιαῦτα καὶ περὶ τούτων ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ φωναῖς ὁ Εὐσέβιος ἐγγράφως κατέλιπεν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ οὐκ ἀκαίρως αὐτοῖς ἐχρησάμεθα· ἀλλὰ μάρτυσι χρώμενοι τοῖς ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ λεχθεῖσι, τῇδε αὐτὰ κατετάξαμεν τῇ γραφῇ· ἵν᾿ ὅταν τινὲς τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδου ὡς περὶ τὴν πίστιν σφαλείσης Ρκαναγινώσκωσι, μὴ αὐτῶν ἀνεχώμεθα, μηδὲ πιστεύσωμεν Σαβίνῳ τῷ Μακεδονιανῷ, ἰδιώτας αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀφελεῖς καλοῦντι τοὺς ἐκεῖσε συνελθόντας. Σαβῖνος γὰρ, ὁ τῶν ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῆς Θράκης Μακεδονιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος, συναγωγὴν ὧν διάφοροι ἐπισκόπων σύνοδοι ἐγγράφως ἐξέδωκαν ποιησάμενος, τοὺς μὲν ἐν Νικαίᾳ, ὡς ἀφελεῖς καὶ Ιδιώτας διέσυρε, μὴ αἰσθανόμενος, ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸν Εὐσέβιον, τὸν μετὰ πολλῆς δοκιμασίας τὴν πίστιν ὁμολογήσαντα, ὡς ἰδιώτην διαβάλλει. Καὶ τινὰ μὲν ἑκὼν παρέλιπεν, τινὰ δὲ παρέτρεψεν. Πάντα δὲ πρὸς τὸν οἰκεῖον σκοπὸν μᾶλλον ἐξείληφεν. Καὶ ἐπαινεῖ μὲν τὸν Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιον, ὡς ἀξιόπιστον μάρτυρα· ἐπαινεῖ δὲ καὶ τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τὰ Χριστιανῶν δογματίζειν δυνάμενον· μέμφεται δὲ τῇ ἐκτεθείσῃ ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστει, ὡς ὑπὸ ἰδιωτῶν καὶ οὐδὲν ἐπισταμένων ἐκδεδομένῃ· καὶ ὃν ὡς σοφὸν καὶ ἀψευδῆ καλεῖ μάρτυρα, τούτου τὰς φωνὰς ἑκουσίως ὑπερορᾷ. Φησὶ γὰρ ὁ Εὐσέβιος, ὅτι τῶν παρόντων ἐν τῇ Νικαίᾳ τοῦ Θεοῦ λειτουργῶν οἱ μὲν διέπρεπον σοφίας λόγῳ, οἱ δὲ βίου στεῤῥότητι· καὶ ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς παρών, πάντας εἰς ὁμόνοιαν ἄγων, ὁμογνώμονας καὶ ὁμοδόξους κατέστησεν. Ἀλλὰ Σαβίνου μὲν, εἰ που χρεία καλέσοι, ποιησόμεθα μνήμην. Ἡ δὲ ἐν Νικαίᾳ παρὰ τῆς μεγάλης συνόδου μεγαλοφώνως ἐξενεχθεῖσα συμφωνία τῆς πίστεως ἔστιν αὕτη· Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, πάντων ὁρατῶν τε καὶ ἀοράτων Ποιητήν· καὶ εἰς ἕνα Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς μονογενῆ, τουτέστιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ καὶ φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς, Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ· γεννηθέντα, οὐ ποιηθέντα, ὁμοούσιον τῷ Πατρί· δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τά τε ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ γῇ· δι᾽ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν κατελθόντα καὶ σαρκωθέντα καὶ ἐνανθρωπήσαντα · παθόντα καὶ ἀναστάντα τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, ἀνελθόντα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, ἐρχόμενον κρίναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς· καὶ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα 4. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας, ὅτι ἦν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, καὶ Πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν, καὶ ὅτι Ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο, ἢ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας φάσκοντας εἶναι, ἢ κτιστὸν, ἢ τρεπτὸν, ἢ ἀλλοιωτὸν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀναθεματίζει ἡ ἁγία καθολικὴ καὶ ἀποστολικὴ Ἐκκλησία. Ταύτην τὴν πίστιν τριακόσιοι μὲν πρὸς τοῖς δεκαοκτὼ ἔγνωσάν τε καὶ ἔστερξαν, καὶ, ὡς φησιν ὁ Εὐσέβιος, ὁμοφωνήσαντες καὶ ὁμοδοξήσαντες ἔγραφον. Πέντε δὲ μόνοι οὐ προσεδέξαντο, τῆς λέξεως τοῦ ὁμοουσίου ἐπιλαβόμενοι· Εὐσέβιός τε ὁ Νικομηδείας ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ Θέογνις Νικαίας, Μάρις Χαλκηδόνος, Θεωνᾶς Μαρμαρικῆς, Σεκοῦνδος Πτολεμαΐδος. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔφασαν ὁμοούσιον εἶναι, ὅ ἔκ τινός ἐστιν, ἢ κατὰ μερισμὸν, ἢ κατὰ ῥεῦσιν, ἢ κατὰ προβολήν· κατὰ προβολὴν μὲν, ὡς ἐκ ῥιζῶν βλάστημα· κατὰ δὲ ῥεῦσιν, ὡς οἱ πατρικοὶ παῖδες· κατὰ μερι σμὸν δὲ, ὡς βώλου χρυσίδες δύο ἢ τρεῖς· κατ᾿ οὐδὲν δὲ τούτων ἐστὶν ὁ Υἱός· διὰ τοῦτο οὐ συγκατατίθεσθαι τῇ πίστει ἔλεγον. Πολλὰ οὖν τὴν λέξιν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου σκώψαντες, τῇ καθαιρέσει ᾿Αρείου ὑπογράψαι οὐκ ἠβουλήθησαν. Διόπερ ἡ σύνοδος ῎Ἄρειον μὲν καὶ τοὺς - ὁμοδόξους αὐτοῦ ἀνεθεμάτισεν ἅπαντας, προσθέντες μήτε ἐπιβαίνειν τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας αὐτόν· βασιλέως δὲ πρόσταγμα καὶ αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Θέογνιν, εἰς ἐξορίαν ἀπέστειλεν. Εὐσέβιος μὲν οὖν καὶ Θέογνις μικρὸν ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν ἐξορίαν βιβλίον μετανοίας ἐπιδόντες, τῇ πίστει τοῦ ὁμοουσίου συνέθεντο, ὡς προϊόντες δηλώσομεν. Τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ Εὐσέβιος, ὁ τὴν Παμφίλου προσωνυμίαν ἔχων, καὶ τῆς ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ Καισαρείας τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν κεκληρωμένος, μικρὸν ἐπιστήσας, καὶ διασκεψάμενος εἰ δεῖ προσδέξασθαι τὸν ὅρον τῆς πίστεως, οὕτως ἅμα τοῖς πολλοῖς πᾶσι συνῄνεσέν τε καὶ συνυπέγραψεν· · καὶ τῷ ὑπ᾿ αὐτὸν λαῷ ἔγγραφον τὸν ὅρον τῆς πίστεως διεπέμψατο, τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου λέξιν ἑρμηνεύσας, ἵνα μηδὲ ὅλως τις ὑπόνοιαν ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐπέστησεν ἔχῃ περὶ ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Ἔστι δὲ αὐτοῦ τὰ γραφέντα κατὰ λέξιν τάδε· Τὰ περὶ τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς πίστεως πραγματευθέντα κατὰ τὴν μεγάλην σύνοδον τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ συγκροτηθεῖσαν, εἰκὸς μὲν καὶ ὑμᾶς, ἀγαπητοί, μεμαθηκέναι, τῆς φήμης προτρέχειν εἰωθυίας τὸν περὶ τῶν πραττομένων ἀκριβῆ λόγον. Ἀλλ᾿ ἵνα μὴ ἐκ μόνης τοιαύτης ἀκοῆς τὰ τῆς ἀληθείας ἑτεροίως ὑμῖν ἀπαγγέλληται, ἀναγκαίως διεπεμψάμεθα ὑμῖν πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν προτεθεῖσαν περὶ τῆς πίστεως γραφὴν, ἔπειτα τὴν δευτέραν, ἣν ταῖς ἡμετέραις φωναῖς προσθήκας ἐπιβαλόντες ἐκδεδώκασι. Τὸ μὲν οὖν παρ' ἡμῶν γράμμα, ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου ἡμῶν βασιλέως ἀναγνωσθὲν, εὖ τε ἔχειν καὶ δοκίμως ἀποφανθὲν, τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον· Καθώς παρελάβομεν παρὰ τῶν πρὸ ἡμῶν ἐπισκόπων, καὶ ἐν τῇ κατηχήσει, καὶ ὅτε τὸ λουτρὸν ἐλαμβάνομεν, καὶ καθὼς ἀπὸ τῶν θείων Γραφῶν μεμαθήκαμεν, καὶ ὡς ἐν τῷ πρεσβυτερείῳ, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ ἐπιστεύσαμέν τε καὶ ἐδιδάσκομεν, οὕτω καὶ νῦν πιστεύοντες, τὴν ἡμετέραν πίστιν ὑμῖν προσαναφέρομεν. Ἔστι δὲ αὕτη · Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, τὸν τῶν ἁπάντων ὁρατῶν τε καὶ ἀοράτων Ποιητήν· καὶ εἰς ἕνα Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγον, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς, ζωὴν ἐκ ζωῆς Γ, Υἱὸν μονογενῆ, πρωτότο- : κον πάσης κτίσεως, πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ Πατρὸς γεγεννημένον · δι' οὗ καὶ ἐγένετο τὰ πάντα, τὸν διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν σαρκωθέντα, καὶ ἐν ἀνθρώποις πολιτευσάμενον· καὶ παθόντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ· καὶ ἀνελθόντα πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα, καὶ ἥξοντα πάλιν ἐν δόξῃ κρίναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς. Πιστεύομεν καὶ εἰς ἓν Πνεῦμα ἅγιον. Τούτων ἔχαστον εἶναι ὑπάρχειν πιστεύοντες, Πατέρα Οἱ ἀληθῶς Πατέρα, ΥἹὸν ἀληθῶς Υἱὸν, Πνεῦμα ἅγιον ἀληθῶς ἅγιον Πνεῦμα" χαθῶὼς Κύριος ἡμῶν ἀποστέλλων εἰς τὸ χήρυγμα τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ μαθητὰς, εἶπε" μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθγη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ τοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος. Περὶ ὧν διαθεθαιούμεθα οὕτως ἔχειν, καὶ οὕτω φρονεῖν, πάλαι οὕτως ἐσχηκέναι, μέχρι θανάτου οὕτω σχήσειν, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐνίστασθαι τῇ πίστει, ἀναθεματίζοντες πᾶσαν αἴρεσιν ἄθεον; Ταῦτα ἀπὸ χαρδίας καὶ ψυχῆς πάντα πεφρονηχέναι, ἐξ οὗπερ ἴσμεν ἑαυτοὺς; νῦν φρονεῖν τε λέγειν ἐξ ἀληθείας, ἐπὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ παντοκράτορος, τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ μαρτυρούμεθα, δειχνύνάι ἔχοντες δι᾽ ἀποδείξεων, καὶ πείθειν ὑμᾶς, ὅτι τοὺς παρελθόντας χρόνους οὕτως ἐπιστεύομέν τε ἐχηρύσσομεν ὁμοίως. Ταύτης ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκτεθείσης τῆς πίστεὼς, οὐδενὶ παρῆν ἀντιλογίας τόπος. ᾽ΔΑλλ᾽ αὐτός τε πρῶτος ὁ θεοφιλέστατος ἡμῶν βασιλεὺς, ὀρθότατα περιέχειν αὐτὴν ἐμαρτύρησεν " οὕτω τε ἑαυτὸν φρονεῖν ἐμαρτύρατο, καὶ ταύτῃ τοὺς πάντας συγχαταθέσθαι, ὑπογράφειν τοῖς δόγμασι, φωνεῖν τούξοις αὐτοῖς παρέἐχελεύετο, ἑνὸς μόνου προσεγγραφέντος ῥήματος τοῦ ὁμοουσίου. Ὃ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡρμήνευσε λέγων, ὅτι μὴ κατὰ τὰ τῶν σωμάτων πάθη λέγοι τὸ ὁμοούσιον, οὔτε οὖν κατὰ διαίρεσιν, οὔτε χἄᾶτά τίνα ἀποτομὴν τοῦ Πατρὸς ὑποστῆναι" μῆτε γὰρ δύνασθαι τὴν ἄῦλον καὶ νοερὰν, καὶ ἀσώματον φύσιν, σωματιχόν τὶ πάθος ὑφίσταὅθαι" θείοις δὲ καὶ ἀποῤῥήτοις ῥήμασι προσήκει τοιαῦτα νοεῖν. Καὶ ὁ μὲν σοφώτατος εὐσεδὴς ἡμῶν βασιλεὺς τοιάδε ἐφιλοσόφει. Οἱ δὲ, προφάσει τοῦ ὁμοουσίου, τήνδε τῆν γραφὴν πεποιήκασι" Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, πάντων ὁραξῶν τὲ καὶ ἀοράτων Ποιητήν" καὶ εἰς ἕνα Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς μονογενῆ, τουτέστιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρός· Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς, Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ· γεννηθέντα, οὐ ποιηθέντα· ὁμοούσιον τῷ Πατρὶ, δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τά τε ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ τὰ ἐν τῇ γῇ· τὸν δι᾽ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν κατελθόντα καὶ σαρκωθέντα, ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, παθόντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ· ἀνελθόντα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς· ἐρχόμενον κρίναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς· καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας, ὧν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, ἢ Οὐκ ἦν πρὶν γεννηθῆναι ', ἢ ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο, ἢ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας φάσκοντας εἶναι, ἢ κτιστὸν, ἢ τρεπτὸν, ἢ ἀλλοιωτὸν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, τούτους ἀναθεματίζει ἡ καθολική, καὶ ἀποστολικὴ τοῦ Θεοῦ Ἐκκλησία. Καὶ δὴ ταύτης τῆς γραφῆς ὑπ' αὐτῶν ὑπαγορευ θείσης, ὅπως εἴρηται αὐτοῖς τὸ ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ τὸ τῷ Πατρὶ ὁμοούσιον, οὐκ ἀνεξέταστον αὐτοῖς καταλιμπάνομεν. Ἐπερωτήσεις τοιγαροῦν καὶ ἀποκρίσεις ἐντεῦθεν ἀνεκινοῦντο, ἐβασάνιζέν τε ὁ λόγος τὴν διάνοιαν τῶν εἰρημένων· καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας ὡμολόγητο πρὸς αὐτῶν, δηλωτικὸν εἶναι τοῦ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ Πατρὸς εἶναι, οὐ μὴν ὡς μέρος ὑπάρχειν τοῦ Πατρός. Ταῦτα δὲ καὶ ἡμῖν ἐδόκει και λῶς ἔχειν συγκατατίθεσθαι τῇ διανοίᾳ τῆς εὐσεβοῦς διδασκαλίας, ὑπαγορευούσης ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς εἶναι τὸν Υἱὸν, οὐ μὴν μέρος τῆς οὐσίας αὐτοῦ τυγχάνειν. Διόπερ τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ αὐτοὶ συντιθέμεθα, οὐδὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου παραιτούμενοι, τοῦ τῆς εἰρήνης σκοποῦ πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἡμῖν κειμένου, καὶ τοῦ μὴ τῆς ὀρθῆς ἐκπεσεῖν διανοίας. Κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ δὲ, καὶ τὸ γεννηθέντα, οὐ ποιηθέντα, κατεδεξάμεθα, ἐπειδὴ τὸ ποιηθὲν, κοινὸν ἔφασκον εἶναι πρόσρημα τῶν λοιπῶν κτισμάτων, τῶν διὰ τοῦ Υἱοῦ γενομένων· ὧν οὐδὲν ὅμοιον ἔχειν τὸν Υἱόν· διὸ δὴ μὴ εἶναι αὐτὸν ποίημα, τοῖς δι' αὐτοῦ γενομένοις ὅμοιον · κρειττονος δὲ ἢ κατὰ πᾶν ποίημα τυγχάνειν οὐσίας, ἣν ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς γεγενῆσθαι διδάσκει τὰ θεῖα Λόγια, τοῦ τρόπου τῆς γεννήσεως ἀνεκφράστου καὶ ἀνεπιλογίστου ͵ ἐξῆς ἐπιλεγομένοις κεχρημένης, οὐκ εὔλογον ἐφάνη πάσῃ γεννητῇ φύσει τυγχάνοντος. Οὕτω δὲ καὶ τὸ ὁμοούσιον εἶναι τοῦ Πατρὸς τὸν Υἱὸν ἐξεταζόμενος ὁ λόγος συνίστησιν, οὐ κατὰ τὸν τῶν σωμάτων τρόπον, οὐδὲ τοῖς θνητοῖς ζώοις παραπλησίως· οὔτε γὰρ κατὰ διαίρεσιν τῆς οὐσίας· οὔτε κατὰ ἀποτομὴν, ἢ ἀλλοίωσιν τῆς τοῦ Πατρὸς οὐσίας τε καὶ δυνάμεως· τούτων γὰρ πάντων ἀλλοτρίαν εἶναι τὴν ἀγέννητον φύσιν τοῦ Πατρός. Παραστατικὸν δὲ εἶναι τῷ Πατρὶ, τὸ ὁμοούσιον, τὸ μηδεμίαν ἐμφέρειαν πρὸς τὰ γεννητὰ κτίσματα τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐμφαίνειν· μόνῳ δὲ τῷ Πατρὶ τῷ γεγεννηκότι κατὰ πάντα τρόπον ἀφωμοιῶσθαι, καὶ μὴ εἶναι ἐξ ἑτέρας τε ὑποστάσεως καὶ οὐσίας, ἀλλ᾿ ἐκ τοῦ Πατρός. ᾧ καὶ αὐτῷ τοῦτον ἑρμηνευθέντι τὸν τρόπον, καλῶς ἔχειν ἐφάνη συγκαταθέσθαι· ἐπεὶ καὶ τῶν παλαιῶν τινας λογίους καὶ ἐπιφανεῖς ἐπισκόπους καὶ συγγραφέας ἔγνωμεν ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ θεολογίας, τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου συγχρησαμένους ὀνόματι 4. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς ἐκτεθείσης εἰρήσθω πίστεως, ᾗ συνεφωνήσαμεν πάντες οὐκ ἀνεξετάστως, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰς ἀποδοθείσας διανοίας ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῦ τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως ἐξετασθείσας, καὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις λογισμοῖς συνομολογηθείσας. Καὶ τὸν ἀναθεματισμὸν δὲ τὸν μετὰ τὴν πίστιν πρὸς αὐτῶν ἐκτεθέντα, ἄλυπον εἶναι ἡγησάμεθα, διὰ τὸ ἀπείργειν ἀγράφοις χρήσασθαι φωναῖς· διὸ σχεδὸν ἡ πᾶσα γέγονε σύγχυσίς τε καὶ ἀκαταστασία τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν. Μηδεμιᾶς γοῦν θεοπνεύστου Γραφῆς τὸ Ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων, καὶ τὸ Ἦν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, καὶ τοῖς ταῦτα λέγειν καὶ διδάσκειν. ῳ καὶ αὐτῷ καλῶς δόξαντι συνεθέμεθα, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου χρόνῳ, τούτοις εἰώθαμεν χρῆσθαι τοῖς ῥήμασι. Ταῦτα ὑμῖν ἀναγκαίως διεπεμψάμεθα, ἀγαπητοὶ, τὸ κεκριμένον τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐξετάσεώς τε καὶ συγκαταθέσεως φανερὸν ὑμῖν καθιστῶντες · καὶ ὡς εὐλόγως τότε μέχρι ὑστάτης ὥρας ἐνιστάμεθα, ὅθ᾽ Πὰς ἡμῖν τὰ ἑτεροΐω; γραφέντα προσέχοπτεν'" τότε δὲ ἀφιλονείκως τὰ μὴ λυποῦντα κατεδεξάμεθα, ὅτε ἡμῖν εὐγνωμόνως ἐξετάζουσι τῶν λόγων τὴν διάνοιαν, ἐφάνη συντρέχειν τοῖς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ἐν τῇ προεχτεθείσῃ ὡμολογημένοις. Τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ τοῦ Εὑσέδιος εἰς τὴν Παλαιστίνης Καισάρειαν διεπέμψατο. Καὶ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δὲ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, τοῖς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Λιδύῃ καὶ Πενταπόλει, κοινῇ ψήφῳ τάδε ἡ σύνοδος ἔγραψεν"
Toiauta men oun thaumasta sophias mesta. parïēnei hē tou basileōs epistolē. To de kakon epikratesteron ēn tēs tou basileōs spoudēs, axiopistias tou diachonēsamenony tois grammasin" oute gar ᾿Alexandros, oute "Areios hypo tōn graphentōn emalatsonto, alla tis ēn achritos para tois laois eris tarachē" proupērche de allē. tis protera nosos topichē, tas ekklēsias tarattousa, diaphōnia tēs tou Pascha heortēs" hētis peri. ta tēs heǭas merē monon egeneto" tōn men Ioudaï- | chōteron heortēn poiein hespoudachotōn, tōn de moumenōn sympantas tous kata tēn oikoumenēn Chri» stianous. Diaphōnountes de houtō peri tēs heortēs, tēs koinōnias men oudamōs echōrizonto, stygnoteran de tēn heortēn tę̄ diaphōnią eirgazonto. Di᾿ amphotera toinyn horōn ho basileus tarattomenēn tēn Ekklēsian, synodon oikoumenikēn synekrotei, tous pantachothen episkopous dia grammatōn eis Nikaian tēs Bithynias apantēsai parakalōn. Parēsan te ek pollōn eparchiōn kai poleōn hoi episkopoi; peri hōn ho Pamphilou Eusebios en tǭ tritǭ bibliǭ tōn eis ton Kōnstantinou bion, tade kata lexin phēsin; Tōn goun ekklēsiōn hapasōn, hai tēn Eurōpēn hapasan, Libyēn te kai tēn ᾿Asian eplēroun, homou synēkto tōn tou Theou leitourgōn ta akrothinia. Heis te oikos euktērios, hōsper ek Theou platynomenos, endon echōrei kata to auto Syrous te kai Kilikas, Phoinikas te kai ᾿Arabious, kai Palaistinous, kai epi toutois Aigyptious, Thēbaious, Libyas, tous te ek mesēs tōn potamōn hormōmenous; ēdē de kai Persēs episkopos tę̄ synodǭ parēn; oute Skythēs apelimpaneto tēs choreias. Pontos te kai Asia, Phrygia te kai Pamphylia, tous par᾿ autois pareichon ekkritous. Alla kai Thrąkes kai Makedones, ᾿Achaioi te kai Ēpeirōtai, toutōn te hoi eti prosōtatō oikountes apēntōn. Autos te Hispanōn ho pany boōmenos, heis ēn tois pollois hama synedreuōn. Tēs de ge basileuousēs poleōs, ho men proestōs, dia gēras hysterei; presbyteroi de autou parontes, tēn autou taxin eplēroun. Toiouton monon ex aiōnos, heis basileus Kōnstantinos, Christǭ stephanon desmǭ synapsas eirēnēs, tǭ autou Sōtēri tēs kat᾿ echthrōn kai polemiōn nikēs theoprepes anetithē charistērion, eikona choreias apostolikēs tautēn kath᾽ hēmas systēsamenos. Epei kat᾿ ekeinous synēchthai logos, apo pantos ethnous tōn hypo ton ouranon andras eulabeis, en hois etynchanon Parthoi kai Mēdoi kai Elamitai, kai hoi katoikountes Mesopotamian, Ioudaian te kai Kappadokian, Ponton te kai tēn ᾿Asian, Phrygian te kai Pamphylian, Aigypton kai ta merē tēs Libyēs, tēs kata Kyrēnēn; hoi te epidēmountes Rhōmaioi, Ioudaioi te kai prosēlytoi, Krētes kai ᾿Arabes. Plēn hoson ekeinois men hysterei, to mē ek Theou leitourgōn synestanai tous pantas; epi de tēs parousēs choreias, episkopōn men plēthys triakosiōn arithmon hyperakontizousa ēn; hepomenōn de toutois presbyterōn kai diakonōn, akolouthōn te pleistōn hosōn heterōn, oude ēn arithmos. Tōn de tou Theou leitourgōn hoi men dieprepon sophias logǭ; hoi de biou sterrhotēti, kai karterias hypomonę̄; hoi de ē tǭ mesǭ tropǭ katekosmounto. Hēsan de toutōn hoi men chronou mēkei tetimēmenoi; hoi de neotēti kai psychēs akmę̄ dialampontes; hoi de arti parelthontes epi ton tēs leitourgias dromon. Hois dē pasi basileu, eph᾿ hekastēs hēmeras ta sitēresia dapsilōs chorēgei sthai dietaxato. Kai toiauta men peri tōn ekei syn; elthontōn Eusebios. Epitelesas de ho basileus epinikion kata Likinniou heortēn, apēnta kai autos eis tēn Nikaian. Dieprepon de en tois episkopois Paphnoutios te ho ek tēs anō Thēbaïdos, kai Spyridōn; ho ek Kyprou. Hotou charin de toutōn emnēmoneusamen, meta tauta erǭ. Symparēsan de laïkoi polloi dialektikēs empeiroi, en hekaterǭ merei synēgorein prothymoumenoi. ᾿Alla tēn men ᾿Areiou doxan synekrotoun Eusebios te Nikomēdeus, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai, kai Theognis, kai Maris; hōn ho men Nikaias episkopos ēn, Maris de tēs en Bithynią Chalkēdonos; toutois de gennaiōs antēgōnizeto ᾿Athanasios, diakonos men tēs ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsias. Sphodra de auton dia timēs ēgen ᾿Alexandros ho episkopos; dio kai phthonos hōplisato kat᾿ autou, hōs hysteron lexomen. Mikron oun pro tēs eis hena topon syneleuseōs tōn episkopōn, hoi dialektikoi pros tous pollous proagōnas epoiounto tōn logōn. Helkomenōn de pollōn pros to tou logou terpnon, heis tis tōn homologētōn laïkos, akeraion echōn to phronēma, antipiptei tois dialektikois, kai phēsi pros autous; hōs ara ho Christos, kai hoi apostoloi ou dialektikēn hēmin paredosan technēn, oude kenēn apatēn, alla gymnēn gnōmnēn, pistei kai kalois ergois phylattomenēn. Tauta eipontos, hoi men parontes pantes. ethaumasan kai apedexanto; hoi de dialektikoi eugnōmonesteron poiountes hēsychasan, ton haploun logon tēs alētheias akousantes. Tote men oun houtōs ho ek tēs dialektikēs ginomenos thorybos katestalē. Tę̄ de hexēs pantes hama hoi episkopoi eis hena topon synērchonto. Parę̄ei de kai ho basileus met᾿ autous. Kai epei parēlthen, eis mesous estē; kai ou proteron kathizein hēreito, prin an hoi episkopoi epineuseian. Tosautē tis eulabeia kai aidōs tōn andrōn ton basilea kateichen. Epei de kai hē prepousa tǭ kairǭ hēsychia egeneto, ērxato ho basileus autothen ek tēs kathedras parainetikois pros autous chrēsthai logois, pros symphōnian kai homonoian protrepōn autous; kai tēn men hekastou idiazousan lypēn pros ton plēsion parachōrein synebouleue; kai gar antenkalountes ēsan allēlois hoi pleiones; polloi te ex autōn biblia deēseōn tǭ basilei tę̄ proteraią ēsan orexantes. Epi de to prokeimenon, dio kai synelēlytheisan, chōrein parakalesas, ta biblia kauthēnai ekeleusen, epeipōn monon; Keleuei Christos aphienai tǭ adelphǭ ton apheseōs tychein epeigomenon. Tote oun tous peri authis peri tōn dogmatōn epimelesteron episkepsasthai tę̄ autōn gnōmę̄ epetrepsen. Hoia de kai peri toutōn en tǭ autǭ tritǭ bibliǭ tōn eis ton bion Kōnstantinou ho autos phēsin Eusebios, epakousai kalon; esti de tauta; Pleistōn dē tōn hyph᾽ hekaterǭ tagmati proteinomenōn, pollēs te amphilogias taprōta synistamenēs, anexikakōs epēkroato ho basileus tōn pantōn, scholę̄ te eutonǭ tas protaseis hypedecheto. En merei te antilambanomenos tōn par' hekaterou tagmatos legomenōn, ērema synēge tous philoneikōs enistamenous, praeōs te poioumenos tas pros hekaston homilias; Hellēnizōn te tę̄ phōnę̄, hoti mēde tautēs amathōs eiche, glykyteros tis ēn kai hēdys, tous men sympeithōn, tous de kai dysōpōn tǭ logǭ; tous de eu legontas epainōn. Pantas de eis omonoian elaunōn, homognōmonas te kai homodoxous autous epi tois amphisbētoumenois hapasin epi to auto katestēsato, hōs homophōnōs men kratēsai tēn pistin, tēs de sōtēriou heortēs ton auton para tois pasin homologēthēnai kairon. Ekyrouto te ēdē kai engraphōs di᾽ hyposēmeiōseōs hekastou ta koinę̄ ; dedogmena. Toiauta kai peri toutōn tais heautou phōnais ho Eusebios engraphōs katelipen. Hēmeis de ouk akairōs autois echrēsametha; alla martysi chrōmenoi tois hyp᾿ autou lechtheisi, tę̄de auta katetaxamen tę̄ graphę̄; hin᾿ hotan tines tēs en Nikaią synodou hōs peri tēn pistin sphaleisēs Rkanaginōskōsi, mē autōn anechōmetha, mēde pisteusōmen Sabinǭ tǭ Makedonianǭ, idiōtas autous kai apheleis kalounti tous ekeise synelthontas. Sabinos gar, ho tōn en Hērakleią tēs Thrakēs Makedonianōn episkopos, synagōgēn hōn diaphoroi episkopōn synodoi engraphōs exedōkan poiēsamenos, tous men en Nikaią, hōs apheleis kai Idiōtas diesyre, mē aisthanomenos, hoti kai auton Eusebion, ton meta pollēs dokimasias tēn pistin homologēsanta, hōs idiōtēn diaballei. Kai tina men hekōn parelipen, tina de paretrepsen. Panta de pros ton oikeion skopon mallon exeilēphen. Kai epainei men ton Pamphilou Eusebion, hōs axiopiston martyra; epainei de kai ton basilea, hōs ta Christianōn dogmatizein dynamenon; memphetai de tę̄ ektetheisę̄ en Nikaią pistei, hōs hypo idiōtōn kai ouden epistamenōn ekdedomenę̄; kai hon hōs sophon kai apseudē kalei martyra, toutou tas phōnas hekousiōs hyperorą. Phēsi gar ho Eusebios, hoti tōn parontōn en tę̄ Nikaią tou Theou leitourgōn hoi men dieprepon sophias logǭ, hoi de biou sterrhotēti; kai hoti ho basileus parōn, pantas eis homonoian agōn, homognōmonas kai homodoxous katestēsen. Alla Sabinou men, ei pou chreia kalesoi, poiēsometha mnēmēn. Hē de en Nikaią para tēs megalēs synodou megalophōnōs exenechtheisa symphōnia tēs pisteōs estin hautē; Pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantokratora, pantōn horatōn te kai aoratōn Poiētēn; kai eis hena Kyrion Iēsoun Christon ton Huion tou Theou, gennēthenta ek tou Patros monogenē, toutestin ek tēs ousias tou Patros, Theon ek Theou kai phōs ek phōtos, Theon alēthinon ek Theou alēthinou; gennēthenta, ou poiēthenta, homoousion tǭ Patri; di' hou ta panta egeneto, ta te en tǭ ouranǭ kai ta en tę̄ gę̄; di᾽ hēmas tous anthrōpous kai dia tēn hēmeteran sōtērian katelthonta kai sarkōthenta kai enanthrōpēsanta ; pathonta kai anastanta tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą, anelthonta eis tous ouranous, erchomenon krinai zōntas kai nekrous; kai eis to hagion Pneuma 4. Tous de legontas, hoti ēn pote hote ouk ēn, kai Prin gennēthēnai ouk ēn, kai hoti Ex ouk ontōn egeneto, ē ex heteras hypostaseōs ē ousias phaskontas einai, ē ktiston, ē trepton, ē alloiōton ton Huion tou Theou, anathematizei hē hagia katholikē kai apostolikē Ekklēsia. Tautēn tēn pistin triakosioi men pros tois dekaoktō egnōsan te kai esterxan, kai, hōs phēsin ho Eusebios, homophōnēsantes kai homodoxēsantes egraphon. Pente de monoi ou prosedexanto, tēs lexeōs tou homoousiou epilabomenoi; Eusebios te ho Nikomēdeias episkopos, kai Theognis Nikaias, Maris Chalkēdonos, Theōnas Marmarikēs, Sekoundos Ptolemaïdos. Epei gar ephasan homoousion einai, ho ek tinos estin, ē kata merismon, ē kata rheusin, ē kata probolēn; kata probolēn men, hōs ek rhizōn blastēma; kata de rheusin, hōs hoi patrikoi paides; kata meri smon de, hōs bōlou chrysides dyo ē treis; kat᾿ ouden de toutōn estin ho Huios; dia touto ou synkatatithesthai tę̄ pistei elegon. Polla oun tēn lexin tou homoousiou skōpsantes, tę̄ kathairesei ᾿Areiou hypograpsai ouk ēboulēthēsan. Dioper hē synodos ᾿Areion men kai tous - homodoxous autou anethematisen hapantas, prosthentes mēte epibainein tēs ᾿Alexandreias auton; basileōs de prostagma kai auton kai tous peri Eusebion kai Theognin, eis exorian apesteilen. Eusebios men oun kai Theognis mikron hysteron meta tēn exorian biblion metanoias epidontes, tę̄ pistei tou homoousiou synethento, hōs proïontes dēlōsomen. Tote de en tę̄ synodǭ Eusebios, ho tēn Pamphilou prosōnymian echōn, kai tēs en Palaistinę̄ Kaisareias tēn episkopēn keklērōmenos, mikron epistēsas, kai diaskepsamenos ei dei prosdexasthai ton horon tēs pisteōs, houtōs hama tois pollois pasi synę̄nesen te kai synypegrapsen; ; kai tǭ hyp᾿ auton laǭ engraphon ton horon tēs pisteōs diepempsato, tēn tou homoousiou lexin hermēneusas, hina mēde holōs tis hyponoian anth᾽ hōn epestēsen echę̄ peri ᾿ autou. Esti de autou ta graphenta kata lexin tade; Ta peri tēs ekklēsiastikēs pisteōs pragmateuthenta kata tēn megalēn synodon tēn en Nikaią synkrotētheisan, eikos men kai hymas, agapētoi, memathēkenai, tēs phēmēs protrechein eiōthuias ton peri tōn prattomenōn akribē logon. All᾿ hina mē ek monēs toiautēs akoēs ta tēs alētheias heteroiōs hymin apangellētai, anankaiōs diepempsametha hymin prōton men tēn hyph᾽ hēmōn protetheisan peri tēs pisteōs graphēn, epeita tēn deuteran, hēn tais hēmeterais phōnais prosthēkas epibalontes ekdedōkasi. To men oun par' hēmōn gramma, epi parousią tou theophilestatou hēmōn basileōs anagnōsthen, eu te echein kai dokimōs apophanthen, touton echei ton tropon; Kathōs parelabomen para tōn pro hēmōn episkopōn, kai en tę̄ katēchēsei, kai hote to loutron elambanomen, kai kathōs apo tōn theiōn Graphōn memathēkamen, kai hōs en tǭ presbytereiǭ, kai en autę̄ tę̄ episkopę̄ episteusamen te kai edidaskomen, houtō kai nyn pisteuontes, tēn hēmeteran pistin hymin prosanapheromen. Esti de hautē ; Pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantokratora, ton tōn hapantōn horatōn te kai aoratōn Poiētēn; kai eis hena Kyrion Iēsoun Christon, ton tou Theou Logon, Theon ek Theou, phōs ek phōtos, zōēn ek zōēs G, Huion monogenē, prōtoto- : kon pasēs ktiseōs, pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn ek tou Theou Patros gegennēmenon ; di' hou kai egeneto ta panta, ton dia tēn hēmeteran sōtērian sarkōthenta, kai en anthrōpois politeusamenon; kai pathonta, kai anastanta tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą; kai anelthonta pros ton Patera, kai hēxonta palin en doxę̄ krinai zōntas kai nekrous. Pisteuomen kai eis hen Pneuma hagion. Toutōn echaston einai hyparchein pisteuontes, Patera Hoi alēthōs Patera, HuIon alēthōs Huion, Pneuma hagion alēthōs hagion Pneuma" chathōōs Kyrios hēmōn apostellōn eis to chērygma tous heautou mathētas, eipe" mathēteusate panta ta ethgē, baptizontes autous eis to onoma tou Patros, kai tou kai tou hagiou Pneumatos. Peri hōn diathethaioumetha houtōs echein, kai houtō phronein, palai houtōs eschēkenai, mechri thanatou houtō schēsein, kai en autę̄ enistasthai tę̄ pistei, anathematizontes pasan airesin atheon? Tauta apo chardias kai psychēs panta pephronēchenai, ex houper ismen heautous? nyn phronein te legein ex alētheias, epi tou Theou tou pantokratoros, tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou martyroumetha, deichnynai echontes di᾽ apodeixeōn, kai peithein hymas, hoti tous parelthontas chronous houtōs episteuomen te echēryssomen homoiōs. Tautēs hyph᾽ hēmōn ektetheisēs tēs pisteōs, oudeni parēn antilogias topos. ᾽DAll᾽ autos te prōtos ho theophilestatos hēmōn basileus, orthotata periechein autēn emartyrēsen " houtō te heauton phronein emartyrato, kai tautę̄ tous pantas synchatathesthai, hypographein tois dogmasi, phōnein touxois autois pareecheleueto, henos monou prosengraphentos rhēmatos tou homoousiou. Ho kai autos hērmēneuse legōn, hoti mē kata ta tōn sōmatōn pathē legoi to homoousion, oute oun kata diairesin, oute chaata tina apotomēn tou Patros hypostēnai" mēte gar dynasthai tēn aulon kai noeran, kai asōmaton physin, sōmatichon ti pathos hyphistaothai" theiois de kai aporrhētois rhēmasi prosēkei toiauta noein. Kai ho men sophōtatos eusedēs hēmōn basileus toiade ephilosophei. Hoi de, prophasei tou homoousiou, tēnde tēn graphēn pepoiēkasi" Pisteuomen eis hena Theon Patera pantokratora, pantōn horaxōn te kai aoratōn Poiētēn" kai eis hena Kyrion Iēsoun Christon, ton Huion tou Theou, gennēthenta ek tou Patros monogenē, toutestin ek tēs ousias tou Patros; Theon ek Theou, phōs ek phōtos, Theon alēthinon ek Theou alēthinou; gennēthenta, ou poiēthenta; homoousion tǭ Patri, di' hou ta panta egeneto, ta te en tǭ ouranǭ, kai ta en tę̄ gę̄; ton di᾽ hēmas tous anthrōpous, kai dia tēn hēmeteran sōtērian katelthonta kai sarkōthenta, enanthrōpēsanta, pathonta, kai anastanta tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą; anelthonta eis tous ouranous; erchomenon krinai zōntas kai nekrous; kai eis to Pneuma to hagion. Tous de legontas, hōn pote hote ouk ēn, ē Ouk ēn prin gennēthēnai ', ē ex ouk ontōn egeneto, ē ex heteras hypostaseōs ē ousias phaskontas einai, ē ktiston, ē trepton, ē alloiōton ton Huion tou Theou, toutous anathematizei hē katholikē, kai apostolikē tou Theou Ekklēsia. Kai dē tautēs tēs graphēs hyp' autōn hypagoreu theisēs, hopōs eirētai autois to ek tēs ousias tou Patros, kai to tǭ Patri homoousion, ouk anexetaston autois katalimpanomen. Eperōtēseis toigaroun kai apokriseis enteuthen anekinounto, ebasanizen te ho logos tēn dianoian tōn eirēmenōn; kai dē kai to ek tēs ousias hōmologēto pros autōn, dēlōtikon einai tou ek men tou Patros einai, ou mēn hōs meros hyparchein tou Patros. Tauta de kai hēmin edokei kai lōs echein synkatatithesthai tę̄ dianoią tēs eusebous didaskalias, hypagoreuousēs ek tou Patros einai ton Huion, ou mēn meros tēs ousias autou tynchanein. Dioper tę̄ dianoią kai autoi syntithemetha, oude tēn phōnēn tou homoousiou paraitoumenoi, tou tēs eirēnēs skopou pro ophthalmōn hēmin keimenou, kai tou mē tēs orthēs ekpesein dianoias. Kata ta auta de, kai to gennēthenta, ou poiēthenta, katedexametha, epeidē to poiēthen, koinon ephaskon einai prosrēma tōn loipōn ktismatōn, tōn dia tou Huiou genomenōn; hōn ouden homoion echein ton Huion; dio dē mē einai auton poiēma, tois di' autou genomenois homoion ; kreittonos de ē kata pan poiēma tynchanein ousias, hēn ek tou Patros gegenēsthai didaskei ta theia Logia, tou tropou tēs gennēseōs anekphrastou kai anepilogistou ͵ exēs epilegomenois kechrēmenēs, ouk eulogon ephanē pasę̄ gennētę̄ physei tynchanontos. Houtō de kai to homoousion einai tou Patros ton Huion exetazomenos ho logos synistēsin, ou kata ton tōn sōmatōn tropon, oude tois thnētois zōois paraplēsiōs; oute gar kata diairesin tēs ousias; oute kata apotomēn, ē alloiōsin tēs tou Patros ousias te kai dynameōs; toutōn gar pantōn allotrian einai tēn agennēton physin tou Patros. Parastatikon de einai tǭ Patri, to homoousion, to mēdemian emphereian pros ta gennēta ktismata ton Huion tou Theou emphainein; monǭ de tǭ Patri tǭ gegennēkoti kata panta tropon aphōmoiōsthai, kai mē einai ex heteras te hypostaseōs kai ousias, all᾿ ek tou Patros. hǭ kai autǭ touton hermēneuthenti ton tropon, kalōs echein ephanē synkatathesthai; epei kai tōn palaiōn tinas logious kai epiphaneis episkopous kai syngrapheas egnōmen epi tēs tou Patros kai Huiou theologias, tǭ tou homoousiou synchrēsamenous onomati 4. Tauta men oun peri tēs ektetheisēs eirēsthō pisteōs, hę̄ synephōnēsamen pantes ouk anexetastōs, alla kata tas apodotheisas dianoias ep᾿ autou tou theophilestatou basileōs exetastheisas, kai tois eirēmenois logismois synomologētheisas. Kai ton anathematismon de ton meta tēn pistin pros autōn ektethenta, alypon einai hēgēsametha, dia to apeirgein agraphois chrēsasthai phōnais; dio schedon hē pasa gegone synchysis te kai akatastasia tōn Ekklēsiōn. Mēdemias goun theopneustou Graphēs to Ex ouk ontōn, kai to Ēn pote hote ouk ēn, kai tois tauta legein kai didaskein. ǭ kai autǭ kalōs doxanti synethemetha, epei mēde en tǭ pro toutou chronǭ, toutois eiōthamen chrēsthai tois rhēmasi. Tauta hymin anankaiōs diepempsametha, agapētoi, to kekrimenon tēs hēmeteras exetaseōs te kai synkatatheseōs phaneron hymin kathistōntes ; kai hōs eulogōs tote mechri hystatēs hōras enistametha, hoth᾽ Pas hēmin ta heteroïō? graphenta prosechopten'" tote de aphiloneikōs ta mē lypounta katedexametha, hote hēmin eugnōmonōs exetazousi tōn logōn tēn dianoian, ephanē syntrechein tois hyph᾽ hēmōn autōn en tę̄ proechtetheisę̄ hōmologēmenois. Toiauta men ho tou Heusedios eis tēn Palaistinēs Kaisareian diepempsato. Kai tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn de Ekklēsią, tois en Aigyptǭ Lidyę̄ kai Pentapolei, koinę̄ psēphǭ tade hē synodos egrapsen"
Such were the admirable counsels, full of wisdom, of the emperor’s letter. But the evil was stronger than the emperor’s zeal and than the trustworthiness of the man who carried the letter. For neither Alexander nor Arius was softened by what was written; there was an unchecked strife and disturbance among the people. There was also another, earlier, local disease that had already been troubling the churches: the disagreement about the feast of Easter, which arose only in the regions of the East, some being eager to keep the feast in a more Jewish manner, while others … all the Christians throughout the world. Though they disagreed in this way about the feast, they did not separate from communion, but the disagreement made the feast more gloomy. Seeing the church troubled on both accounts, the emperor convened an ecumenical synod, summoning the bishops from everywhere by letter to meet at Nicaea in Bithynia. The bishops came from many provinces and cities. Of them Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, says word for word in the third book of his Life of Constantine:
“From all the churches that filled all Europe, Libya, and Asia, the choicest of the ministers of God were gathered together. One house of prayer, as though enlarged by God, held within it at the same time Syrians and Cilicians, Phoenicians and Arabians and Palestinians, and besides these Egyptians, Thebans, Libyans, and those who came from Mesopotamia. A Persian bishop too was present at the synod, nor was a Scythian missing from the company. Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia furnished their chosen men. Thracians and Macedonians, Achaeans and Epirotes, and those who live still farther beyond them, came too. Even the most celebrated man of Spain himself took his seat with the rest. The president of the imperial city was absent because of old age, but his presbyters were present and filled his place. Such a crown, bound with the bond of peace, Constantine alone of all emperors since time began presented to Christ his Saviour as a thank-offering worthy of God for his victory over his enemies and foes, assembling this likeness of the apostolic company in our own time. For in their time too, it is said, devout men were gathered from every nation under heaven, among whom were Parthians and Medes and Elamites, and those who dwelt in Mesopotamia, Judea and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt and the parts of Libya about Cyrene, and visitors from Rome, both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabians. Only, they fell short in this, that not all of them were ministers of God; but in the present company the number of bishops exceeded three hundred, while the presbyters and deacons who followed them, and the very many other attendants, were beyond counting. Of the ministers of God, some excelled in the word of wisdom, some in steadfastness of life and patient endurance, and some were adorned by the middle way. Some of them were honoured for length of years, others shone with youth and vigour of soul, and others had only just entered on the course of their ministry. For all of them the emperor ordered provisions to be supplied abundantly every day.”
So Eusebius writes of those who met there. The emperor, after celebrating the feast of his victory over Licinius, came to Nicaea himself. Among the bishops Paphnutius of the Upper Thebaid and Spyridon of Cyprus were distinguished; why we have mentioned them I will say later. Many laymen skilled in dialectic were also present, eager to plead for one side or the other. Eusebius of Nicomedia, as I have said before, and Theognis and Maris supported Arius’s opinion; of these Theognis was bishop of Nicaea and Maris of Chalcedon in Bithynia. Against them Athanasius, a deacon of the church of Alexandria, contended nobly. Alexander the bishop held him in great honour, and for this reason envy armed itself against him, as we shall tell later.
A little before the bishops met in one place, the dialecticians held preliminary contests of words before the crowd. When many were being drawn by the charm of the speaking, one of the confessors, a layman of simple mind, opposed the dialecticians and said to them that Christ and the apostles had not handed down to us the art of dialectic or empty deceit, but a plain understanding, kept by faith and good works. When he said this, all who were present admired it and approved, and the dialecticians, acting more sensibly, fell silent on hearing the simple word of truth. So the uproar arising from dialectic was quieted for the time.
On the next day all the bishops came together in one place, and after them the emperor entered. When he had come in, he stood in the middle, and would not take his seat until the bishops nodded to him; such reverence and respect for the men held the emperor. When the silence fitting to the occasion had fallen, the emperor began from his seat to address them with words of exhortation, urging them to agreement and concord. He advised each to give up his private grievance against his neighbour; for most of them were bringing charges against one another, and many had handed the emperor petitions on the previous day. Urging them to proceed to the business for which they had come together, he ordered the petitions to be burned, adding only: “Christ commands him who is eager to obtain forgiveness to forgive his brother.” Then he left it to them to examine the doctrines again more carefully by their own judgment. What the same Eusebius says about this in the same third book of the Life of Constantine is good to hear. It is this:
“Very many proposals were put forward by each party, and much controversy arose at first. The emperor listened to all with patience and received the proposals with steady attention. Taking up in turn what was said by each party, he gently brought together those who were contentiously opposed, conversing mildly with each. Speaking in Greek, since he was not ignorant of that language either, he was pleasant and agreeable, persuading some, shaming others by his words, and praising those who spoke well. Driving all to concord, he brought them to be of one mind and one opinion on all the disputed points, so that the faith prevailed with one voice and the same time for the saving feast was agreed by all. What had been decided in common was confirmed also in writing by the signature of each.”
These things too Eusebius left in writing in his own words. We have not used them out of season, but have set them down in this writing as witnesses, so that when some condemn the synod at Nicaea as having erred about the faith, we may not bear with them, nor believe Sabinus the Macedonian, who calls those who met there ignorant and simple men. For Sabinus, bishop of the Macedonians at Heraclea in Thrace, who made a collection of what various synods of bishops issued in writing, disparaged those at Nicaea as simple and ignorant, not noticing that he is accusing of ignorance even Eusebius himself, who confessed the faith after much examination. Some things he has omitted on purpose, some he has distorted, and he has interpreted everything rather to suit his own aim. He praises Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, as a trustworthy witness, and praises the emperor as able to teach Christian doctrine; yet he finds fault with the faith set out at Nicaea, as issued by simple men who knew nothing, and he deliberately overlooks the words of the very man whom he calls a wise and truthful witness. For Eusebius says that of the ministers of God present at Nicaea some excelled in the word of wisdom and some in steadfastness of life, and that the emperor, being present and bringing all to concord, made them of one mind and one opinion. But of Sabinus we shall make mention wherever need requires.
The agreement of faith proclaimed aloud by the great synod at Nicaea is this: “We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, only-begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father; God from God, light from light, true God from true God; begotten, not made, of the same essence as the Father; through whom all things came to be, things in heaven and things on earth; who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh and became man, suffered, and rose on the third day, ascended into the heavens, and is coming to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Spirit. But those who say, ‘There was once when he was not,’ and, ‘Before he was begotten he was not,’ and that he came into being from things that are not, or who say that the Son of God is of another hypostasis or essence, or created, or changeable, or alterable, these the holy catholic and apostolic church anathematizes.”
This faith three hundred and eighteen recognized and accepted, and, as Eusebius says, being of one voice and one opinion, they signed it. Only five did not accept it, objecting to the word homoousios: Eusebius bishop of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Theonas of Marmarica, and Secundus of Ptolemais. For they said that that is homoousios which is from something either by division, or by flowing out, or by putting forth: by putting forth, as a shoot from the roots; by flowing out, as children from their fathers; by division, as two or three gold vessels from a lump. The Son is from the Father in none of these ways; therefore, they said, they did not assent to the faith. Having much ridiculed the word homoousios, they would not sign the deposition of Arius. So the synod anathematized Arius and all who held his opinion, adding that he should not set foot in Alexandria; and an order of the emperor sent him into exile, together with Eusebius and Theognis. Eusebius and Theognis, however, a little after their exile, handed in a statement of repentance and agreed to the faith of the homoousios, as we shall show as we go on.
At that time in the synod, Eusebius, who bore the surname of Pamphilus and held the bishopric of Caesarea in Palestine, paused a little and considered whether he ought to accept the definition of faith; then he agreed and signed with all the rest. He sent the definition of faith in writing to the people under him, explaining the word homoousios, so that no one should have any suspicion of him on account of his hesitation. His letter reads word for word as follows:
“What was transacted concerning the faith of the church at the great synod held at Nicaea, beloved, you have probably learned already, since report usually runs ahead of an exact account of what is done. But lest by such hearsay alone the truth should be reported to you otherwise than it was, we have necessarily sent you, first, the statement of faith put forward by us, and then the second, which they published after making additions to our words. Our document, read in the presence of our most God-loving emperor and declared to be right and approved, is as follows:
‘As we received from the bishops before us, both in our catechetical instruction and when we received the washing, and as we have learned from the divine Scriptures, and as we believed and taught both as presbyters and in the episcopate itself, so believing now also, we present our faith to you. It is this: We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God from God, light from light, life from life, only-begotten Son, firstborn of all creation, begotten before all ages from God the Father, through whom also all things came to be; who for our salvation was made flesh and lived among men, and suffered, and rose on the third day, and ascended to the Father, and will come again in glory to judge the living and the dead. We believe also in one Holy Spirit. We believe that each of these is and exists: the Father truly Father, the Son truly Son, the Holy Spirit truly Holy Spirit; as our Lord, sending out his disciples to preach, said: “Make disciples of all nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.” Concerning these things we affirm that we hold so and think so, that we have long held so, and will hold so until death, and stand firm in this faith, anathematizing every godless heresy. That we have thought all this from heart and soul since we have known ourselves, and that we now think and say it in truth, we testify before God Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ, being able to show by proofs and to persuade you that in times past we likewise believed and preached so.’
When this faith was set out by us, there was no room for contradiction. Our most God-loving emperor himself was the first to testify that it was most orthodox. He testified that he himself thought so, and urged all to agree with it and to sign its doctrines and to accord with them, with only the addition of the one word homoousios. This he himself explained, saying that homoousios was not said according to bodily experiences, and that the Son did not subsist from the Father by division or by any severing; for an immaterial, intellectual, and incorporeal nature cannot undergo any bodily experience, and such things must be understood in divine and ineffable terms. So our most wise and pious emperor philosophized. But they, with the homoousios as their occasion, produced this document: ‘We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, only-begotten, that is, from the essence of the Father; God from God, light from light, true God from true God; begotten, not made, of the same essence as the Father; through whom all things came to be, things in heaven and things on earth; who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh, became man, suffered, and rose on the third day, ascended into the heavens, is coming to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Spirit. But those who say, “There was once when he was not,” or, “He was not before he was begotten,” or that he came into being from things that are not, or who say that the Son of God is of another hypostasis or essence, or created, or changeable, or alterable, these the catholic and apostolic church of God anathematizes.’
When this document had been dictated by them, we did not leave unexamined how they used the phrases ‘from the essence of the Father’ and ‘of the same essence as the Father’. Questions and answers were raised about this, and reason tested the sense of the words. They acknowledged that ‘from the essence’ meant that he is from the Father, but not that he exists as a part of the Father. It seemed good to us too to agree to this sense, as pious teaching, which says that the Son is from the Father but not a part of his essence. So we ourselves agree to the sense, not refusing even the word homoousios, keeping before our eyes the aim of peace and of not falling from the right sense. In the same way we accepted ‘begotten, not made’, since they said that ‘made’ is a name common to the other creatures that came to be through the Son, to which the Son has no likeness; therefore he is not a thing made, like the things that came to be through him, but is of an essence higher than any thing made, which the divine oracles teach was begotten from the Father, the manner of the begetting being inexpressible and incalculable to every begotten nature. So too reason, on examination, establishes that the Son is homoousios with the Father, not in the manner of bodies, nor like mortal living things; for it is not by division of essence, nor by severing, nor by any change in the Father’s essence and power, since the unbegotten nature of the Father is foreign to all these. Rather, homoousios with the Father indicates that the Son of God has no likeness to the begotten creatures, but is in every way made like to the Father alone, who begot him, and that he is not of another hypostasis and essence, but from the Father. To this term, explained in this way, it seemed good to agree, since we know that some of the ancients, learned and distinguished bishops and writers, used the term homoousios in their theology of the Father and the Son.
Let this, then, be said about the faith that was set out, to which we all agreed, not without examination, but according to the senses given, which were examined in the presence of the most God-loving emperor himself and agreed for the reasons stated. The anathema they set out after the faith we considered inoffensive, because it forbids the use of unscriptural words, from which almost all the confusion and disorder of the churches has come. Since no divinely inspired Scripture has used ‘from things that are not’ and ‘there was once when he was not’ and the phrases that follow, it did not seem reasonable to say and teach these things. To this too we agreed, as rightly decided, since even before this time we were not accustomed to use these words. We have necessarily sent these things to you, beloved, making plain to you the judgment of our examination and assent, and how reasonably we held out to the last hour, when the parts written otherwise offended us, but then accepted without contention what was not offensive, when, as we examined the sense of the words fairly, it appeared to agree with what we ourselves had confessed in the faith set out earlier.”
Such was the letter Eusebius sent to Caesarea in Palestine. And to the church of the Alexandrians and to those in Egypt, Libya, and the Pentapolis the synod wrote as follows by common vote.
1.9PG 67:77–99
Τῇ ἁγίᾳ Θεοῦ χάριτι, μεγάλῃ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων τοῖς χατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον, Λιβύην Ἠεντάπολιν ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς, οἱ ἐν Νικαίᾳ συναχϑέντες, τὴν μεγάλην ἁγίαν σύνοδον σνγχροτῆσαντες ἐπίσκοποι, ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Ἐπειδὴ τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριτος, τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου συναγαγόντος ἡμᾶς διαφόρων πόλεών τε καὶ ἐπαρχιῶν, μεγάλη καὶ ἁγία σύνοδος ἐν Νικαία συνεκροτήθη, ἐξ ἅπαντος ἀναγκαῖον ἐφάνη, παρὰ τῆς ἱερᾶς συνόδου καὶ πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστεῖλαι γράμματα" ἵν᾽ εἰδέναι ἔχοιτε, τίνα μὲν ἐκινήθη ἐξητάσθη, τίνα δὲ ἔδοξε καὶ ἐκρατύνθη. ΣΙρῶτον μὲν οὖν ἐξ ἁπάντων ἐξητάσθη τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἀσέδειαν καὶ τὴν παρανομίαν ᾿Αρείου τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ θεοφιλεστάτου βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου " καὶ παμψηφεὶ ἔδοξεν ἀναθεματισθῆναι τὴν ἀσεύῃ αὐτοῦ δόξαν, καὶ τὰ ῥήματα πὰ ὀνόματα τὰ βλάσφημα, οἷς ἐκέχρητο βλαστημῶν, τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ λέγων ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων, εἶναί ποτε ὅτε οὐχ ἦν" αὐτεξουσιότητι κακίας καὶ ἀρετῆς δεχτιχὺν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ λέγοντος, κτίσμα ποίημα ὀνομάζοντος, ἅπαντα ἀνεθεμάτισεν ἡ ἁγία σύνοδος, οὐδὲ ὅσον ἀκοῦσαι τῆς ἀσεΘοὺς δόξης ἢ ἀπονοίας καὶ τῶν βλασφήμων ῥημάτων, ἀνασχομένη. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐκείνου οἵου τέλους τετύχηχε, πάντως ἢ ἀχηχόατε ἀχούσεσθε, ἵνα μὴ δόξωμεν ἐπεμδαίνειν ἀνδρὶ δι' οἰκείαν ἁμαρτίαν ἄξια τὰ ἐπίχειρα χομισαμένῳ. Τοσοῦτον δὲ ἴσχυσε αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀσέδεια ὡς παραπολέσαι Θεωνᾶν ἀπὸ Μαρμαριχῆς, Σεχοῦνδον ἀπὸ Πτολεμαΐδος. Τῶν γὰρ αὑτῶν κἀκεῖνοι τετυχήχασιν. ᾿λλλ᾽ ἐπιιδὴ ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ χάρις, τῆς μὲν χγαχοδοξίας ἐκείνης καὶ ἀσεβείας, τῆς βλασφημίας, τῶν προσώπων τῶν τολμησάντων διάστασιν διαίρεσιν ποιήσασθαι τοῦ εἰρηνευομένου ἄνωθεν λαοῦ, ἠλευθέρωσεν ἡμᾶς" ἐλείπετο δὲ τὸ κατὰ τὴν προπέτειαν Μελιτίον, τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ χειροτονηθέντων· καὶ περὶ τούτου τοῦ μέρους. "Α ἔδοξε τῇ συνόδῳ, ἐμφανίζομεν ὑμῖν, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδελφοί. Ἔδοξεν οὖν Μελίτιον μὲν, φιλανθρωπότε - ρον κινηθείσης τῆς συνόδου (κατὰ γὰρ τὸν ἀκριβῆ λόγον, οὐδεμιᾶς συγγνώμης ἄξιος ἦν), μένειν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ μηδεμίαν ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν αὐτὸν μήτε χειροθετεῖν, μήτε προχειρίζεσθαι, μήτε ἐν χώρᾳ μήτε ἐν πόλει ἑτέρα φαίνεσθαι, ταύτης τῆς προφάσεως ἕνεκα· ψιλὸν δὲ τὸ ὄνομα τῆς τιμῆς· κεκτῆσθαι. Τοὺς δὲ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ κατασταθέντας ×, μυστικωτέρα χειροτονία βεβαιωθέντας κοινωνῆσαι ἐπὶ τούτοις, ἐφ' ὅτε ἔχειν μὲν αὐτοὺς τὴν τιμὴν καὶ λειτουργίαν, δευτέρους δὲ εἶναι ἐξάπαντος πάντων τῶν ἐν ἑκάστῃ παροικίᾳ τε καὶ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐξεταζομένων, τῶν ὑπὸ τοῦ τιμίωτατου συλλειτουργοῦ ἡμῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρον : προχεχειρισμένων ὡς πρὸς τοὐτόις δὲ, μηδεμίαν ἐξουσίαν ποὺς ἀρέσχοντας αὐτοῖς προχειρίζεσθαι, ἢ ὑποδάλλεϊν ὀνόματα, ἣ ὅλως ποιεῖν τι χωρὶς γνώμης τοῦ τῆς χαθολιχῇῆς Ἐκκληἐπισκόπου, τῶν ὑπὸ ᾿Αλέξανδρον. Τοὺς δὲ χάριτι Θέοῦ εὐχαῖς ὑμετέραις ἐν μηδενὶ σχίσματι εὑρεθέντας, ἀλλὰ ἀχήλιδώτους ἐν τῇ χαθολίχῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ὄντας, ἔξουδίαν ἔχειν προχειρίζεσθαι, ὀνόματα ἐπιλέγεσθαι τῶν ἀξίων τοῦ χλέρου, ὅλως πάντα κατὰ νόμον τὸν χλησιαστιχόν. δέ τινὰς ὀνμδαίη ἀναπαύσασθα: τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἐλχλησίᾳ, τηνικαῦτα προϊάναθαϊνειϊν εἰς τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ τετελευτηκότος, τοὺς ἄῤτί πρὸσληφθέντας, μόνον εἰ ἄξιοι φαϊνοιντό, ὃ λάὺς ρόῖτο, συνεπιψηφίζοντος αὐτῷ ἐπισφραγίζοντος τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αλέξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου. Τοῦτο ὃξ τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις πᾶσι συνεχωρήθη. Ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Μελιτίου προσώπου οὐκέτι τὰ αὐτὰ ἔδοξε, διὰ τὴν ἀνέχαθέν αὐτοῦ ἀτάξίαν, διὰ τὸ πρόχειρον πρόπετὲς τῆς γνώμης, ἵνα μηδεμία ἐξουσία ἀὐθεντία αὐτῷ δοθείη, ἂν ρώπῳ δυναμένῳ πάλιν τὰς αὐτὰ: ἀτάἐμποιῆσαι. Ταῦτά ἐστι ἐὰ ἐξαίρετα διαφέροντα τῇ Αἰγύπτ, τῇ ἁγιωτάτη ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησία. Εἰ δέ τι ἄλλο ἐχανονίσθη ἐδογματίσθη, συμπαρόντος τοῦ χυρίου τιμιωτάτου συλλειτουργοῦ ἀδελφοῦ ἡμῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, αὑτὸς παρὼν ἀχριδέστερον ἀνοίσει πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ἅτε δὴ χύριος κοινωνὸς τῶν γεγενημένων ἐυγχάνων. Εὐαγγελιζόμεθα δὲ ὑμῖν, περὶ τῆς συμφωνίας τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου Πάσχα, ὅτι ὑμετέρα:ς εὐχαῖς χατωρθώθη καὶ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος· ὡς τε πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἑῴᾳ ἀδελφοὺς, τοὺς μετὰ τῶν Ἰουδαίων τὸ πρότερον ποιοῦντας, συμφώνως Ῥωμαίοις καὶ ἡμῖν, καὶ πᾶσιν τοῖς ἐξ ἀρχαίου μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν φυλάττουσι τὸ Πάσχα, ἐκ τοῦ δεῦρο ἄγειν. Χαίροντες οὖν ἐπὶ τοῖς κατορθώμασι, καὶ τῇ τῆς εἰρήνης συμφωνίᾳ, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ πᾶσαν αἵρεσιν ἐκκοπῆναι, ἀποδέξασθε μὲν μετὰ μείζονος τιμῆς καὶ πλείονος ἀγάπης τὸν συλλειτουργὸν ἡμῶν, ὑμῶν δὲ ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αλέξανδρον, τὸν εὐφράναντα ἡμᾶς ἐν τῇ παρουσίᾳ, καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ τοσοῦτον πόνον ὑποστάντα ὑπὲρ τοῦ εἰρήνην γενέσθαι καὶ παρ' ὑμῖν. Εὔχεσθε δὲ ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν ἁπάντων, ἵνα τὰ καλῶς ἔχειν δόξαντα, ταῦτα βέβαια μένῃ, διὰ τοῦ παντοκράτορος Θεοῦ, καὶ διὰ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, σὺν ἁγίῳ Πνεύματι· ᾧ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. Αμήν. Ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ τῆς συνόδου ἐπιστολῇ φανερὸν καθίστησιν, ὅτι οὐ μόνον Ἄρειον, καὶ τοὺς ὁμοδόξους αὐτοῦ ἀνεθεμάτισαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς λέξεις τῆς δόξης αὐτοῦ· καὶ ὅτι περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα ὁμοφρονήσαντες, ἐδέξαντο τὸν αἰρεσιάρχην Μελίτιον, τὴν μὲν ἀξίαν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἔχειν αὐτὸν συγχωρήσαντες· τὴν δὲ ἐξουσίαν τοῦ πράττειν αὐτόν τινα ὡς ἐπίσκοπον, περιελόντες· δι᾽ ἣν αἰτίαν νομίζω, ἄχρι νῦν κεχωρίσθαι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ Μελιτιανοὺς, ὅτι περιεῖλεν ἡ σύνοδος Μελιτίου τὸ δύνασθαι. Ιστέον δὲ, ὅτι ῎Αρειος βιβλίον συνέγραψε περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ δόξης, ὁ ἐπέγραψε Θάλειαν ν. Ἔστι δὲ ὁ χαρακτὴρ τοῦ βιβλίου χαῦνος καὶ διαλελυμένος, τοῖς σωταδίοις ᾄσμασιν, ἤτοι μέτροις παραπλήσιος - ὅπερ καὶ αὐτὸ τότε ἡ σύνοδος ἀπεκήρυξεν· οὐ μόνη δὲ ἡ σύνοδος τοῦ γράψαι περὶ τῆς γενομένης εἰρήνης ἐφρόντισεν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωσταντῖνος, δι' οἰκείων γραμμάτων τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ τάδε ἐπέστειλεν · Ἡ ἐπιστολὴ τοῦ βασιλέως. Κωσταντίνος Σεβαστὸς, τῇ καθολικῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ. Χαίρετε, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδελφοί. Τελείαν παρά τῆς θείας προνοίας εἰλήφαμεν χάριν, ἵνα πάσης πλάνης ἀπαλλαγέντες, μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἐπιγινώσκω μεν πίστιν. Οὐδὲν λοιπὸν τῷ διαβόλῳ ἔξεστι καθ' ἡμῶν· πᾶν εἴ τι δ᾽ ἂν κακοτεχνησάμενος ἐπεχείρησεν, ἐκ βάθρων ἀνήρηται. Τὰς διχονοίας, τὰ σχίσματα, τοὺς θορύβους ἐκείνους, καὶ τὰ τῶν διαφωνιῶν, ἵν᾿ οὕτως εἶπω, θανάσιμα φάρμακα, κατὰ τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ κέλευσιν, ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐνίκησε λαμπρότης. τοιγαροῦν ἅπαντες καὶ τῷ ὀνόματι προσκυνοῦμεν, καὶ εἶναι πεπιστεύκαμεν. Ἵνα δὲ τοῦτο γένηται, ἱπομνήσει Θεοῦ, συνεκάλεσα εἰς τὴν Νικαέων πόλιν τοὺς πλείστους τῶν ἐπισκόπων, μεθ᾽ ὧνπερ εἷς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἐγὼ, ὁ συνθεράπων ὑμέτερος καθ' ὑπερβολὴν εἶναι χαίρων, καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἐξέτασιν ἀνεδεξάμην. Ἡλέγχθη γοῦν ἅπαντα, καὶ ἀκριβῶς ἐξἡτασται, ὅσα δι' ἀμφιβολίαν ἢ διχονοίας πρόφασιν ἐδόκει γεννᾷν. Καὶ φεισάσθω ἡ θεία μεγαλειότης, ἡλίκα καὶ ὡς δεινὰ τὰ περὶ τοῦ μεγάλου Σωτῆρος, περὶ τῆς ἐλπίδος καὶ ζωῆς ἡμῶν, ἀπρεπῶς ἐβλασφήμουν τινὲς, τάναντία ταῖς θεοπνεύστοις Γραφαῖς καὶ τῇ ἁγίᾳ πίστει φθεγγόμενοί τε καὶ πιστεύειν ὁμολογοῦντες. Τριακοσίων γοῦν καὶ πλειόνων ἐπισκόπων, ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ τε καὶ ἀγχινοίᾳ θαυμαζομένων, μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν πίστιν, ἢ καὶ ταῖς ἀληθείαις καὶ ἀκριβείαις τοῦ Θεοῦ νόμου πέφυκε πίστις εἶναι, βεβαιούντων, μόνος ῞Αρειος ἐφωράθη τῆς διαβολικῆς ἐνεργείας ἡττημένος, καὶ τὸ κακὸν τοῦτο πρῶτον μὲν παρ᾽ ὑμῖν, ἔπειτα καὶ παρ' ἑτέροις ἀσεβεῖ γνώμῃ διασπείρας. ᾿Αναδεξώμεθα τοιγαροῦν, ἣν ὁ παντοκράτωρ παρέσχε γνώμην· ἐπανέλθωμεν ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀγαπητοὺς ἡμῶν ἀδελφοὺς, ὧν ἡμᾶς τοῦ διαβόλου ἀναιδής τις ὑπηρέτης ἐχώρισεν. Ἐπὶ τὸ κοινὸν σῶμα, καὶ τὰ γνήσια – ἡμῶν μέλη, σπουδῇ πάσῃ ἴωμεν. Τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τῇ ἀγχινοίᾳ καὶ τῇ πίστει, καὶ τῇ ὁσιότητι τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ πρέπει, ἵνα τῆς πλάνης ἐλεγχθείσης ἐκείνου, ὃν τῆς ἀληθείας εἶναι ἐχθρὸν συνέστηκεν, πρὸς τὴν θείαν ἐπανέλθητε χάριν. Ὁ γὰρ τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἤρεσεν ἐπισκόποις, οὐδὲν ἐστιν ἕτερον, ἢ τοῦ Θεοῦ γνώμη, μάλιστά γε ὅπου τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα τοιούτων καὶ τηλικούτων ἀνδρῶν ταῖς διανοίαις ἐγκείμενον, τὴν θείαν βούλησιν ἐξεφώτισεν. Διὸ μηδεὶς ἀμφιβαλλέτω, μηδεὶς ὑπερτιθέσθω· ἀλλὰ προθύμως πάντες εἰς τὴν ἀληθεστάτην ὁδὸν ἐπάνιτε· ἵν᾽ ἐπειδὰν ὅσον οὐδέπω πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀφίκωμαι, τὰς ὀφειλομένας τῷ παντεφόρῳ Θεῷ μεθ' ὑμῶν ὁμολογήσω χάριτας, ὅτι τὴν εἰλικρινῆ πίστιν ἐπιδείξας, τὴν εὐκταίαν ὑμῖν ἀγάπην ἀποδέδωκεν. Ὁ Θεὸς ὑμᾶς διαφυλάξοι, ἀγαπητοί 31 ἀδελφοί. Ὁ μὲν δὴ βασιλεὺς τοιαῦτα ἔγραψε τῷ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δήμῳ, μηνύων ὅτι οὐχ ἁπλῶς, οὐδὲ ὡς ἔτυχε γέγονεν ὁ ὅρος τῆς πίστεως ·· ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι μετὰ σαν · καὶ οὐχ ὅτι τινὰ μὲν ἐλέχθη, τινὰ δὲ ἀπεσιγήθη, ἀλλ' ὅτι ὅσα πρὸς σύστασιν τοῦ δόγματος λεχθῆναι ἤρμοζε, πάντα ἐκινήθη· καὶ ὅτι οὐχ ἁπλῶς ὡρίσθη, ἀλλ᾿ ἀκριβῶς ἐξητάσθη πρότερον· ὥστε πάντα ὅσα ἢ ἀμφιβολίας, ἢ διχονοίας πρόφασιν ἐδόκει γεννᾷν, ταῦτα ἐκποδὼν γεγενῆσθαι. Τὸ κεφάλαιον γνώμην Θεοῦ, τὴν πάντων τῶν ἐκεῖ συνελθόντων γνώμην καλεῖ, καὶ Πνεύματι ἁγίῳ, τῶν τοσούτων καὶ τηλικούτων ἐπισκόπων τὴν ὁμοφωνίαν γενέσθαι οὐκ ἀπιστεῖ. Σαβίνος δὲ ὁ τῆς Μακεδονίου αἱρέσεως προεστώς, τοῦτοις μὲν ἑκὼν οὐ προσέχει· ἀλλ᾿ ἰδιώτας, καὶ μὴ ἔχειν γνῶσιν, τοὺς ἐκεῖ συνελθόντας φησίν· κινδυνεύων καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Καισαρέα Εὐσέβιον ἐπὶ ἀγνωσίᾳ διαβάλλειν· καὶ οὐκ ἐνθυμεῖται, ὡς εἰ καὶ ἰδιῶται ἦσαν πολλῆς συζητήσεως καὶ δοκιμασίας αὐτὸν ὑπηγόρευοἱ τῆς συνόδου, κατελάμποντο δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ τῆς χάριτος τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος α, οὐδαμῶς ἀστοχῆσαι τῆς ἀληθείας ἐδύναντο. Ἐπάκουσον γοῦν οἷα καὶ δι' ἑτέρας ἐπιστολῆς ὁ βασιλεὺς, κατά τε ᾿Αρείου καὶ τῶν ὁμοδόξων αὐτοῦ νομοθετήσας, τοῖς πανταχοῦ ἐπισκόποις τε καὶ λαοῖς διεπέμψατο. ῎Αλλη ἐπιστολή Κωνσταντίνου. Νικητής Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, ἐπισκόποις καὶ λαοῖς. Τοὺς πονηροὺς καὶ ἀσεβεῖς μιμησάμενος ( ῎Αρειος, δίκαιός ἐστι τὴν αὐτὴν ἐκείνοις ὑπέχειν (ειν ἀτιμίαν. Ωσπερ τοίνυν Πορφύριος ὁ τῆς θεοσεβείας ἐχθρὸς, συντάγματα παράνομα κατὰ τῆς θρησκείας συστησάμενος, ἄξιον εὔρετο μισθὸν, καὶ τοιοῦτον, ὥστε ἐπονείδιστον μὲν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν ἑξῆς γενέσθαι. χρόνον, καὶ πλείστης ἀναπλησθῆναι κακοδοξίας, ἀφανισθῆναι δὲ τὰ ἀσεβῆ αὐτοῦ συγγράμματα· οὕτω καὶ νῦν ἔδοξεν "Αρειόν τε καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αρείου ὁμογνώμονάς, Πορφυριανοὺς μὲν καλεῖσθαι ἵν᾿ ὧν τοὺς τρόπους μεμίμηνται, τούτων ἔχωσι καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν. Πρὸς δὲ τούτοις καὶ εἴ τι σύγγραμμα ὑπὸ ᾿Αρείου συντεταγμένον εὑρίσκοιτο, τοῦτο πυρὶ παραδίδοσθαι - ἵνα μὴ μόνον τὰ φαῦλα αὐτοῦ τῆς διδασκαλίας ἀφανισθείη, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ ὑπόμνημα αὐτοῦ ὅλως ὑπολείποιτο. Ἐκεῖνο μέντοι προαγορεύω, ὡς εἴ τις σύγγραμμα ὑπὸ ᾿Αρείου συνταγὲν φωραθείη κρύψας, καὶ μὴ εὐθέως προσενεγκὼν πυρὶ καταναλώσῃ, τούτῳ θάνατος ἔσται ἡ ζημία· παραχρῆμα γὰρ ἀλοὺς ἐπὶ τούτῳ, κεφαλικὴν ὑποστήσεται τιμωρίαν. Ὁ Θεὸς ὑμᾶς διαφυλάξοι. Ἄλλη ἐπιστολή. Κωνσταντίνος Σεβαστός, ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις. Πεῖραν λαβὼν ἐκ τῆς τῶν κοινῶν εὐπραξίας, ὅση τῆς θείας δυνάμεως πέφυκε χάρις, τοῦτὸν τε πρὸ πάντων ἔκρινα εἶναί μοι προσήκειν σκοπὸν, ὅπως παρὰ τοῖς μακαριωτάτοις τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας πλήθεσι πίστις μία, καὶ εἰλικρινὴς ἀγάπη, ὁμογνώμων τε περὶ τὸν παγκρατῆ Θεὸν εὐσέβεια τηρῆται· ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ τοῦτο ἑτέρως οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν ἀκλινῆ καὶ βεβαίαν τάξιν λαβεῖν, εἰ μὴ εἰς ταὐτὸ πάντων ὁμοῦ, ἢ τῶν γοῦν πλειόνων ἐπισκόπων συνελθόντων, ἑκάστου τῶν προσηκόντων τῇ ἁγιωτάτῃ θρησκείᾳ διάκρισις γένοιτο · τούτου ἕνεκεν πλείστων ὅσων συναθροισθέντων, καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ καθάπερ εἷς ἐξ ὑμῶν ἐτύγχανον συμπαρών· (οὐ γὰρ ἀρνησαίμην ἂν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μάλιστα χαίρω, συνθεράπων ὑμέτερος πεφυκέναι·) ἄχρι τοσούτου ἅπαντα τῆς προσηκούσης τετύχηκεν ἐξετάσεως, ἄχρις οὗ ἡ τῷ πάντων ἐφόρῳ ἀρέσκουσα γνώμη, πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἑνότητος συμφωνίαν εἰς φῶς προήχθη• ὡς μηδὲν ἔτι πρὸς διχόνοιαν, ἢ πίστεως ἀμφισβήτησιν ὑπολείπεσθαι. Ἔνθα καὶ περὶ τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα άγιωτάτης ἡμέρας γενομένης ζητήσεως, ἔδοξε κοινῇ γνώμῃ καλῶς ἔχειν, ἐπὶ μιᾶς ἡμέρας πάντας τοὺς ἀπανταχοῦ ἐπιτελεῖν. Τἱ γὰρ ἡμῖν κάλλιον, τί δὲ σεμνότερον ὑπάρξαι δυνήσεται, τοῦ τὴν ἑορτὴν ταύτην, παρ' ἧς τὴν τῆς ἀθανασίας εἰλήφαμεν ἐλπίδα, μιᾷ τάξει καὶ φανερῷ λόγῳ, παρὰ πᾶσιν ἀδιαπτώτως φυλάττεσθαι; καὶ πρῶτον μὲν, ἀνάξιον ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὴν ἁγιωτάτην ἐκείνην ἑορτὴν, τῇ τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἑπομένους συνηθεία πληροῦν· οἱ τὰς ἑαυτῶν χεῖρας ἀθεμίτῳ πλημμελήματι χράναντες, εἰκότως τὰς ψυχὰς οἱ μιαροὶ τυφλώττουσιν. Ἔξεστι γὰρ τοῦ ἐκείνων ἔθνους ἀποβληθέντος ε, ἀληθεστέρᾳ τάξει, ἣν ἐκ πρώτης τοῦ πάθους ἡμέρας μέχρι τοῦ παρόντος ἐφυλάξαμεν, καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μέλλοντας αἰῶνας τὴν τῆς ἐπιτηρήσεως ταύτης συμπλήρωσιν ἐγγίνεσθαι. Μηδὲν τοίνυν ἔστω ὑμῖν κοινὸν μετὰ τοῦ ἐχθίστου τῶν Ἰουδαίων ὄχλου. Εἰλήφαμεν η παρὰ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἑτέραν ὁδόν. Πρόκειται γὰρ δρόμος τῇ ἱερωτάτῃ ἡμῶν θρησκείᾳ, καὶ νόμιμος καὶ πρέπων. Τούτου συμφώνως ἀντιλαμβανόμενοι, τῆς ἔχθρας ἐκείνης ἑαυτοὺς συνειδήσεως ἀποσπάσωμεν, ἀδελφοὶ τιμιώτατοι. Ἔστι γὰρὡς ἀληθῶς ἀτοπώτατον, ἐκείνους αὐχεῖν, ὡς ἄρα παρεκτὸς τῆς αὐτῶν διδασκαλίας ταῦτα φυλάττειν οὐκ ἦμεν ἱκανοί. Τί δὲ φρονεῖν ἐκεῖνοι ὀρθὸν δυνήσονται, οἳ μετὰ τὴν κυριοκτονίαν ἐκείνην ἐκστάντες τῶν φρενῶν, ἄγονται οὐ λογισμῷ τινι, ἀλλ᾽ ὀρμῇ ἀκατασχέτῳ, ὅποι ἂν αὐτοὺς ἡ ἔμτῳ τῷ μέρει τὴν ἀλήθειαν οὐχ ὁρῶσιν, ὡς ἀεὶ κατὰ πλεῖστον αὐτοὺς πλανωμένους, ἀντὶ τῆς προσηκούσης ἐπανορθώσεως, ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἔτει δεύτερον τὸ Πάσχα ἐπιτελεῖν. Τίνος οὖν χάριν τούτοις ἑπόμεθα, οἳ δεινὴν πλάνην νοσεῖν ὡμολόγηνται ; Δεύτερόν γε τὸ Πάσχα ἐν ἑνὶ ἐνιαυτῷ οὐκ ἄν ποτε ποιεῖν ἀνεξώμεθα. ᾿Αλλ' εἰ καὶ ταῦτα μὴ προὔκειτο, τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀγχίνοιαν ἐχρῆν καὶ διὰ σπουδῆς καὶ δι᾽ εὐχῆς ἔχειν πάντοτε, ἐν μηδενὸς ὁμοιότητι τὸ καθαρὸν τῆς ἡμετέρας ψυχῆς κοινωνεῖν, ἢ δοκεῖν ἀνθρώπων ἔθεσι παγκάκων. Πρὸς τούτοις, κἀκεῖνο πάρεστι συνορᾶν, ὡς ἐν τηλικούτῳ πράγματι καὶ τοιαύτῃ θρησκείας ἑορτῇ διαφωνίαν ὑπάρχειν, ἐστὶν ἀθεώτατον. Μίαν γὰρ ἡμῖν τὴν τῆς ἡμετέρας ἐλευθερίας ἡμέραν, φυτος αὐτῶν ἀγάγῃ μανία; Ἐκεῖθεν τοίνυν κἂν τούτουτέστι τὴν τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου πάθους, ὁ ἡμέτερος : πλείων ἐστὶν ὁ τῶν κατὰ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους παρέδωκε Σωτήρ, μίαν εἶναι τὴν καθολικὴν αὐτοῦ Ἐκκλησίαν βεβούληται. Ἧς εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα εἰς πολλούς τε καὶ διαφόρους τόπους τὰ μέρη διήρηται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἐνὶ πνεύματι, τουτέστι τῷ θείῳ βουλήματι, Οάλπεται. Λογισάσθω δὲ ἡ τῆς ὑμετέρας ὁσιότητος ἀγχίνοια, ὅπως ἐστὶ δεινόν τε καὶ ἀπρεπὲς, κατά τὰς αὐτὰς ἡμέρας, ἑτέρους μὲν ταῖς νηστείαις σχο λάζειν, ἑτέρους δὲ συμπόσια τελεῖν· καὶ μετὰ τὰς τοῦ Πάσχα ἡμέρας, ἄλλους μὲν ἐν ἑορταῖς καὶ ἀνέσεσιν ἐξετάζεσθαι, ἄλλους δὲ ταῖς ὡρισμέναις ἐκδεδόσθαι νηστείαις. Διὰ τοῦτο γοῦν τῆς προσηκούσης ἐπανορθώσεως τυχεῖν, καὶ πρὸς μίαν διατύπωσιν ἄγεσθαι τοῦτο, ἡ θεία πρόνοια βούλεται, ὡς ἔγωγε ἅπαντας ἡγοῦμαι συνορᾷν. "Οθεν ἐπειδὴ τοῦτο οὕτως “ἐπανορθοῦσθαι προσῆκεν, ὡς μηδὲν μετὰ τοῦ τῶν πατροκτόνων τε καὶ κυριοκτόνων ἐκείνων ἔθνους εἶναι κοινόν· ἔστι τε τάξις εὐπρεπὴς, ἣν ἅπασαι τῶν. δυτικῶν τε καὶ μεσημβρινῶν καὶ ἀρκτῴων τῆς οἰκουμένης μερῶν παραφυλάττουσιν αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι, καί τινες τῶν μετὰ τὴν ἑῴαν τόπων· ὧν ἕνεκεν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος καλῶς ἔχειν ἅπαντες ἡγήσαντο· καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἀγχινοίᾳ ἀρέσειν ὑπεσχόμην· ἵν᾿ ὅπερ ἂν κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν, Ἰταλίαν τε καὶ ᾿Αφρικὴν, ἅπασαν Αἴγυπτον, Ισπανίας, Γαλλίας, Βρεττανίας, Λιβύην, ὅλην Ἑλλάδα, Ασιανήν τε διοίκησιν καὶ Ποντικὴν, καὶ Κιλικίαν, μιᾷ καὶ συμφώνῳ φυλάττηται γνώμῃ, ἀσμένως τοῦτο καὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα προσδέξηται σύνεσις· λογιζομένη ὡς οὐ μόνον Ἐκκλησιῶν ἀριθμός· ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς τοῦτο μάλιστα κοινῇ πάντας ὁσιώτατόν ἐστι βούλεσθαι, ὅπερ καὶ ὁ ἀκριβὴς ἀπαιτεῖν δοκεῖ λόγος, καὶ οὐδεμίαν μετὰ τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἐπιορκίας ἔχειν κοινωνίαν, Ἵνα δὲ τὸ κεφαλαιωδέστατον συντόμως εἴπω, κοινῇ πάντων ἤρεσε κρίσει, τὴν ἁγιωτάτην τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν μιᾷ καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ συντελεῖσθαι. Οὐδὲ γὰρ πρέπει ἐν τοιαύτῃ ἁγιότητι εἶναί τινα διαφοράν· καὶ κάλλιον ἔπεσθαι τῇ γνώμῃ ταύτῃ, ἐν ᾗ οὐδεμία ἔσται ἀλλοτρίας πλάνης καὶ ἁμαρτήματος ἐπιμιξία. Τούτων οὖν οὕτω στοιχούντων, ἀσμένως δέχεσθαιὰ τὴν οὐρανίαν καὶ θείαν ὡς ἀληθῶς ἐντολὴν. Πᾶν γὰρ ὅ τι δ᾽ ἂν ἐν τοῖς ἁγίοις τῶν ἐπισκόπων συνεδρίοις πράττηται, τοῦτο πρὸς τὴν θείαν βούλησιν ἔχει τὴν ἀναφοράν. Διὸ πᾶσι τοῖς ἀγαπητοῖς ἡμῶν ἀδελφοῖς ἐμφανίσαντες τὰ προγεγραμμένα, ἤδη καὶ τὸν προειρημένον λόγον, καὶ τὴν παρατήρησιν τῆς ἁγιωτάτης ἡμέρας ὑποδέχεσθαί τε καὶ διατάττειν ὀφείλετε· ἵν᾿ ἐπειδὰν πρὸς τὴν πάλαι μοι ποθουμένην τῆς ὑμετέρας διαθέσεως ὅψιν ἀφίκωμαι, ἐν μιᾷ καὶ τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρᾳ, τὴν ἁγίαν μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ἑορτὴν ἐπιτελέσαι δυνηθῶ· καὶ πάντων ἕνεκεν μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν εὐδοκήσω, συνορῶν τὴν διαβολικὴν ὠμότητα ὑπὸ τῆς θείας δυνάμεως διὰ τῶν ἡμετέρων πράξεων ἀνῃρημένην, ἀκμαζούσης πανταχοῦ τῆς ὑμετέρας πίστεως καὶ εἰρήνης καὶ ὁμονοίας. Ὁ Θεὸς ὑμᾶς διαφυλάξοι, ἀδελφοὶ ἀγαπητοί. Ἄλλη ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Εὐσέβιον. Νικητής Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, Εὐσεβίῳ. Ἕως τοῦ παρόντος χρόνου, τῆς ἀνοσίου βουλήσεως καὶ τυραννίδος τοὺς ὑπηρέτας τοῦ Σωτῆρος Θεοῦ διωκούσης, πεπίστευκα καὶ ἀκριβῶς ἐμαυτὸν πέπεικα, πασῶν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τὰ ἔργα, ἢ ὑπὸ ἀμελείας διεφθάρθαι, ἢ φόβῳ τῆς ἐπικειμένης ἐνεργείας ἐλάττονα τῆς ἀξίας γεγενῆσθαι, ἀδελφὲ προσφιλέστατε. Νυνὶ δὲ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀποδοθείσης, καὶ τοῦ δράκοντος ἐκείνου Λικιννίου τοῦ διώκτου, ἀπὸ τῆς τῶν κοινῶν διοικήσεως, Θεοῦ τοῦ μεγίστου προνοίᾳ, ἡμετέρᾳ δὲ ὑπηρεσίᾳ διωχθέντος, ἡγοῦμαι καὶ πᾶσι φανεράν γενέσθαι τὴν θείαν δύναμιν, καὶ τοὺς ἢ φόβῳ ἢ ἀπιστίᾳ ἡ ἁμαρτήμασί τισι περιπεσόντας, ἐπιγνόντας δὲ τὸν ὄντως ὄντα Θεὸν, ἤξειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀληθῆ καὶ ὀρθὴν τοῦ βίου κατάστασιν. Ὅσων τοίνυν ἢ αὐτὸς προΐστασαι ἐκκλησιῶν, ἢ ἄλλους τοὺς κατὰ τόπον προϊσταμένους ἐπισκόπους, πρεσβυτέρους τε ἢ διακόνους οἶσθα, ὑπόμνησον σπουδάζειν περὶ τὰ ἔργα τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν, ἢ ἐπανορθοῦσθαι τὰ ὄντα, ἢ εἰς μείζονα αὔξειν, ἢ ἔνθα ἂν ἡ χρεία ἀπαιτῇ, καινὰ ποιεῖν. Αἰτήσεις δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς, καὶ διὰ σοῦ οἱ λοιποὶ τὰ ἀναγκαῖα, παρά τε τῶν ἡγεμονευόντων, καὶ τῆς ἐπαρχικῆς τάξεως· τούτοις γὰρ ἐπεστάλη, πάσῃ σπουδῇ ἐξυπηρετήσασθαι τοῖς ὑπὸ τῆς σῆς ὁσιότητος λεγομένοις. Ὁ Θεὸς διαφυλάξοι σε, ἀγαπητὲ ἀδελφέ. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τῆς τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν οἰκοδομῆς, πρὸς τοὺς καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐπαρχίαν ἐπισκόπους ἐπέστειλεν. Ὁποῖα δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς τῶν ἱερῶν βιβλίων κατασκευῆς πρὸς Εὐσέβιον ἔγραψε τὸν Παλαιστῖνον, ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν γραμμάτων καταμαθεῖν εὐπετές. Νικητής Κωνσταντίνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, Εὐσεβίῳ Καισαρείας. Κατὰ τὴν ἐπώνυμον ἡμῖν πόλιν, τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος Θεοῦ συναιρομένης προνοίας, μέγιστον πλῆθος ἀν· βρώπων τῇ ἁγιωτάτῃ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἀνατέθεικεν ἑαυτὸν, ὡς πάντων ἐκεῖσε πολλὴν λαβόντων αὔξησιν. Σφόδρα τοίνυν ἄξιον καταφαίνεται, καὶ ἐκκλησίας ἐν αὐτῇ κατασκευασθῆναι πλείους. Τοιγάρτοι δέδεξο προθυμότατα τὸ δόξαν τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ προαιρέσει· πρέπον κατεφάνη δηλῶσαι τοῦτο τῇ σῇ συνέσει, ὅπως ἂν πεντήκοντα σωμάτια ἐν διφθέραις ἐγκατασκεύοις, εὐανάγνωστά τε καὶ πρὸς τὴν χρῆσιν εὐπαρακόμιστα, ὑπὸ τεχνιτῶν καλλιγράφων, καὶ ἀκριβῶς τὴν τέχνὴν ἐπισταμένων, γραφῆναι κελεύσειας· τῶν θείων δηλαδὴ Γραφῶν, ὧν μάλιστα τὴν ἐπισκευὴν καὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, τῷ τῆς ἐκκλησίας λόγῳ ἀναγκαίαν εἶναι γινώσκεις. ᾿Απέσταλται δὲ γράμματα παρὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἡμερότητος πρὸς τὸν τῆς διοικήσεως καθολικὸν, ὅπως ἂν πάντα τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκευὴν αὐτῶν ἐπιτήδεια παρασχεῖν φροντίσειεν. Ἵνα γὰρ ὡς τάχιστα τὰ γραφέντα σωμάτια κατασκευασθείη, τῆς κλησίας διακόνων· ὃς ἐπειδὰν ἀφίκηται πρὸς ἡμᾶς, σε διαφυλάξοι, ἀδελφὲ ἀγαπητέ. σῆς ἐπιμελείας ἔργον τοῦτο γενήσεται· καὶ γὰρ δύο δημοσίων ὀχημάτων ἐξουσίαν εἰς διακομιδὴν, ἐκ τῆς αὐθεντίας τοῦ γράμματος ἡμῶν τούτου λαβεῖν σε προσήκει. Οὕτω γὰρ ἂν μάλιστα τὰ καλῶς γραφέντα, καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἡμετέρων ὅψεων ῥᾷστα διακομισθείη, ἑνὸς δηλαδὴ τοῦτο πληροῦντος τῶν ἐκ τῆς σῆς Ἑκτῆς ἡμετέρας πειραθήσεται φιλανθρωπίας. Ὁ Θεός Νικητής Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, Ἄλλη ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Μακάριον. Μακαρίῳ Ἱεροσολύμων. Τοσαυτη τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν ἐστιν ἡ χάρις, ὡς μηδεμίαν λόγων χορηγίαν τοῦ παρόντος πράγματος ἀξίαν εἶναι δοκεῖν. Τὸ γὰρ γνώρισμα τοῦ ἁγιωτάτου ἐκείνου πάθους ὑπὸ τῇ γῇ πάλαι κρυπτόμενον, τοσαύταις ἐτῶν περιόδοις λαθεῖν, ἄχρις οὗ διὰ τῆς τοῦ κοινοῦ πάντων ἐχθροῦ ἀναιρέσεως, ἐλευθερωθεῖσι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ θεράπουσιν ἀναλάμπειν ἔμελλε, πᾶσαν ἔκπληξιν ὡς ἀληθῶς ὑπερβαίνει. Εἰ γὰρ πάντες οἱ διὰ πάσης τῆς οἰκουμένης εἶναι δοκοῦντες σοφοὶ, εἰς ἂν τὸ αὑτὸ συνελθόντες, ἄξιόν τι τοῦ πράγματος ἐθελήσωσιν εἰπεῖν, οὐδ᾽ ἂν πρὸς τὸ βραχύτατον ἁμιλληθῆναι δυνήτονται" ἐπὶ τοσούτῳ πᾶσαν ἀνθρω»πίνουν λογισμοῦ χωρητιχὴν φύσιν ἡ τοῦ θαύματος τούτου πίστις ὑπερθαίγει, ὅσῳ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων τὰ οὐράνια συνέστηκεν εἶναι δυνατώτερα. Διὰ τοῦτο γοῦν οὗτος ἀεὶ πρῶτος μόνος ἐστί μοι σκοπὸς, ἴν᾽ ὥσπερ ἑαυτὴν ὁσημέραι χαινοτέροις θαύμασιν, ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας πίστις ἐνδείχνυσιν, οὕτω αἱ ψυχαὶ πάντων ἡμῶν περὶ τὸν ἅγιον νόμον, σωφροσύνῃ καὶ ὁμογνώμονι προθυμίᾳ, σπουδαιότεραι γίγνοιντο, Ὅπερ ἐπειδὴ πᾶσιν εἶναι νομίξω φανερὸν, ἐκεῖνο μάλιστά σε πεπεῖσθαι βούλομαι, ὡς ἄρα πάντων μο!: μέλει μᾷλλον, ὅπως τὸν ἱερὸν ἐκεῖνον τόπον, ὃν Θεοῦ προστάγματι αἰσχίστης εἰδώλου προσθήκης, ὥσπερ τινὸς ἐπικειμένου βάρους ἐχούφισα, ἅγιον μὲν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Θεοῦ κρίσει γεγενημένον, ἁγιώτερον δὲ ἀποφαυθέντα, ἀφ᾽ οὗ τὴν τοῦ σωτηρίου πάθους πίστιν εἰς φῶς προήγαγεν, οἰκοδομημάτων κάλλει χοσμήτπτιμεν. Προσήχει τοίνυν τὴν σὴν ἀγχίνοιαν οὕτω διατάξαι τε, καὶ ἐχάστου τῶν ἀναγκαίων ποιήσᾳσθα! πρόνοιαν, ὡς οὐ μόνον βασιλικὴν τῶν πανταχοῦ βε)τίονα, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ, τοιαῦτα γενέσθαι, ὡς πάντα τὰ ἐφ᾽ ἐχάστης πόλεω; χαλλιστεύοντα, ὑπὸ τοῦ χτίσματος τούτου νιχᾶσθαι" καὶ περὶ μὲν τῆς τῶν τοίχων ἐργααἷας τε χαλλιεργίας, Δραχιλλιανῷ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ φίλῳ διέποντε: τῶν λαμπροτάτων ἐπάρχων τὰ μέρη, καὶ τῷ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἄρχοντι, παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐγχεχειρίσθαι τὴν φροντίδα γίνωσχε. Κεχέλευσται γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς ἐμῆς εὐσεβείας, καὶ τεχνίτας καὶ ἐργάτας, πάνθ᾽ ὅσα περὶ τὴν οἰχοδομὴν ἀναγκαῖα τυγχάνειν, παρὰ τῆς σῆς καταμάθοιεν ἀγχινοίας, παραχρῆμα διὰ τῆς ἐκείνων προνοίας ἀποσταλῆναι. Περὶ δὲ τῶν χιόνων, ἢ τῶν μαρμάρων, ἃ δ᾽ ἂν νομέσης εἶναι τιμιώτερά τε χρησιμώτερα, αὐτὸς συνόψεως γενομένης πρὸς ἡμᾷς γράψαι σπούδασον' ἵν᾽ ὅσων δ᾽ ἂν ὁποίων χρείαν εἶναι διὰ τοῦ γράμ.ματος ἐπιγνῶμεν, ταῦτα πανταχόθεν μετενεχθῆνα! δυνηθῇ. Τὸν γὰρ τοῦ κόσμον θαυμασιώτερον τόπων, κατ᾽ ἀξίαν φαιδρύνεσθαι δίκαιον. Τὴν δὲ τῆς βασιλιχῆς γχαμάραν, πότερον λαχωναρίαν, ἣ διά τινος ἑτέρας ἐργασίας γενέσθαι δοκεῖ, παρὰ σοῦ γνῶναι βούλομαι. Εἰ γὰρ λαχωναρία μέλλοι εἶναι, δυνήσεται χρυσῷ χαλλωπισθῆναι. Τὸ λειπόμενον, ἵνα ἡ σὴ ὁσιότης τοῖς προειρημένοις δικασταῖς ἧ τάχος γγῳρισθῆναι ποιήσῃ, ἔσων τε καὶ ἐργατῶν καὶ τεχνιτῶν καὶ ἀναλωμάτων χρεία" πρὸς ἐμὲ εὐθέως ἀνἐνεγκεῖν σπούδασον, οὗ μόνον περὶ τῶν μαρμάρων τε καὶ χιόγων, ἀλλὰ περὶ τῶν λακχωναριῶν, εἴγε τοῦτο κάλλιον ἐπιχρίνειας. Ὁ Θεός σε διαφυλάξοι, ἀδελοὲ ἀγαπητέ. Καὶ ἄλλας δὲ ἐπιστολὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς κατὰ ᾿Αρείου καὶ τῶν ὁμοδόξων αὐτοῦ πανηγυριχώτερον γράψας, πανταχοῦ κατὰ πόλεις προσέθηχε τῷ διέποντι τῶν . οἱ αὐτόν ε. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Νικομηδεῦσι κατά Εὐσεβίου καὶ Θεόγνιδος γράφων, καθάπτεται μὲν τῆς Εὐσεβίου κακοτροπίας, οὐ μόνον ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αρειανισμῷ, ἀλλ᾿ ὅτι καὶ τῷ τυράννῳ ἤδη πρότερον εὐνοῶν, τοῖς αὐτοῦ πράγμασιν ἐπεβούλευσε· παρήνει δὲ ἕτερον ἑλέσθαι ἐπίσκοπον ἀντ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Ἀλλὰ τὰς περὶ τούτων ἐπιστολὰς, διὰ τὸ ἐν αὐταῖς μῆκος, δὲ τοῖς βουλομένοις, ἀναζητῆσαι καὶ ἐντυγχάνειν διακωμῳδῶν, καὶ τῆς ειρωνείας τῷ ἤθει διαβάλλων ἐνταῦθα προσγράψαι περιττὸν εἶναι ἐνόμισα. Ἐξέστω αὐταῖς. Καὶ περὶ τούτων τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω.
Tę̄ hagią Theou chariti, megalę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn tois chat᾽ Aigypton, Libyēn Ēentapolin agapētois adelphois, hoi en Nikaią synachϑentes, tēn megalēn hagian synodon snnchrotēsantes episkopoi, en Kyriǭ chairein. Epeidē tēs tou Theou charitos, tou theophilestatou basileōs Kōnstantinou synagagontos hēmas diaphorōn poleōn te kai eparchiōn, megalē kai hagia synodos en Nikaia synekrotēthē, ex hapantos anankaion ephanē, para tēs hieras synodou kai pros hymas episteilai grammata" hin᾽ eidenai echoite, tina men ekinēthē exētasthē, tina de edoxe kai ekratynthē. SIrōton men oun ex hapantōn exētasthē ta kata tēn asedeian kai tēn paranomian ᾿Areiou tōn syn autǭ, epi parousią tou theophilestatou basileōs Kōnstantinou " kai pampsēphei edoxen anathematisthēnai tēn aseuę̄ autou doxan, kai ta rhēmata pa onomata ta blasphēma, hois ekechrēto blastēmōn, ton Huion tou Theou legōn ex ouch ontōn, einai pote hote ouch ēn" autexousiotēti kakias kai aretēs dechtichyn ton Huion tou Theou legontos, ktisma poiēma onomazontos, hapanta anethematisen hē hagia synodos, oude hoson akousai tēs aseThous doxēs ē aponoias kai tōn blasphēmōn rhēmatōn, anaschomenē. Kai ta men ekeinou hoiou telous tetychēche, pantōs ē achēchoate achousesthe, hina mē doxōmen epemdainein andri di' oikeian hamartian axia ta epicheira chomisamenǭ. Tosouton de ischyse autou hē asedeia hōs parapolesai Theōnan apo Marmarichēs, Sechoundon apo Ptolemaïdos. Tōn gar hautōn kakeinoi tetychēchasin. ᾿lll᾽ epiidē hē tou Theou charis, tēs men chgachodoxias ekeinēs kai asebeias, tēs blasphēmias, tōn prosōpōn tōn tolmēsantōn diastasin diairesin poiēsasthai tou eirēneuomenou anōthen laou, ēleutherōsen hēmas" eleipeto de to kata tēn propeteian Melition, tōn hyp᾽ autou cheirotonēthentōn; kai peri toutou tou merous. "A edoxe tę̄ synodǭ, emphanizomen hymin, agapētoi adelphoi. Edoxen oun Melition men, philanthrōpote - ron kinētheisēs tēs synodou (kata gar ton akribē logon, oudemias syngnōmēs axios ēn), menein en tę̄ polei heautou, kai mēdemian exousian echein auton mēte cheirothetein, mēte procheirizesthai, mēte en chōrą mēte en polei hetera phainesthai, tautēs tēs prophaseōs heneka; psilon de to onoma tēs timēs; kektēsthai. Tous de hyp' autou katastathentas ×, mystikōtera cheirotonia bebaiōthentas koinōnēsai epi toutois, eph' hote echein men autous tēn timēn kai leitourgian, deuterous de einai exapantos pantōn tōn en hekastę̄ paroikią te kai Ekklēsią exetazomenōn, tōn hypo tou timiōtatou sylleitourgou hēmōn ᾿Alexandron : prochecheirismenōn hōs pros toutois de, mēdemian exousian pous areschontas autois procheirizesthai, ē hypodalleïn onomata, hē holōs poiein ti chōris gnōmēs tou tēs chatholichę̄ēs Ekklēepiskopou, tōn hypo ᾿Alexandron. Tous de chariti Theou euchais hymeterais en mēdeni schismati heurethentas, alla achēlidōtous en tę̄ chatholichę̄ Ekklēsią ontas, exoudian echein procheirizesthai, onomata epilegesthai tōn axiōn tou chlerou, holōs panta kata nomon ton chlēsiastichon. de tinas onmdaiē anapausastha: tōn en tę̄ Elchlēsią, tēnikauta proïanathaïneiïn eis tēn timēn tou teteleutēkotos, tous arti proslēphthentas, monon ei axioi phaïnointo, ho laus roito, synepipsēphizontos autǭ episphragizontos tou tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopou. Touto hox tois men allois pasi synechōrēthē. Epi de tou Melitiou prosōpou ouketi ta auta edoxe, dia tēn anechathen autou ataxian, dia to procheiron propetes tēs gnōmēs, hina mēdemia exousia authentia autǭ dotheiē, an rōpǭ dynamenǭ palin tas auta: ataempoiēsai. Tauta esti ea exaireta diapheronta tę̄ Aigypt, tę̄ hagiōtatē ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsia. Ei de ti allo echanonisthē edogmatisthē, symparontos tou chyriou timiōtatou sylleitourgou adelphou hēmōn ᾿Alexandrou, hautos parōn achridesteron anoisei pros hymas, hate dē chyrios koinōnos tōn gegenēmenōn eunchanōn. Euangelizometha de hymin, peri tēs symphōnias tou hagiōtatou Pascha, hoti hymetera:s euchais chatōrthōthē kai touto to meros; hōs te pantas tous en tę̄ heǭą adelphous, tous meta tōn Ioudaiōn to proteron poiountas, symphōnōs Rhōmaiois kai hēmin, kai pasin tois ex archaiou meth᾽ hēmōn phylattousi to Pascha, ek tou deuro agein. Chairontes oun epi tois katorthōmasi, kai tę̄ tēs eirēnēs symphōnią, kai epi to pasan hairesin ekkopēnai, apodexasthe men meta meizonos timēs kai pleionos agapēs ton sylleitourgon hēmōn, hymōn de episkopon ᾿Alexandron, ton euphrananta hēmas en tę̄ parousią, kai en tautę̄ tę̄ hēlikią tosouton ponon hypostanta hyper tou eirēnēn genesthai kai par' hymin. Euchesthe de hyper hēmōn hapantōn, hina ta kalōs echein doxanta, tauta bebaia menę̄, dia tou pantokratoros Theou, kai dia tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou, syn hagiǭ Pneumati; hǭ hē doxa eis tous aiōnas. Amēn. En tautę̄ tę̄ tēs synodou epistolę̄ phaneron kathistēsin, hoti ou monon Areion, kai tous homodoxous autou anethematisan, alla kai tas lexeis tēs doxēs autou; kai hoti peri tou Pascha homophronēsantes, edexanto ton airesiarchēn Melition, tēn men axian tēs episkopēs echein auton synchōrēsantes; tēn de exousian tou prattein auton tina hōs episkopon, perielontes; di᾽ hēn aitian nomizō, achri nyn kechōristhai tēs Ekklēsias tous en Aigyptǭ Melitianous, hoti perieilen hē synodos Melitiou to dynasthai. Isteon de, hoti ᾿Areios biblion synegrapse peri tēs heautou doxēs, ho epegrapse Thaleian n. Esti de ho charaktēr tou bibliou chaunos kai dialelymenos, tois sōtadiois ąsmasin, ētoi metrois paraplēsios - hoper kai auto tote hē synodos apekēryxen; ou monē de hē synodos tou grapsai peri tēs genomenēs eirēnēs ephrontisen; alla gar kai ho basileus Kōstantinos, di' oikeiōn grammatōn tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsią tade epesteilen ; Hē epistolē tou basileōs. Kōstantinos Sebastos, tę̄ katholikę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsią. Chairete, agapētoi adelphoi. Teleian para tēs theias pronoias eilēphamen charin, hina pasēs planēs apallagentes, mian kai tēn autēn epiginōskō men pistin. Ouden loipon tǭ diabolǭ exesti kath' hēmōn; pan ei ti d᾽ an kakotechnēsamenos epecheirēsen, ek bathrōn anērētai. Tas dichonoias, ta schismata, tous thorybous ekeinous, kai ta tōn diaphōniōn, hin᾿ houtōs eipō, thanasima pharmaka, kata tēn tou Theou keleusin, hē tēs alētheias enikēse lamprotēs. toigaroun hapantes kai tǭ onomati proskynoumen, kai einai pepisteukamen. Hina de touto genētai, hipomnēsei Theou, synekalesa eis tēn Nikaeōn polin tous pleistous tōn episkopōn, meth᾽ hōnper heis ex hymōn egō, ho syntherapōn hymeteros kath' hyperbolēn einai chairōn, kai autos tēn tēs alētheias exetasin anedexamēn. Hēlenchthē goun hapanta, kai akribōs exētastai, hosa di' amphibolian ē dichonoias prophasin edokei gennąn. Kai pheisasthō hē theia megaleiotēs, hēlika kai hōs deina ta peri tou megalou Sōtēros, peri tēs elpidos kai zōēs hēmōn, aprepōs eblasphēmoun tines, tanantia tais theopneustois Graphais kai tę̄ hagią pistei phthengomenoi te kai pisteuein homologountes. Triakosiōn goun kai pleionōn episkopōn, epi sōphrosynę̄ te kai anchinoią thaumazomenōn, mian kai tēn autēn pistin, ē kai tais alētheiais kai akribeiais tou Theou nomou pephyke pistis einai, bebaiountōn, monos ῾Areios ephōrathē tēs diabolikēs energeias hēttēmenos, kai to kakon touto prōton men par᾽ hymin, epeita kai par' heterois asebei gnōmę̄ diaspeiras. ᾿Anadexōmetha toigaroun, hēn ho pantokratōr paresche gnōmēn; epanelthōmen epi tous agapētous hēmōn adelphous, hōn hēmas tou diabolou anaidēs tis hypēretēs echōrisen. Epi to koinon sōma, kai ta gnēsia – hēmōn melē, spoudę̄ pasę̄ iōmen. Touto gar kai tę̄ anchinoią kai tę̄ pistei, kai tę̄ hosiotēti tę̄ hymeterą prepei, hina tēs planēs elenchtheisēs ekeinou, hon tēs alētheias einai echthron synestēken, pros tēn theian epanelthēte charin. Ho gar tois triakosiois ēresen episkopois, ouden estin heteron, ē tou Theou gnōmē, malista ge hopou to hagion Pneuma toioutōn kai tēlikoutōn andrōn tais dianoiais enkeimenon, tēn theian boulēsin exephōtisen. Dio mēdeis amphiballetō, mēdeis hypertithesthō; alla prothymōs pantes eis tēn alēthestatēn hodon epanite; hin᾽ epeidan hoson oudepō pros hymas aphikōmai, tas opheilomenas tǭ pantephorǭ Theǭ meth' hymōn homologēsō charitas, hoti tēn eilikrinē pistin epideixas, tēn euktaian hymin agapēn apodedōken. Ho Theos hymas diaphylaxoi, agapētoi 31 adelphoi. Ho men dē basileus toiauta egrapse tǭ ᾿Alexandreōn dēmǭ, mēnyōn hoti ouch haplōs, oude hōs etyche gegonen ho horos tēs pisteōs ;; all᾽ hoti meta san ; kai ouch hoti tina men elechthē, tina de apesigēthē, all' hoti hosa pros systasin tou dogmatos lechthēnai ērmoze, panta ekinēthē; kai hoti ouch haplōs hōristhē, all᾿ akribōs exētasthē proteron; hōste panta hosa ē amphibolias, ē dichonoias prophasin edokei gennąn, tauta ekpodōn gegenēsthai. To kephalaion gnōmēn Theou, tēn pantōn tōn ekei synelthontōn gnōmēn kalei, kai Pneumati hagiǭ, tōn tosoutōn kai tēlikoutōn episkopōn tēn homophōnian genesthai ouk apistei. Sabinos de ho tēs Makedoniou haireseōs proestōs, toutois men hekōn ou prosechei; all᾿ idiōtas, kai mē echein gnōsin, tous ekei synelthontas phēsin; kindyneuōn kai auton ton Kaisarea Eusebion epi agnōsią diaballein; kai ouk enthymeitai, hōs ei kai idiōtai ēsan pollēs syzētēseōs kai dokimasias auton hypēgoreuoi tēs synodou, katelamponto de hypo tou Theou, kai tēs charitos tou hagiou Pneumatos a, oudamōs astochēsai tēs alētheias edynanto. Epakouson goun hoia kai di' heteras epistolēs ho basileus, kata te ᾿Areiou kai tōn homodoxōn autou nomothetēsas, tois pantachou episkopois te kai laois diepempsato. ᾿Allē epistolē Kōnstantinou. Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, episkopois kai laois. Tous ponērous kai asebeis mimēsamenos ( ᾿Areios, dikaios esti tēn autēn ekeinois hypechein (ein atimian. Ōsper toinyn Porphyrios ho tēs theosebeias echthros, syntagmata paranoma kata tēs thrēskeias systēsamenos, axion eureto misthon, kai toiouton, hōste eponeidiston men auton pros ton hexēs genesthai. chronon, kai pleistēs anaplēsthēnai kakodoxias, aphanisthēnai de ta asebē autou syngrammata; houtō kai nyn edoxen "Areion te kai tous ᾿Areiou homognōmonas, Porphyrianous men kaleisthai hin᾿ hōn tous tropous memimēntai, toutōn echōsi kai tēn prosēgorian. Pros de toutois kai ei ti syngramma hypo ᾿Areiou syntetagmenon heuriskoito, touto pyri paradidosthai - hina mē monon ta phaula autou tēs didaskalias aphanistheiē, alla mēde hypomnēma autou holōs hypoleipoito. Ekeino mentoi proagoreuō, hōs ei tis syngramma hypo ᾿Areiou syntagen phōratheiē krypsas, kai mē eutheōs prosenenkōn pyri katanalōsę̄, toutǭ thanatos estai hē zēmia; parachrēma gar alous epi toutǭ, kephalikēn hypostēsetai timōrian. Ho Theos hymas diaphylaxoi. Allē epistolē. Kōnstantinos Sebastos, tais Ekklēsiais. Peiran labōn ek tēs tōn koinōn eupraxias, hosē tēs theias dynameōs pephyke charis, touton te pro pantōn ekrina einai moi prosēkein skopon, hopōs para tois makariōtatois tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias plēthesi pistis mia, kai eilikrinēs agapē, homognōmōn te peri ton pankratē Theon eusebeia tērētai; all᾽ epeidē touto heterōs ouch hoion te ēn aklinē kai bebaian taxin labein, ei mē eis tauto pantōn homou, ē tōn goun pleionōn episkopōn synelthontōn, hekastou tōn prosēkontōn tę̄ hagiōtatę̄ thrēskeią diakrisis genoito ; toutou heneken pleistōn hosōn synathroisthentōn, kai autos de kathaper heis ex hymōn etynchanon symparōn; (ou gar arnēsaimēn an eph᾽ hǭ malista chairō, syntherapōn hymeteros pephykenai;) achri tosoutou hapanta tēs prosēkousēs tetychēken exetaseōs, achris hou hē tǭ pantōn ephorǭ areskousa gnōmē, pros tēn tēs henotētos symphōnian eis phōs proēchthē• hōs mēden eti pros dichonoian, ē pisteōs amphisbētēsin hypoleipesthai. Entha kai peri tēs tou Pascha agiōtatēs hēmeras genomenēs zētēseōs, edoxe koinę̄ gnōmę̄ kalōs echein, epi mias hēmeras pantas tous apantachou epitelein. Ti gar hēmin kallion, ti de semnoteron hyparxai dynēsetai, tou tēn heortēn tautēn, par' hēs tēn tēs athanasias eilēphamen elpida, mią taxei kai phanerǭ logǭ, para pasin adiaptōtōs phylattesthai? kai prōton men, anaxion edoxen einai tēn hagiōtatēn ekeinēn heortēn, tę̄ tōn Ioudaiōn hepomenous synētheia plēroun; hoi tas heautōn cheiras athemitǭ plēmmelēmati chranantes, eikotōs tas psychas hoi miaroi typhlōttousin. Exesti gar tou ekeinōn ethnous apoblēthentos e, alēthesterą taxei, hēn ek prōtēs tou pathous hēmeras mechri tou parontos ephylaxamen, kai epi tous mellontas aiōnas tēn tēs epitērēseōs tautēs symplērōsin enginesthai. Mēden toinyn estō hymin koinon meta tou echthistou tōn Ioudaiōn ochlou. Eilēphamen ē para tou Sōtēros heteran hodon. Prokeitai gar dromos tę̄ hierōtatę̄ hēmōn thrēskeią, kai nomimos kai prepōn. Toutou symphōnōs antilambanomenoi, tēs echthras ekeinēs heautous syneidēseōs apospasōmen, adelphoi timiōtatoi. Esti garōs alēthōs atopōtaton, ekeinous auchein, hōs ara parektos tēs autōn didaskalias tauta phylattein ouk ēmen hikanoi. Ti de phronein ekeinoi orthon dynēsontai, hoi meta tēn kyrioktonian ekeinēn ekstantes tōn phrenōn, agontai ou logismǭ tini, all᾽ ormę̄ akataschetǭ, hopoi an autous hē emtǭ tǭ merei tēn alētheian ouch horōsin, hōs aei kata pleiston autous planōmenous, anti tēs prosēkousēs epanorthōseōs, en tǭ autǭ etei deuteron to Pascha epitelein. Tinos oun charin toutois hepometha, hoi deinēn planēn nosein hōmologēntai ? Deuteron ge to Pascha en heni eniautǭ ouk an pote poiein anexōmetha. ᾿All' ei kai tauta mē proukeito, tēn hymeteran anchinoian echrēn kai dia spoudēs kai di᾽ euchēs echein pantote, en mēdenos homoiotēti to katharon tēs hēmeteras psychēs koinōnein, ē dokein anthrōpōn ethesi pankakōn. Pros toutois, kakeino paresti synoran, hōs en tēlikoutǭ pragmati kai toiautę̄ thrēskeias heortę̄ diaphōnian hyparchein, estin atheōtaton. Mian gar hēmin tēn tēs hēmeteras eleutherias hēmeran, phytos autōn agagę̄ mania? Ekeithen toinyn kan toutoutesti tēn tou hagiōtatou pathous, ho hēmeteros : pleiōn estin ho tōn kata tous proeirēmenous topous paredōke Sōtēr, mian einai tēn katholikēn autou Ekklēsian beboulētai. Hēs ei kai ta malista eis pollous te kai diaphorous topous ta merē diērētai, all᾽ homōs eni pneumati, toutesti tǭ theiǭ boulēmati, Oalpetai. Logisasthō de hē tēs hymeteras hosiotētos anchinoia, hopōs esti deinon te kai aprepes, kata tas autas hēmeras, heterous men tais nēsteiais scho lazein, heterous de symposia telein; kai meta tas tou Pascha hēmeras, allous men en heortais kai anesesin exetazesthai, allous de tais hōrismenais ekdedosthai nēsteiais. Dia touto goun tēs prosēkousēs epanorthōseōs tychein, kai pros mian diatypōsin agesthai touto, hē theia pronoia bouletai, hōs egōge hapantas hēgoumai synorąn. "Othen epeidē touto houtōs “epanorthousthai prosēken, hōs mēden meta tou tōn patroktonōn te kai kyrioktonōn ekeinōn ethnous einai koinon; esti te taxis euprepēs, hēn hapasai tōn. dytikōn te kai mesēmbrinōn kai arktǭōn tēs oikoumenēs merōn paraphylattousin hai Ekklēsiai, kai tines tōn meta tēn heǭan topōn; hōn heneken epi tou parontos kalōs echein hapantes hēgēsanto; kai autos de tę̄ hymeterą anchinoią aresein hypeschomēn; hin᾿ hoper an kata tēn Rhōmaiōn polin, Italian te kai ᾿Aphrikēn, hapasan Aigypton, Ispanias, Gallias, Brettanias, Libyēn, holēn Hellada, Asianēn te dioikēsin kai Pontikēn, kai Kilikian, mią kai symphōnǭ phylattētai gnōmę̄, asmenōs touto kai hē hymetera prosdexētai synesis; logizomenē hōs ou monon Ekklēsiōn arithmos; alla kai hōs touto malista koinę̄ pantas hosiōtaton esti boulesthai, hoper kai ho akribēs apaitein dokei logos, kai oudemian meta tēs Ioudaiōn epiorkias echein koinōnian, Hina de to kephalaiōdestaton syntomōs eipō, koinę̄ pantōn ērese krisei, tēn hagiōtatēn tou Pascha heortēn mią kai tę̄ autę̄ hēmerą synteleisthai. Oude gar prepei en toiautę̄ hagiotēti einai tina diaphoran; kai kallion epesthai tę̄ gnōmę̄ tautę̄, en hę̄ oudemia estai allotrias planēs kai hamartēmatos epimixia. Toutōn oun houtō stoichountōn, asmenōs dechesthaia tēn ouranian kai theian hōs alēthōs entolēn. Pan gar ho ti d᾽ an en tois hagiois tōn episkopōn synedriois prattētai, touto pros tēn theian boulēsin echei tēn anaphoran. Dio pasi tois agapētois hēmōn adelphois emphanisantes ta progegrammena, ēdē kai ton proeirēmenon logon, kai tēn paratērēsin tēs hagiōtatēs hēmeras hypodechesthai te kai diatattein opheilete; hin᾿ epeidan pros tēn palai moi pothoumenēn tēs hymeteras diatheseōs hopsin aphikōmai, en mią kai tę̄ autę̄ hēmerą, tēn hagian meth᾽ hymōn heortēn epitelesai dynēthō; kai pantōn heneken meth᾽ hymōn eudokēsō, synorōn tēn diabolikēn ōmotēta hypo tēs theias dynameōs dia tōn hēmeterōn praxeōn anę̄rēmenēn, akmazousēs pantachou tēs hymeteras pisteōs kai eirēnēs kai homonoias. Ho Theos hymas diaphylaxoi, adelphoi agapētoi. Allē epistolē pros Eusebion. Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, Eusebiǭ. Heōs tou parontos chronou, tēs anosiou boulēseōs kai tyrannidos tous hypēretas tou Sōtēros Theou diōkousēs, pepisteuka kai akribōs emauton pepeika, pasōn tōn ekklēsiōn ta erga, ē hypo ameleias diephtharthai, ē phobǭ tēs epikeimenēs energeias elattona tēs axias gegenēsthai, adelphe prosphilestate. Nyni de tēs eleutherias apodotheisēs, kai tou drakontos ekeinou Likinniou tou diōktou, apo tēs tōn koinōn dioikēseōs, Theou tou megistou pronoią, hēmeterą de hypēresią diōchthentos, hēgoumai kai pasi phaneran genesthai tēn theian dynamin, kai tous ē phobǭ ē apistią hē hamartēmasi tisi peripesontas, epignontas de ton ontōs onta Theon, ēxein epi tēn alēthē kai orthēn tou biou katastasin. Hosōn toinyn ē autos proïstasai ekklēsiōn, ē allous tous kata topon proïstamenous episkopous, presbyterous te ē diakonous oistha, hypomnēson spoudazein peri ta erga tōn ekklēsiōn, ē epanorthousthai ta onta, ē eis meizona auxein, ē entha an hē chreia apaitę̄, kaina poiein. Aitēseis de kai autos, kai dia sou hoi loipoi ta anankaia, para te tōn hēgemoneuontōn, kai tēs eparchikēs taxeōs; toutois gar epestalē, pasę̄ spoudę̄ exypēretēsasthai tois hypo tēs sēs hosiotētos legomenois. Ho Theos diaphylaxoi se, agapēte adelphe. Tauta men oun peri tēs tōn Ekklēsiōn oikodomēs, pros tous kath᾽ hekastēn eparchian episkopous epesteilen. Hopoia de kai peri tēs tōn hierōn bibliōn kataskeuēs pros Eusebion egrapse ton Palaistinon, ex autōn tōn grammatōn katamathein eupetes. Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, Eusebiǭ Kaisareias. Kata tēn epōnymon hēmin polin, tēs tou Sōtēros Theou synairomenēs pronoias, megiston plēthos an; brōpōn tę̄ hagiōtatę̄ Ekklēsią anatetheiken heauton, hōs pantōn ekeise pollēn labontōn auxēsin. Sphodra toinyn axion kataphainetai, kai ekklēsias en autę̄ kataskeuasthēnai pleious. Toigartoi dedexo prothymotata to doxan tę̄ hēmeterą proairesei; prepon katephanē dēlōsai touto tę̄ sę̄ synesei, hopōs an pentēkonta sōmatia en diphtherais enkataskeuois, euanagnōsta te kai pros tēn chrēsin euparakomista, hypo technitōn kalligraphōn, kai akribōs tēn technēn epistamenōn, graphēnai keleuseias; tōn theiōn dēladē Graphōn, hōn malista tēn episkeuēn kai tēn chrēsin, tǭ tēs ekklēsias logǭ anankaian einai ginōskeis. ᾿Apestaltai de grammata para tēs hēmeteras hēmerotētos pros ton tēs dioikēseōs katholikon, hopōs an panta ta pros tēn episkeuēn autōn epitēdeia paraschein phrontiseien. Hina gar hōs tachista ta graphenta sōmatia kataskeuastheiē, tēs klēsias diakonōn; hos epeidan aphikētai pros hēmas, se diaphylaxoi, adelphe agapēte. sēs epimeleias ergon touto genēsetai; kai gar dyo dēmosiōn ochēmatōn exousian eis diakomidēn, ek tēs authentias tou grammatos hēmōn toutou labein se prosēkei. Houtō gar an malista ta kalōs graphenta, kai mechri tōn hēmeterōn hopseōn rhąsta diakomistheiē, henos dēladē touto plērountos tōn ek tēs sēs Hektēs hēmeteras peirathēsetai philanthrōpias. Ho Theos Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, Allē epistolē pros Makarion. Makariǭ Hierosolymōn. Tosautē tou Sōtēros hēmōn estin hē charis, hōs mēdemian logōn chorēgian tou parontos pragmatos axian einai dokein. To gar gnōrisma tou hagiōtatou ekeinou pathous hypo tę̄ gę̄ palai kryptomenon, tosautais etōn periodois lathein, achris hou dia tēs tou koinou pantōn echthrou anaireseōs, eleutherōtheisi tois heautou therapousin analampein emelle, pasan ekplēxin hōs alēthōs hyperbainei. Ei gar pantes hoi dia pasēs tēs oikoumenēs einai dokountes sophoi, eis an to hauto synelthontes, axion ti tou pragmatos ethelēsōsin eipein, oud᾽ an pros to brachytaton hamillēthēnai dynētontai" epi tosoutǭ pasan anthrō»pinoun logismou chōrētichēn physin hē tou thaumatos toutou pistis hyperthaigei, hosǭ tōn anthrōpinōn ta ourania synestēken einai dynatōtera. Dia touto goun houtos aei prōtos monos esti moi skopos, in᾽ hōsper heautēn hosēmerai chainoterois thaumasin, hē tēs alētheias pistis endeichnysin, houtō hai psychai pantōn hēmōn peri ton hagion nomon, sōphrosynę̄ kai homognōmoni prothymią, spoudaioterai gignointo, Hoper epeidē pasin einai nomixō phaneron, ekeino malista se pepeisthai boulomai, hōs ara pantōn mo!: melei mąllon, hopōs ton hieron ekeinon topon, hon Theou prostagmati aischistēs eidōlou prosthēkēs, hōsper tinos epikeimenou barous echouphisa, hagion men ex archēs Theou krisei gegenēmenon, hagiōteron de apophauthenta, aph᾽ hou tēn tou sōtēriou pathous pistin eis phōs proēgagen, oikodomēmatōn kallei chosmētptimen. Prosēchei toinyn tēn sēn anchinoian houtō diataxai te, kai echastou tōn anankaiōn poiēsąstha! pronoian, hōs ou monon basilikēn tōn pantachou be)tiona, alla kai ta loipa, toiauta genesthai, hōs panta ta eph᾽ echastēs poleō? challisteuonta, hypo tou chtismatos toutou nichasthai" kai peri men tēs tōn toichōn ergaaias te challiergias, Drachillianǭ tǭ hēmeterǭ philǭ dieponte: tōn lamprotatōn eparchōn ta merē, kai tǭ tēs eparchias archonti, par᾽ hēmōn enchecheiristhai tēn phrontida ginōsche. Kecheleustai gar hypo tēs emēs eusebeias, kai technitas kai ergatas, panth᾽ hosa peri tēn oichodomēn anankaia tynchanein, para tēs sēs katamathoien anchinoias, parachrēma dia tēs ekeinōn pronoias apostalēnai. Peri de tōn chionōn, ē tōn marmarōn, ha d᾽ an nomesēs einai timiōtera te chrēsimōtera, autos synopseōs genomenēs pros hēmąs grapsai spoudason' hin᾽ hosōn d᾽ an hopoiōn chreian einai dia tou gram.matos epignōmen, tauta pantachothen metenechthēna! dynēthę̄. Ton gar tou kosmon thaumasiōteron topōn, kat᾽ axian phaidrynesthai dikaion. Tēn de tēs basilichēs nchamaran, poteron lachōnarian, hē dia tinos heteras ergasias genesthai dokei, para sou gnōnai boulomai. Ei gar lachōnaria melloi einai, dynēsetai chrysǭ challōpisthēnai. To leipomenon, hina hē sē hosiotēs tois proeirēmenois dikastais hē tachos ngǭristhēnai poiēsę̄, esōn te kai ergatōn kai technitōn kai analōmatōn chreia" pros eme eutheōs anenenkein spoudason, hou monon peri tōn marmarōn te kai chiogōn, alla peri tōn lakchōnariōn, eige touto kallion epichrineias. Ho Theos se diaphylaxoi, adeloe agapēte. Kai allas de epistolas ho basileus kata ᾿Areiou kai tōn homodoxōn autou panēgyrichōteron grapsas, pantachou kata poleis prosethēche tǭ dieponti tōn . hoi auton e. Ou mēn alla kai Nikomēdeusi kata Eusebiou kai Theognidos graphōn, kathaptetai men tēs Eusebiou kakotropias, ou monon epi tǭ ᾿Areianismǭ, all᾿ hoti kai tǭ tyrannǭ ēdē proteron eunoōn, tois autou pragmasin epebouleuse; parēnei de heteron helesthai episkopon ant᾿ autou. Alla tas peri toutōn epistolas, dia to en autais mēkos, de tois boulomenois, anazētēsai kai entynchanein diakōmǭdōn, kai tēs eirōneias tǭ ēthei diaballōn entautha prosgrapsai peritton einai enomisa. Exestō autais. Kai peri toutōn tosauta eirēsthō.
“To the church of the Alexandrians, great by the holy grace of God, and to the beloved brothers in Egypt, Libya, and the Pentapolis, the bishops gathered at Nicaea who formed the great and holy synod send greeting in the Lord. Since by the grace of God a great and holy synod was convened at Nicaea, our most God-loving emperor Constantine having gathered us from various cities and provinces, it seemed altogether necessary that a letter be sent from the sacred synod to you as well, so that you may know what was raised and examined, and what was decided and confirmed. First of all, then, the impiety and lawlessness of Arius and those with him were examined in the presence of our most God-loving emperor Constantine. It was decided unanimously that his impious opinion should be anathematized, with the blasphemous words and terms he used in his blasphemy, saying that the Son of God is from things that are not, and that there was once when he was not, and saying that the Son of God is capable, by his free will, of evil and virtue, and calling him a creature and a thing made. All this the holy synod anathematized, not enduring even to hear the impious opinion or madness and the blasphemous words. What end he has come to you have no doubt heard or will hear, so that we may not seem to trample on a man who has received the fitting reward for his own sin. His impiety had such power that it destroyed Theonas of Marmarica and Secundus of Ptolemais with him; for they too have received the same sentence. But since the grace of God has freed us from that wicked opinion and impiety and blasphemy, and from the persons who dared to cause dissension and division in a people formerly at peace, there remained the matter of the rashness of Melitius and those ordained by him; and about this part we make known to you, beloved brothers, what the synod decided.
The synod, being moved to greater kindness (for by strict reckoning he deserved no pardon), decided that Melitius should remain in his own city and have no authority either to lay on hands or to appoint, nor to appear in the country or in another city for this purpose, but should keep the bare name of his rank. Those appointed by him, once confirmed by a more sacred ordination, are to be admitted to communion on these terms: that they keep their rank and ministry, but are in every case second to all those enrolled in each diocese and church who were appointed by our most honoured fellow minister Alexander; and further, that they have no authority to appoint those who please them, or to put forward names, or to do anything at all without the consent of the bishop of the catholic church, of those under Alexander. But those who by the grace of God and your prayers have been found in no schism, but are spotless in the catholic church, are to have authority to appoint and to put forward the names of those worthy of the clergy, and in general to do everything according to the law of the church. If it should happen that any of those in the church dies, then those lately received are to be advanced to the rank of the deceased, provided only that they appear worthy and the people choose them, the bishop of Alexandria voting with them and confirming the choice. This was granted to all the others; but in the case of Melitius himself the synod decided otherwise, because of his long-standing disorder and the hasty rashness of his mind, that no authority or power be given him, as a man able to cause the same disorders again. These are the matters that concern Egypt and the most holy church of the Alexandrians particularly. If anything else was laid down by canon or decree, our lord and most honoured fellow minister and brother Alexander, who was present with us, will report it to you more exactly when he is with you, since he was himself a leader and partaker in what was done.
We bring you good news also about agreement on the most holy Easter: through your prayers this part too was set right, so that all the brothers in the East who formerly kept it with the Jews will from now on keep Easter in agreement with the Romans and with us and with all who from of old have kept it with us. Rejoicing, then, in these successes and in the agreement of peace and in the cutting off of every heresy, receive with greater honour and more love our fellow minister and your bishop Alexander, who gladdened us by his presence and at such an age underwent so great a labour that there might be peace among you too. Pray for us all, that what has been rightly decided may remain firm, through God Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit; to whom be glory for ever. Amen.”
In this letter of the synod it is made plain that they anathematized not only Arius and those of his opinion, but also the very expressions of his opinion; and that, having agreed about Easter, they received the heresiarch Melitius, allowing him to keep the dignity of a bishop but taking away from him the power to act in any way as a bishop. For this reason, I think, the Melitians in Egypt have been separated from the church to this day: because the synod took away Melitius’s power. It should be known that Arius wrote a book about his own opinion, which he entitled Thalia. The character of the book is loose and dissolute, like the Sotadean songs or metres. This too the synod condemned at that time.
Not only the synod took care to write about the peace that had been made; the emperor Constantine too wrote as follows by his own letter to the church of the Alexandrians. The letter of the emperor: “Constantine Augustus to the catholic church of the Alexandrians. Greeting, beloved brothers. We have received perfect grace from divine providence, so that, freed from all error, we acknowledge one and the same faith. The devil has no further power against us; whatever he attempted by his wicked arts has been destroyed from the foundations. The splendour of the truth, at God’s command, has overcome those dissensions, schisms, and tumults, and the deadly poisons, so to speak, of disagreement. All of us, therefore, worship one God in name and have believed that he is. That this might come about, at God’s prompting I called together at the city of Nicaea most of the bishops, with whom I myself, as one of you, rejoicing exceedingly to be your fellow servant, undertook the examination of the truth. Everything was tested and examined exactly that seemed to give rise to ambiguity or occasion for dissension. May the divine majesty forgive how great and how terrible were the blasphemies some unbecomingly uttered about the great Saviour, about our hope and life, speaking and professing to believe what is contrary to the divinely inspired Scriptures and the holy faith. While more than three hundred bishops, admired for their moderation and shrewdness, were confirming one and the same faith, which by the truths and exactness of God’s law is by nature the faith, Arius alone was found to have been overcome by the working of the devil, and to have spread this evil with impious mind first among you and then among others too. Let us therefore accept the judgment the Almighty has given; let us return to our beloved brothers, from whom a shameless servant of the devil separated us. Let us go with all zeal to the common body and to our own true members. This befits your shrewdness, faith, and holiness: that, the error of him who has been shown to be an enemy of the truth having been exposed, you should return to divine grace. For what pleased three hundred bishops is nothing other than the judgment of God, especially since the Holy Spirit, dwelling in the minds of such men and so many, has brought the divine will to light. Therefore let no one hesitate, let no one delay; but all of you return eagerly to the truest way, so that when I come to you, as I shall very soon, I may confess with you the thanks due to God who oversees all, because by showing the pure faith he has given back to you the love you prayed for. God keep you, beloved brothers.”
So the emperor wrote to the people of Alexandria, showing that the definition of the faith was not made carelessly or at random, but that they dictated it after much discussion and testing; and not that some things were said and others passed over in silence, but that everything that it was fitting to say for the establishment of the doctrine was raised; and that it was not simply laid down, but carefully examined first, so that everything that seemed to give rise to ambiguity or occasion for dissension was put out of the way. Above all, he calls the judgment of all who met there the judgment of God, and does not doubt that the agreement of so many great bishops came about by the Holy Spirit. Sabinus, however, the leader of the heresy of Macedonius, deliberately pays no attention to these things, but says that those who met there were simple men without knowledge, running the risk of accusing even Eusebius of Caesarea himself of ignorance. He does not consider that even if those of the synod were simple men, they were enlightened by God and by the grace of the Holy Spirit and could in no way miss the truth.
Hear also what the emperor sent by another letter to bishops and peoples everywhere, legislating against Arius and those of his opinion. Another letter of Constantine: “Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to bishops and peoples. Since Arius has imitated the wicked and impious, it is just that he should undergo the same dishonour as they. As Porphyry, the enemy of godliness, who composed lawless treatises against religion, found a fitting reward, such that he became a reproach to later time and was filled with the worst repute, and his impious writings were destroyed, so now it has been decided that Arius and those who think with Arius shall be called Porphyrians, so that they may bear the name of those whose ways they have imitated. Moreover, if any writing composed by Arius is found, it is to be handed over to the fire, so that not only may the evil of his teaching be destroyed, but no memorial of him at all may be left. I proclaim this further: if anyone is detected hiding a writing composed by Arius and does not at once bring it forward and burn it, his penalty shall be death; for as soon as he is caught in this he shall undergo capital punishment. God keep you.”
Another letter: “Constantine Augustus to the churches. Having learned by experience, from the prosperity of public affairs, how great the grace of the divine power is, I judged that this above all ought to be my aim: that among the most blessed multitudes of the catholic church one faith, sincere love, and one-minded piety towards God Almighty should be preserved. But since this could not otherwise gain a firm and stable order unless all the bishops, or at least most of them, met in the same place and a decision was made on each matter concerning the most holy religion, for this reason as many as possible were gathered together, and I myself was present with them as one of you (for I would not deny what I rejoice in most, that I am your fellow servant). Everything received fitting examination until the judgment pleasing to God, who oversees all, was brought to light for the agreement of unity, so that nothing was left for dissension or dispute about the faith.
There, when the question was raised about the most holy day of Easter, it was decided by common judgment that it was right for all everywhere to keep it on one day. For what could be finer or more solemn for us than that this feast, from which we have received the hope of immortality, should be kept without fail by all in one order and by a clear rule? First of all, it seemed unworthy to keep that most holy feast following the custom of the Jews, who, having defiled their hands with a lawless crime, are, as is fitting, blind in soul, the polluted men. For it is possible, having rejected the practice of that nation, to carry on into future ages the observance of this rite by a truer order, which we have kept from the first day of the Passion until now. Let there be nothing in common, then, between you and the most hostile crowd of the Jews. We have received from the Saviour another way. A course lies open to our most holy religion that is both lawful and fitting. Taking hold of this with one accord, let us tear ourselves away, most honoured brothers, from that hateful fellowship. For it is truly most absurd that they should boast that without their teaching we were not able to keep these things. What right thing can they think, who after that murder of the Lord went out of their minds and are led not by any reasoning but by unrestrained impulse, wherever their inborn madness drives them? Hence even in this matter they do not see the truth, so that, always erring for the most part, instead of making the fitting correction they keep a second Passover in the same year. Why then do we follow those who are admitted to be sick with a terrible error? We will never endure keeping a second Easter in one year. But even if these things were not so, your shrewdness ought always to take care, both by zeal and by prayer, that the purity of your soul should not share, or seem to share, in any likeness to the customs of wholly wicked men. Besides this, one may also see that in so great a matter and in such a feast of religion it is most impious to have disagreement. For our Saviour handed down to us one day of our freedom, that is, of his most holy Passion, and he has willed that his catholic church be one; and though its parts are divided into many different places, it is nevertheless warmed by one spirit, that is, by the divine will. Let the shrewdness of your holiness consider how terrible and unbecoming it is that on the same days some are given to fasting while others hold banquets, and that after the days of Easter some are found in feasts and relaxation while others are given over to the appointed fasts. For this reason divine providence wills that this should receive fitting correction and be brought to one arrangement, as I think all perceive.
Therefore, since it was fitting that this be corrected so that we should have nothing in common with that nation of parricides and murderers of the Lord, and since there is a seemly order which all the churches of the western, southern, and northern parts of the world observe, and some of the places in the East, for these reasons all thought it right for the present, and I myself undertook that it would please your shrewdness: that what is observed with one accordant mind in the city of Rome, in Italy and Africa, in all Egypt, the Spains, the Gauls, the Britains, Libya, all Greece, the dioceses of Asia and Pontus, and Cilicia, your understanding too should gladly accept, reckoning not only that the number of churches in the places mentioned is greater, but also that it is most holy that all should in common wish what exact reason seems to require, and should have no fellowship with the perjury of the Jews. To say the main point briefly: it pleased all by common judgment that the most holy feast of Easter be celebrated on one and the same day. For it is not fitting that there be any difference in so holy a thing, and it is better to follow this judgment, in which there will be no admixture of foreign error and sin. Since these things are so ordered, gladly receive this heavenly and truly divine command. For whatever is done in the holy councils of the bishops has reference to the divine will. Therefore, having made known what has been written to all our beloved brothers, you ought now to receive and arrange both the reasoning stated and the observance of the most holy day, so that when I come to the sight of your disposition which I have long desired, I may be able to keep the holy feast with you on one and the same day, and rejoice with you on all accounts, seeing the cruelty of the devil destroyed by the divine power through our deeds, while your faith, peace, and concord flourish everywhere. God keep you, beloved brothers.”
Another letter, to Eusebius: “Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Eusebius. Until the present time, while an unholy will and tyranny persecuted the servants of God the Saviour, I have believed and fully persuaded myself, most beloved brother, that the buildings of all the churches had either fallen into ruin through neglect or had become less than worthy through fear of the oppression that lay upon them. But now that freedom has been restored, and that dragon Licinius the persecutor has been driven from the administration of public affairs by the providence of God Most High and by our service, I think the divine power has become plain to all, and that those who through fear or unbelief or certain sins fell away, recognizing the God who truly is, will come to the true and right ordering of life. Remind, then, all the churches over which you yourself preside, and the other bishops, presbyters, and deacons whom you know to preside in each place, to be zealous for the buildings of the churches: either to restore those that exist, or to enlarge them, or to build new ones where need requires. You yourself, and the others through you, shall ask for what is needed from the governors and the prefect’s office; for they have been instructed to carry out with all zeal what your holiness says. God keep you, beloved brother.”
This is what he wrote to the bishops of each province about the building of churches. What he wrote to Eusebius of Palestine about the preparation of the sacred books it is easy to learn from the letter itself: “Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Eusebius of Caesarea. In the city that bears our name, with the help of the providence of God the Saviour, a very great multitude of people has devoted itself to the most holy church, since everything there has greatly increased. It seems very fitting, therefore, that more churches should be built in it. Accept, then, most readily what our purpose has decided. It seemed right to make known to your understanding that you should order fifty volumes, in well-prepared parchment, easy to read and convenient to carry for use, to be written by skilled calligraphers who know the art exactly: copies, that is, of the divine Scriptures, whose preparation and use you know to be especially necessary for the purpose of the church. Letters have been sent from our clemency to the financial officer of the diocese, that he should take care to provide everything suitable for their preparation. That the written volumes may be prepared as quickly as possible will be the work of your diligence. You are entitled, by the authority of this letter of ours, to the use of two public carriages for their transport. In this way the fine copies may most easily be brought even before our eyes, one of the deacons of your church carrying out this task; and when he comes to us, he will experience our kindness. God keep you, beloved brother.”
Another letter, to Macarius: “Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Macarius of Jerusalem. So great is the grace of our Saviour that no supply of words seems worthy of the present matter. For that the token of his most holy Passion, long hidden under the earth, should have lain unknown for so many cycles of years, until, through the destruction of the common enemy of all, it was to shine forth for his servants set free, truly surpasses all wonder. For if all who throughout the whole world are thought wise were to come together into one place and wish to say something worthy of the matter, they could not compete with it in the smallest degree; for the credibility of this miracle surpasses every nature capable of human reasoning as much as heavenly things are stronger than human. This, therefore, is always my first and only aim: that, as the faith of the truth shows itself daily by newer wonders, so the souls of all of us may become more earnest about the holy law in sobriety and one-minded zeal. Since I think this is plain to all, I want you above all to be convinced that I care most of all that we adorn with beautiful buildings that sacred place, which by God’s command I have relieved, as of a burden laid on it, of the most shameful addition of an idol: a place holy from the beginning by God’s judgment, and shown to be still holier since it brought to light the proof of the saving Passion. It befits your shrewdness, then, so to arrange and so to provide everything needed, that not only the basilica may be better than all others anywhere, but that the other parts too may be such that all the finest buildings in every city are surpassed by this structure. Know that we have entrusted the care of the walls, their construction and fine workmanship, to our friend Dracilianus, who holds the office of the most illustrious prefects, and to the governor of the province. For my piety has ordered that craftsmen and workmen, and everything they learn from your shrewdness to be needed for the building, be sent at once through their care. As for the columns or marbles, whichever you think most valuable and useful, be sure to write to us yourself after making a survey, so that, when we learn from your letter how many and what kind are needed, they may be brought from everywhere. For it is right that the most wonderful place in the world should be adorned worthily. As for the vault of the basilica, I wish to learn from you whether it seems best that it be coffered or made by some other kind of work; for if it is to be coffered, it can be adorned with gold. It remains for your holiness to let the officials named know as quickly as possible how many workmen and craftsmen and what expenses are needed; and be sure to report to me at once not only about the marbles and columns, but also about the coffers, if you judge this the finer course. God keep you, beloved brother.”
The emperor also wrote other letters against Arius and those of his opinion, in a more declamatory style, and posted them up everywhere in the cities, ridiculing him and holding him up to scorn in an ironical manner. Moreover, writing to the Nicomedians against Eusebius and Theognis, he attacks Eusebius’s bad character, not only for his Arianism, but because he had earlier favoured the tyrant and plotted against Constantine’s affairs; and he urged them to choose another bishop in his place. But because of their length I thought it superfluous to add the letters about these matters here; those who wish may look for them and read them. So much for these things.
1.10PG 67:99–101
Κινεῖ δὲ με ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως σπουδή, καὶ ἑτέρου πράγματος μνήμην ποιήσασθαι τῆς αὐτοῦ γνώμης, ὅπως ἐφρόντιζε τῆς εἰρήνης. Τῆς γὰρ ἐκκλησιαστικῆς ὁμονοίας πρόνοιαν ποιούμενος, κέκληκε πρὸς τὴν σύνοδον καὶ ᾿Ακέσιον, τῆς τῶν Ναυατιανῶν θρησκείας ἐπίσκοπον. Μετὰ οὖν τὸ γραφῆναι καὶ ὑπογραφῆναι παρὰ τῆς συνόδου τὸν ὄρον τῆς πίστεως, ἠρώτα ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν Ἀκέσιον, εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς τῇ πίστει συντίθεται, καὶ τῷ ὁρισμῷ τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῆς 1. Ὁ δὲ, Οὐδὲν καινὸν, ἔφη, ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἡ σύνοδος ὥρισεν. Οὕτω γὰρ ἄνωθεν καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς, ἐκ τῶν ἀποστολικῶν χρόνων παρείληφα καὶ τὸν ὅρον τῆς πίστεως καὶ τὸν χρόνον τῆς τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῆς. Ἐπανερομένου οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως, Διὰ τί οὖν τῆς κοινωνίας χωρίζῃ; ἐκεῖνος τὰ ἐπὶ Δεκίου γενόμενα κατά τὸν διωγμὸν ἐδίδασκε· καὶ τὴν ἀκρίβειαν τοῦ αὐστηροῦ κανόνος ἔλεγεν, ὡς ἄρα οὐ χρὴ τοὺς μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα ἡμαρτηκότας ἁμαρτίαν, ἣν πρὸς θάνατον καλοῦσιναὶ θεῖαι Γραφαὶ, τῆς κοινωνίας τῶν θείων μυστηρίων ἀξιοῦσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ μετάνοιαν μὲν αὐτοὺς προ τρέπειν · ἐλπίδα δὲ τῆς ἀφέσεως μὴ παρὰ τῶν ἱερέων, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐκδέχεσθαι, τοῦ δυναμένου καὶ ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντος συγχωρεῖν ἁμαρτήματα. Ταῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ ᾿Ακεσίου, ἐπειπεῖν τὸν βασιλέα, Θὲς, ὦ ᾿Απέσιε, κλίμακα, καὶ μόνος ἀνάβηθι εἰς τὸν οὐῥανόν. Τούτων οὔτε ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος, οὔτε ἄλλος τις ἐμνημόνευσε πώποτε. Ἐγὼ δὲ παρὰ ἀνδρὸς ἤκουσα οὐδαμῶς ψευδομένου, ὃς παλαιός τε ἦν σφόδρα, καὶ ὡς ἱστορήσας τὰ κατὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἔλεγεν. ὅθεν καὶ τεκμαίρομαι τοῦτο πεπονθέναι τοὺς σιωπῇ ταῦτα παραπεμψαμένους, ὃ πολλοὶ τῶν ἱστορίας συγγραψαμένων πεπόνθασιν. Ἐκεῖνοι γὰρ πολλὰ παραλείπουσιν, ἢ προσπάσχοντές τισιν, ἢ προσώποις χαριζόμενοι. Τὰ μὲν οὖν Ἀκεσίου τοσαῦτα.
Kinei de me hē tou basileōs spoudē, kai heterou pragmatos mnēmēn poiēsasthai tēs autou gnōmēs, hopōs ephrontize tēs eirēnēs. Tēs gar ekklēsiastikēs homonoias pronoian poioumenos, keklēke pros tēn synodon kai ᾿Akesion, tēs tōn Nauatianōn thrēskeias episkopon. Meta oun to graphēnai kai hypographēnai para tēs synodou ton oron tēs pisteōs, ērōta ho basileus ton Akesion, ei kai autos tę̄ pistei syntithetai, kai tǭ horismǭ tēs tou Pascha heortēs 1. Ho de, Ouden kainon, ephē, ō basileu, hē synodos hōrisen. Houtō gar anōthen kai ex archēs, ek tōn apostolikōn chronōn pareilēpha kai ton horon tēs pisteōs kai ton chronon tēs tou Pascha heortēs. Epaneromenou oun tou basileōs, Dia ti oun tēs koinōnias chōrizę̄? ekeinos ta epi Dekiou genomena kata ton diōgmon edidaske; kai tēn akribeian tou austērou kanonos elegen, hōs ara ou chrē tous meta to baptisma hēmartēkotas hamartian, hēn pros thanaton kalousinai theiai Graphai, tēs koinōnias tōn theiōn mystēriōn axiousthai, all᾽ epi metanoian men autous pro trepein ; elpida de tēs apheseōs mē para tōn hiereōn, alla para tou Theou ekdechesthai, tou dynamenou kai exousian echontos synchōrein hamartēmata. Tauta eipontos tou ᾿Akesiou, epeipein ton basilea, Thes, ō ᾿Apesie, klimaka, kai monos anabēthi eis ton ourhanon. Toutōn oute ho Pamphilou Eusebios, oute allos tis emnēmoneuse pōpote. Egō de para andros ēkousa oudamōs pseudomenou, hos palaios te ēn sphodra, kai hōs historēsas ta kata tēn synodon elegen. hothen kai tekmairomai touto peponthenai tous siōpę̄ tauta parapempsamenous, ho polloi tōn historias syngrapsamenōn peponthasin. Ekeinoi gar polla paraleipousin, ē prospaschontes tisin, ē prosōpois charizomenoi. Ta men oun Akesiou tosauta.
The emperor’s zeal moves me to mention another thing that shows his mind and how he cared for peace. Taking thought for the concord of the church, he summoned to the synod Acesius too, bishop of the Novatianist sect. After the definition of faith had been written and signed by the synod, the emperor asked Acesius whether he too agreed to the faith and to the decision about the feast of Easter. He said: “The synod has decided nothing new, O emperor. For this is how I received from of old and from the beginning, from the apostolic times, both the definition of the faith and the time of the feast of Easter.” The emperor asked further, “Why then do you separate yourself from communion?” He explained what had happened under Decius in the persecution, and spoke of the strictness of the austere rule: that those who after baptism have committed a sin which the divine Scriptures call a sin unto death ought not to be admitted to the communion of the divine mysteries; they should be urged to repentance, but should look for the hope of forgiveness not from the priests but from God, who is able and has the authority to forgive sins. When Acesius had said this, the emperor replied, “Set up a ladder, Acesius, and climb up to heaven alone.” Neither Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, nor anyone else ever mentioned these things. But I heard it from a man who was in no way a liar, who was very old and said that he was telling what had happened at the synod. From this I conclude that those who passed these things over in silence experienced what many writers of history experience: they leave out many things, either because they are prejudiced against some or because they wish to favour certain persons. So much for Acesius.
1.11PG 67:101–103
Ἐπεὶ δὲ Παφνουτίου καὶ Σπυρίδωνος ποιήσασθαι μνήμην ἀνωτέρω ἐπηγγειλάμεθα, εὔκαιρον ἐνταῦθαtionem περὶ αὐτῶν εἰπεῖν. Παφνούτιος γὰρ μιᾶς πόλεως τῶν ἄνω Θηβῶν ἐπίσκοπος ἦν· οὕτω δὲ ἦν ἀνὴρ θεοφιλής, ὡς καὶ σημεῖα θαυμαστὰ γίνεσθαι ὑπ' αὐτοῦ. Οὗτος ἐν καιρῷ τοῦ διωγμοῦ, τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν ἐξεκόπη. Σφόδρα δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐτίμα τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ συνεχῶς ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια μετεπέμπετο, καὶ τὸν ἐξορωρυγμένον ὀφθαλμὸν κατεφίλει. Τοσαύτη προσῆν τῷ βασιλεῖ Κωνσταντίνῳ εὐλάβεια. Ἕν μὲν οὖν τοῦτο περὶ Παφνουτίου εἰρήσθω. Ο δὲ πρὸς λυσιτέλειαν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καὶ κόσμον τῶν ἱερωμένων διὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ συμβουλὴν γέγονε, τοῦτο διηγήσομαι. Ἐδόκει τοῖς ἐπισκόποις νόμον νεαρὸν εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν 8 εἰσφέρειν, ὥστε τοὺς ἱερωμένους, λέγω δὲ ἐπισκόπους καὶ πρεσβυτέρους καὶ διακόνους, μὴ συγκαθεύδειν ἐπεὶ περὶ τούτου βουλεύεσθαι προὔκειτο, διαναστὰς ἐν μέσῳ τοῦ συλλόγου τῶν ἐπισκόπων ὁ Παφνούτιος 1, ἐβόα μακρὰ, μὴ βαρὺν ζυγὸν ἐπιθεῖναι τοῖς ἱερωμένοις ἀνδράσι· τίμιον εἶναι καὶ τὴν κοίτην, καὶ αὐτὸν ἁμίαντον τὸν γάμον λέγων, μὴ τῇ ὑπερβολῇ τῆς ἀκριβείας, μᾶλλον τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν προσβλάψωσιν· οὐ γὰρ πάντας δύνασθαι φέρειν τῆς ἀπαθείας τὴν ἄσκησιν, οὐδὲ ἴσως φυλαχθήσεσθαι τὴν σωφροσύνην τῆς ἑκάστου γαμετῆς. Σωφροσύνην δὲ ἐκάλει καὶ τῆς νομίμου γυναικὸς τὴν συνέλευσιν. Ἀρκεῖσθαί τε τὸν φθάσαντα κλήρου τυχεῖν, μηκέτι ἐπὶ γάμον ἔρχεσθαι, κατὰ τὴν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἀρχαίαν παράδοσιν · μήτε μὴν ἀποζεύγνυσθαι ταύτης, ἣν ἅπαξ ἤδη πρότερον λαϊκὸς ὢν ἠγάγετο. Καὶ ταῦτ' ἔλεγεν ἄπειρος ταῖς γαμεταῖς, ἃς ἔτι λαϊκοὶ ὄντες ἠγάγοντο Β. Καὶ ὢν γάμου, καὶ ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, γυναικός ἐκ παιδὸς γὰρ ἐν ἀσκητηρίῳ ἀνετέθραπτο, καὶ ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος, περιβόητος ὤν. Πείθεται πᾶς ὁ τῶν ἱερωμένων σύλλογος τοῖς Παφνουτίου λόγοις. Διὸ καὶ τὴν περὶ τούτου ζήτησιν ἀπεσίγησαν, τῇ γνώμῃ τῶν βουλομένων ἀπέχεσθαι τῆς ὁμιλίας τῶν γαμετῶν και ταλείψαντες. Καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ Παφνουτίου.
Epei de Paphnoutiou kai Spyridōnos poiēsasthai mnēmēn anōterō epēngeilametha, eukairon entauthationem peri autōn eipein. Paphnoutios gar mias poleōs tōn anō Thēbōn episkopos ēn; houtō de ēn anēr theophilēs, hōs kai sēmeia thaumasta ginesthai hyp' autou. Houtos en kairǭ tou diōgmou, ton ophthalmon exekopē. Sphodra de ho basileus etima ton andra, kai synechōs epi ta basileia metepempeto, kai ton exorōrygmenon ophthalmon katephilei. Tosautē prosēn tǭ basilei Kōnstantinǭ eulabeia. Hen men oun touto peri Paphnoutiou eirēsthō. O de pros lysiteleian tēs Ekklēsias kai kosmon tōn hierōmenōn dia tēn autou symboulēn gegone, touto diēgēsomai. Edokei tois episkopois nomon nearon eis tēn Ekklēsian 8 eispherein, hōste tous hierōmenous, legō de episkopous kai presbyterous kai diakonous, mē synkatheudein epei peri toutou bouleuesthai proukeito, dianastas en mesǭ tou syllogou tōn episkopōn ho Paphnoutios 1, eboa makra, mē baryn zygon epitheinai tois hierōmenois andrasi; timion einai kai tēn koitēn, kai auton hamianton ton gamon legōn, mē tę̄ hyperbolę̄ tēs akribeias, mallon tēn Ekklēsian prosblapsōsin; ou gar pantas dynasthai pherein tēs apatheias tēn askēsin, oude isōs phylachthēsesthai tēn sōphrosynēn tēs hekastou gametēs. Sōphrosynēn de ekalei kai tēs nomimou gynaikos tēn syneleusin. Arkeisthai te ton phthasanta klērou tychein, mēketi epi gamon erchesthai, kata tēn tēs Ekklēsias archaian paradosin ; mēte mēn apozeugnysthai tautēs, hēn hapax ēdē proteron laïkos ōn ēgageto. Kai taut' elegen apeiros tais gametais, has eti laïkoi ontes ēgagonto B. Kai ōn gamou, kai haplōs eipein, gynaikos ek paidos gar en askētēriǭ anetethrapto, kai epi sōphrosynę̄, ei kai tis allos, periboētos ōn. Peithetai pas ho tōn hierōmenōn syllogos tois Paphnoutiou logois. Dio kai tēn peri toutou zētēsin apesigēsan, tę̄ gnōmę̄ tōn boulomenōn apechesthai tēs homilias tōn gametōn kai taleipsantes. Kai tosauta men peri Paphnoutiou.
Since we promised above to mention Paphnutius and Spyridon, this is a suitable place to speak about them. Paphnutius was bishop of a city in the Upper Thebaid, and he was so dear to God that wonderful signs were done by him. In the time of the persecution his eye had been put out. The emperor honoured the man greatly; he often sent for him to the palace and kissed the eye that had been gouged out, such was the reverence of the emperor Constantine. Let this one thing be said about Paphnutius. Now I will relate what came about through his counsel for the benefit of the church and the honour of those in holy orders.
The bishops thought it right to bring a new law into the church, that those in holy orders, I mean bishops, presbyters, and deacons, should not sleep with the wives they had married while still laymen. When this was put forward for deliberation, Paphnutius rose up in the midst of the assembly of bishops and cried out loudly that they should not lay a heavy yoke on men in holy orders. He said that “the marriage bed is honourable, and marriage itself undefiled”, and that they should not rather harm the church by excessive strictness; for not all could bear the discipline of passionlessness, and perhaps the chastity of each man’s wife would not be preserved. He called even a man’s intercourse with his lawful wife chastity. It was enough, he said, that one who had already entered the clergy should not go on to marry, according to the ancient tradition of the church; but that no one should be separated from the wife he had once married while still a layman. He said this though he himself had no experience of marriage, or, to put it simply, of a woman; for he had been brought up from childhood in a monastery and was famous, if anyone was, for his chastity. The whole assembly of those in holy orders was persuaded by Paphnutius’s words. So they dropped the question, leaving it to the judgment of those who wished to abstain from intercourse with their wives. So much for Paphnutius.
1.12PG 67:103–105
Περὶ δὲ Σπυρίδωνος 1, τοσαύτη τῷ ποιμένι προσῆν ὁσιότης, ὡς καὶ ἀξιωθῆναι αὐτὸν καὶ ἀνθρώπων ποιμένα γενέσθαι. Ὃς μιᾶς τῶν ἐν Κύπρῳ πόλεων “ὀνόματι Τριμιθοῦντος, τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐκεκλήρωτο. Διὰ δὲ ἀτυφίαν πολλὴν, ἐχόμενος τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἐποίμαινε καὶ τὰ πρόβατα. Πολλὰ μὲν οὖν τὰ περὶ αὐτοῦ λεγόμενα. Ἑνὸς δὲ ἢ δύο ἐπιμνησθήσομαι, ἵνα μὴ ἔξω τοῦ προκειμένου δόξω πλανᾶσθαι. Μεσούσης ποτὲ τῆς νυκτός, κλέπται ταῖς ἐπαύλεσι τῶν προβάτων λαθραίως ἐπελθόντες, ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τῶν προβάτων ἐσπούδαζον. Ὁ Θεὸς δὲ ἄρα ὁ τὸν ποιμένα σώζων, ἔσωζε καὶ τὰ πρόβατα. Οἱ γὰρ κλέπται, ἀοράτῳ δυνάμει παρὰ ταῖς ἐπαύλεσιν ἐδέδεντο. "Ορθρος τε ἦν· καὶ ἧκε παρὰ τὰ ποίμνια. Ὡς δὲ εὗρεν ὀπίσω τὰς χεῖρας ἔχοντας, ἔγνω τὸ γεγονός· καὶ εὐχόμενος, λύει τοὺς κλέπτας, πολλά τε νουθετήσας, παραινέσας δικαίων πόνων σπουδάζειν, μὴ μὴν ἐξ ἀδικίας λαμδάνειν" χριόν τε αὑτοῖς χαρισάμενος ἀπέλυσε, χαριέντως ἐπιφθεγξάμενος, Ἵνα φησὶ, μάτην ἡγρυπνηχότες φανείητε. μὲν δὴ τοῦτο τῶν περὶ Σπυρίξωνος θαυμάτων. Ἕτερον δὲ τοιοῦτο ἦν αὐτῷ θυγάτηρ παρθένος, τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς εὐλαδείας μετέχουσα, τοὔνομα Εἰρήνη. Ταύτῃ γνώρ:ἡ μός πολύτιμον παρέθετο χόσμιον" ἡ δὲ ἀσφαλέστερὸν ποιοῦσα, γῇ τὴν παρακαταθήκην ἔχρυψε μετοὐπολὺ δὲ τὸν βίον ἀπέλιπεν. "Ἤχει μετὰ χρόνον ὁ παραθέμενος. Μὴ εὑρών τε τὴν παρθένον, ἐμπλέχεται τῷ πατρὶ, νῦν μὲν ἐγκαλῶν, ἔστιν δὲ ὅτε καὶ παραχαλῶν. Ἐπεὶ συμφορὰν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν τοῦ παραθεμένου ζημίαν ὁ γέρων, ἐλθὼν ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα τῆς θυγατρὸς, ἐπεκαλεῖτο τὸν Θεὸν, πρὸ καιροῦ δεῖξαι — , αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπαγγελλομένην ἀνάστασιν. Καὶ τῆς ἐλπίδος ἥμαρτε. Ζῶσα γὰρ αὖθις ἡ παρθένος, φαίγεται τῷ πατρί, τὸν τόπον σημάνασα, ἔνθα κόσμιον ἀπεχέχρυπτο, αὖθις ἀπεχώρει. Τοιοῦτοι — δοῖς ἐν τοῖς χρόνοις τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου — τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ἐξέλαμπον. Ταῦτα δὲ ἐγὼ καὶ ἀχοῆ παρὰ πολλῶν Κυπρίων παρέλαθον, συντάγματι — τινὸς πρεσῆυτέρου ἐνέτυχον, Ῥωμαϊκῇ λέξει συγγεγραμμένῳ. ὧν ταῦτα καὶ ἕτερά τινα — τῶν μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ῥηθησομένων συνήγαγον.
Peri de Spyridōnos 1, tosautē tǭ poimeni prosēn hosiotēs, hōs kai axiōthēnai auton kai anthrōpōn poimena genesthai. Hos mias tōn en Kyprǭ poleōn “onomati Trimithountos, tēn episkopēn ekeklērōto. Dia de atyphian pollēn, echomenos tēs episkopēs epoimaine kai ta probata. Polla men oun ta peri autou legomena. Henos de ē dyo epimnēsthēsomai, hina mē exō tou prokeimenou doxō planasthai. Mesousēs pote tēs nyktos, kleptai tais epaulesi tōn probatōn lathraiōs epelthontes, aphaireisthai tōn probatōn espoudazon. Ho Theos de ara ho ton poimena sōzōn, esōze kai ta probata. Hoi gar kleptai, aoratǭ dynamei para tais epaulesin ededento. "Orthros te ēn; kai hēke para ta poimnia. Hōs de heuren opisō tas cheiras echontas, egnō to gegonos; kai euchomenos, lyei tous kleptas, polla te nouthetēsas, parainesas dikaiōn ponōn spoudazein, mē mēn ex adikias lamdanein" chrion te hautois charisamenos apelyse, charientōs epiphthenxamenos, Hina phēsi, matēn hēgrypnēchotes phaneiēte. men dē touto tōn peri Spyrixōnos thaumatōn. Heteron de toiouto ēn autǭ thygatēr parthenos, tēs tou patros euladeias metechousa, tounoma Eirēnē. Tautę̄ gnōr:hē mos polytimon paretheto chosmion" hē de asphalesteron poiousa, gę̄ tēn parakatathēkēn echrypse metoupoly de ton bion apelipen. "Ēchei meta chronon ho parathemenos. Mē heurōn te tēn parthenon, emplechetai tǭ patri, nyn men enkalōn, estin de hote kai parachalōn. Epei symphoran epoieito tēn tou parathemenou zēmian ho gerōn, elthōn epi to mnēma tēs thygatros, epekaleito ton Theon, pro kairou deixai — , autǭ tēn epangellomenēn anastasin. Kai tēs elpidos hēmarte. Zōsa gar authis hē parthenos, phaigetai tǭ patri, ton topon sēmanasa, entha kosmion apechechrypto, authis apechōrei. Toioutoi — dois en tois chronois tou basileōs Kōnstantinou — tas Ekklēsias exelampon. Tauta de egō kai achoē para pollōn Kypriōn parelathon, syntagmati — tinos presēuterou enetychon, Rhōmaïkę̄ lexei syngegrammenǭ. hōn tauta kai hetera tina — tōn met᾽ ou poly rhēthēsomenōn synēgagon.
As for Spyridon, such holiness belonged to this shepherd that he was counted worthy to become a shepherd of men as well. He had been allotted the bishopric of one of the cities of Cyprus, called Trimithus. Because of his great humility, while he held the bishopric he also tended his sheep. Many things are told about him; I will mention one or two, so as not to seem to wander from my subject. Once, at midnight, thieves secretly came to the sheepfolds and tried to carry off some of the sheep. But God, who kept the shepherd safe, kept the sheep safe too; for the thieves were bound beside the folds by an invisible power. At daybreak he came to the flocks, and when he found them with their hands behind them, he knew what had happened. He prayed and set the thieves free, and after admonishing them at length and urging them to strive for honest labour and not to take from wrongdoing, he gave them a ram and sent them away, saying pleasantly, “so that you may not seem to have stayed awake for nothing.” This is one of Spyridon’s wonders. Another was of this kind. He had a virgin daughter named Irene, who shared her father’s piety. An acquaintance entrusted a costly ornament to her, and she, to keep it more safely, hid the deposit in the ground; not long afterwards she departed this life. Some time later the man who had deposited it came, and not finding the virgin, he pressed her father, now accusing him, now pleading with him. Since the old man counted the depositor’s loss his own misfortune, he went to his daughter’s tomb and called on God to show him before its time the promised resurrection. Nor was he disappointed in his hope: the virgin, alive again, appeared to her father, showed him the place where the ornament was hidden, and departed again. Such men shone in the churches in the times of the emperor Constantine. These things I learned by hearing from many Cypriots, and I also came upon a treatise … of a certain presbyter written in Latin, from which I have collected these and some other things that will be told shortly.
1.13PG 67:105–109
δὲ ἐγὼ περὶ Εὐτυχιανοῦ, θεοφιλοῦς ἀνδρὸς κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺ: χρόνους ἀχμάσαντος. Ὃ: αὑτὸς τῆ: Ἐκκλησίας τῶν Νανατιανῶν τυγχάνων, παραπλήσια ἔργα ποιῶν ἐθαυμάζετο. Τίς τε ὁ περὶ τούτου διηγησάμενος, ἐρῶ μετὰ ἀκριβείας, καὶ οὐχ ἀποχρύψομαι, κἂν δόξω τισὶν ἀπεχθάνεσθαι. Αὐξάνων τις τῆς Ναυατιανῶν Ἐχκχλησίας πρεσθδύτερυς, μαχροδιώτατος γέγονεν " ὃς καὶ τῇ ἐν Νιχαί συνόδῳ κομιδῇ νήπιος ὧν, ἅμα τῷ ᾿Αχεσίῳ παρέδαλλε, καὶ τὰ ᾿Ακέσιον ἐμοὶ διηγήσατο. Οὗτος ἐξ ἐκείνων τῶν χρόνων, ἄχρι τῆς βασιλείας τοῦ Νέου Θεοδοσίου ἐξέτεινε, νεωτέρῳ μοι σφόδρα τυγχάνοντι, τὰ περὶ — Εὐτυχιανοῦ διηγήσατο, πολλὰ μὲν διεξελθὼν περὶ τῆς προσούσης αὐτῷ θείας χάριτος " ἕν δὲ κἀκεῖνο μνήμης ἄξιον ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔφη Κωνσταντίνου. Τῶν δ᾽ρυτόρων τις͵ οὖς; οἰκείους καλεῖ ὁ βασιλεὺς, τυ-. ραννιχά τινα ὑποπτευθεὶς, φυγῇ σατο. Ὃ βασιλεὺς δὲ ἐκέλευσεν ἀπειλῇ ἀναιρεῖσθαι — αὐτὸν, ἔνθα ἂν εὑρίσκοιτο. Ὃς περὶ τὸν Βιθυνὸν — —— εὑρεθεὶς, βαρυτάτοις χαλεποῖς σιδήξοις — περὶ τὰ μέρη τοῦ — 41 : καὶ ὁ Εὐτυχιανὸς τὸν μονήρη βίον ἀσκῶν, — » τε τὰ σώματα τὰ: ψυχὰς ἐθεράπευεν. ἘΣ αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ Μμαχροδιώτατος Λὐξάνων, νέος — ι τὰ τοῦ μοναχιχοῦ βίου ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ — τοῦτον τὸν Εὐτυχιανὸν ἦκον πολλοὶ, — συ παρακαλοῦντες ῥύεσθαι τὸν δέσμιον, βασιλεῖ παρακλήσεις προσφέροντα. Καὶ γὰρ ἐληλύθει εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Εὐτυχιανοῦ γινόμενα θαύματα. Ὁ δὲ ἑτοίμως ὑπέσχετο παρὰ τὸν βασιλέα πορεύεσθαι. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ δεσμώτης ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν ἀνήκεστα ἔπασχεν, οἱ παρακαλοῦντες ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ, φθάνειν ἔλεγον καὶ τὴν παρὰ βασιλέως τιμωρίαν καὶ τὰς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ παρακλήσεις, τὸν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν ἐπικείμενον θάνατον. Εὐτυχιανὸς δὲ πέμψας παρακαλεῖ τοὺς δεσμοφύλακας, ἀνεῖναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον. Τῶν δὲ λεγόντων κίνδυνον φέρειν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἄνεσιν τοῦ δεσμώτου, αὐτὸς δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἅμα τῷ Αὐξάνοντι, πρὸς τὸ δεσμωτήριον παραγίνεται. Ἐκείνων δὲ μὴ βουλομένων ἀνοίγειν τὴν εἰρκτὴν, ἡ προσοῦσα χάρις Εὐτυχιανῷ φανερωτέρα ἐγίνετο· αὐτόματοι γὰρ αἱ πύΒλαι τοῦ δεσμωτηρίου ἡνοίγοντο, τῶν δεσμοφυλάκων τὰς κλεῖς ἐχόντων παρ' ἑαυτοῖς. Εἰσελθόντος δὲ τοῦ Εὐτυχιανοῦ ἅμα τῷ Αὐξάνοντι, καὶ πολλῆς τοῖς τότε παροῦσιν ἐκπλήξεως γενομένης, αὐτόματοι οἱ δεσμοὶ τὸν δεσμώτην ἀπέλιπον. Μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπὶ τὸ πάλαι μὲν Βυζάντιον, ὕστερον δὲ Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν, ἅμα τῷ Αὐξάνοντι παρεγένετο. Δεχθείς τε εἰς τὰς βασιλικὰς αὐλὰς, τοῦ θανάτου ἐρύσατο τὸν ἄνθρωπον. Ἑτοίμως γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς τιμῶν τὸν ἄνδρα, κατένευσε πρὸς τὴν αἴτησιν. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐγένετο. Τότε δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ ἄλλα τινὰ ἐγγράψαντες, ἃ κανόνας ὀνομάζειν εἰώθασιν, αὖθις κατὰ πόλιν τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀνεχώρησαν. Φιλομαθὲς δὲ εἶναι νομίζω, καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνελθόντων ἐπισκόπων, ἃ εὑρεῖν ἐδυνήθημεν, καὶ ἧς ἕκαστος ἐπαρχίας τε καὶ πόλεως ἦν, καὶ τὸν χρόνον ἐν ᾧ συνῆλθον, παραθέσθαι ἐνταῦθα. Ὅσιος ἐπίσκοπος Κουδρούβης Ἱσπανίας, οὕτως πιστεύω ὡς προγέγραπται· Ρώμης Βίτων καὶ Βικεντίνος πρε - σβύτεροι· Αἰγύπτου ᾿Αλέξανδρος· ᾿Αντιοχείας τῆς μεγάλης Εὐστάθιος· Ἱεροσολύμων Μακάριος· Αρποκρατίων Κύνων· καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν· ὧν εἰς πλῆρες τὰ ὀνόματα κεῖται ἐν τῷ Συνοδικῷ ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου. Καὶ ὁ χρόνος τῆς συνόδου, ὡς ἔν παρασημειώσεσιν εὕρομεν, ὑπατείας Παυλίνου καὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ, τῇ εἰκάδι τοῦ Μαΐου μηνός τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἑξαχοσιοστὸν τριαχοστὸν ἔχτον ἔτος, ἀπὸ τῆς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος βασιλείας. Τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς συνόδου τέλος εἶχεν" ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἀφίκετο.
de egō peri Eutychianou, theophilous andros kata tous autou: chronous achmasantos. Ho: hautos tē: Ekklēsias tōn Nanatianōn tynchanōn, paraplēsia erga poiōn ethaumazeto. Tis te ho peri toutou diēgēsamenos, erō meta akribeias, kai ouch apochrypsomai, kan doxō tisin apechthanesthai. Auxanōn tis tēs Nauatianōn Echkchlēsias presthdyterys, machrodiōtatos gegonen " hos kai tę̄ en Nichai synodǭ komidę̄ nēpios hōn, hama tǭ ᾿Achesiǭ paredalle, kai ta ᾿Akesion emoi diēgēsato. Houtos ex ekeinōn tōn chronōn, achri tēs basileias tou Neou Theodosiou exeteine, neōterǭ moi sphodra tynchanonti, ta peri — Eutychianou diēgēsato, polla men diexelthōn peri tēs prosousēs autǭ theias charitos " hen de kakeino mnēmēs axion epi tou basileōs ephē Kōnstantinou. Tōn d᾽rytorōn tis͵ ous? oikeious kalei ho basileus, ty-. rannicha tina hypopteutheis, phygę̄ sato. Ho basileus de ekeleusen apeilę̄ anaireisthai — auton, entha an heuriskoito. Hos peri ton Bithynon — —— heuretheis, barytatois chalepois sidēxois — peri ta merē tou — 41 : kai ho Eutychianos ton monērē bion askōn, — » te ta sōmata ta: psychas etherapeuen. ES autǭ kai ho Mmachrodiōtatos Lyxanōn, neos — i ta tou monachichou biou hyp᾽ autǭ — touton ton Eutychianon ēkon polloi, — sy parakalountes rhyesthai ton desmion, basilei paraklēseis prospheronta. Kai gar elēlythei eis tas akoas tou basileōs ta para tou Eutychianou ginomena thaumata. Ho de hetoimōs hypescheto para ton basilea poreuesthai. Epei de ho desmōtēs ek tōn desmōn anēkesta epaschen, hoi parakalountes hyper autou, phthanein elegon kai tēn para basileōs timōrian kai tas hyper autou paraklēseis, ton ek tōn desmōn epikeimenon thanaton. Eutychianos de pempsas parakalei tous desmophylakas, aneinai ton anthrōpon. Tōn de legontōn kindynon pherein autois tēn anesin tou desmōtou, autos di᾽ heautou hama tǭ Auxanonti, pros to desmōtērion paraginetai. Ekeinōn de mē boulomenōn anoigein tēn eirktēn, hē prosousa charis Eutychianǭ phanerōtera egineto; automatoi gar hai pyBlai tou desmōtēriou hēnoigonto, tōn desmophylakōn tas kleis echontōn par' heautois. Eiselthontos de tou Eutychianou hama tǭ Auxanonti, kai pollēs tois tote parousin ekplēxeōs genomenēs, automatoi hoi desmoi ton desmōtēn apelipon. Meta tauta epi to palai men Byzantion, hysteron de Kōnstantinou polin, hama tǭ Auxanonti paregeneto. Dechtheis te eis tas basilikas aulas, tou thanatou erysato ton anthrōpon. Hetoimōs gar ho basileus timōn ton andra, kateneuse pros tēn aitēsin. Touto men oun hysteron egeneto. Tote de hoi en tę̄ synodǭ episkopoi, kai alla tina engrapsantes, ha kanonas onomazein eiōthasin, authis kata polin tēn heautōn anechōrēsan. Philomathes de einai nomizō, kai ta onomata tōn en Nikaią synelthontōn episkopōn, ha heurein edynēthēmen, kai hēs hekastos eparchias te kai poleōs ēn, kai ton chronon en hǭ synēlthon, parathesthai entautha. Hosios episkopos Koudroubēs Hispanias, houtōs pisteuō hōs progegraptai; Rōmēs Bitōn kai Bikentinos pre - sbyteroi; Aigyptou ᾿Alexandros; ᾿Antiocheias tēs megalēs Eustathios; Hierosolymōn Makarios; Arpokratiōn Kynōn; kai tōn loipōn; hōn eis plēres ta onomata keitai en tǭ Synodikǭ ᾿Athanasiou tou ᾿Alexandreias episkopou. Kai ho chronos tēs synodou, hōs en parasēmeiōsesin heuromen, hypateias Paulinou kai Ioulianou, tę̄ eikadi tou Maïou mēnos touto de ēn hexachosioston triachoston echton etos, apo tēs ᾿Alexandrou tou Makedonos basileias. Ta men oun tēs synodou telos eichen" isteon de, hoti meta tēn synodon ho basileus epi ta hesperia merē aphiketo.
… I … about Eutychian, a man dear to God who flourished in the same times. Though he belonged to the church of the Novatianists, he was admired for doing works like these. Who told me about him I will state exactly, and I will not conceal it, even if I seem to some to give offence. Auxanon, a presbyter of the Novatianist church, lived to a great age. When still quite young he attended the synod at Nicaea together with Acesius, and he told me what concerned Acesius. He lived on from those times until the reign of Theodosius the Younger, and when I was still very young he told me about Eutychian, going through much about the divine grace that was in him, and he related one thing worth remembering that happened in the time of the emperor Constantine. One of the guards whom the emperor calls “household troops”, suspected of plotting against the emperor, fled. The emperor ordered with threats that he be put to death wherever he was found. He was found near the Bithynian … and was bound with very heavy iron chains … in the parts of … Eutychian, living the solitary life, … healed both bodies and souls. With him was also the long-lived Auxanon, as a young man … the monastic life under him. Many came to this Eutychian … begging him to rescue the prisoner by bringing petitions to the emperor; for the miracles done by Eutychian had come to the emperor’s ears. He readily promised to go to the emperor. But since the prisoner was suffering terribly from his chains, those pleading for him said that the death threatening him from his chains would come before either the emperor’s punishment or the petitions on his behalf. Eutychian sent and asked the jailers to release the man. When they said that releasing the prisoner would bring danger on themselves, he went in person to the prison with Auxanon. When they would not open the prison, the grace that was in Eutychian became more evident: the gates of the prison opened of their own accord, though the jailers had the keys with them. When Eutychian entered with Auxanon, to the great astonishment of those present, the chains fell from the prisoner of their own accord. After this he went with Auxanon to the city formerly called Byzantium and afterwards Constantinople. He was received into the imperial palace and rescued the man from death; for the emperor, honouring the man, readily granted his request. This, however, happened later.
At that time the bishops of the synod, having also written certain other things which they are accustomed to call canons, went back to their own cities. I think it worthwhile for those who love learning to set down here also the names of the bishops who met at Nicaea, as far as we have been able to find them, with the province and city of each, and the time when they met. “Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain: I believe as is written above. For Rome, Vito and Vincentius, presbyters. For Egypt, Alexander. For Antioch the Great, Eustathius. For Jerusalem, Macarius. Harpocration of Cynopolis”; and the rest, whose names are given in full in the Synodicon of Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria. The time of the synod, as we found it in notes in the margin, was in the consulship of Paulinus and Julian, on the twentieth of May; this was the six hundred and thirty-sixth year from the reign of Alexander of Macedon. So the business of the synod came to an end. It should be known that after the synod the emperor went to the western parts.
1.14PG 67:109–113
Εὐσέβιος δὲ Θέογνις, βιδλίον μετανοίας τεῖς χορυφαίοις τῶν ἐπισκόπων ἀποστείλαντες, ἀνεκλήθησάν τε τῆς ἐξορίας ἐκ βασιλικοῦ προστάγματος, καὶ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ἑαυτῶν ἀπέλαβον, τοὺς εἰς τόπον ἑαυτῶν χειροτονηθέντας ἐξωθήσαντες, Αμφίωνα μὲν Εὐσέβιος, Χρῆστον δὲ Θέογνις. Οὗ βιβλίου τὸ ἀντίγραφόν ἐστι τόδε · Ἤδη μὲν οὖν καταψηφισθέντες πρὸ κρίσεως παρὰ τῆς εὐλαβείας ὑμῶν, ἐν ἡσυχίᾳ φέρειν τὰ κεκριμένα παρὰ τῆς ἁγίας ὑμῶν ἐπικρίσεως ὀφείλομεν. ᾿Αλλ' ἐπειδὴ ἄτοπον, καθ' ἑαυτῶν δοῦναι τῶν συκοφαντῶν τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τῇ σιωπῇ, τούτου ἕνεκα ἀναφέρομεν, ὡς ἡμεῖς καὶ τῇ πίστει συνεδράμομεν, καὶ τὴν ἔννοιαν ἐξετάσαντες ἐπὶ τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ, ὅλοι ἐγενόμεθα τῆς εἰρήνης, οἱ μηδαμοῦ τῇ αἱρέσει ἐξακολουθήσαντες. Ὑπομνήσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ ἀσφαλείᾳ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν, ὅσα τὸν λογισμὸν ἡμῶν ὑπέτρεχε, καὶ πληροφορήσαντες τοὺς δι' ἡμῶν πεισθῆναι ὀφείλοντας, ὑπεσημηνάμεθα τῇ πίστει· τῷ δὲ ἀναθεματισμῷ οὐχ ὑπεγράψαμεν, οὐχ ὡς τῆς πίστεως κατηγοροῦντες, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀπιστοῦντες τοιοῦτον εἶναι τὸν κατηγορηθέντα, ἐκ τῶν ἰδίᾳ πρὸς ἡμᾶς παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ διά τε ἐπιστολῶν, καὶ τῶν εἰς πρόσωπον διαλέξεων, πεπληροφορημένοι μὴ τοιοῦτον εἶναι. Εἰ δὲ ἐπείσθη ἡ ἁγία ὑμῶν σύνοδος, οὐκ ἀντιτείνοντες, ἀλλὰ συντιθέμενοι τοῖς παρ' ὑμῖν κεκριμένοις, καὶ διὰ τούτου τοῦ γράμματος πληροφοροῦμεν τὴν συγκατάθεσιν· οὐ τὴν ἐξορίαν βαρέως φέροντες, ἀλλὰ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν τῆς αἱρέσεως ἀποδυόμενοι. Εἰ γὰρ καταξιώσητε νῦν γοῦν εἰς πρόσωπον ἐπαναλαβεῖν ἡμᾶς, ἔχετε ἐν πᾶσι συμψήφους, ἀκολουθοῦντας τοῖς παρ' ὑμῖν κεκριμένοις· ὁπότε αὐτὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐναγόμενον, ἔδοξε τῇ ὑμῶν εὐλαβείᾳ φιλανθρωπεύσασθαι καὶ ἀνακαλέσασθαι. ῎Ατοπον δὲ, τοῦ δοκοῦντος εἶναι ὑπευθύνου, ἀνακεκλημένου, καὶ ἀπολογησαμένου ἐφ᾽ οἷς διεβάλλετο, ἡμᾶς σιωπᾶν, καθ' ἑαυτῶν διδόντας τὸν ἔλεγχον. Καταξιώσατε γοῦν, ὡς ἁρμόζει τῇ φιλοχρίστῳ ὑμῶν εὐλαβείᾳ, καὶ τὸν θεοφιλέστατον βασιλέα ὑπομνῆσαι, καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ἡμῶν ἐγχειρίσαι, καὶ θᾶττον βουλεύσασθαι τὰ ὑμῖν ἁρμόζοντα ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ τῆς παλινῳδίας βιβλίον Εὐσεβίου καὶ Θεόγνιἑὸς ἐστιν· ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν ῥημάτων αὐτοῦ τεκμαίρομαι, ὅτι οὗτοι μὲν τῇ ὑπαγορευθείσῃ πίστει ὑπεσημήναντο, τῇ δὲ καθαιρέσει ᾿Αρείου σύμψηφοι γενέσθαι οὐκ ἐβουλήθησαν· καὶ ὅτι ῎Αρειος πρὸ τούτων φαίνεται ἀνακληθείς. ᾿Αλλ' εἰ καὶ τοῦτο οὕτως ἔχειν δοκεῖ, ὅμως τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπιβαίνειν κεκώλυτο · τοῦτο δὲ δείκνυται, ἀφ᾿ ὧν ὕστερον ἑαυτῷ κάθοδον εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν καὶ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἐπενόησεν, ἐπιπλάστῳ μετανοίᾳ χρησάμενος, ὡς κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμ
Eusebios de Theognis, bidlion metanoias teis choryphaiois tōn episkopōn aposteilantes, aneklēthēsan te tēs exorias ek basilikou prostagmatos, kai tas Ekklēsias heautōn apelabon, tous eis topon heautōn cheirotonēthentas exōthēsantes, Amphiōna men Eusebios, Chrēston de Theognis. Hou bibliou to antigraphon esti tode ; Ēdē men oun katapsēphisthentes pro kriseōs para tēs eulabeias hymōn, en hēsychią pherein ta kekrimena para tēs hagias hymōn epikriseōs opheilomen. ᾿All' epeidē atopon, kath' heautōn dounai tōn sykophantōn tēn apodeixin tę̄ siōpę̄, toutou heneka anapheromen, hōs hēmeis kai tę̄ pistei synedramomen, kai tēn ennoian exetasantes epi tǭ homoousiǭ, holoi egenometha tēs eirēnēs, hoi mēdamou tę̄ hairesei exakolouthēsantes. Hypomnēsantes de epi asphaleią tōn Ekklēsiōn, hosa ton logismon hēmōn hypetreche, kai plērophorēsantes tous di' hēmōn peisthēnai opheilontas, hypesēmēnametha tę̄ pistei; tǭ de anathematismǭ ouch hypegrapsamen, ouch hōs tēs pisteōs katēgorountes, all᾽ hōs apistountes toiouton einai ton katēgorēthenta, ek tōn idią pros hēmas par᾿ autou dia te epistolōn, kai tōn eis prosōpon dialexeōn, peplērophorēmenoi mē toiouton einai. Ei de epeisthē hē hagia hymōn synodos, ouk antiteinontes, alla syntithemenoi tois par' hymin kekrimenois, kai dia toutou tou grammatos plērophoroumen tēn synkatathesin; ou tēn exorian bareōs pherontes, alla tēn hyponoian tēs haireseōs apodyomenoi. Ei gar kataxiōsēte nyn goun eis prosōpon epanalabein hēmas, echete en pasi sympsēphous, akolouthountas tois par' hymin kekrimenois; hopote auton ton epi toutois enagomenon, edoxe tę̄ hymōn eulabeią philanthrōpeusasthai kai anakalesasthai. ᾿Atopon de, tou dokountos einai hypeuthynou, anakeklēmenou, kai apologēsamenou eph᾽ hois dieballeto, hēmas siōpan, kath' heautōn didontas ton elenchon. Kataxiōsate goun, hōs harmozei tę̄ philochristǭ hymōn eulabeią, kai ton theophilestaton basilea hypomnēsai, kai tas deēseis hēmōn encheirisai, kai thatton bouleusasthai ta hymin harmozonta eph᾽ hēmin. Kai touto men to tēs palinǭdias biblion Eusebiou kai Theognieos estin; apo de tōn rhēmatōn autou tekmairomai, hoti houtoi men tę̄ hypagoreutheisę̄ pistei hypesēmēnanto, tę̄ de kathairesei ᾿Areiou sympsēphoi genesthai ouk eboulēthēsan; kai hoti ᾿Areios pro toutōn phainetai anaklētheis. ᾿All' ei kai touto houtōs echein dokei, homōs tēs ᾿Alexandreias epibainein kekōlyto ; touto de deiknytai, aph᾿ hōn hysteron heautǭ kathodon eis tēn Ekklēsian kai eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian epenoēsen, epiplastǭ metanoią chrēsamenos, hōs kata chōran eroum
Eusebius and Theognis sent a statement of repentance to the leading bishops, were recalled from exile by imperial order, and recovered their churches, driving out those who had been ordained in their place: Eusebius drove out Amphion, and Theognis Chrestus. The copy of their statement is as follows:
“Though we were condemned by your piety before a trial, we ought to bear in silence what was decided by your holy judgment. But since it is absurd by our silence to give evidence against ourselves to the slanderers, we therefore declare that we have agreed to the faith, and that, having examined the sense of homoousios, we have been wholly for peace, never having followed the heresy. Having suggested for the safety of the churches whatever occurred to our minds, and having fully satisfied those who were to be persuaded through us, we signed the faith; but we did not sign the anathema, not as finding fault with the faith, but as not believing that the accused was such a man, having been fully satisfied that he was not, from what he had said to us privately in letters and in conversations face to face. But if your holy synod was persuaded, we do not resist but agree with what you decided, and by this letter we confirm our assent; not because we take our exile hard, but to clear ourselves of the suspicion of heresy. If you will now deign to receive us into your presence, you will find us agreeing in everything and following what you have decided; since your piety has seen fit to deal kindly with the very man who was accused on these charges and to recall him. It is absurd that, when he who was thought to be liable has been recalled and has defended himself against what he was accused of, we should keep silent and give evidence against ourselves. Deign therefore, as befits your Christ-loving piety, to remind our most God-loving emperor, to hand him our petitions, and to decide quickly what is fitting for you in our case.”
This is the statement of recantation of Eusebius and Theognis. From its words I conclude that they signed the faith that had been dictated, but would not agree to the deposition of Arius; and that Arius appears to have been recalled before them. But even if this seems to be so, he had nevertheless been forbidden to set foot in Alexandria. This is shown by the fact that afterwards he contrived for himself a return to the church and to Alexandria by a pretended repentance, as we shall tell in its place.
1.15PG 67:113–115
Μεταταῦτα δὲ εὐθέως ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας τελευτήσαντος προΐστα - φῖνος η κομιδῇ νήπιον ὄντα, παίζειν σὺν ἑτέροις ἡλικιώταις ἱερὸν παίγνιον. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν μίμησις ἱεροσύνης καὶ τοῦ καταλόγου τῶν ἱερωμένων ἀνδρῶν. Ἐν δὴ οὖν τῷ παιγνίῳ τούτῳ, ᾿Αθανάσιος μὲν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἐκεκλήρωτο τὸν θρόνον· τῶν δὲ ἄλλων νέων ἕκαστος, ἢ πρεσβύτερον, ἢ διάκονον ἐμιμεῖτο. Ταῦτα ἔπαιζον οἱ παῖδες κατὰ τὴν ἡμέραν, ἐν ᾗ τοῦ μάρτυρος καὶ ἐπισκόπου Πέτρου ἐπετελεῖτο μνήμη· τότε δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος διαβαίνων, ὁρᾷ τὸ γιγνόμενον παίγνιον· καὶ μεταπεμψάμενος τοὺς παῖδας, ἐπύθετο παρ᾿ αὐτῶν τὸν ἐν τῷ παιγνίῳ κληρωθέντα τόπον ἑκάστῳ, προμηνύεσθαί τι διὰ τοῦ γεγονότος ἡγησάμενος. Ἐκέλευσέν τε ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἄγεσθαι τοὺς παῖδας, καὶ παιδείας μεταται τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ᾿Αθανάσιος. Τοῦτόν φησιν ὁ Ῥουλαμβάνειν, ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον. Εἶτα ἐν τελείᾳ γενόμενον ἡλικίᾳ, καὶ διάκονον χειροτονήσας, ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὴν Νίκαιαν, συναγωνιζόμενον αὐτῷ ἐκεῖ, ὅτε συνεκροτεῖτο ἡ σύνοδος. Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Ῥουφίνος περὶ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αθανασίου ἐν τοῖς συντάγμασιν ἑαυτοῦ εἴρηκεν. Οὐκ ἀπεικὸς δὲ γενέσθαι· καὶ γὰρ πολλά τοιαῦτα γενόμενα πολλάκις ἐφεύρηται περὶ οὗ τέως τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω μοι.
Metatauta de eutheōs ᾿Alexandrou tou episkopou tēs ᾿Alexandreias teleutēsantos proïsta - phinos ē komidę̄ nēpion onta, paizein syn heterois hēlikiōtais hieron paignion. Touto de ēn mimēsis hierosynēs kai tou katalogou tōn hierōmenōn andrōn. En dē oun tǭ paigniǭ toutǭ, ᾿Athanasios men tēs episkopēs ekeklērōto ton thronon; tōn de allōn neōn hekastos, ē presbyteron, ē diakonon emimeito. Tauta epaizon hoi paides kata tēn hēmeran, en hę̄ tou martyros kai episkopou Petrou epeteleito mnēmē; tote de ᾿Alexandros ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopos diabainōn, horą to gignomenon paignion; kai metapempsamenos tous paidas, epytheto par᾿ autōn ton en tǭ paigniǭ klērōthenta topon hekastǭ, promēnyesthai ti dia tou gegonotos hēgēsamenos. Ekeleusen te en tę̄ ekklēsią agesthai tous paidas, kai paideias metatai tēs Ekklēsias ᾿Athanasios. Touton phēsin ho Rhoulambanein, exairetōs de ton ᾿Athanasion. Eita en teleią genomenon hēlikią, kai diakonon cheirotonēsas, ēgen epi tēn Nikaian, synagōnizomenon autǭ ekei, hote synekroteito hē synodos. Tauta men ho Rhouphinos peri autou ᾿Athanasiou en tois syntagmasin heautou eirēken. Ouk apeikos de genesthai; kai gar polla toiauta genomena pollakis epheurētai peri hou teōs tosauta eirēsthō moi.
Immediately after this, Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, died, and Athanasius became head of the church. Rufinus says that when he was quite a child he played a sacred game with others of his own age. This was an imitation of the priesthood and of the order of men in holy orders. In this game Athanasius was allotted the bishop’s throne, and each of the other boys imitated either a presbyter or a deacon. The children were playing this on the day when the memory of the martyr and bishop Peter was being kept. Just then Alexander, bishop of Alexandria, was passing by and saw the game going on. He sent for the children and asked them what place each had been allotted in the game, thinking that something was foretold by what had happened. He ordered the children to be brought up in the church and to receive instruction, Athanasius above all. Then, when he had reached full age, Alexander ordained him deacon and took him to Nicaea to help him in the contest there when the synod met. This is what Rufinus says about Athanasius in his writings. It is not unlikely to have happened; for many such things have often been found to happen. Let this be enough about him for now.
1.16PG 67:115–117
Ὁ βασιλεὺς δὲ μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἐν εὐφροσύνῃ διῆγεν· ἐπιτελέσας οὖν δημοτελῆ τῆς εἰκοσαετηρίδος αὐτοῦ ἑορτὴν ο, εὐθέως περὶ τὸ ἀνορθοῦν τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐσπούδαζεν. Ἐποίει τε τοῦτο κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, καὶ ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ ἐπωνύμῳ. Ην Βυζάν τιον καλουμένην τοπρότερον, ηὔξησε, τείχη μεγάλα περιβαλὼν, καὶ διαφόροις κοσμήσας οἰκοδομήμασιν · ἴσην τε τῇ βασιλευούσῃ Ῥώμῃ ἀποδείξας, Κωνσταντινούπολιν μετονομάσας, χρηματίζειν δευτέραν Ῥώμην νόμῳ ἐκύρωσεν. Ὃς νόμος ἐν λιθίνῃ γέγραπται στήλῃ καὶ δημοσίᾳ ἐν τῷ καλουμένῳ Στρατηγίῳ, πλησίον τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ ἐφίππου παρέθηκε. Καὶ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει, δύο μὲν οἰκοδομήσας ἐκκλησίας, μίαν ἐπωνόμασεν Εἰρήνην, ἑτέραν δὲ τὴν τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων ἐπώνυμον. Καὶ οὐ μόνον, ὡς ἔφην, ηὔξει τὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων καθᾑρει. Τὰ γοῦν ἀγάλματα, κόσμον τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει προυτίθει δημοσίᾳ, καὶ τοὺς Δελφικοὺς τρίποδας ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρομίῳ δημοσιεύσας προὔθηκε. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν δόξει περιττὰ λέγεσθαι νῦν· ὁρᾶται γὰρ πρότερον ἢ ἀκούεται. Τότε δὲ ὅμως μεγίστην ἐπίδοσιν ἔλαβε τὰ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ. Καὶ γὰρ ἐν τοῖς καιροῖς τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου, καὶ ἄλλα πλεῖστα ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐφύλαττε πρόνοια. Οὕτω τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγκωμίων μετὰ μεγαλοφώνου φράσεως ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος μνήμην πεποίηται. Οὐκ ἄκαιρον δὲ ἡγοῦμαι καὶ ἡμᾶς περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, ὡς οἷόν τε, διὰ βραχέων εἰπεῖν.
Ho basileus de meta tēn synodon en euphrosynę̄ diēgen; epitelesas oun dēmotelē tēs eikosaetēridos autou heortēn o, eutheōs peri to anorthoun tas ekklēsias espoudazen. Epoiei te touto kata tas allas poleis, kai en tę̄ autou epōnymǭ. Ēn Byzan tion kaloumenēn toproteron, ēuxēse, teichē megala peribalōn, kai diaphorois kosmēsas oikodomēmasin ; isēn te tę̄ basileuousę̄ Rhōmę̄ apodeixas, Kōnstantinoupolin metonomasas, chrēmatizein deuteran Rhōmēn nomǭ ekyrōsen. Hos nomos en lithinę̄ gegraptai stēlę̄ kai dēmosią en tǭ kaloumenǭ Stratēgiǭ, plēsion tou heautou ephippou parethēke. Kai en tautę̄ tę̄ polei, dyo men oikodomēsas ekklēsias, mian epōnomasen Eirēnēn, heteran de tēn tōn ᾿Apostolōn epōnymon. Kai ou monon, hōs ephēn, ēuxei ta tōn Christianōn, alla kai ta tōn Hellēnōn kathę̄rei. Ta goun agalmata, kosmon tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei proutithei dēmosią, kai tous Delphikous tripodas en tǭ hippodromiǭ dēmosieusas prouthēke. Tauta men oun doxei peritta legesthai nyn; horatai gar proteron ē akouetai. Tote de homōs megistēn epidosin elabe ta tou Christianismou. Kai gar en tois kairois tou basileōs Kōnstantinou, kai alla pleista hē tou Theou ephylatte pronoia. Houtō tōn tou basileōs enkōmiōn meta megalophōnou phraseōs ho Pamphilou Eusebios mnēmēn pepoiētai. Ouk akairon de hēgoumai kai hēmas peri tōn autōn, hōs hoion te, dia bracheōn eipein.
After the synod the emperor lived in gladness. Having celebrated the public festival of his twentieth year of reign, he at once set himself to restore the churches. He did this in the other cities and in the city named after him. This city, formerly called Byzantium, he enlarged, surrounding it with great walls and adorning it with various buildings; he made it equal to imperial Rome, renamed it Constantinople, and confirmed by law that it should be called the second Rome. This law is written on a stone column, which he set up publicly in the place called the Strategium, near his own equestrian statue. In this city he built two churches, naming one Irene and the other after the Apostles. Not only, as I said, did he advance the Christian cause, but he also pulled down that of the pagans. He set up their statues publicly as ornaments for the city of Constantine, and he displayed the Delphic tripods publicly in the hippodrome. To mention these things now will seem superfluous, since they are seen before they are heard of. But at that time Christianity grew very greatly; for in the times of the emperor Constantine the providence of God preserved very many other things too. Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, has recorded the emperor’s praises in lofty language; I think it not out of place for us also to speak briefly about the same things, as far as we can.
1.17PG 67:117–121
Ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ Ἑλένη, ἧς ἐπονόματι τὴν ποτε κώμην Δρεπάνην, πόλιν ποιήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς Ελενούπολιν ἐπωνόμασε, δι᾽ ὀνείρων χρηματισθεῖσα, εἰς τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα παρεγένετο. Καὶ τὴν ποτε Ἱερουσαλήμ ἔρημον ὡς ὀπωροφυλάκιον κατὰ τὸν Προφήτην εὐροῦσα, τὸ τοῦ Χριστοῦ μνῆμα ἔνθα ταφεὶς ἀνέστη, σπουδαίως ἐζήτει. Καὶ δυσχερῶς μὲν, σὺν Θεῷ δὲ εὐρίσκει. Τις δὲ ἡ αἰτία τῆς δυσχερείας, διὰ βραχέων ἐρῶ. Ὅτι οἱ μὲν τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ φρονοῦντες, μετὰ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦ πάθους ἐτίμων τὸ μνῆμα. Οἱ δὲ φεύγοντες τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, χώσαντες τὸν τόπον, Αφροδίτης κατ' αὐτοῦ ναὸν κατασκευάσαντες ἐπέστησαν ἄγαλμα, μη ποιοῦντες μνήμην τοῦ τόπου. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν πάλαι προὐχώρει. Τῇ δὲ μητρὶ τοῦ βασιλέως φανερὸν τοῦτο ἐγένετο. Καθελοῦσα οὖν τὸ ξόανον, καὶ τὸν τόπον ἐκχώσασα καὶ καθαρὸν ἐργασαμένη, τρεῖς εὑρίσκει σταυροὺς ἐν τῷ μνήματι · ἕνα μὲν τὸν μακαριστὸν, ἐν ᾧ Χριστὸς ἐξετανύσθη· τοὺς δὲ ἑτέρους, ἐν οἷς οἱ συσταυρωθέντες δύο λῃσταὶ τεθνήκεσαν. Σὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ εὕρητο καὶ ἡ τοῦ Πιλάτου σανὶς, ἐν ᾗ βασιλέα τῶν Ἰουδαίων τὸν σταυρωθέντα Χριστὸν προσγράφων, ἐν διαφόροις γράμμασι ἐκήρυττεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀμφίβολος ἦν ὁ σταυρὸς ὁ ζητούμενος Ρ, οὐχ ἡ τυχοῦσα λύπη τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως μητέρα. Οὐχ εἰς μααυφθηϑπ δὲ παύει τὰ τῆς λύπης ὁ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπίσκοπος, ὄνομα ἣν Μακάριος. Λύει δὲ πίστει τὸ ἀμφίβολον. Σημεῖον γὰρ ἥτει παρὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ ἐλάμβανε. Τὸ δὲ σημεῖον ἣν τοιοῦτο γυνή τις τῶν ἐγχωρίων, νόσῳ χρονίᾳ ληφθεῖσα, πρὸς αὐτῷ λοιπὸν τῷ θανάτῳ ἐγένετο. Προσάγεσθα: οὖν τῇ ἀποθνησχούσῃ τῶν σταυρῶν ἕκαστον ὁ ἐπίσκοπος παρεσκεύασε, πιστεύσας ἀναῤῥωσθῆναι τὴν γυναῖκα, ἀψαμένην τοῦ τιμίου σταυροῦ. Καὶ τῆς ἐλπίδος οὐχ ἥμαρτε. Προσἐνεχθέντων γὰρ τῶν μὴ Κυρίων δύο σταυρῶν, ἔμενεν οὐδὲν ἧττον ἡ γυνὴ ἀποθνήσχουσα. Ὡς δὲ ὁ τρίτος ὁ γνήσιος προσηνέχθη. ἡ ἀποθνήσχουσα εὐθὺς ἀνεῤῥώσθη, καὶ ἐν τοῖς ὑγιαίνουσιν ἦν. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον τὸ τοῦ σταυροῦ ξύλον ηὕρητα:. δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ, οἶχον μὲν εὐκτήριον ἐν τῷ τοῦ μνήματος τόπῳ πολυτελῇ κατεσκεύασεν, Ἱερουσαλήμ τε Νέαν ἐπωνόμασεν, ἀντιπρόσωπον τῇ παλαιᾷ ἐκείνῃ καὶ χαταλελειμμένῃ ποιήσασα. Τοῦ δὲ σταυροῦ, μέρος μέν τι θήκῃ ἀργυρᾷ περιχλείσασα,, μνημόσυνην τοῖς ἱστορεῖν βουλομένοις, αὐτόθι κατέλιπε " τὸ δὲ ἕτερον μέρος ἀποστέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ. “Ὅπερ δεξάμενος, καὶ πιστεύσας τελείως σωθήσεσθαι τὴν πόλιν ἔνθα ἂν ἐκεῖνο φυλάττηται, τῷ ἑαυτοῦ ἀνδρι - ἀντιχατέχρυψεν, ὃς ἐν τῇ κατὰ Κωνσταντίνον πόλιν( 6)» ἐν τῇ ἐπιλεγομένῃ ἀγορᾷ Κωνσταντίνου, ἐπὶ τοῦ πορφυροῦ καὶ μεγάλου κίονος ἵδρυται. Τοῦτο μὲν ἀκοῇ γράψας ἔχω. Πάντες δὲ σχεδὸν οἱ τὴν Κωνστανκίνου πόλιν οἰκοῦντες, ἀληθὲς εἶναί φασι, Καὶ τοὺς ἥλους δὲ, οἱ ταῖς χερσὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ κατὰ τὸν σταυρὸν ἐνεπάγησαν, ὁ Κωνσταντῖνος λαθὼν (καὶ γὰρ καὶ τούτους ἢ μήτηρ ἐν τῷ μνήματι εὑροῦσα ἀπέστειλεν), χαλινούς τε καὶ περικεφαλαίαν ποιήσας, ἐν τοῖς πολέμοις ἐκέχρητο. Ἐχορήγει μὲν οὖν πάσας τὰς ὕλας ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν χατασχευὴν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν, Ἔγραφε δὲ Μακαρίῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ, ἐπισπεύδειν τὰς οἰχοδομάς. Ἢ] δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως μήτηρ, ποιῆσασα τὴν Νέαν Ἱερουσαλὴμ,χαὶ ἐν τῷ ἄντρῳ τῆς Βηθλεὲμ, ἔνθα ἡ κατὰ σάρκα γέννησις τοῦ Χριστοῦ, ἑτέραν ἐκκλησίαν οὐχ ἧττον χατεσχεύαζεν Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ ὄρει τῆς ἀναλήψεως. Οὕτω δὲ εἶχεν εὐλαπερὶ ταῦτα, ὡς καὶ συνεύχεσθαι ἐν τῷ τῶν γυναιχῶν τάγματι. Καὶ τὰς παρθένους τὰς ἀναγεγραμ.μένας ἐν τῷ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν κανόνι, ἐπὶ ἐστίασιν προτρεπομένη, δι᾽ ἑαυτῆς λειτουργοῦσα, τὰ ὄψα ταῖς τραπέζαις προσέφερε. Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἐδωρεῖτο ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τοῖς πένησιν εὐσεβῶς τε διανύσασα τὴν ζωὴν, ἐτελεύτησε περὶ ὀγδοηχοστὸν ἕτος " καὶ τὸ σῶμα αὐτῆς εἰς τὴν βασιλεύουσαν νέαν Ῥώμην διακομισθὲν, ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς μνήμασιν ἀπετέθη.
Hē tou basileōs mētēr Helenē, hēs eponomati tēn pote kōmēn Drepanēn, polin poiēsas ho basileus Elenoupolin epōnomase, di᾽ oneirōn chrēmatistheisa, eis ta Hierosolyma paregeneto. Kai tēn pote Hierousalēm erēmon hōs opōrophylakion kata ton Prophētēn eurousa, to tou Christou mnēma entha tapheis anestē, spoudaiōs ezētei. Kai dyscherōs men, syn Theǭ de euriskei. Tis de hē aitia tēs dyschereias, dia bracheōn erō. Hoti hoi men ta tou Christou phronountes, meta ton kairon tou pathous etimōn to mnēma. Hoi de pheugontes ta tou Christou, chōsantes ton topon, Aphroditēs kat' autou naon kataskeuasantes epestēsan agalma, mē poiountes mnēmēn tou topou. Touto men oun palai prouchōrei. Tę̄ de mētri tou basileōs phaneron touto egeneto. Kathelousa oun to xoanon, kai ton topon ekchōsasa kai katharon ergasamenē, treis heuriskei staurous en tǭ mnēmati ; hena men ton makariston, en hǭ Christos exetanysthē; tous de heterous, en hois hoi systaurōthentes dyo lę̄stai tethnēkesan. Syn autois de heurēto kai hē tou Pilatou sanis, en hę̄ basilea tōn Ioudaiōn ton staurōthenta Christon prosgraphōn, en diaphorois grammasi ekērytten. Epei de amphibolos ēn ho stauros ho zētoumenos R, ouch hē tychousa lypē tēn tou basileōs mētera. Ouch eis maauphthēϑp de pauei ta tēs lypēs ho tōn Hierosolymōn episkopos, onoma hēn Makarios. Lyei de pistei to amphibolon. Sēmeion gar hētei para tou Theou, kai elambane. To de sēmeion hēn toiouto gynē tis tōn enchōriōn, nosǭ chronią lēphtheisa, pros autǭ loipon tǭ thanatǭ egeneto. Prosagestha: oun tę̄ apothnēschousę̄ tōn staurōn hekaston ho episkopos pareskeuase, pisteusas anarrhōsthēnai tēn gynaika, apsamenēn tou timiou staurou. Kai tēs elpidos ouch hēmarte. Prosenechthentōn gar tōn mē Kyriōn dyo staurōn, emenen ouden hētton hē gynē apothnēschousa. Hōs de ho tritos ho gnēsios prosēnechthē. hē apothnēschousa euthys anerrhōsthē, kai en tois hygiainousin ēn. Touton men oun ton tropon to tou staurou xylon hēurēta:. de tou basileōs mētēr, oichon men euktērion en tǭ tou mnēmatos topǭ polytelę̄ kateskeuasen, Hierousalēm te Nean epōnomasen, antiprosōpon tę̄ palaią ekeinę̄ kai chataleleimmenę̄ poiēsasa. Tou de staurou, meros men ti thēkę̄ argyrą perichleisasa,, mnēmosynēn tois historein boulomenois, autothi katelipe " to de heteron meros apostellei tǭ basilei. “Hoper dexamenos, kai pisteusas teleiōs sōthēsesthai tēn polin entha an ekeino phylattētai, tǭ heautou andri - antichatechrypsen, hos en tę̄ kata Kōnstantinon polin( 6)» en tę̄ epilegomenę̄ agorą Kōnstantinou, epi tou porphyrou kai megalou kionos hidrytai. Touto men akoę̄ grapsas echō. Pantes de schedon hoi tēn Kōnstankinou polin oikountes, alēthes einai phasi, Kai tous hēlous de, hoi tais chersi tou Christou kata ton stauron enepagēsan, ho Kōnstantinos lathōn (kai gar kai toutous ē mētēr en tǭ mnēmati heurousa apesteilen), chalinous te kai perikephalaian poiēsas, en tois polemois ekechrēto. Echorēgei men oun pasas tas hylas ho basileus eis tēn chatascheuēn tōn ekklēsiōn, Egraphe de Makariǭ tǭ episkopǭ, epispeudein tas oichodomas. Ē] de tou basileōs mētēr, poiēsasa tēn Nean Hierousalēm,chai en tǭ antrǭ tēs Bēthleem, entha hē kata sarka gennēsis tou Christou, heteran ekklēsian ouch hētton chatescheuazen Ou mēn alla kai en tǭ orei tēs analēpseōs. Houtō de eichen eulaperi tauta, hōs kai syneuchesthai en tǭ tōn gynaichōn tagmati. Kai tas parthenous tas anagegram.menas en tǭ tōn ekklēsiōn kanoni, epi estiasin protrepomenē, di᾽ heautēs leitourgousa, ta opsa tais trapezais prosephere. Polla de kai edōreito tais ekklēsiais tois penēsin eusebōs te dianysasa tēn zōēn, eteleutēse peri ogdoēchoston hetos " kai to sōma autēs eis tēn basileuousan nean Rhōmēn diakomisthen, en tois basilikois mnēmasin apetethē.
The emperor’s mother Helena, after whom the emperor made the former village of Drepanum a city and named it Helenopolis, was directed by dreams and went to Jerusalem. Finding Jerusalem, once a city, desolate “as a hut for keeping fruit”, according to the prophet, she eagerly searched for the tomb of Christ, where he was buried and rose again. With difficulty, but with God’s help, she found it. What caused the difficulty I will say briefly. Those who held to Christ honoured the tomb after the time of the Passion; but those who shunned Christ heaped earth over the place, built a temple of Aphrodite on it, and set up a statue, so that no memory of the place should remain. This had gone on for a long time; but it became known to the emperor’s mother. She pulled down the idol, dug out the place, and cleared it, and found three crosses in the tomb: one the most blessed cross on which Christ was stretched out, and the others those on which the two thieves crucified with him had died. With them was also found Pilate’s board, on which he had written, proclaiming in various letters that the crucified Christ was King of the Jews. Since it was doubtful which was the cross that was sought, the emperor’s mother was in no small grief. But the bishop of Jerusalem, whose name was Macarius, soon ended her grief; he resolved the doubt by faith. He asked a sign from God and received it. The sign was this. A woman of the place, who had been seized by a long illness, was by now at the point of death. The bishop had each of the crosses brought to the dying woman, believing that she would recover if she touched the precious cross. Nor was he disappointed in his hope. When the two crosses that were not the Lord’s were brought, the woman remained no less dying; but when the third, the true one, was brought, the dying woman at once recovered and was well. In this way the wood of the cross was found.
The emperor’s mother built a costly house of prayer on the place of the tomb and called it New Jerusalem, setting it opposite that old and abandoned one. Part of the cross she enclosed in a silver case and left there as a memorial for those who wish to see it; the other part she sent to the emperor. Receiving it, and believing that the city where it was kept would be wholly safe, he hid it within his own statue, which stands on the great porphyry column in the so-called Forum of Constantine at Constantinople. I have written this from hearsay, but almost all who live in Constantinople say it is true. The nails, too, which were driven into Christ’s hands on the cross (his mother found these also in the tomb and sent them), Constantine took and made into bridle-bits and a helmet, which he used in his wars. The emperor supplied all the materials for building the churches, and wrote to bishop Macarius to hasten the buildings. The emperor’s mother, having built the New Jerusalem, built another church no less fine at the cave of Bethlehem, where Christ was born according to the flesh; and another on the mount of the Ascension. She was so devout in these things that she prayed among the women; and inviting to a meal the virgins enrolled in the register of the churches, she served them herself and brought the dishes to the tables. She gave much to the churches and to the poor, and having lived her life piously, she died at about eighty years of age. Her body was carried to the imperial city, New Rome, and laid in the imperial tombs.
1.18PG 67:121–125
Καὶ μεταταῦτα δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπιμελέστερος ὧν περὶ τὰ Χριστιανῶν, ἀπεστράφη τὰς Ελληνιχὰς θρησκείας. Καὶ παύει, μὲν τὰ μονομάχια 4 δὲ τὰς ἰδίας ἐν τοῖς ναοῖς ἐνα-νέθετο. Λεγόντων ὃὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὡς ἄρα ὁ Σάραπις εἴη ὁ τὸν Νεῖλον ἀνάγων ἐπὶ ἀρδείᾳ τῆς Αἰγύπτου, τῷ τὸν πῆχυν εἰς τὸν τοῦ Σαράπιδος κομίζεσθαι, αὐτὸς εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τὸν πῆχυν ᾿Αλέξανδρον μετατιθέναι ἐκέλευσε. Τῶν ὃΣ φημιζόντων, ὡς οὐχ ἀναθήσεται ὁ Νεῖλος ὀργῇ τοῦ Σαράπιδος, ἢ τε ἄνοδος τοῦ ποταμοῦ τῷ τε ἑξῆς ἔτει εἰς τὸ μεταταῦτα, ἐγένετό τε γίνετα: ἔργῳ τε δείκνυται, ὡς οὐ διὰ θρησκείαν, ἀλλὰ διὰ τοὺς ὄρους τῆς Προνοίας, ἡ τοῦ Νείλου ἀνάθασις γίνεται. Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοῦ, βαρβάρων Σαρματῶν Γότθων τ χατατρεχόντων τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν, οὐδαμῶς ἡ περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας τοῦ βασιλέως πρόθεσις ἐνεχόπτετο" ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων τὴν ἁρμόζουσαν ἐποιήσατο πρόνοιαν" τοὺς μὲν γὰρ τῷ Χριστιανικῷ τροπαίῳ πεπιστευκὼς, κατὰ κράτος ἐνέχα, ὡς τὸ εἰωθὸς παρὰ τῶν πάλαι βασιλέων δίδοσθαι χρυσίον τοῖς βαρβάροις περιελεῖν, ἐκείνους τε ἐχπεπληγμέγους τῷ παραλόγῳ τῆς ἥττης, στεῦσαι τότε πρῶτον τῇ Χριστιανισμοῦ θρησχείλ. δι᾽ ἧς Κωνσταντῖνας ἐσώζετο. Αὖθις δὲ ἑτέρας ἐκκλησίας ἐποίει· καὶ μίαν μὲν ἐν τῇ καλουμένῃ δρυΐ τῇ Μαμβρῇ, ὑφ᾽ ἣν τοὺς ἀγγέλους ἐξενίσθαι πρὸς τοῦ Ἀβραὰμ οἱ ἱεροὶ λόγοι μηνύουσι, κατεσκεύαζε. Μαθὼν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς βωμοὺς ὑπὸ τῇ δρυΐ ἱδρύσθαι, καὶ θυσίας Ἑλληνικὰς τελεῖσθαι ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ, μέμφεται μὲν δι' ἐπιστολῆς Εὐσεβίῳ τῷ τῆς Καισαρείας ἐπισκόπῳ· κελεύει δὲ, τὸν μὲν βωμὸν ἀνατραπῆναι· πρὸς δὲ τὴν δρῦν κατασκευασθῆναι οἶκον εὐκτήριον. Ἑτέραν δὲ ἐκκλησίαν ἐν Ἡλίου πόλει τῆς Φοινίκης κατασκευασθῆναι προσέταξε, δι' αἰτίαν τοιαύτην · οἱ Ἡλίου πολῖται, τίνα μὲν ἔσχον ἐξ ἀρχῆς νομοθέτην οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, ὁποῖος ἦν τὸ ἦθος· τὸ δὲ ἦθος ἐκ τῆς πόλεως δείκνυται. Κοινὰς γὰρ εἶναι παρ' αὐτοῖς τὰς γυναῖκας ἐγχώριος νόμος ἐκέλευε. Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο, ἀμφίβολα μὲν ἦν παρ' αὐτοῖς τὰ τικτόμενα. Γονέων γὰρ καὶ τέκνων οὐδεμία διάκρισις ἦν. Τὰς δὲ παρθένους τοῖς παριοῦσι ξένοις παρείχον πορνεύεσθαι. - Καὶ τοῦτο ἐξ ἀρχαίου κρατοῦν παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς, λῦσαι ἐσπούδασε. Νόμῳ γὰρ σεμνῷ τῶν αἰσχρῶν ἀνελὼν τὸ μῦσος, τὰ γένη ἑαυτὰ ἐπιγινώσκειν παρεσκεύασεν. Ἐκκλησίας τε κτίσας, καὶ ἐπίσκοπον χειροτονηθῆναι παρεσκεύασε, καὶ κλῆρον ἱερόν. Οὕτω τὰ Ἡλιουπολιτῶν κακὰ μετριώτερα ἀπειργάσατο. Παραπλησίῳ δὲ τρόπῳ καὶ τὸ ἐν ᾿Αφάκοις τοῦ Λιβάνου ἱερὸν τῆς 'Αφροδίτης καθελὼν, τὰς ἐκεῖ γιγνομένας ἀναίδην ἀῤῥητοποιΐας ἐξέκοψε. Τί δ' ἂν εἴποιμι, ὅπως τὸν ἐν Κιλικίᾳ Πυθωνικὸν ἐξήλασε δαίμονα, τὸν οἶκον ἐν ᾧ ἐνεφώλευεν, ἐκ θεμελίων ἀνατραπῆναι κελεύσας; Τοσοὗτος δὲ ἦν ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως περὶ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν πόθος, ὡς καὶ Περσικοῦ μέλλοντος κινεῖσθαι πολέμου, κατασκευάσας σκηνὴν ἐκ ποικίλης ὀθόνης, ἐκκλησίας τύπον ἀποτελοῦσαν, ὥσπερ Μωϋσῆς ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ πεποιήκει, καὶ ταύτην φέρεσθαι, ἵνα ἔχοι κατὰ τοὺς ἐρημοτάτους τόπους εὐκτήριον ηὐτρεπισμένον. Αλλ' οὐ προέβη τότε ὁ πόλεμος· ἔφθη γὰρ δέει τοῦ βασιλέως σβεσθῆναι. Ὅτι δὲ καὶ περὶ τὸ ἀνορθοῦν τὰς πόλεις σπουδαῖος ἦν ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ ὅπως κώμας πολλὰς, πόλεις ἀπέδειξεν, ὡς τὴν Δρεπάνην, ἐπώνυμον τῆς μητρὸς, καὶ ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ Κωνσταντίαν, ἐπ᾿ ὀνόματι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφῆς Κωνσταντίας, οὐκ εὔκαιρον ἡγοῦμαι γράφειν. Οὐ γὰρ πρόκειται τὰς πράξεις τοῦ βασιλέως ἀριθμεῖν, ὅτι μὴ ὅσαι πρὸς Χριστιανισμὸν ἁρμόζουσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσαι μόνον περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐγένοντο. Διὸ τὰ κατορθώματα τοῦ βασιλέως ἑτέρας ὑποθέσεως ὄντα, ἰδίας τε δεόμενα πραγματείας, ἑτέροις ἀφίημι, τοῖς τὰ τοιαῦτα συγγράφειν δυναμένοις· ἐγὼ δὲ, εἰ μὲν ἀδιαίρετος ἡ ἐκκλησία μεμενήκει, καὶ αὐτὸς ἡσυχίαν ἂν ἦγον. "Όπου γὰρ ὑπόθεσις μὴ χορηγεῖ τὰ γινόμενα, περιττὸς ὁ λέγων ἐστίν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τὴν ἀποστολικὴν τοῦ Χρι· στιανισμοῦ πίστιν, ἡ διαλεκτικὴ καὶ κενὴ ἀπάτη συνέχεεν ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ διέσπειρεν, ᾠήθην δεῖν γραφῇ ταῦτα παραδοῦναι, ὅπως ἂν μὴ ἀφανῆ γένηται τὰ κατὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας γενόμενα· ἡ γὰρ περὶ τούτων γνῶσις, παρὰ μὲν τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ εὔκλειαν φέρει· αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν ἐπιστάμενον ἀσφαλέστερον ἀπεργάζεται διδάσκει δὲ μὴ σαλεύεσθαι, κενοφωνίας τινὸς ἐμπεσούσης ἐκ λέξεων.
Kai metatauta de ho basileus epimelesteros hōn peri ta Christianōn, apestraphē tas Ellēnichas thrēskeias. Kai pauei, men ta monomachia 4 de tas idias en tois naois ena-netheto. Legontōn hoe tōn Hellēnōn hōs ara ho Sarapis eiē ho ton Neilon anagōn epi ardeią tēs Aigyptou, tǭ ton pēchyn eis ton tou Sarapidos komizesthai, autos eis tēn ekklēsian ton pēchyn ᾿Alexandron metatithenai ekeleuse. Tōn hoS phēmizontōn, hōs ouch anathēsetai ho Neilos orgę̄ tou Sarapidos, ē te anodos tou potamou tǭ te hexēs etei eis to metatauta, egeneto te gineta: ergǭ te deiknytai, hōs ou dia thrēskeian, alla dia tous orous tēs Pronoias, hē tou Neilou anathasis ginetai. Hypo de tous autou, barbarōn Sarmatōn Gotthōn t chatatrechontōn tēn Rhōmaiōn gēn, oudamōs hē peri tas ekklēsias tou basileōs prothesis enechopteto" all᾽ amphoterōn tēn harmozousan epoiēsato pronoian" tous men gar tǭ Christianikǭ tropaiǭ pepisteukōs, kata kratos enecha, hōs to eiōthos para tōn palai basileōn didosthai chrysion tois barbarois perielein, ekeinous te echpeplēgmegous tǭ paralogǭ tēs hēttēs, steusai tote prōton tę̄ Christianismou thrēscheil. di᾽ hēs Kōnstantinas esōzeto. Authis de heteras ekklēsias epoiei; kai mian men en tę̄ kaloumenę̄ dryï tę̄ Mambrę̄, hyph᾽ hēn tous angelous exenisthai pros tou Abraam hoi hieroi logoi mēnyousi, kateskeuaze. Mathōn gar ho basileus bōmous hypo tę̄ dryï hidrysthai, kai thysias Hellēnikas teleisthai ep᾿ autǭ, memphetai men di' epistolēs Eusebiǭ tǭ tēs Kaisareias episkopǭ; keleuei de, ton men bōmon anatrapēnai; pros de tēn dryn kataskeuasthēnai oikon euktērion. Heteran de ekklēsian en Hēliou polei tēs Phoinikēs kataskeuasthēnai prosetaxe, di' aitian toiautēn ; hoi Hēliou politai, tina men eschon ex archēs nomothetēn ouk echō eipein, hopoios ēn to ēthos; to de ēthos ek tēs poleōs deiknytai. Koinas gar einai par' autois tas gynaikas enchōrios nomos ekeleue. Kai dia touto, amphibola men ēn par' autois ta tiktomena. Goneōn gar kai teknōn oudemia diakrisis ēn. Tas de parthenous tois pariousi xenois pareichon porneuesthai. - Kai touto ex archaiou kratoun par᾿ autois, lysai espoudase. Nomǭ gar semnǭ tōn aischrōn anelōn to mysos, ta genē heauta epiginōskein pareskeuasen. Ekklēsias te ktisas, kai episkopon cheirotonēthēnai pareskeuase, kai klēron hieron. Houtō ta Hēlioupolitōn kaka metriōtera apeirgasato. Paraplēsiǭ de tropǭ kai to en ᾿Aphakois tou Libanou hieron tēs 'Aphroditēs kathelōn, tas ekei gignomenas anaidēn arrhētopoiïas exekopse. Ti d' an eipoimi, hopōs ton en Kilikią Pythōnikon exēlase daimona, ton oikon en hǭ enephōleuen, ek themeliōn anatrapēnai keleusas? Tosoutos de ēn ho tou basileōs peri ton Christianismon pothos, hōs kai Persikou mellontos kineisthai polemou, kataskeuasas skēnēn ek poikilēs othonēs, ekklēsias typon apotelousan, hōsper Mōÿsēs en tę̄ erēmǭ pepoiēkei, kai tautēn pheresthai, hina echoi kata tous erēmotatous topous euktērion ēutrepismenon. All' ou proebē tote ho polemos; ephthē gar deei tou basileōs sbesthēnai. Hoti de kai peri to anorthoun tas poleis spoudaios ēn ho basileus, kai hopōs kōmas pollas, poleis apedeixen, hōs tēn Drepanēn, epōnymon tēs mētros, kai en Palaistinę̄ Kōnstantian, ep᾿ onomati tēs heautou adelphēs Kōnstantias, ouk eukairon hēgoumai graphein. Ou gar prokeitai tas praxeis tou basileōs arithmein, hoti mē hosai pros Christianismon harmozousin, all᾽ hosai monon peri tas ekklēsias egenonto. Dio ta katorthōmata tou basileōs heteras hypotheseōs onta, idias te deomena pragmateias, heterois aphiēmi, tois ta toiauta syngraphein dynamenois; egō de, ei men adiairetos hē ekklēsia memenēkei, kai autos hēsychian an ēgon. "Opou gar hypothesis mē chorēgei ta ginomena, perittos ho legōn estin. Epeidē de tēn apostolikēn tou Chri; stianismou pistin, hē dialektikē kai kenē apatē synecheen en tautǭ kai diespeiren, ǭēthēn dein graphę̄ tauta paradounai, hopōs an mē aphanē genētai ta kata tas ekklēsias genomena; hē gar peri toutōn gnōsis, para men tois pollois kai eukleian pherei; auton de ton epistamenon asphalesteron apergazetai didaskei de mē saleuesthai, kenophōnias tinos empesousēs ek lexeōn.
After this the emperor, being more and more devoted to the Christian cause, turned away from the pagan religions. He put an end to the gladiatorial combats and set up his own [statues] in the temples. When the pagans said that it was Sarapis who brought up the Nile to water Egypt, because the cubit was carried to the temple of Sarapis, he ordered Alexander to transfer the cubit to the church. They spread the report that the Nile would not rise because of Sarapis’s anger; but the river rose the next year and afterwards, and still does, and it is shown in fact that the rising of the Nile comes not through religion but through the decrees of providence. About the same time the barbarian Sarmatians and Goths overran Roman territory, but the emperor’s purpose concerning the churches was in no way interrupted; he took fitting care of both. Trusting in the Christian trophy, he conquered the barbarians by force, so that he did away with the gold which the earlier emperors used to give the barbarians; and they, astonished at their unexpected defeat, then for the first time believed in the Christian religion, through which Constantine was kept safe.
Again he built other churches. One he built at the so-called oak of Mamre, under which the sacred books tell that the angels were entertained by Abraham. For the emperor learned that altars had been set up under the oak and pagan sacrifices were offered on them; he rebuked Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, by letter, and ordered the altar to be overturned and a house of prayer built by the oak. He ordered another church to be built at Heliopolis in Phoenicia, for the following reason. Who the lawgiver of the people of Heliopolis was from the beginning I cannot say, but what his character was is shown by the city. A local law required their women to be held in common; and for this reason their children were of doubtful parentage, for there was no distinguishing of parents and children. They gave their virgins to passing strangers for prostitution. This custom, which had prevailed among them from of old, he set himself to abolish. By a solemn law he took away the abomination of these shameful practices and arranged that families should recognize their own members. He built churches and had a bishop ordained and a sacred clergy. So he made the evils of the Heliopolitans more moderate. In a similar way he pulled down the temple of Aphrodite at Aphaca on Lebanon and cut off the unspeakable practices shamelessly carried on there. What need I say of how he drove out the Pythonic demon in Cilicia, ordering the house in which it lurked to be overturned from its foundations?
The emperor’s love for Christianity was so great that when a Persian war was about to break out, he made a tent of embroidered linen in the form of a church, as Moses had done in the wilderness, and had it carried with him, so that he might have a house of prayer ready even in the most desolate places. But the war did not go forward at that time; it was quenched first through fear of the emperor. That the emperor was also zealous in restoring cities, and how he made many villages into cities, such as Drepanum, named after his mother, and Constantia in Palestine, named after his sister Constantia, I think it not the place to write. For it is not my purpose to recount the emperor’s deeds, except those that concern Christianity, and only those that concern the churches. Therefore I leave the emperor’s achievements, which belong to another subject and need a treatise of their own, to others who can write of such things. As for me, if the church had remained undivided, I too would have kept silent; for where the subject supplies no events, the speaker is superfluous. But since dialectic and empty deceit at once confused and scattered the apostolic faith of Christianity, I thought I ought to commit these things to writing, so that what happened in the churches might not be lost. For knowledge of these things brings renown among the many, makes him who knows them more secure, and teaches him not to be shaken when some empty talk breaks in through mere words.
1.19PG 67:125–129
Αὖθις οὖν μνημονευτέον καὶ ὅπως ἐπὶ τῶν καιρῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ Χριστιανισμὸς ἐπλατύνετο· τηνικαῦτα γὰρ Ἰνδῶν τε τῶν ἐνδοτέρω καὶ Ἰβήρων τὰ ἔθνη, πρὸς τὸ χριστιανίζειν ἐλάμβανε τὴν ἀρχήν. Τίνος δὲ ἕνεκεν τῇ προσθήκῃ τῶν ἐνδοτέρω ἐχρησάμην, διὰ βραχέων ἐρῶ. Ἰνίκα οἱ ἀπόστολοι κλήρῳ τὴν εἰς τὰ ἔθνη πορείαν ἐποιοῦντο, Θωμᾶς μὲν μὲν τὴν Πάρθων ἀποστολὴν ὑπεδέχετο· Ματθαῖος δὲ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν· Βαρθολομαῖος δὲ ἐκληροῦτο τὴν συνημμένην ταύτῃ Ἰνδίαν· τὴν μέντοι ἐνδοτέρω Ἰνδίαν, ᾗ προσοικεῖ βαρβάρων ἔθνη πολλά, διαφόροις χρώμενα γλώσσαις, οὐδέ πω πρὸ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων ὁ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ λόγος ἐφώτιζε. Τίς δὲ ἡ αἰτία τοῦ καὶ αὐτοὺς χριστιανίσαι, νῦν ἔρχομαι καταλέξων. Μερόπιός τις φιλόσοφος, τῷ γένει Τύριος, ἱστορῆσαι τὴν Ἰνδῶν χώραν ἔσπευσεν, ἁμιλλησάμενος πρὸς τὸν φιλόσοφον Μητρόδωρον, ὃς πρὸ αὐτοῦ τὴν Ἰνδῶν χώραν ἰστόρησεν. Παραλαβὼν οὖν δύο παιδάρια συγγενῆ ὁ Μερόπιος, Ἑλληνικῆς οὐκ ἄμοιρα διαλέκτου, καταλαμβάνει πλοίῳ τὴν χώραν. Ἱστορήσας τε ὅσα ἐβούλετο, προσορμίζει χρείᾳ τῶν ἐπιτηδείων τόπῳ λιμένα ἔχοντι ἀσφαλῆ. Συμβεβήκει δὲ τότε πρὸς ὀλίγον, τὰς σπονδὰς διεσπᾶσθαι, τὰς μεταξὺ Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Ἰνδῶν. Συλλαβόντες δὲ οἱ Ἰνδοὶ τὸν φιλόσοφον καὶ τοὺς συμπλέοντας, πλὴν τῶν δύο συγγενῶν παιδαρίων, ἅπαντας διεχρήσαντο. Τοὺς δὲ δύο παῖδας, οἴκτῳ τῆς ἡλικίας διασώσαντες, δῶρον τῷ Ἰνδῶν βασιλεῖ προσκομίζουσιν. Ὁ δὲ ἡσθεὶς τῇ προσόψει τῶν νέων, ἕνα μὲν αὐτῶν, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Αἰδέσιος, οἰνοχόον τῆς αὐτοῦ τραπέζης καθίστησι· τὸν δὲ ἕτερον, Φουρμέντιος ὄνομα αὐτῷ, τῶν βασιλικῶν γραμματοφυλάκων φροντίζειν προσέταξεν. Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ τελευτῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ υἱῷ κομιδῇ νηπίῳ καὶ γυναικὶ, ἐλευθέρους τούτους ἀφίησιν. Ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοῦ βασιλέως, υἱὸν ἔχουσα καταλελειμμένον ἐν ἡλικίᾳ μικρᾷ, εἶπεν αὐτοῖς πρόνοιαν αὐτοῦ ποιήσασθαι, ἄχρις οὗ εἰς ἄνδρα τελέσῃ. Πεισθέντες οὖν οἱ νεανίσκοι, πρόνοιαν ποιοῦνται τῶν τοῦ βασιλέως πραγμάτων. Φουρμέντιος δὲ ἦν μάλιστα ὁ διοικῶν σύμπαντα. Ἔργον δὲ ἐποιεῖτο, τοὺς ἐπιδημοῦντας τὴν χώραν Ῥωμαίους ἐμπόρους ζητεῖν, εἴπου τινὰ τῶν χριστιανιζόντων ἐφεύροι. Εὑρὼν δὲ, καὶ τὰ καθ' ἑαυτὸν διδάσκων, παρεκάλει τόπους καταλαμβάνειν ἰδιάζοντας ἐπὶ τῷ τὰς Χριστιανικὰς ἐκτελεῖν εὐχάς. Καταβραχὺ δὲ προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου, καὶ εὐκτήριον κατεσκεύασε, καί τινας τῶν Ἰνδῶν κατηχοῦντες συνεύχεσθαι αὐτοῖς παρεσκεύασαν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως παῖς τῆς τελείας ἡλικίας ἐπέβη, οἱ περὶ τὸν Φουρμέντιον παραδόντες τὰ καλῶς ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν διοικηθέντα πράγματα, ᾔτουν ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἀποχωρῆσαι πατρίδα. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως, καὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ μητρὸς ἐπιμένειν παρακαλούντων, καὶ μὴ πεισάντων, ἀνεχώρουν ἐπιθυμίᾳ τῆς ἐνεγκαμένης. Αἰδέσιος μὲν οὖν ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Τύρον ἐσπούδαζεν, ὀψόμενος γονέας τε καὶ συγγενεῖς· Φουρμέντιος δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν · ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ᾿Αθανασίῳ τότε νεωστὶ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἀξιωθέντι, ὑπαναφέρει τὸ πρᾶγμα, διδάξας τὰ τε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ ἀποδημίας, καὶ ὡς ἐλπίδας ἔχουσιν Ἰνδοὶ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν παραδέξασθαι· ἐπίσκοπόν τε καὶ κλῆρον ἀποστέλλειν, καὶ μηδαμῶς περιορᾶν τοὺς δυναμένους σωθῆναι. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ λαβὼν εἰς ἔννοιαν τὸ λυσιτελὲς, αὐτὸν Φουρμέντιον τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀναδέξασθαι παρεσκεύασεν, εἰπὼν μὴ ἔχειν αὐτοῦ ἐπιτηδειότερον. Γίνεται δὴ τοῦτο. Καὶ Φουρμέντιος ἀξιωθεὶς τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰνδῶν παραγίνεται χώραν, καὶ κήρυξ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ γίνεται, εὐκτήριά τε πολλὰ ἱδρύει. ᾿Αξιωθείς τε θείας χάριτος, πολλὰ μὲν σημεῖα, πολλῶν δὲ σὺν τῇ ψυχῇ καὶ τὰ σώματα ἐθεράπευε. Ταῦτα δὲ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος παρὰ τοῦ Αἰδεσίου, ὕστερον καὶ αὐτοῦ ἱερωσύνης ἀξιωθέντος τῆς ἐν Τύρῳ, ἀκηκοέναι φησίν.
Authis oun mnēmoneuteon kai hopōs epi tōn kairōn tou basileōs ho Christianismos eplatyneto; tēnikauta gar Indōn te tōn endoterō kai Ibērōn ta ethnē, pros to christianizein elambane tēn archēn. Tinos de heneken tę̄ prosthēkę̄ tōn endoterō echrēsamēn, dia bracheōn erō. Inika hoi apostoloi klērǭ tēn eis ta ethnē poreian epoiounto, Thōmas men men tēn Parthōn apostolēn hypedecheto; Matthaios de tēn Aithiopian; Bartholomaios de eklērouto tēn synēmmenēn tautę̄ Indian; tēn mentoi endoterō Indian, hę̄ prosoikei barbarōn ethnē polla, diaphorois chrōmena glōssais, oude pō pro tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn ho tou Christianismou logos ephōtize. Tis de hē aitia tou kai autous christianisai, nyn erchomai katalexōn. Meropios tis philosophos, tǭ genei Tyrios, historēsai tēn Indōn chōran espeusen, hamillēsamenos pros ton philosophon Mētrodōron, hos pro autou tēn Indōn chōran istorēsen. Paralabōn oun dyo paidaria syngenē ho Meropios, Hellēnikēs ouk amoira dialektou, katalambanei ploiǭ tēn chōran. Historēsas te hosa ebouleto, prosormizei chreią tōn epitēdeiōn topǭ limena echonti asphalē. Symbebēkei de tote pros oligon, tas spondas diespasthai, tas metaxy Rhōmaiōn te kai Indōn. Syllabontes de hoi Indoi ton philosophon kai tous sympleontas, plēn tōn dyo syngenōn paidariōn, hapantas diechrēsanto. Tous de dyo paidas, oiktǭ tēs hēlikias diasōsantes, dōron tǭ Indōn basilei proskomizousin. Ho de hēstheis tę̄ prosopsei tōn neōn, hena men autōn, hǭ onoma ēn Aidesios, oinochoon tēs autou trapezēs kathistēsi; ton de heteron, Phourmentios onoma autǭ, tōn basilikōn grammatophylakōn phrontizein prosetaxen. Met᾿ ou poly de teleutōn ho basileus epi huiǭ komidę̄ nēpiǭ kai gynaiki, eleutherous toutous aphiēsin. Hē de gynē tou basileōs, huion echousa kataleleimmenon en hēlikią mikrą, eipen autois pronoian autou poiēsasthai, achris hou eis andra telesę̄. Peisthentes oun hoi neaniskoi, pronoian poiountai tōn tou basileōs pragmatōn. Phourmentios de ēn malista ho dioikōn sympanta. Ergon de epoieito, tous epidēmountas tēn chōran Rhōmaious emporous zētein, eipou tina tōn christianizontōn epheuroi. Heurōn de, kai ta kath' heauton didaskōn, parekalei topous katalambanein idiazontas epi tǭ tas Christianikas ektelein euchas. Katabrachy de proïontos tou chronou, kai euktērion kateskeuase, kai tinas tōn Indōn katēchountes syneuchesthai autois pareskeuasan. Epei de ho tou basileōs pais tēs teleias hēlikias epebē, hoi peri ton Phourmention paradontes ta kalōs hyp᾿ autōn dioikēthenta pragmata, ę̄toun epi tēn heautōn apochōrēsai patrida. Tou de basileōs, kai tēs heautou mētros epimenein parakalountōn, kai mē peisantōn, anechōroun epithymią tēs enenkamenēs. Aidesios men oun hōs epi tēn Tyron espoudazen, opsomenos goneas te kai syngeneis; Phourmentios de katalabōn tēn ; ᾿Alexandreian, tǭ episkopǭ ᾿Athanasiǭ tote neōsti tēs episkopēs axiōthenti, hypanapherei to pragma, didaxas ta te tēs heautou apodēmias, kai hōs elpidas echousin Indoi ton Christianismon paradexasthai; episkopon te kai klēron apostellein, kai mēdamōs perioran tous dynamenous sōthēnai. ᾿Athanasios de labōn eis ennoian to lysiteles, auton Phourmention tēn episkopēn anadexasthai pareskeuasen, eipōn mē echein autou epitēdeioteron. Ginetai dē touto. Kai Phourmentios axiōtheis tēs episkopēs, authis epi tēn Indōn paraginetai chōran, kai kēryx tou Christianismou ginetai, euktēria te polla hidryei. ᾿Axiōtheis te theias charitos, polla men sēmeia, pollōn de syn tę̄ psychę̄ kai ta sōmata etherapeue. Tauta de ho Rhouphinos para tou Aidesiou, hysteron kai autou hierōsynēs axiōthentos tēs en Tyrǭ, akēkoenai phēsin.
We must also mention how Christianity spread in the times of this emperor. For at that time the nations of the inner Indians and of the Iberians began to become Christian. Why I have added the word “inner” I will say briefly. When the apostles set out by lot to the nations, Thomas received the apostleship of the Parthians, Matthew Ethiopia, and Bartholomew was allotted the India adjoining it. But the inner India, near which many barbarian nations live, using various languages, the word of Christianity had not enlightened before the times of Constantine. What led them too to become Christian I now come to relate.
A certain philosopher, Meropius, a Tyrian by birth, was eager to explore the country of the Indians, in emulation of the philosopher Metrodorus, who had explored the country of the Indians before him. Taking with him two boys who were his relatives, not unacquainted with the Greek language, Meropius reached the country by ship. Having explored what he wished, he put in, needing supplies, at a place with a safe harbour. It happened that at that time the treaties between the Romans and the Indians had briefly been broken. The Indians seized the philosopher and those sailing with him and killed them all except the two boys his relatives. These they spared out of pity for their youth and brought them as a gift to the king of the Indians. He, pleased with the young men’s looks, made one of them, whose name was Aedesius, cup-bearer at his table, and appointed the other, whose name was Frumentius, to take charge of the royal records. Not long afterwards the king died, leaving a son who was still a child and a wife, and he set them free. The king’s wife, whose son was left at a young age, asked them to take care of him until he reached manhood. The young men agreed and took care of the king’s affairs; Frumentius in particular managed everything. He made it his work to seek out Roman merchants staying in the country, to see whether he could find any Christians among them. Finding some and telling them about himself, he urged them to take places apart for performing Christian prayers. As time went on he built a house of prayer, and they instructed some of the Indians and brought them to pray with them. When the king’s son reached full age, Frumentius and Aedesius handed over the affairs they had managed well and asked to return to their own country. The king and his mother begged them to stay, but could not persuade them, and they departed in longing for their homeland. Aedesius hastened to Tyre to see his parents and relatives; but Frumentius went to Alexandria and reported the matter to the bishop Athanasius, who had then lately been made bishop. He told of his travels and of how the Indians had hopes of receiving Christianity, and asked him to send a bishop and clergy and by no means to neglect those who could be saved. Athanasius, considering what would be profitable, had Frumentius himself accept the bishopric, saying that he had no one more suitable. This was done. Frumentius, made bishop, returned to the country of the Indians and became a preacher of Christianity and founded many houses of prayer. Being granted divine grace, he worked many signs and healed the bodies as well as the souls of many. Rufinus says that he heard these things from Aedesius, who was afterwards himself made a priest at Tyre.
1.20PG 67:129–133
Καιρὸς δὲ ἤδη λέγειν, ὅπως καὶ Ἴβηρες ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐχριστιάνισαν. Γυνή τις βίον σεμνὸν καὶ σώφρονα μετερχομένη, θείᾳ τινὶ Προνοίᾳ ὑπ᾿ Ἰβήρων αἰχμάλωτος γίνεται. Ἴβηρες δὲ οὗτοι ν προσοικοῦσι μὲν τὸν Εὔξεινον Πόντον· ἄποικοι δέ εἰσιν Ἰβήρων τῶν ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ. Ἡ γυνὴ τοίνυν ἡ αἰχμάλωτος, ἐν μέσοις οὖσα τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐφιλοσόφει· σὺν γὰρ τῇ πολλῇ τῆς σωφροσύνης ἀσκήσει, νηστείᾳ τε βαθυτάτῃ καὶ συντόνοις προσέκειτο ταῖς εὐχαῖς. Τοῦτο δὲ ὁρῶντες οἱ βάρβαροι, τὸν ξενισμὸν τοῦ πραττομένου ἐθαύμαζον. Συμβαίνει δὴ τὸν βασιλέως παῖδα νήπιον ὄντα, ἀῤῥωστίᾳ περιπεσεῖν. ἔθει τινὶ ἐγχωρίῳ, παρὰ τὰς ἄλλας γυναῖκας ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γυνὴ ἔπεμπε τὸν παῖδα θεραπευθησόμενον, εἴπου τι βοήθημα πρὸς τὴν νόσον ἐχ πείρας ἑπίστανπαι. Ὡς δὲ πεοιαχθεὶς ὁ παῖς ὑπὸ τῆς τροφοῦ, παρ᾽ οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν γυνα:ικῶν θεραπείας ἐτύγχανε, τέλος ἄγεται πρὸς τὴν αἰχμάλωτον. Ἡ δὲ, ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ πολλῶν γυναικῶν, ὑλιχὸν μὲν βοήθημα προσέφερεν οὐδέν" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἠπίστατο. Δεξαμένη δὲ τὸν παῖδα, εἰς τὸ τριχῶν ὑφασμένον αὑτῇ στρωμάτιον ἀναχλίνασα, λόγον εἶπεν ἁπλοῦν" Ὃ Χριστὸς, φησὶν, ὁ πολλοὺς ἰασάμενος, καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἰάσεται. Ἐπευξαμένης τε ἐπὶ τῷ λόγῳ τούτῳ, καὶ ἐπιχαλεσαμένης Θεὸν, παραχρῆμα ὁ παῖς ἀνεῤῥώννυτο, καὶ εἶχεν ἐξ ἐκείνου καλῶς. Φήμη τε ἐντεῦθεν τὰς Βαργυναῖκας, αὐτὴν τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως διἐτρεχε" καὶ φανερωτέρα ἡ αἰχμάλωτος ἐγίνετο. Μετ᾿ πολὺ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως γυνὴ ἀῤῥωστίᾳ περιπεσοῦσα, τὴν αἰχμάλωτον γυναῖκα μετεπέμπετο. Τῆς ὃὲ παραιτησαμένης, μετριαζούσης τε τοῖς ἤθεσιν, αὑτὴ φέρεται παρ᾽ αὐτήν. Ποιεῖ δὲ ἡ αἰχμάλωτος, ἃ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ παιδὸς πεποιήκει πρότερον. Παραχρῆμα ὃὲ, ἡ νοσοῦσα ἐῤῥώσθη, ηὐχαρίστει τῇ γυναιχί, Ἢ δὲ, Οὐχ ἐμὸν, ἔφη, τὸ ἔργον, ἀλλὰ Χριστοῦ, ὃς ἔστι τοῦ Θεοῦ, τοῦ τὸν κόσμον ποιήσαντος. Τοῦτόν τε ἐπικαλεῖσθαι παρΐῆνει, ἀληθῇ γνωρίζειν Θεόν. Θαυμάσας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ἰδήρων τὴν ἐχ τῆς νόσου εἰς ὑγείαν ταχυτῆτα, πυθόμενός τε τίς ὁ θεραπεύσας, δώροις ἡμείβετο τὴν αἰχμάλωτον. Ἢ δὲ οὐχ ἔφη δεῖσθαι πλούτου " ἔχειν γὰρ πλοῦτον τὴν εὐσέβειαν, καὶ δέχεσθαι μέγα δῶρον, εἰ ἐπιγνώσειε τὸν Θεὸν, τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς γινωσχόμενον. Ταῦτα εἰποῦσα, τὰ δῶρα ἀντέπεμπεν" ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς, τὸν μὲν λόγον ἐταμιεύσατο. Μεθ᾿ ἡμέραν δὲ ἐξελθόντι αὐτῷ εἰς θήραν, συμβαίνει τοιοῦτό τι. Τὰς χορυφὰς τῶν ὀρέων καὶ τὰς νάπας ἔνθα ἐθήρα, χατέχεεν ὁμίχλη, σκότος τε πολύ. Καὶ ἄπορος μὲν ἡ θήρα, ἀδιεξίτητος δὲ ἡ ὁδός " ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ δὲ γενόμενος, πολὺ τοὺς Θεοὺς ἐπεκαλεῖτο οὗς ἔσεθεν. Ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν ἤνυε πλέον, τέλος εἰς ἔννοιαν τῆς αἰχμαλώτου λαμβάνει τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ τοῦτον καλεῖ βοηθόν. Καὶ ἅμα γε ηὔχετο, τὸ τῆς ὀμίχλης διελύετο σκότος. Θαυμάζων δὲ τὸ γενόμενον, χαίρων ἐπὶ τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀνεχώρει. Καὶ τὸ συμδεθηχὸς διηγεῖτο τῇ γυναιχί, Καὶ τὴν αἰχμάλωτον ' εὐθὺς μεταπέμπεται, καὶ τίς εἴη ὃν σέδει Θεὸν ἐπυνθάνετο. Ἡ δὲ, εἰς πρόσωπον ἐλθοῦσα, κήρυκα τοῦ Χριστοῦ τῶν Ἰδήρων βασιλέα ἐποίησε γενέσθαι" πιστεύσα: γὰρ τῷ Χριστῷ διὰ τῆς εὐσεβοῦς γυναικὸς, πάντα; τοὺς ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸν Ἰθήρας συνχαλεῖ. Καὶ τὰ συμβάντα περί τε τῆς θεραπείας τῆς γυναικὸς τοῦ παιδίου, οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὰ κατὰ τὴν θήραν ἐχθέμενο;, παρήνει σέθεσθαι τὸν τῆς αἰχμαλώτου Θεόν. Ἐγένοντο οὖν ἀμφότεροι χήρυχες τοῦ Χριστοῦ" ὃ μὲν βασιλεὺς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν, ἡ δὲ γυνὴ ταῖς γυναιξί. Μαθὼν δὲ παρὰ τῆς αἰχμαλώτου τὸ σχῆμα τῶν παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις ἐκκλησιῶν, εὐκτήριον ἐκέλευσε γενέσθαι" εὐθύς τε τὰ πρὸς οἰχοδομὴν προσέταξεν εὐτοεπίζεσθαι. Καὶ ὁ οἶκος ἠγείρετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς στύλους ἀνορθοῦν ἐπειρῶντο, οἰχονομεῖ τι πρὸς πίστιν τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἕλκουσα νοια. Εἷς γὰρ τῶν στύλων ἀχίνητος ἔμενε καὶ οὐδεμία εὑρίσχετο μηχανὴ, δυναμένη κινῆσαι αὐτό". ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν χαλώδια διεῤῥήγννυτο, τὰ δὲ μηχανή - ματα χατεάγνυτο᾽" ἀπεγνωχότες οὖν οἱ ἐργαζόμενοι, ἀπεχώρουν. Τότε δείκνυται τῆς αἰχμαλώτου ἡ πίστις. Νυχτὸς γὰρ, μηδενὸς ἐγνωχότος, καταλαμβάνει τὸν τόπον, καὶ διανυχτερεύει τῇ εὐχῇ σχολάζουσα. Προνοίᾳ τε Θεοῦ ὁ στύλος ἀνορθοῦται, καὶ ὑψηλότερος τῆς βάσεως ἐν τῷ ἀέρι ἐστήριχτο, μηδαμῶς τῆς χρηπῖδος ἁπτόμενος. Ἡμέρα δὲ ἦν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔμφρων τις ὧν, ἐπὶ τὴν οἰχοδομὴν παρῆν " ὁρᾷ τε τὸν στύλον ἐπὶ τὴν ἰδίαν χρεμάμενον βάσιν" καὶ ἐχπλὴτμὲν αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τῷ γεγονότι. Ἐχπλήττονται δὲ οἱ παρόντες σὺν αὐτῷ. Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ὀφθαλμυῖς αὐτῶν, τῇ ἰδίᾳ βάσει ὁ στύλος κατιὼν, ἱδρύεται. τε ἐντεῦθεν τῶν ἀνθρώπων βοώντων, ἀληθῆ τὴν πίστιν ἀναχαλούντων τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑμνούντων τὸν τῆς αἰχμαλώτου Θεόν. ᾿Ἐπίστενόν τε λοιπὸν, σὺν προθυμίᾳ πολλῇ τοὺς ὑπολοίπους στύλους ἀνώρθουν, καὶ οὐχ εἰς μακρὰν τὸ ἔργον τετέλεστο. Πρεσδεία ἐντεῦθεν πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Κωνσταντῖνον ἐγένετο παρεκάλουν τε τοῦ λοιποῦ ὑπόσπονξοι Ῥωμαίων γίνεσθαι, λαμδάνειν τε ἐπίσκοπον ἱερὸν κλῆρον, πιστεύειν γὰρ εἰλικρινῶς ἔλεγον τῷ Χριστῷ. Ταῦτά φησιν ὁ Ῥουφῖνος παρὰ Βαχουρίου μεμαθηχέναι, ὃς πρότερος μὲν ἦν βασιλίσχος Ἰδήρων" ὕστερον δὲ Ῥωμαίοις προσελθὼν, ταξίαρχος τοῦ ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ στρατιωτικοῦ κατἔστη- μεταταῦτα στρατηλατῶν, τὸν κατὰ Μαξίμου τοῦ τυράννου πόλεμον τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ συνηγωνίσατο. Τοῦτον μὲν τὸν τρόπον καὶ Ἴσηρες ἐχριστιάνισαν ἐπὶ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων.
Kairos de ēdē legein, hopōs kai Ibēres hypo ton auton chronon echristianisan. Gynē tis bion semnon kai sōphrona meterchomenē, theią tini Pronoią hyp᾿ Ibērōn aichmalōtos ginetai. Ibēres de houtoi n prosoikousi men ton Euxeinon Ponton; apoikoi de eisin Ibērōn tōn en Hispanią. Hē gynē toinyn hē aichmalōtos, en mesois ousa tois barbarois ephilosophei; syn gar tę̄ pollę̄ tēs sōphrosynēs askēsei, nēsteią te bathytatę̄ kai syntonois prosekeito tais euchais. Touto de horōntes hoi barbaroi, ton xenismon tou prattomenou ethaumazon. Symbainei dē ton basileōs paida nēpion onta, arrhōstią peripesein. ethei tini enchōriǭ, para tas allas gynaikas hē tou basileōs gynē epempe ton paida therapeuthēsomenon, eipou ti boēthēma pros tēn noson ech peiras hepistanpai. Hōs de peoiachtheis ho pais hypo tēs trophou, par᾽ oudemias tōn gyna:ikōn therapeias etynchane, telos agetai pros tēn aichmalōton. Hē de, epi parousią pollōn gynaikōn, hylichon men boēthēma prosepheren ouden" oude gar ēpistato. Dexamenē de ton paida, eis to trichōn hyphasmenon hautę̄ strōmation anachlinasa, logon eipen haploun" Ho Christos, phēsin, ho pollous iasamenos, kai touto to iasetai. Epeuxamenēs te epi tǭ logǭ toutǭ, kai epichalesamenēs Theon, parachrēma ho pais anerrhōnnyto, kai eichen ex ekeinou kalōs. Phēmē te enteuthen tas Bargynaikas, autēn tēn tou basileōs dietreche" kai phanerōtera hē aichmalōtos egineto. Met᾿ poly de tou basileōs gynē arrhōstią peripesousa, tēn aichmalōton gynaika metepempeto. Tēs hoe paraitēsamenēs, metriazousēs te tois ēthesin, hautē pheretai par᾽ autēn. Poiei de hē aichmalōtos, ha kai epi tou paidos pepoiēkei proteron. Parachrēma hoe, hē nosousa errhōsthē, ēucharistei tę̄ gynaichi, Ē de, Ouch emon, ephē, to ergon, alla Christou, hos esti tou Theou, tou ton kosmon poiēsantos. Touton te epikaleisthai parïēnei, alēthę̄ gnōrizein Theon. Thaumasas de ho basileus tōn Idērōn tēn ech tēs nosou eis hygeian tachytēta, pythomenos te tis ho therapeusas, dōrois hēmeibeto tēn aichmalōton. Ē de ouch ephē deisthai ploutou " echein gar plouton tēn eusebeian, kai dechesthai mega dōron, ei epignōseie ton Theon, ton hyp᾽ autēs ginōschomenon. Tauta eipousa, ta dōra antepempen" ho de basileus, ton men logon etamieusato. Meth᾿ hēmeran de exelthonti autǭ eis thēran, symbainei toiouto ti. Tas choryphas tōn oreōn kai tas napas entha ethēra, chatecheen homichlē, skotos te poly. Kai aporos men hē thēra, adiexitētos de hē hodos " en amēchanią de genomenos, poly tous Theous epekaleito hous esethen. Hōs de ouden ēnye pleon, telos eis ennoian tēs aichmalōtou lambanei ton Theon, kai touton kalei boēthon. Kai hama ge ēucheto, to tēs omichlēs dielyeto skotos. Thaumazōn de to genomenon, chairōn epi ta oikeia anechōrei. Kai to symdethēchos diēgeito tę̄ gynaichi, Kai tēn aichmalōton ' euthys metapempetai, kai tis eiē hon sedei Theon epynthaneto. Hē de, eis prosōpon elthousa, kēryka tou Christou tōn Idērōn basilea epoiēse genesthai" pisteusa: gar tǭ Christǭ dia tēs eusebous gynaikos, panta? tous hyp᾽ auton Ithēras synchalei. Kai ta symbanta peri te tēs therapeias tēs gynaikos tou paidiou, ou mēn alla ta kata tēn thēran echthemeno?, parēnei sethesthai ton tēs aichmalōtou Theon. Egenonto oun amphoteroi chēryches tou Christou" ho men basileus tois andrasin, hē de gynē tais gynaixi. Mathōn de para tēs aichmalōtou to schēma tōn para Rhōmaiois ekklēsiōn, euktērion ekeleuse genesthai" euthys te ta pros oichodomēn prosetaxen eutoepizesthai. Kai ho oikos ēgeireto. Epei de tous stylous anorthoun epeirōnto, oichonomei ti pros pistin tous enoikountas hē tou Theou helkousa noia. Heis gar tōn stylōn achinētos emene kai oudemia heurischeto mēchanē, dynamenē kinēsai auto". ᾿Alla ta men chalōdia dierrhēgnnyto, ta de mēchanē - mata chateagnyto᾽" apegnōchotes oun hoi ergazomenoi, apechōroun. Tote deiknytai tēs aichmalōtou hē pistis. Nychtos gar, mēdenos egnōchotos, katalambanei ton topon, kai dianychtereuei tę̄ euchę̄ scholazousa. Pronoią te Theou ho stylos anorthoutai, kai hypsēloteros tēs baseōs en tǭ aeri estērichto, mēdamōs tēs chrēpidos haptomenos. Hēmera de ēn, ho basileus emphrōn tis hōn, epi tēn oichodomēn parēn " horą te ton stylon epi tēn idian chremamenon basin" kai echplētmen autos epi tǭ gegonoti. Echplēttontai de hoi parontes syn autǭ. Met᾿ ou poly gar ep᾽ ophthalmuis autōn, tę̄ idią basei ho stylos katiōn, hidryetai. te enteuthen tōn anthrōpōn boōntōn, alēthē tēn pistin anachalountōn tou basileōs, hymnountōn ton tēs aichmalōtou Theon. ᾿Epistenon te loipon, syn prothymią pollę̄ tous hypoloipous stylous anōrthoun, kai ouch eis makran to ergon tetelesto. Presdeia enteuthen pros ton basilea Kōnstantinon egeneto parekaloun te tou loipou hyposponxoi Rhōmaiōn ginesthai, lamdanein te episkopon hieron klēron, pisteuein gar eilikrinōs elegon tǭ Christǭ. Tauta phēsin ho Rhouphinos para Bachouriou memathēchenai, hos proteros men ēn basilischos Idērōn" hysteron de Rhōmaiois proselthōn, taxiarchos tou en Palaistinę̄ stratiōtikou katestē- metatauta stratēlatōn, ton kata Maximou tou tyrannou polemon tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ synēgōnisato. Touton men ton tropon kai Isēres echristianisan epi tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn.
It is now time to tell how the Iberians too became Christian at the same time. A woman leading a holy and chaste life was, by a divine providence, taken captive by the Iberians. These Iberians live near the Euxine Sea and are colonists of the Iberians of Spain. The captive woman, living in the midst of the barbarians, practised the philosophic life: along with her great discipline of chastity she gave herself to very severe fasting and earnest prayers. Seeing this, the barbarians wondered at the strangeness of what she did. It happened that the king’s son, a small child, fell ill. By a custom of the country the king’s wife sent the child round to the other women to be treated, in case any of them knew of some remedy for the illness from experience. When the child had been carried round by his nurse and received no cure from any of the women, he was at last brought to the captive. In the presence of many women she applied no material remedy, for she knew none. But taking the child and laying him on her little bed woven of hair, she said a simple word: “Christ, who healed many, will heal this one too.” When she had prayed with these words and called on God, the child at once recovered and was well from then on. The report of this ran through the women to the king’s wife herself, and the captive became better known. Not long afterwards the king’s wife fell ill and sent for the captive woman. When she declined, being modest in her ways, the queen had herself carried to her. The captive did what she had done before for the child. At once the sick woman recovered and thanked the woman; but she said: “The work is not mine but Christ’s, who is the Son of God who made the world.” And she urged her to call on him and to acknowledge him as the true God. The king of the Iberians, wondering at the speed of the recovery from illness to health and learning who had healed her, sought to reward the captive with gifts. She said she had no need of wealth, for she had piety as her wealth, and she would receive a great gift if he would acknowledge the God whom she knew. Saying this, she sent the gifts back. The king stored the word away.
One day, when he went out hunting, something of this kind happened. A mist and great darkness covered the mountain peaks and the glens where he was hunting. The hunt became impossible and the way impassable. In his helplessness he called much on the gods he worshipped. When he achieved nothing, he finally thought of the captive’s God and called on him for help; and as he prayed, the darkness of the mist dispersed. Wondering at what had happened, he went home rejoicing and told his wife what had happened. He sent at once for the captive and asked who the God was whom she worshipped. She came into his presence and made the king of the Iberians a preacher of Christ. For having believed in Christ through the pious woman, he called together all the Iberians under him, and setting out what had happened about the healing of his wife and child and about the hunt, he urged them to worship the captive’s God. So both became preachers of Christ, the king to the men and his wife to the women. Learning from the captive the form of the churches among the Romans, he ordered a house of prayer to be made, and at once commanded the things needed for building to be prepared; and the house went up. When they tried to set up the columns, the providence of God, drawing the inhabitants to faith, arranged something. One of the columns remained immovable, and no device could be found able to move it; the ropes broke and the machines were shattered, and the workmen gave up and went away. Then the captive’s faith was shown. At night, without anyone knowing, she came to the place and spent the whole night in prayer. By the providence of God the column was raised up and stood fixed in the air higher than its base, not touching the foundation at all. At daybreak the king, a man of understanding, came to the building and saw the column hanging over its own base. He was astonished at what had happened, and so were those present with him. Not long afterwards, before their eyes, the column came down and settled on its own base. Then the people cried out, calling the king’s faith true and praising the captive’s God. From then on they believed, and with great eagerness raised the remaining columns, and before long the work was finished. After this an embassy was sent to the emperor Constantine; they asked to be allies of the Romans from then on and to receive a bishop and sacred clergy, for they said they believed sincerely in Christ. Rufinus says that he learned these things from Bacurius, who was formerly a petty king of the Iberians, but afterwards came over to the Romans and was made commander of the soldiers in Palestine; later, as a general, he fought with the emperor Theodosius in the war against the tyrant Maximus. In this way the Iberians too became Christian in the times of Constantine.
1.21PG 67:133–135
Ὅποϊῖος δὲ ἣν ἐπὶ τῶν αὑτῶν χρόνων ὁ μοναχὺς ᾿Αντώνιος ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ τῆς Αἰγύπτου, ὃς φανερῶς τοῖς δαίμοσιν ἀντεπάλαιεν, ἐφευρίσχων τε ἁπλῶς τὰς τέχνας αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἄθλους, καὶ ὅπως πολλὰ ἐποίει τεράστια, περιττὸν λέγειν ἡμᾶς Γ. Ἔφθασε γάρ ᾿Αθανάσιος ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, μονόβιὅλον εἰς τὸν αὐτοῦ βίον ἐκθέμενος. Τοιούτων ἀγαθῶν εὐφορία κατὰ ταὐτὸν ὑπὸ τοὺς χρόνους Κωνσταντίνου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγένετο.
Hopoïios de hēn epi tōn hautōn chronōn ho monachys ᾿Antōnios en tę̄ erēmǭ tēs Aigyptou, hos phanerōs tois daimosin antepalaien, epheurischōn te haplōs tas technas autōn kai tous athlous, kai hopōs polla epoiei terastia, peritton legein hēmas G. Ephthase gar ᾿Athanasios ho ᾿Alexandreias episkopos, monobiolon eis ton autou bion ekthemenos. Toioutōn agathōn euphoria kata tauton hypo tous chronous Kōnstantinou tou basileōs egeneto.
What kind of man the monk Antony was at the same time in the desert of Egypt, who openly wrestled with the demons, plainly detecting their tricks and their contests, and how he worked many wonders, it is superfluous for us to say. For Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, has already set out his life in a single book. Such an abundance of good men arose at the same time, in the times of the emperor Constantine.
1.22PG 67:135–139
Ἀλλὰ μεταξὺ τοῦ χρηστοῦ σίτου εἴωθε καὶ ζιζάνια φύεσθαι. Φθόνος γὰρ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἐφεδρεύειν φιλεῖ. Παρεφύη γὰρ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων - τῷ ἀληθεῖ Χριστιανισμῷ, Ἑλληνίζων Χριστιανισμὸς, καθάπερ καὶ τοῖς προφήταις ψευδοπροφῆται, καὶ ἀποστόλοις ψευδαπόστολοι παρεφύοντο. Τηνικαῦτα γὰρ τὸ Ἑμπεδοκλέους τοῦ παρ' Ἕλλησι φιλοσόφου δόγμα, διὰ τοῦ Μανιχαίου Χριστιανισμὸν ὑπεκρίνατο. Περὶ οὗ Εὐσέβιος μὲν ὁ Παμφίλου ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τῆς Ἐκκλησιαστικῆς ἱστορίας ἐπεμνήσθη· οὐ μὴν ἀκριβῶς διηγήσατο. Διόπερ τὸ παραλειφθὲν ἐκείνῳ ἀναπληρῶσαι ἀναγκαῖον ἡγοῦμαι. Γνωσθήσεται γὰρ, τίς τε ὢν ὁ Μανιχαῖος καὶ πόθεν, τοιαῦτα ἐτόλμησε. Σκυθιανός τις Σαρακηνὸς γυναῖκα εἶχεν αἰχμάλωτον ἐκ τῶν ἄνω Θηβῶν· δι᾿ ἣν τὴν Αίγυπτον οἰκήσας, καὶ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων παιδείαν μαθὼν, τὴν Ἐμπεδοκλέους καὶ Πυθαγόρου δόξαν εἰς τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν παρήγαγε. Δύο φύσεις εἰπὼν, ἀγαθήν τε καὶ πονηρὰν, ὡς καὶ Ἐμπεδοκλῆς, νεῖ(κος ὀνομάζων τὴν πονηρὰν, φιλίαν δὲ τὴν ἀγαθήν. Τούτου δὲ τοῦ Σκυθιανοῦ μαθητής γίνεται Βούδδας, πρότερον Τερέβινθος καλούμενος. Ὅςτις ἐπὶ τὴν Βαβυλωνίαν χώραν ὁρμήσας, ἥτις ὑπὸ Περσῶν οἰκεῖται, πολλὰ περὶ ἑαυτοῦ ἐτερατεύετο, φάσκων ἐκ παρθένου γεγενῆσθαι, καὶ ἐν ὄρεσιν ἀνατετράφθαι. Εἶτα συγγράφει βιβλία τέσσαρα, ἓν μὲν ἐπονομάσας τῶν Μυστηρίων· ἕτερον δὲ, τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον· καὶ τὸν Θησαυρὸν τρίτον, καὶ τὰ Κεφάλαια τέταρτον. Τελετὰς δὲ τινας ποιεῖν σχηματιζόμενος, ἐδισκεύθη ὑπὸ πνεύματος, καὶ οὕτως ἀπώλετο. Γυνὴ δέ τις παρ' ᾗ κατέλυεν, ἔθαψεν αὐτόν· καὶ τὰ ἐκείνου χρήματα κατασχοῦσα, παιδάριον ὠνήσατο, περὶ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τὴν ἡλικίαν, ὀνόματι Κούβρικον· τοῦτον ἐλευθερώσασα, καὶ γράμματα ἐκδιδάξασα, μετὰ χρόνον ἐτελεύτησε, πάντα αὐτῷ τὰ χρήματα τοῦ Τερεβίνθου καταλείψατα, καὶ τὰ βιβλία ἅπερ ἦν συντάξας ἐκεῖνος, ὑπὸ Σκυθιανῷ παιδευόμενος. Ταῦτα λαβὼν ὁ ἀπελεύθερος Κούβρικος, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ Περσῶν μέρη χωρήσας, μετονομάζει μὲν ἑαυτὸν Μάνην· τὰ δὲ τοῦ Βούδδα ἤτοι Τερεβίνθου βιβλία, ὡς οἰκεῖα, τοῖς ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ πλανηθεῖσιν ἐξέδωκεν. Αἱ τῶν βίβλων τοίνυν ὑποθέσεις, χριστιανίζουσι μὲν τῇ φωνῇ, τοῖς δὲ δόγμασιν ἑλληνίζουσι· καὶ γὰρ πολλοὺς Θεοὺς σέβειν ὁ Μανιχαῖος προτρέπεται ἄθεος ὢν, καὶ τὸν ἥλιον προσκυνεῖν διδάσκει· καὶ εἰμαρμένην εἰσάγει, καὶ τὸ ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀναιρεῖ· καὶ μετενσωμάτωσιν δογματίζει φανερῶς, Ἐμπεδοκλέους καὶ Πυθαγόρου καὶ Αἰγυπτίων ταῖς δόξαις ἀκολουθήσας · καὶ τὸν Χριστὸν ἐν σαρκὶ γεγονέναι οὐ βούλεται, φάντασμα αὐτὸν λέγων εἶναι. καὶ νόμον καὶ προφήτας ἀθετεῖ· καὶ ἑαυτὸν ὀνομάζει Παράκλητον· ἅπερ πάντα, ἀλλότρια τῆς ὀρθοδόξου Ἐκκλησίας, καθέστηκεν. Ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐπιστολαῖς, καὶ ἀπόστολον ἑαυτὸν ὀνομάζειν ἐτόλμησεν. ᾿Αλλά τοῦ τηλικούτου ψεύδους ἀξίαν εὔρετο δίκην διὰ τοιάνδε αἰτίαν· Τοῦ βασιλέως Περσῶν υἱὸς νόσῳ περιπεπτώκει· ὁ δὲ πατὴρ, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, πάντα λίθον ἐπίνει, τὸν υἱὸν σωθῆναι βουλόμενος· μαθών τε περὶ τοῦ Μανιχαίου, καὶ τὰς τερατείας αὐτοῦ νομίσας εἶναι ἀληθεῖς, ὡς ἀπόστολον μεταπέμπεται, πιστεύσας δι᾿ αὐτοῦ σωθήσεσθαι τὸν υἱόν. Ὁ δὲ, παραγενόμενος μετὰ τοῦ ἐπιπλάστου σχήματος ἐγχειρίζεται σ τὸν τοῦ βασιλέως υἱόν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἑωρακὼς ὅτι ὁ παῖς ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ ἐτεθνήκει, συγκλείσας αὐτὸν, τιμωρεῖσθαι ἕτοιμος ἦν. Ὁ δὲ διαδρὰς ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν α, διασώζεται. Μαθών τε αὐτὸν ὁ τῶν Περσῶν βασιλεὺς ἐκεῖ διατρίβειν, ἀνάρπαστον ποιήσας, ζῶντα ἐξέδειρεν· καὶ ἀχύρων τὴν δορὰν πληρώσας, πρὸ τῆς πύλης τῆς πόλεως προῦθηκε. Ταῦτα δὲ ἡμεῖς, οὐ πλάσαντες λέγομεν, ἀλλὰ διὰ λόγου ᾿Αρχελάου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κασχάρων, μιᾶς τῶν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ πόλεων, ἐντυχόντες συνηγάγομεν. Αὐτὸς γὰρ Αρχέλαος διαλεχθῆναι αὐτῷ φησι κατὰ πρόσωπον, καὶ τὰ προγεγραμμένα εἰς τὸν βίον αὐτοῦ ἐκτίθεται. Τοῖς οὖν ἀγαθοῖς ἐνακμάζουσιν ὁ φθόνος, καθὰ ἔφην, ἐφεδρεύειν φιλεῖ. Τίς δὲ ἡ αἰτία, δι᾽ ἦν ὁ ἀγαθὸς Θεὸς τοῦτο γίνεσθαι συγχωρεῖ, πότερον γυμνάσαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ τῶν δογμάτων βουλόμενος τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ πίστει προσγινομένην ἀλαζονείαν ἐκκόπτειν· ἢ ὅπως ποτὲ ἔχοι, δυσχερής μὲν καὶ μακρὰ ἡ ἀπόδοσις· οὐκ εὐκαίρως δὲ νῦν ἐξετάζεται · οὔτε γὰρ δόγματα πρόκειται γυμνάζειν ἡμῖν, οὔτε τοὺς περὶ Προνοίας καὶ κρίσεως τοῦ Θεοῦ δυσευρέτους λόγους κινεῖν, ἀλλ' ἱστορίαν γεγονότων περὶ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας πραγμάτων ὡς οἷόν τε διηγήσασθαι. "Ὅπως μὲν οὖν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων ἡ Μανιχαίων παρεφύει θρησκεία, εἴρηται· ἐπανέλθωμεν δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς χρόνους τῆς προκειμένης ἱστορίας.
Alla metaxy tou chrēstou sitou eiōthe kai zizania phyesthai. Phthonos gar tois agathois ephedreuein philei. Parephyē gar mikron emprosthen tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn - tǭ alēthei Christianismǭ, Hellēnizōn Christianismos, kathaper kai tois prophētais pseudoprophētai, kai apostolois pseudapostoloi parephyonto. Tēnikauta gar to Hempedokleous tou par' Hellēsi philosophou dogma, dia tou Manichaiou Christianismon hypekrinato. Peri hou Eusebios men ho Pamphilou en tę̄ hebdomę̄ tēs Ekklēsiastikēs historias epemnēsthē; ou mēn akribōs diēgēsato. Dioper to paraleiphthen ekeinǭ anaplērōsai anankaion hēgoumai. Gnōsthēsetai gar, tis te ōn ho Manichaios kai pothen, toiauta etolmēse. Skythianos tis Sarakēnos gynaika eichen aichmalōton ek tōn anō Thēbōn; di᾿ hēn tēn Aigypton oikēsas, kai tēn Aigyptiōn paideian mathōn, tēn Empedokleous kai Pythagorou doxan eis ton Christianismon parēgage. Dyo physeis eipōn, agathēn te kai ponēran, hōs kai Empedoklēs, nei(kos onomazōn tēn ponēran, philian de tēn agathēn. Toutou de tou Skythianou mathētēs ginetai Bouddas, proteron Terebinthos kaloumenos. Hostis epi tēn Babylōnian chōran hormēsas, hētis hypo Persōn oikeitai, polla peri heautou eterateueto, phaskōn ek parthenou gegenēsthai, kai en oresin anatetraphthai. Eita syngraphei biblia tessara, hen men eponomasas tōn Mystēriōn; heteron de, to Euangelion; kai ton Thēsauron triton, kai ta Kephalaia tetarton. Teletas de tinas poiein schēmatizomenos, ediskeuthē hypo pneumatos, kai houtōs apōleto. Gynē de tis par' hę̄ katelyen, ethapsen auton; kai ta ekeinou chrēmata kataschousa, paidarion ōnēsato, peri hepta etē tēn hēlikian, onomati Koubrikon; touton eleutherōsasa, kai grammata ekdidaxasa, meta chronon eteleutēse, panta autǭ ta chrēmata tou Terebinthou kataleipsata, kai ta biblia haper ēn syntaxas ekeinos, hypo Skythianǭ paideuomenos. Tauta labōn ho apeleutheros Koubrikos, kai epi ta Persōn merē chōrēsas, metonomazei men heauton Manēn; ta de tou Boudda ētoi Terebinthou biblia, hōs oikeia, tois hyp᾿ autou planētheisin exedōken. Hai tōn biblōn toinyn hypotheseis, christianizousi men tę̄ phōnę̄, tois de dogmasin hellēnizousi; kai gar pollous Theous sebein ho Manichaios protrepetai atheos ōn, kai ton hēlion proskynein didaskei; kai eimarmenēn eisagei, kai to eph᾽ hēmin anairei; kai metensōmatōsin dogmatizei phanerōs, Empedokleous kai Pythagorou kai Aigyptiōn tais doxais akolouthēsas ; kai ton Christon en sarki gegonenai ou bouletai, phantasma auton legōn einai. kai nomon kai prophētas athetei; kai heauton onomazei Paraklēton; haper panta, allotria tēs orthodoxou Ekklēsias, kathestēken. En de tais epistolais, kai apostolon heauton onomazein etolmēsen. ᾿Alla tou tēlikoutou pseudous axian eureto dikēn dia toiande aitian; Tou basileōs Persōn huios nosǭ peripeptōkei; ho de patēr, to dē legomenon, panta lithon epinei, ton huion sōthēnai boulomenos; mathōn te peri tou Manichaiou, kai tas terateias autou nomisas einai alētheis, hōs apostolon metapempetai, pisteusas di᾿ autou sōthēsesthai ton huion. Ho de, paragenomenos meta tou epiplastou schēmatos encheirizetai s ton tou basileōs huion. Ho de basileus heōrakōs hoti ho pais en tais chersin autou etethnēkei, synkleisas auton, timōreisthai hetoimos ēn. Ho de diadras epi tēn Mesopotamian a, diasōzetai. Mathōn te auton ho tōn Persōn basileus ekei diatribein, anarpaston poiēsas, zōnta exedeiren; kai achyrōn tēn doran plērōsas, pro tēs pylēs tēs poleōs prouthēke. Tauta de hēmeis, ou plasantes legomen, alla dia logou ᾿Archelaou tou episkopou Kascharōn, mias tōn en Mesopotamią poleōn, entychontes synēgagomen. Autos gar Archelaos dialechthēnai autǭ phēsi kata prosōpon, kai ta progegrammena eis ton bion autou ektithetai. Tois oun agathois enakmazousin ho phthonos, katha ephēn, ephedreuein philei. Tis de hē aitia, di᾽ ēn ho agathos Theos touto ginesthai synchōrei, poteron gymnasai ta agatha tōn dogmatōn boulomenos tēs Ekklēsias, kai tēn epi tę̄ pistei prosginomenēn alazoneian ekkoptein; ē hopōs pote echoi, dyscherēs men kai makra hē apodosis; ouk eukairōs de nyn exetazetai ; oute gar dogmata prokeitai gymnazein hēmin, oute tous peri Pronoias kai kriseōs tou Theou dyseuretous logous kinein, all' historian gegonotōn peri tas Ekklēsias pragmatōn hōs hoion te diēgēsasthai. "Hopōs men oun mikron emprosthen tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn hē Manichaiōn parephyei thrēskeia, eirētai; epanelthōmen de epi tous chronous tēs prokeimenēs historias.
But among the good wheat tares usually spring up too; for envy likes to lie in wait for good things. A little before the times of Constantine, a paganizing Christianity sprang up alongside true Christianity, just as false prophets sprang up alongside the prophets and false apostles alongside the apostles. For at that time the doctrine of Empedocles, the pagan philosopher, put on the mask of Christianity through Manichaeus. Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, mentioned him in the seventh book of his Church History, but did not describe him exactly. I therefore think it necessary to supply what he left out; for it will be known who Manichaeus was and where he came from, that he dared such things.
A certain Scythianus, a Saracen, had a captive wife from the Upper Thebaid. On her account he lived in Egypt, and having learned the learning of the Egyptians, he brought the opinion of Empedocles and Pythagoras into Christianity. He spoke of two natures, a good and an evil, as Empedocles did, calling the evil one Strife and the good one Love. A disciple of this Scythianus was Buddas, who had formerly been called Terebinthus. He went to the country of Babylonia, which is inhabited by the Persians, and told many marvels about himself, claiming that he had been born of a virgin and brought up in the mountains. Then he wrote four books, naming one The Mysteries, another The Gospel, the third The Treasure, and the fourth The Chapters. Pretending to perform certain rites, he was hurled down by a spirit and so perished. A woman with whom he lodged buried him, and taking possession of his money, she bought a boy about seven years old named Cubricus. She freed him and taught him letters, and some time later she died, leaving him all Terebinthus’s money and the books which Terebinthus had composed when he was taught by Scythianus. The freedman Cubricus took these and went to the regions of the Persians, where he changed his name to Mani, and published the books of Buddas, or Terebinthus, as his own to those he led astray. The contents of the books are Christian in their wording but pagan in their doctrines. For Manichaeus, being godless, urges the worship of many gods and teaches the worship of the sun. He introduces fate and abolishes free will. He openly teaches transmigration of souls, following the opinions of Empedocles, Pythagoras, and the Egyptians. He will not have it that Christ came in the flesh, saying that he was a phantom. He rejects the law and the prophets, and calls himself the Paraclete. All these things are foreign to the orthodox church. In his letters he even dared to call himself an apostle.
But he found a punishment worthy of so great a lie, for the following reason. The son of the king of the Persians had fallen ill, and the father, as the saying goes, left no stone unturned in his wish that his son be saved. Learning about Manichaeus and thinking his marvels true, he sent for him as an apostle, believing that his son would be saved through him. He came with his pretended appearance and took charge of the king’s son. When the king saw that the boy had died in his hands, he shut him up and was ready to punish him. But he escaped to Mesopotamia and got away safely. When the king of the Persians learned that he was staying there, he had him seized, flayed him alive, filled his skin with chaff, and hung it up before the gate of the city. We do not say these things as our own invention, but have collected them from reading the disputation of Archelaus, bishop of Kaschar, one of the cities of Mesopotamia. For Archelaus himself says that he disputed with him face to face, and he sets out what has been written above about his life.
Envy, then, as I said, likes to lie in wait for good things when they flourish. Why the good God permits this to happen, whether he wishes to exercise the good doctrines of the church and to cut off the arrogance that comes with faith, or whatever the reason may be, is a hard and long account to give, and not suitably examined now. For it is not our purpose to exercise doctrines, nor to raise the hard questions about God’s providence and judgment, but to relate, as far as we can, the history of the things that happened in the churches. How the religion of the Manichaeans sprang up a little before the times of Constantine has been told; let us return to the times of the history before us.
1.23PG 67:139–143
Οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Θέογνιν τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανελθόντες, τὰς μὲν ἐκκλησίας κατέλαβον, ἐξωθήσαντες, ὡς ἔφην, τοὺς χειροτονηθέντας εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτῶν. Παρρησίαν τε οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν ἐκτήσαντο παρὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὃς πάνυ διὰ τιμῆς ἦγεν αὐτοὺς, ὡς ἀπὸ κακοδοξίας εἰς τὴν ὀρθοδοξίαν ἐπιστρέψαντας. Οἱ δὲ, τῇ δοθείσῃ παῤῥησίᾳ καταχρησάμενοι, μείζονα τῆς προλαβούσης ταραχὴν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ἐκίνησαν, διχόθεν ὁρμώμενοι, ἔκ τε τῆς προκατασχούσης αὐτοὺς ᾿Αρειανῆς δόξης, καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον · ἀπεχθείας, ἐπειδὴ αὐτοῖς ἐκεῖνος ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ γενναίως περὶ τῶν ζητουμένων δογμάτων ἀντέπεσεν· πρῶτον μὲν τὴν ᾿Αθανασίου χειροτονίαν διέβαλλον, καὶ ὡς ἀναξίου πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, καὶ μὴ ὡς ὑπὸ ἀξιοπίστων γεγενημένου. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος κρείττων τῆς διαβολῆς ἐδείκνυτο· ἐγκρατὴς γὰρ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίας γενόμενος, διαπύρως ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστεως ἡγωνίζετο· τότε δὴ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον σπουδὴν ἐτίθεντο, ᾿Αθανάσιον μὲν σκευωρήσασθαι, ῎Αρειον δὲ καταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Οὕτω γὰρ μόνως δυνήσεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν ἐκβαλεῖν, παρεισάγειν δὲ τὴν ἀρειανίζουσαν. Ἔγραφεν οὖν Εὐσέβιος ᾿Αθανασίῳ, δέχεσθαι Ἄρειον καὶ τοὺς ἀμφ᾿ αὐτόν· καὶ γράφων μὲν παρεκάλει, ἔξωθεν δὲ δι - ηπείλει. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ᾿Αθανάσιος οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἐπείθετο, κατασκευάζει πεισθῆναι τὸν βασιλέα, δέξασθαι μὲν εἰς πρόσωπον τὸν Ἄρειον, καὶ κάθοδον αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν παρασχεῖν. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὅπως ἐξίσχυσε κατεργάσασθαι, κατὰ χώραν ἐρῶ. Πρὸ τούτων δὲ ἐτέρα ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις ἐπιγίνεται ταραχή. Καὶ γὰρ πάλιν τὴν εἰρήνην οἱ οἰκεῖοι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐτάραττον. Εὐσέβιος μὲν οὖν ὁ Παμφίλου φησὶν, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον πρὸς ἑαυτὴν στασιάζειν τὴν Αἴγυπτον, τὴν αἰτίαν μὴ προστιθείς. Ἐξ ὧν καὶ διγλώσσου δόξαν ἐκτήσατο, ὅτι τὰς αἰτίας λέγειν ἐκκλίνων, μὴ συνευδοκεῖν τοῖς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνέθετο. Ὡς δὲ ἡμεῖς ἐκ διαφόρων ἐπιστολῶν εὑρήκαμεν, ἃς μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον οἱ ἐπίσκοποι πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἔγραφον, ἡ τοῦ όμοουσίου λέξις τινὰς διετάραττε. Περὶ ἣν κατατριβόμενοι, καὶ ἀκριβολογούμενοι, τὸν κατὰ ἀλλήλων πό λεμον ἦγειραν. Νυκτομαχίας τε οὐδὲν ἀπεῖχε τὰ γινόμενα · οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀλλήλους ἐφαίνοντο νοοῦντες, ἀφ᾿ ὧν ἀλλήλους βλασφημεῖν ὑπελάμβανον. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου τὴν λέξιν ἐκκλίνοντες, τὴν Σαβελλίου καὶ Μοντανοῦ δόξαν εἰσηνεῖσθαι αὐτὴν τοὺς προσδεχομένους ἐνόμιζον. Καὶ δια τοῦτο βλασφήμους ἐκάλουν, ὡς ἀναιροῦντας τὴν ὕπαρξιν τοῦ Υἱοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ · οἱ δὲ πάλιν τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ προσκείμενοι, πολυθεῖαν εἰσάγειν τοὺς ἑτέρους νομίζοντες, ὡς ἑλληνισμὸν εἰσάγοντας ἐξετρέποντο. Καὶ Εὐστάθιος μὲν ὁ ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπος, διασύρει τὸν Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιον, ὡς τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν παραχαράττοντα. Εὐσέβιος δὲ, τὴν μὲν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν οὗ φησι παραβαίνειν· διαβάλλει δὲ Εὐστάθιον, ὡς τὴν Σαβελλίου δόξαν εἰσἁγοντα. Διαταῦτα ἕκαστοι, ὡς κατὰ ἀντιπάλων τοὺς λόγους συνέγραφον. Αμφότεροί τε λέγοντες ἐνυπόστατόν τε καὶ ἐνυπάρχοντα τὸν Υἱὸν εἶναι τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἕνα τε Θεὸν ἐν τρισὶν ὑποστάσεσιν εἶναι ὁμολογοῦντες, ἀλλήλοις οὐκ οἶδ᾽ ὅπως συμφωνῆσαι οὐκ ἴσχυον 4. καὶ διαταῦτα ἡσυχάζειν οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἡνείχοντο.
Hoi peri Eusebion kai Theognin tēs exorias epanelthontes, tas men ekklēsias katelabon, exōthēsantes, hōs ephēn, tous cheirotonēthentas eis ton topon autōn. Parrēsian te ou tēn tychousan ektēsanto para tǭ basilei, hos pany dia timēs ēgen autous, hōs apo kakodoxias eis tēn orthodoxian epistrepsantas. Hoi de, tę̄ dotheisę̄ parrhēsią katachrēsamenoi, meizona tēs prolabousēs tarachēn tę̄ oikoumenę̄ ekinēsan, dichothen hormōmenoi, ek te tēs prokataschousēs autous ᾿Areianēs doxēs, kai ek tēs pros ᾿Athanasion ; apechtheias, epeidē autois ekeinos en tę̄ synodǭ gennaiōs peri tōn zētoumenōn dogmatōn antepesen; prōton men tēn ᾿Athanasiou cheirotonian dieballon, kai hōs anaxiou pros tēn episkopēn, kai mē hōs hypo axiopistōn gegenēmenou. Epei de ekeinos kreittōn tēs diabolēs edeiknyto; enkratēs gar tēs ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsias genomenos, diapyrōs hyper tēs en Nikaią pisteōs hēgōnizeto; tote dē hoi peri Eusebion spoudēn etithento, ᾿Athanasion men skeuōrēsasthai, ᾿Areion de katagagein eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Houtō gar monōs dynēsesthai tēn tou homoousiou pistin ekbalein, pareisagein de tēn areianizousan. Egraphen oun Eusebios ᾿Athanasiǭ, dechesthai Areion kai tous amph᾿ auton; kai graphōn men parekalei, exōthen de di - ēpeilei. Epei de ᾿Athanasios oudeni tropǭ epeitheto, kataskeuazei peisthēnai ton basilea, dexasthai men eis prosōpon ton Areion, kai kathodon autǭ eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian paraschein. Kai tauta men hopōs exischyse katergasasthai, kata chōran erō. Pro toutōn de etera tais Ekklēsiais epiginetai tarachē. Kai gar palin tēn eirēnēn hoi oikeioi tēs Ekklēsias etaratton. Eusebios men oun ho Pamphilou phēsin, euthys meta tēn synodon pros heautēn stasiazein tēn Aigypton, tēn aitian mē prostitheis. Ex hōn kai diglōssou doxan ektēsato, hoti tas aitias legein ekklinōn, mē syneudokein tois en Nikaią synetheto. Hōs de hēmeis ek diaphorōn epistolōn heurēkamen, has meta tēn synodon hoi episkopoi pros allēlous egraphon, hē tou omoousiou lexis tinas dietaratte. Peri hēn katatribomenoi, kai akribologoumenoi, ton kata allēlōn po lemon ēgeiran. Nyktomachias te ouden apeiche ta ginomena ; oude gar allēlous ephainonto noountes, aph᾿ hōn allēlous blasphēmein hypelambanon. Hoi men gar tou homoousiou tēn lexin ekklinontes, tēn Sabelliou kai Montanou doxan eisēneisthai autēn tous prosdechomenous enomizon. Kai dia touto blasphēmous ekaloun, hōs anairountas tēn hyparxin tou Huiou tou Theou ; hoi de palin tǭ homoousiǭ proskeimenoi, polytheian eisagein tous heterous nomizontes, hōs hellēnismon eisagontas exetreponto. Kai Eustathios men ho ᾿Antiocheias episkopos, diasyrei ton Pamphilou Eusebion, hōs tēn en Nikaią pistin paracharattonta. Eusebios de, tēn men en Nikaią pistin hou phēsi parabainein; diaballei de Eustathion, hōs tēn Sabelliou doxan eisagonta. Diatauta hekastoi, hōs kata antipalōn tous logous synegraphon. Amphoteroi te legontes enypostaton te kai enyparchonta ton Huion einai tou Theou, hena te Theon en trisin hypostasesin einai homologountes, allēlois ouk oid᾽ hopōs symphōnēsai ouk ischyon 4. kai diatauta hēsychazein oudeni tropǭ hēneichonto.
Eusebius and Theognis, on their return from exile, took possession of their churches, driving out, as I said, those who had been ordained in their place. They gained no small freedom of speech with the emperor, who held them in great honour as men who had turned from wrong belief to orthodoxy. But they abused the freedom given them and stirred up in the world a greater disturbance than the earlier one. They were driven from two directions: by the Arian opinion that already possessed them, and by their hatred of Athanasius, because he had opposed them nobly at the synod about the doctrines in question. First they found fault with Athanasius’s ordination, as of one unworthy of the episcopate and not ordained by trustworthy men. But when he proved superior to the slander (for having become master of the church of the Alexandrians, he contended ardently for the faith of Nicaea), then Eusebius and his party set themselves to plot against Athanasius and to bring Arius back to Alexandria; for only so, they thought, could they cast out the faith of the homoousios and bring in the Arian one. Eusebius therefore wrote to Athanasius to receive Arius and his followers; in writing he entreated, but openly he threatened. When Athanasius would in no way be persuaded, he contrived that the emperor should be persuaded to receive Arius into his presence and grant him a return to Alexandria. How he managed to bring this about I will tell in its place.
Before this, another disturbance came upon the churches; for again members of the church’s own household troubled its peace. Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, says that immediately after the synod Egypt was at strife with itself, but he does not add the reason. From this he gained the reputation of being double-tongued, since by avoiding stating the reasons he seemed not to approve of what was done at Nicaea. But as we have found from various letters which the bishops wrote to one another after the synod, the word homoousios troubled some. Wearing themselves out over it and splitting hairs, they stirred up war against one another, and what happened was no different from a battle by night: for they did not seem to understand one another, though each supposed the other was blaspheming. Those who avoided the word homoousios thought that those who accepted it were bringing in the opinion of Sabellius and Montanus, and so they called them blasphemers, as doing away with the existence of the Son of God. Those, on the other hand, who held to the homoousios, thinking the others were bringing in polytheism, turned away from them as introducing paganism. Eustathius, bishop of Antioch, disparages Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, as falsifying the faith of Nicaea; Eusebius says that he does not transgress the faith of Nicaea, but accuses Eustathius of introducing the opinion of Sabellius. For this reason each wrote treatises as against opponents. Both said that the Son of God has a real subsistence and existence, and both confessed that there is one God in three hypostases; yet somehow they could not agree with one another, and for this reason they could by no means keep quiet.
1.24PG 67:143–145
Σύνοδον οὖν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ ποιησαντες, καθαιροῦσιν Εὐστάθιον, ὡς τὰ Σαβελλίου μᾶλλον φρονοῦντα, ἢ ἅπερ ἡ ἐν Νικαίᾳ σύνοδος ἐδογμάτισεν. Ὡς μὲν οὖν τινές φασιν, δι᾽ ἄλλας οὐκ ἀγαθὰς αἰτίας· φανερῶς γὰρ οὐκ εἰρήκασι. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐπὶ πάντων εἰώθασι τῶν καθαιρουμένων ποιεῖν οἱ ἐπίσκοποι, κατηγοροῦντες μὲν καὶ ἀσεβεῖν λέγοντες, τὰς δὲ αἰτίας τῆς ἀσεβείας οὐ προστιθέντες. Ὅτι μέντοι ὡς σαβελλίζοντα καθεἴλον Εὐστάθιον, Κύρου τοῦ Βεῤῥοίας ἐπισκόπου κατηγοροῦντος αὐτοῦ, Γεώργιος ὁ Λαοδικείας τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος, εἷς ὢν τῶν μισούντων τὸ ὁμοούσιον, ἐν τῷ ἐγκωμίῳ τῷ εἰς Εὐσέβιον τὸν Ἐμισηνὸν ἔγραψεν εἰρηκέναι. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τοῦ Ἑμισηνοῦ Εὐσεβίου κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. Γεώργιος δὲ περὶ Εὐσταθίου γράφει· φάσκων γὰρ Εὐστάθιον ὑπὸ τοῦ Κύρου κατηγορεῖσθαι ὡς σαβελλίζοντα, αὖθις τὸν Κῦρον ἐπὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἁλόντα καθῃρῆσθαί φησι· καὶ πῶς οἷόν τε, Κῦρον τὰ Σαβελλίου φρονοῦντα κατηγορεῖν Εὐσταθίου, ὡς Σαβελλίζοντος; Ἕοικεν οὖν Εὐστάθιον, δι᾽ ἑτέρας καθῃρῆσθαι προφάσεις. Τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ δεινὴ στάσις ἐπὶ τῇ αὐτοῦ καθαιρέσει γεγένηται. Καὶ μεταταῦτα πολλάκις περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπου τοσοῦτος ἐξήφθη πυρσὸς, ὡς μικροῦ δεῆσαι τὴν πᾶσαν ἀνατραπῆναι πόλιν, εἰς δύο τμήματα διαιρεθέντος τοῦ λαοῦ· τῶν μὲν Εὐσέβιον τὸν Παμφίλου, ἐκ τῆς ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ Καισαρείας μεταφέρειν φιλονεικούντων ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν· τῶν δὲ, σπευδόντων ἐπαγαγεῖν Εὐστάθιον. Συνελαμβάνετο δὲ ἑκατέρῳ μέρει καὶ τὸ κοινὸν τῆς πόλεως. Καὶ στρατιωτικὴ χεὶρ, ὡς κατὰ πολεμίων κεκίνητο, ὡς καὶ ξιφῶν μέλλειν ἅπτεσθαι, εἰ μὴ ὁ θεός τε καὶ ὁ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως φόβος, τὰς ὁρμὰς τοῦ πλήθους ἀνέστειλεν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ βασιλεὺς δι᾿ ἐπιστολῶν τὰ γεγενημένα καὶ τὰς στάσεις κατέπαυσεν· Εὐσέβιος δὲ παραιτησάμενος. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ θαυμάσας αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς, γράφει τε αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν πρόθεσιν αὐτοῦ ἐπαινέσας, μακάριον ἀποκαλεῖ, ὅτι οὐ μιᾶς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ πάσης σχεδὸν τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐπίσκοπος ἄξιος εἶναι ἐκρίθη. Ἐφεξῆς οὖν ἐπὶ ἔτη ὀκτὼ λέγεται τὸν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ θρόνον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας σχολάσαι. Οψὲ δέ ποτε σπουδῇ τῶν τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν παρατρέπειν δαζόντων, χειροτονεῖται Εὐφρόνιος. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τῆς συνόδου ἡ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν δε ΕὐστάΟιον γέγονεν, Ιστορείσθω. Μεταταῦτα δὲ εὐθὺς καὶ ὁ τὴν Βηρυτὸν μὲν πάλαι καταλιπών Εὐσέβιος, τότε δὲ τῆς ἐν Νικομηδείᾳ κρατῶν. Ἐκκλησίας, σπουδὴν ἔθετο σὺν τοῖς ἀμφ᾿ αὐτὸν, "Αρειον καταγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Πῶς δὲ ἐξίσχυσαν τοῦτο κατεργάσασθαι, καὶ πῶς ἐπείσθη ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς πρόσωπον δέξασθαι "Αρειον καὶ τὸν σὺν αὐτῷ Εὐζώτον, ἤδη λεκτέον.
Synodon oun en Antiocheią poiēsantes, kathairousin Eustathion, hōs ta Sabelliou mallon phronounta, ē haper hē en Nikaią synodos edogmatisen. Hōs men oun tines phasin, di᾽ allas ouk agathas aitias; phanerōs gar ouk eirēkasi. Touto de epi pantōn eiōthasi tōn kathairoumenōn poiein hoi episkopoi, katēgorountes men kai asebein legontes, tas de aitias tēs asebeias ou prostithentes. Hoti mentoi hōs sabellizonta katheilon Eustathion, Kyrou tou Berrhoias episkopou katēgorountos autou, Geōrgios ho Laodikeias tēs en Syrią episkopos, heis ōn tōn misountōn to homoousion, en tǭ enkōmiǭ tǭ eis Eusebion ton Emisēnon egrapsen eirēkenai. Kai peri men tou Hemisēnou Eusebiou kata chōran eroumen. Geōrgios de peri Eustathiou graphei; phaskōn gar Eustathion hypo tou Kyrou katēgoreisthai hōs sabellizonta, authis ton Kyron epi tois autois halonta kathę̄rēsthai phēsi; kai pōs hoion te, Kyron ta Sabelliou phronounta katēgorein Eustathiou, hōs Sabellizontos? Heoiken oun Eustathion, di᾽ heteras kathę̄rēsthai prophaseis. Tote de en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią deinē stasis epi tę̄ autou kathairesei gegenētai. Kai metatauta pollakis peri epilogēs episkopou tosoutos exēphthē pyrsos, hōs mikrou deēsai tēn pasan anatrapēnai polin, eis dyo tmēmata diairethentos tou laou; tōn men Eusebion ton Pamphilou, ek tēs en Palaistinę̄ Kaisareias metapherein philoneikountōn epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian; tōn de, speudontōn epagagein Eustathion. Synelambaneto de hekaterǭ merei kai to koinon tēs poleōs. Kai stratiōtikē cheir, hōs kata polemiōn kekinēto, hōs kai xiphōn mellein haptesthai, ei mē ho theos te kai ho para tou basileōs phobos, tas hormas tou plēthous anesteilen. Ho men gar basileus di᾿ epistolōn ta gegenēmena kai tas staseis katepausen; Eusebios de paraitēsamenos. Eph᾽ hǭ kai thaumasas auton ho basileus, graphei te autǭ kai tēn prothesin autou epainesas, makarion apokalei, hoti ou mias poleōs, alla pasēs schedon tēs oikoumenēs episkopos axios einai ekrithē. Ephexēs oun epi etē oktō legetai ton en ᾿Antiocheią thronon tēs Ekklēsias scholasai. Opse de pote spoudę̄ tōn tēn en Nikaią pistin paratrepein dazontōn, cheirotoneitai Euphronios. Tosauta men peri tēs synodou hē kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian de EustaOion gegonen, Istoreisthō. Metatauta de euthys kai ho tēn Bēryton men palai katalipōn Eusebios, tote de tēs en Nikomēdeią kratōn. Ekklēsias, spoudēn etheto syn tois amph᾿ auton, "Areion katagagein eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Pōs de exischysan touto katergasasthai, kai pōs epeisthē ho basileus eis prosōpon dexasthai "Areion kai ton syn autǭ Euzōton, ēdē lekteon.
So they held a synod at Antioch and deposed Eustathius as holding the views of Sabellius rather than what the synod of Nicaea had decreed. Some say it was for other, discreditable reasons, which they did not state openly. The bishops are accustomed to do this with all whom they depose: they accuse them and say they are impious, but do not add the grounds of the impiety. That they deposed Eustathius as a Sabellian, on the accusation of Cyrus, bishop of Beroea, is stated by George, bishop of Laodicea in Syria, one of those who hated the homoousios, in his encomium of Eusebius of Emesa. Of Eusebius of Emesa we shall speak in its place. George writes about Eustathius that he was accused by Cyrus as a Sabellian, and then says that Cyrus himself was later convicted on the same charges and deposed. How is it possible that Cyrus, holding the views of Sabellius, should accuse Eustathius of being a Sabellian? It seems, then, that Eustathius was deposed on other pretexts. At that time a terrible sedition broke out in Antioch over his deposition, and afterwards, again and again over the election of a bishop, such a fire was kindled that the whole city was almost overturned, the people being divided into two parties: some were eager to transfer Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, from Caesarea in Palestine to Antioch, others to bring back Eustathius. The whole body of the city took part with one side or the other, and troops were set in motion as against enemies, so that swords were about to be drawn, had not God and the fear of the emperor checked the rush of the crowd. The emperor quieted what had happened and the seditions by letters, and Eusebius declined the see. The emperor admired him for this, wrote to him praising his purpose, and called him blessed, because he had been judged worthy to be bishop not of one city but of almost the whole world. After this the throne of the church at Antioch is said to have been vacant for eight years. At last, through the efforts of those who were eager to pervert the faith of Nicaea, Euphronius was ordained. Let this much be recorded about the synod held at Antioch against Eustathius.
Immediately after this, Eusebius, who had long before left Berytus and then held the church of Nicomedia, set himself with his party to bring Arius back to Alexandria. How they managed to accomplish this, and how the emperor was persuaded to receive Arius and Euzoius with him into his presence, must now be told.
1.25PG 67:147–149
Ἦν ἀδελφὴ τῷ βασιλεῖ Κωνσταντίνῳ, τοὔνομα Κωνσταντία. Γυνὴ δὲ ἐγεγόνει Λικιννίου, τοῦ πρότε ρον μὲν συμβασιλεύσαντος αὐτῷ Κωνσταντίνῳ, μεταταῦτα δὲ τυραννήσαντος, καὶ διατοῦτο ἀναιρεθέντος. Ταύτῃ πρεσβύτερός τις τῷ ᾿Αρειανῶν προσκείμενος δόγματι, γνώριμος ἦν, καὶ ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις ἐτάττετο. Ὑποβαλόντος οὖν Εὐσεβίου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ, λόγους περὶ ᾿Αρείου πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα παρέσπειρεν, ἠδικῆσθαι φάσκων αὐτὸν ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου, καὶ μὴ φρονεῖν ὡς περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος κατέχει. Ταῦτα ἀκούσασα ἡ Κωνσταντία, τῷ μὲν πρεσβυτέρῳ ἐπίστευσε · τῷ δὲ βασιλεῖ λέγειν οὐκ ἐτόλμα. Συμβαίνει δὲ χαλεπῇ νόσῳ - περιπεσεῖν τὴν Κωνσταντίαν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς συνεχῶς ἀῤῥωστοῦσαν αὐτὴν ἐπεσκέπτετο. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἡ γυνὴ ἐκ τῆς νόσου χαλεπώτερον διετέθη, θνήσκειν δὲ προσεδόκα, παρακατατίθεται τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν πρεσβύτερον, μαρτυροῦσα αὐτῷ σπουδὴν καὶ εὐλάβειαν, καὶ ὡς εὔνους εἴη περὶ τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ. Ἡ μὲν οὖν μετ' οὐ πολὺ τεθνήκει. Ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος ἐν τοῖς οἰκειοτάτοις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐτάττετο. Καὶ δὴ καταβραχὺ τὴν παῤῥησίαν αὐξήσας, τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἀναφέρει λόγους περὶ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου τῷ βασιλεῖ, οἷς πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἐχρήσατο πρότερον· φάσκων μὴ ἄλλως φρονεῖν ῎Ἄρειον, ἢ ὁ τῇ συνόδῳ δοκεῖ, ἐλθόντα τε αὐτὸν κατὰ πρόσωπον, συντίθεσθαι τούτοις, καὶ μὴ ἀλόγως συκοφαντεῖσθαι τούτοις. Ξένα καταφαίνεται τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου λεγόμενα· καὶ Εἰ – Ἄρειος, ἔφη, συντίθεται τῇ συνόδῳ, καὶ εἰ τὰ ἐν ἐκείνης φρονεῖ, δέξομαί τε αὐτὸν εἰς πρόσωπον, καὶ σὺν τιμῇ ἐκπέμψω ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Ταῦτα ἔλεγε, καὶ αὐτίκα πρὸς αὐτὸν ἔγραφε τάδε · Νικητὴς Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, ᾿Αρείῳ. Πάλαι μὲν ἐδηλώθη τῇ στεῤῥότητί σου, ὅπως ἂν εἰς τὸ ἐμὸν στρατόπεδον ἀφίκοιο, ἵνα τῆς ἡμετέρας θέας ἀπολαῦσαι δυνηθείης. Θαυμάζομεν δὲ σφόδρα, μὴ παραχρῆμα τοῦτο πεποιηκότα. Διόπερ νῦν ἐπιβὰς ὀχήματος δημοσίου, εἰς τὸ ἡμέτερον στρατόπεδον ἀφικέσθαι ἐπείχθητι· ὅπως ἂν τῆς παρ᾿ ἡμῶν εὐμενείας τε καὶ ἐπιμελείας τυχὼν, ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα ἀφ· ικέσθαι δυνηθῇς. Ὁ Θεός σε διαφυλάττοι, ἀγαπητέ. Εδόθη τῇ πρὸ πέντε καλανδῶν Δεκεμβρίων. αὕτη μὲν ἡ πρὸς ῎Αρειον τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολή. Θαυμάσαι δὲ μοι ἔπεισι τὴν σπουδὴν καὶ τὸν ζῆλον, ὃν εἶχεν ὁ βασιλεὺς περὶ τὴν θεοσέβειαν. Φαίνεται γὰρ διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς, ὡς πλειστάκις αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μετάνοιαν προτρεψάμενος, ἀφ᾽ ὧν μέμφεται ὅτι πολλάκις αὐτοῦ γράψαντος, μὴ ταχέως ῎Ἄρειος ἐπανῆλθεν εἰς τὴν ἀλήθειαν. ῎Αρειος μὲν οὖν δεξάμενος τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ γράμματα, μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν. Συμπαρῆν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Εὐζώτος, ἂν καθεῖλεν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὄντα διάκονον, ὅτε καθήρει τοὺς περὶ ῎Αρειον. Δέχεται οὖν αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς πρόσωπον, καὶ διεπυνθάνετο εἰ τῇ πίστει συντίθενται. Τῶν δὲ συνθεμένων ἑτοίμως, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔγγραφον αὐτοὺς ἐπιδιδόναι τὴν πίστιν ἐκέλευσεν.
Ēn adelphē tǭ basilei Kōnstantinǭ, tounoma Kōnstantia. Gynē de egegonei Likinniou, tou prote ron men symbasileusantos autǭ Kōnstantinǭ, metatauta de tyrannēsantos, kai diatouto anairethentos. Tautę̄ presbyteros tis tǭ ᾿Areianōn proskeimenos dogmati, gnōrimos ēn, kai en tois oikeiois etatteto. Hypobalontos oun Eusebiou kai tōn syn autǭ, logous peri ᾿Areiou pros tēn gynaika parespeiren, ēdikēsthai phaskōn auton hypo tēs synodou, kai mē phronein hōs peri autou logos katechei. Tauta akousasa hē Kōnstantia, tǭ men presbyterǭ episteuse ; tǭ de basilei legein ouk etolma. Symbainei de chalepę̄ nosǭ - peripesein tēn Kōnstantian. Ho de basileus synechōs arrhōstousan autēn epeskepteto. Epeidē de hē gynē ek tēs nosou chalepōteron dietethē, thnēskein de prosedoka, parakatatithetai tǭ basilei ton presbyteron, martyrousa autǭ spoudēn kai eulabeian, kai hōs eunous eiē peri tēn basileian autou. Hē men oun met' ou poly tethnēkei. Ho de presbyteros en tois oikeiotatois tou basileōs etatteto. Kai dē katabrachy tēn parrhēsian auxēsas, tous autous anapherei logous peri tou ᾿Areiou tǭ basilei, hois pros tēn adelphēn echrēsato proteron; phaskōn mē allōs phronein ᾿Areion, ē ho tę̄ synodǭ dokei, elthonta te auton kata prosōpon, syntithesthai toutois, kai mē alogōs sykophanteisthai toutois. Xena kataphainetai tǭ basilei ta para tou presbyterou legomena; kai Ei – Areios, ephē, syntithetai tę̄ synodǭ, kai ei ta en ekeinēs phronei, dexomai te auton eis prosōpon, kai syn timę̄ ekpempsō epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Tauta elege, kai autika pros auton egraphe tade ; Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, ᾿Areiǭ. Palai men edēlōthē tę̄ sterrhotēti sou, hopōs an eis to emon stratopedon aphikoio, hina tēs hēmeteras theas apolausai dynētheiēs. Thaumazomen de sphodra, mē parachrēma touto pepoiēkota. Dioper nyn epibas ochēmatos dēmosiou, eis to hēmeteron stratopedon aphikesthai epeichthēti; hopōs an tēs par᾿ hēmōn eumeneias te kai epimeleias tychōn, epi tēn patrida aph; ikesthai dynēthę̄s. Ho Theos se diaphylattoi, agapēte. Edothē tę̄ pro pente kalandōn Dekembriōn. hautē men hē pros ᾿Areion tou basileōs epistolē. Thaumasai de moi epeisi tēn spoudēn kai ton zēlon, hon eichen ho basileus peri tēn theosebeian. Phainetai gar dia tēs epistolēs, hōs pleistakis auton epi metanoian protrepsamenos, aph᾽ hōn memphetai hoti pollakis autou grapsantos, mē tacheōs ᾿Areios epanēlthen eis tēn alētheian. ᾿Areios men oun dexamenos tou basileōs ta grammata, met᾿ ou poly parēn epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin. Symparēn de autǭ kai Euzōtos, an katheilen ᾿Alexandros onta diakonon, hote kathērei tous peri ᾿Areion. Dechetai oun autous ho basileus eis prosōpon, kai diepynthaneto ei tę̄ pistei syntithentai. Tōn de synthemenōn hetoimōs, ho basileus engraphon autous epididonai tēn pistin ekeleusen.
The emperor Constantine had a sister named Constantia. She had been the wife of Licinius, who formerly reigned with Constantine but afterwards became a tyrant and was put to death for it. A certain presbyter devoted to the Arian doctrine was known to her and counted among her household. At the prompting of Eusebius and his party, he dropped words about Arius to the woman, saying that he had been wronged by the synod and did not hold the views that report attributed to him. Constantia, hearing this, believed the presbyter, but did not dare to tell the emperor. It happened that Constantia fell seriously ill, and the emperor visited her often in her sickness. When her illness grew worse and she expected to die, she commended the presbyter to the emperor, bearing witness to his zeal and piety and his loyalty to his rule. She died soon afterwards, and the presbyter was counted among the emperor’s closest household. Gradually increasing his freedom of speech, he brought before the emperor the same words about Arius that he had used before to his sister: that Arius thought no differently from what the synod had decided, and that if he came into his presence he would agree to it, and that he was slandered without reason. What the presbyter said seemed strange to the emperor, and he said: “If Arius agrees with the synod and holds its views, I will both receive him into my presence and send him with honour to Alexandria.” So he said, and at once wrote to him as follows: “Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to Arius. It was made known to your steadfastness some time ago that you should come to my court, so that you might enjoy the sight of us. We are very much surprised that you have not done so at once. Now, therefore, take a public carriage and hasten to come to our court, so that, having received our goodwill and care, you may be able to return to your homeland. God keep you, beloved. Given on the fifth day before the Kalends of December.” This is the emperor’s letter to Arius. It makes me admire the zeal and earnestness the emperor had for piety; for it appears from the letter that he had very often urged him to repentance, since he blames him that, though he had written often, Arius did not quickly return to the truth. Arius, having received the emperor’s letter, came not long afterwards to Constantinople, and with him also Euzoius, whom Alexander had deposed from the diaconate when he deposed Arius and his party. The emperor received them into his presence and asked whether they agreed to the faith. When they readily agreed, the emperor ordered them to hand in their faith in writing.
1.26PG 67:149–151
Οἱ δὲ βιβλίον συντάξαντες, τῷ βασιλεῖ προσκομί ζουσι, τοῦτον ἔχον τὸν τρόπον· Τῷ εὐλαβεστάτῳ καὶ θεοφιλεστάτῳ δεσπότῃ ἡμῶν βασιλεῖ Κωσταντίνῳ, Ἄρειος καὶ Εὐζώϊος· Καθὼς προσέταξεν ἡ θεοφιλής σου εὐσέβεια, δέσποτα βασιλεῦ, ἐκτιθέμεθα τὴν ἑαυτῶν πίστιν, καὶ ἐγγράφως ὁμολογοῦμεν ἐπὶ Θεοῦ, οὕτως πιστεύειν καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ σὺν ἡμῖν, ὡς ὑποτέτακται. Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα· καὶ εἰς Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν Υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, τὸν ἐξ αὐτοῦ πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων γεγενημένον· Θεὸν Λόγον, δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τάτε ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς, καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς· τὸν κατελθόντα καὶ σαρκωθέντα, καὶ παθόντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα 4, ἀνελθόντα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, καὶ πάλιν ἐρχόμενον κρί και ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς· καὶ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, καὶ εἰς σαρκὸς ἀνάστασιν, καὶ εἰς ζωὴν τοῦ μέλλοντος αἰῶνος, καὶ εἰς βασιλείαν οὐρανῶν, καὶ εἰς μίαν καθολικὴν Ἑκκλησίαν 6 τοῦ Θεοῦ, τὴν ἀπὸ περάτων ἕως περάτων 4. Ταύτην δὲ τὴν πίστιν παρειλήφαμεν ἐκ τῶν ἁγίων Εὐαγγελίων, λέγοντος τοῦ Κυρίου τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ μαθηταῖς· Πορευθέντες μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ του Υἱοῦ και τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος. μετ᾿ ἀλλήλων τὰς συνήθεις εὐχὰς ὑπὲρ τῆς εἰρηνικῆς τες ποιησώμεθα. Εἰ μὴ, ταῦτα οὕτως πιστεύομεν καὶ ἀποδεχόμεθα ἀληθῶς, Πατέρα, Υἱὸν καὶ Πνεῦμα ἅγιον, ὡς πᾶσα Καθολική Εκκλησία, καὶ αἱ Γραφαὶ διδάσκουσιν, αἷς κατὰ πάντα πιστεύομεν, κριτής ἡμῶν ἐστιν ὁ Θεὸς, καὶ νῦν, καὶ ἐν τῇ μελλούσῃ κρίσει. Διὸ παρακαλοῦμέν σου τὴν θεοσέβειαν, θεοφιλέστατε βασιλεῦ, ἐκκλησιαστικοὺς ἡμᾶς ὄντας, καὶ πίστιν καὶ τὸ φρόνημα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καὶ τῶν ἁγίων Γραφῶν ἔχοντας, ἑνοῦσθαι ἡμᾶς διὰ τῆς εἰρηνοποιοῦ σου καὶ θεοσεβοῦς εὐσεβείας, τῇ μητρὶ ἡμῶν, τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ δηλα - δή, περιῃρημένων τῶν ζητημάτων καὶ περισσολογιῶν, ἵνα καὶ ἡμεῖς καὶ ἡ Ἑκκλησία εἰρηνεύσαντες, σου βασιλείας καὶ παντὸς τοῦ γένους σου, κοινῇ πάν-
Hoi de biblion syntaxantes, tǭ basilei proskomi zousi, touton echon ton tropon; Tǭ eulabestatǭ kai theophilestatǭ despotę̄ hēmōn basilei Kōstantinǭ, Areios kai Euzōïos; Kathōs prosetaxen hē theophilēs sou eusebeia, despota basileu, ektithemetha tēn heautōn pistin, kai engraphōs homologoumen epi Theou, houtōs pisteuein kai autoi kai hoi syn hēmin, hōs hypotetaktai. Pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantokratora; kai eis Kyrion Iēsoun Christon ton Huion autou, ton ex autou pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn gegenēmenon; Theon Logon, di' hou ta panta egeneto, tate en tois ouranois, kai ta epi tēs gēs; ton katelthonta kai sarkōthenta, kai pathonta, kai anastanta 4, anelthonta eis tous ouranous, kai palin erchomenon kri kai zōntas kai nekrous; kai eis to hagion Pneuma, kai eis sarkos anastasin, kai eis zōēn tou mellontos aiōnos, kai eis basileian ouranōn, kai eis mian katholikēn Hekklēsian 6 tou Theou, tēn apo peratōn heōs peratōn 4. Tautēn de tēn pistin pareilēphamen ek tōn hagiōn Euangeliōn, legontos tou Kyriou tois heautou mathētais; Poreuthentes mathēteusate panta ta ethnē, baptizontes autous eis onoma tou Patros kai tou Huiou kai tou hagiou Pneumatos. met᾿ allēlōn tas synētheis euchas hyper tēs eirēnikēs tes poiēsōmetha. Ei mē, tauta houtōs pisteuomen kai apodechometha alēthōs, Patera, Huion kai Pneuma hagion, hōs pasa Katholikē Ekklēsia, kai hai Graphai didaskousin, hais kata panta pisteuomen, kritēs hēmōn estin ho Theos, kai nyn, kai en tę̄ mellousę̄ krisei. Dio parakaloumen sou tēn theosebeian, theophilestate basileu, ekklēsiastikous hēmas ontas, kai pistin kai to phronēma tēs Ekklēsias kai tōn hagiōn Graphōn echontas, henousthai hēmas dia tēs eirēnopoiou sou kai theosebous eusebeias, tę̄ mētri hēmōn, tę̄ Ekklēsią dēla - dē, perię̄rēmenōn tōn zētēmatōn kai perissologiōn, hina kai hēmeis kai hē Hekklēsia eirēneusantes, sou basileias kai pantos tou genous sou, koinę̄ pan-
They composed a statement and brought it to the emperor, in these terms: “To our most pious and most God-loving lord, the emperor Constantine, Arius and Euzoius. As your God-loving piety commanded, lord emperor, we set out our own faith, and we confess in writing before God that we and those with us believe as follows. We believe in one God, the Father Almighty; and in the Lord Jesus Christ his Son, begotten from him before all ages, God the Word, through whom all things came to be, things in the heavens and things on earth; who came down and was made flesh, and suffered, and rose again, ascended into the heavens, and is coming again to judge the living and the dead; and in the Holy Spirit, and in the resurrection of the flesh, and in the life of the age to come, and in the kingdom of the heavens, and in one catholic church of God, which extends from one end of the earth to the other. This faith we have received from the holy Gospels, the Lord saying to his disciples, ‘Go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.’ If we do not truly believe these things and accept them, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, as the whole catholic church and the Scriptures teach, which we believe in every respect, God is our judge both now and at the coming judgment. Therefore we entreat your godliness, most God-loving emperor, that we, who are men of the church and hold the faith and mind of the church and of the holy Scriptures, may be united through your peacemaking and godly piety to our mother, that is, the church, the questions and superfluous words having been set aside; so that we and the church, being at peace with one another, may all in common offer the customary prayers for your peaceful reign and for all your family.”
1.27PG 67:151–157
ποίηνται. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν Ἄρειος τὸν βασιλέα πείσας, ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Οὐ μέντοι γε κρείσσων ἡ κατασκευὴ τῆς σιωπωμένης ἀληθείας ἐγίνετο· ὡς γὰρ και ταλαμβάνοντα αὐτὸν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ᾿Αθανάσιος οὐκ ἐδέχετο· ὡς μῦσος γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐξετρέπετο· αὖθις ἀνακινεῖν ἐπεχείρει τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, παρεμβαλών τὴν αἵρεσιν. Τότε δὴ καὶ οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον αὐτοί τε ἔγραφον, καὶ τὸν βασιλέα γράφειν παρεσκεύαζον, ὅπως ἂν προσδεχθῶσιν οἱ περὶ "Αρειον. ᾿Αθανάσιος ( μὲν οὖν πάντη τοῦ δέξασθαι αὐτοὺς ἀπηγόρευσε· καὶ ἄγειν ἐσπούδαζε. Τότε δὴ καιρὸν εὔκαιρον οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον εὑρηκέναι νομίσαντες, ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς ᾿Αθατὸν βασιλέα γράφων ἐδίδασκεν, ἀδύνατον εἶναι τοὺς ἅπαξ τὴν πίστιν ἀθετήσαντας, καὶ ἀναθεματισθέντας, αὖθις ἐξ ὑποστροφῆς συλλαμβάνεσθαι. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς βαρέως ἐνεγκὼν, τάδε ᾿Αθανασίῳ γράφων ἠπείλησε. Μέρος ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ βασιλέως· Ἔχων τοίνυν τῆς ἐμῆς βουλῆς τὸ γνώρισμα, πᾶσι τοῖς βουλομένοις εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἰσελθεῖν, ἀκώλυτον παράσχου τὴν εἴσοδον. Ἐὰν γὰρ γνῶ ὡς κεκώλυκας τινὰς αὐτῶν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας μεταποιουμένους, ἢ ἀπεῖρξας τῆς εἰσόδου, ἀποστελῶ παραχρῆμα τὸν καθαιρήσοντά σε ἐξ ἐμῆς κελεύσεως, καὶ τῶν τόπων μεταστήσοντα. Ταῦτα ἔγραφεν ὁ βασιλεὺς, τοῦ λυσιτελοῦντος γινόμενος, καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν διασπᾶσθαι. Τοὺς γὰρ πάντας ἐπὶ τὴν ὁμόνοιαν νάσιον ἔχοντες, τὴν τοῦ βσοσιλέως λύπην ὑπουργὸν ἐλάμβανον τοῦ ἰδίου σκοποῦ. Καὶ διὸ τοῦτο ἐχύχων, ἀποχινῆσαι αὐτὸν τῆς ἐπισχηπῆς σπουδάζοντες" οὕτω γὰρ ἤλπιζον μόνω: τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν δόξαν κρατήσειν, ᾿Αθανασίου ἐκποδὼν γινομένου. Συμπαρατάττονται οὖν αὐτοῦ, Εὐσέδιος ὁ Νικομηδεία:, Θέογνις Νικαίας, “Μάρις Χαλκηδόνος, Θὑρσάχιο; Σιγγιδόνος τῆς ἄνω Μυσίας, Οὐάλης Μουρτῶν τῆς Παννονίας. Οὗτοι μισθοῦνται τινὰς τῆς Μελιτίου αἱρέσεως, διαφόρους κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου κατηγορίας ἐχίνησαν. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν διὰ Ἰσίωνος Εὐδαίμηνος Καλλινίχου Μελιτιανῶν, διαβολὴν ἐργάζονται, ὡς ᾿Αθανασίου λινῆν ἐσθῆτα τελεῖν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐχχλησέχ κελεύσαντος. ᾿Αλλὰ ταύτὴν μὲν τὴν διαδολῆν, ᾿Αλύπιος καὶ Μακάριος πρεσβύτεροι τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων, τότε τυχηρῶς ἐν Νιχομτδείᾳ τυγχάνοντες χατέσύεσαν, ψευδῆ τὰ ᾿Αθανασίου λεχθέντα διδάξαντες τὸν βασιλέα. Διὸ τῶν μὲν κατηγόρων διὰ γραμμάτων ὁ βασιλεὺς χαθέψατο" ᾿Αθανάσιον δὲ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἐλθεῖν προσετρέψατο. Πρινὴ δὲ ἐπιστῇ, φθάσαντες οἱ περὶ Εὐσέδιον, ἑτέραν ἐπισυνάπτουσι τῇ προτέρχ διαδολῇ. καὶ πολλῷ τῆς προτέρας χείρονα" ὡς ᾿Αθανάσιος ἐπιβου - λεύων τοῖς βασιλέως πράγμασι, Φιλουμένῳ τινὶ ἔπεμψε γλωσσόχομον πλῆρες ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτου ὁ βατιλεὺς ἐν Ῥαμαθέχ, προάστειον δὲ τοῦτο τῆς Νιχομτδείας ἐστὶ, διαγνοὺς, ἀθῶον εὑρὼν ᾿Αθανάσιον, μετὰ τιμῆς ἐξέπεμψε, γράψας τῇ ᾿Αλεξ. ανδρέων Ἐκκλησία, ὅτι αὐτῶν ἐπίσχοπο: ᾿Αθανάτιος ψευδῶς διεδέδλητο. Οἵα μέντοι μεταταῦτα οἱ περὶ Εὐσέδιον κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου συνέθεσαν, καλὴν μὲν ἦν καὶ πρέπον σιγῇ παραδοῦναι, ἵνα μὴ τοῦ Χριστοῦ Ἐκκλησία τῶν μὴ φρονούντων τὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ χαταγινώσχηται. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐγγράφως ἐπ:δοῦέν.πα, φανερὰ τοῖς; πᾶσιν ἐγένετο, διατοῦτο ἀναγκαῖον ἡ ησάμτν ὡς οἷόν τε διὰ βραχέων εἰπεῖν τὰ ἰδιαζούσης πραγματείας δεόμενα. “Ὅθεν δὲ ἡ τῆς συκοφαντίας ὑπόθεσις οἱ τὰς συκοφαντίας χινήσαντες ἔλαδην τὴν ἀρχὴν, διὰ βραχέων ἐρῶ. Μιχρεώτης χώρα τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐστί. Κῶμαι δέ εἰσιν ἐν οἱ οἱ αὐτῇ πολλαὶ σφόδρα καὶ πολυάνθρωποι, καὶ ἐν αὐ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαι πολλαὶ καὶ λαμπραί. Τάττονται δὲ αὖται αἱ ἐκκλησίαι ὑπὸ τῷ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπῳ, καὶ εἰσὶν ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτοῦ πόλιν ὡς παροικίαι. Ἐν δὲ τῷ Μαρεώτῃ τούτῳ Ἰσχύρας τις οὕτω καλούμενος, πρᾶγμα ὑπέδυ πολλῶν θανάτων ἄξιον. Οὐδὲ πώποτε γὰρ ἱερωσύνης τυχών, τὸ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου ὄνομα ἑαυτῷ περιθέμενος, τὰ ἱερέως πράττειν ἐτόλμησε. Φωραθεὶς τοίνυν ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις ὁ Ἰσχύρας, ἀποδρὰς ἐκεῖθεν, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Νικομήδειαν, προςφεύγει τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον. Οἱ δὲ μίσει τῷ πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον, δέχονται μὲν αὐτὸν ὡς πρεσβύτερον· ἐπαγγέλλονται δὲ καὶ τῇ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἀξίᾳ τιμῆσαι, εἰ κατηγορίαν ἐνστήσεται κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου, πρόφασιν λαμβάνοντες ὅσα ὁ Ἰσχύρας ἐπλάττετο. Ἐφήμιζε γὰρ, ὡς εἴη τὰ πάνδεινα ἐξ ἐφόδου πεπονθώς· καὶ ὅτι Μακάριος εἰσπηδήσας εἰς τὸ θυσιαστίριον, ἀνέτρεψε μὲν τὴν τράπεζαν, ποτήριον δὲ κατέαξε μυστικὸν, καὶ ὅτι τὰ ἱερὰ Βιβλία κατέκαυσε. Μισθὸν οὖν αὐτῷ, ὡς ἔφην, τῆς κατηγορίας, τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐπηγγείλαντο, γινώσκοντες ὡς ἡ κατὰ Μακαρίου κατηγορία, σὺν τῷ κατηγορουμένῳ καὶ τὸν πέμψαντα καθαιρεῖ ᾿Αθανάσιον. Ταύτην μὲν οὖν τὴν κατηγορίαν ὕστερον συνεστήσαντο. Πρὸ δὲ ταύτης, τὴν παντὸς πεπληρωμένην μίσους, περὶ ἧς ἤδη λεκτέον. Χεῖρα ἀνθρώπου οὐκ οἶδα πόθεν λαβόντες, πότερον ἀνελόντες τινὰ καὶ χειροκοπήσαντες, ἢ ἤδη νεκροῦ ὄντος ἀπέκοψαν· ὁ Θεὸς οἶδε, καὶ οἱ αὐθένται τῆς πράξεως. Προεχειρίζοντο δ᾽ οὖν ὅμως αὐτὴν, ὡς Ἀρσενίου τινὸς ἐπισκόπου τῶν Μελιτιανῶν θρησκείας τυγχάνουσαν. Καὶ ταύτην ἔφερον ἐν μέσῳ, τὸν ᾿Αῤσένιον ἀποχρύψαντες" ἔλεγον τὴν χεῖρα ταύτην ᾿Αθανάτιον πρὸς μαγείας τινάς. Τὸ μὲν οὖν μέγιστον κεφάλαιον, ὃ οἱ συχοφάνται συνέθεσαν, τοιοῦτον ἦν. Οἷα δὲ φιλεῖ ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις γίνεσθαι, ἄλλοι ἄλλα κατηγόρουν αὑτοῦ, ᾿Επετίθεντο γὰρ τότε μάλιστα, οἱ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχθανόμενοι. Ταῦτα γνοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς, γράφει τῷ χήνσορι Δαλματῷ ἀδελφιδῷ ἑαυτοῦ, ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τῆς Συρίας διάγοντι, ἀγωγίμους ποιῆσαι τοὺς κατηγορουμένους, διαγνόντα δίκην τοὺς ἐλεγχθέντας εἰσπράξασθαι. "Ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ Εὐσέῤιον ἅμα Θεόγνιδι, ἵνα ἐπὶ παρουσί αὐτῶν χρίνοιτο ᾿Αθανάσιος. Ὃ δὲ ὡς ἔγνω καλεῖσθαι ὑπὸ τοῦ χήνσορος, πέμπει εἰς Αἴγυπτὸν ἀναζητῆσαι τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον. Καὶ μανθάνει μὲν αὑτὸν κρύπτεσθαι " συλλαβεῖν δὲ οὐ δεδύνηται, ἄλλοσε ἀλλαχοῦ μεθιστάμενον. Παύει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸ ἐπὶ τοῦ χήνσορος δικαστήριον, δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην.
poiēntai. Houtō men oun Areios ton basilea peisas, echōrei epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Ou mentoi ge kreissōn hē kataskeuē tēs siōpōmenēs alētheias egineto; hōs gar kai talambanonta auton tēn ᾿Alexandreian ᾿Athanasios ouk edecheto; hōs mysos gar auton exetrepeto; authis anakinein epecheirei tēn ᾿Alexandreian, parembalōn tēn hairesin. Tote dē kai hoi peri Eusebion autoi te egraphon, kai ton basilea graphein pareskeuazon, hopōs an prosdechthōsin hoi peri "Areion. ᾿Athanasios ( men oun pantē tou dexasthai autous apēgoreuse; kai agein espoudaze. Tote dē kairon eukairon hoi peri Eusebion heurēkenai nomisantes, apechthōs pros ᾿Athaton basilea graphōn edidasken, adynaton einai tous hapax tēn pistin athetēsantas, kai anathematisthentas, authis ex hypostrophēs syllambanesthai. Ho de basileus bareōs enenkōn, tade ᾿Athanasiǭ graphōn ēpeilēse. Meros epistolēs tou basileōs; Echōn toinyn tēs emēs boulēs to gnōrisma, pasi tois boulomenois eis tēn Ekklēsian eiselthein, akōlyton paraschou tēn eisodon. Ean gar gnō hōs kekōlykas tinas autōn tēs Ekklēsias metapoioumenous, ē apeirxas tēs eisodou, apostelō parachrēma ton kathairēsonta se ex emēs keleuseōs, kai tōn topōn metastēsonta. Tauta egraphen ho basileus, tou lysitelountos ginomenos, kai mē boulomenos tēn Ekklēsian diaspasthai. Tous gar pantas epi tēn homonoian nasion echontes, tēn tou bsosileōs lypēn hypourgon elambanon tou idiou skopou. Kai dio touto echychōn, apochinēsai auton tēs epischēpēs spoudazontes" houtō gar ēlpizon monō: tēn ᾿Areianēn doxan kratēsein, ᾿Athanasiou ekpodōn ginomenou. Symparatattontai oun autou, Eusedios ho Nikomēdeia:, Theognis Nikaias, “Maris Chalkēdonos, Thyrsachio? Singidonos tēs anō Mysias, Oualēs Mourtōn tēs Pannonias. Houtoi misthountai tinas tēs Melitiou haireseōs, diaphorous kata ᾿Athanasiou katēgorias echinēsan. Kai prōton men dia Isiōnos Eudaimēnos Kallinichou Melitianōn, diabolēn ergazontai, hōs ᾿Athanasiou linēn esthēta telein tous Aigyptious tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Echchlēsech keleusantos. ᾿Alla tautēn men tēn diadolēn, ᾿Alypios kai Makarios presbyteroi tēs ᾿Alexandreōn, tote tychērōs en Nichomtdeią tynchanontes chatesyesan, pseudē ta ᾿Athanasiou lechthenta didaxantes ton basilea. Dio tōn men katēgorōn dia grammatōn ho basileus chathepsato" ᾿Athanasion de pros heauton elthein prosetrepsato. Prinē de epistę̄, phthasantes hoi peri Eusedion, heteran episynaptousi tę̄ proterch diadolę̄. kai pollǭ tēs proteras cheirona" hōs ᾿Athanasios epibou - leuōn tois basileōs pragmasi, Philoumenǭ tini epempse glōssochomon plēres ᾿Alla peri men toutou ho batileus en Rhamathech, proasteion de touto tēs Nichomtdeias esti, diagnous, athōon heurōn ᾿Athanasion, meta timēs exepempse, grapsas tę̄ ᾿Alex. andreōn Ekklēsia, hoti autōn epischopo: ᾿Athanatios pseudōs diededlēto. Hoia mentoi metatauta hoi peri Eusedion kata ᾿Athanasiou synethesan, kalēn men ēn kai prepon sigę̄ paradounai, hina mē tou Christou Ekklēsia tōn mē phronountōn ta tou Christou chataginōschētai. Epeidē de engraphōs ep:douen.pa, phanera tois? pasin egeneto, diatouto anankaion hē ēsamtn hōs hoion te dia bracheōn eipein ta idiazousēs pragmateias deomena. “Hothen de hē tēs sykophantias hypothesis hoi tas sykophantias chinēsantes eladēn tēn archēn, dia bracheōn erō. Michreōtēs chōra tēs ᾿Alexandreias esti. Kōmai de eisin en hoi hoi autę̄ pollai sphodra kai polyanthrōpoi, kai en au tais ekklēsiai pollai kai lamprai. Tattontai de autai hai ekklēsiai hypo tǭ tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopǭ, kai eisin hypo tēn autou polin hōs paroikiai. En de tǭ Mareōtę̄ toutǭ Ischyras tis houtō kaloumenos, pragma hypedy pollōn thanatōn axion. Oude pōpote gar hierōsynēs tychōn, to tou presbyterou onoma heautǭ perithemenos, ta hiereōs prattein etolmēse. Phōratheis toinyn epi tois legomenois ho Ischyras, apodras ekeithen, kai katalabōn tēn Nikomēdeian, prospheugei tois peri Eusebion. Hoi de misei tǭ pros ᾿Athanasion, dechontai men auton hōs presbyteron; epangellontai de kai tę̄ tēs episkopēs axią timēsai, ei katēgorian enstēsetai kata ᾿Athanasiou, prophasin lambanontes hosa ho Ischyras eplatteto. Ephēmize gar, hōs eiē ta pandeina ex ephodou peponthōs; kai hoti Makarios eispēdēsas eis to thysiastirion, anetrepse men tēn trapezan, potērion de kateaxe mystikon, kai hoti ta hiera Biblia katekause. Misthon oun autǭ, hōs ephēn, tēs katēgorias, tēn episkopēn epēngeilanto, ginōskontes hōs hē kata Makariou katēgoria, syn tǭ katēgoroumenǭ kai ton pempsanta kathairei ᾿Athanasion. Tautēn men oun tēn katēgorian hysteron synestēsanto. Pro de tautēs, tēn pantos peplērōmenēn misous, peri hēs ēdē lekteon. Cheira anthrōpou ouk oida pothen labontes, poteron anelontes tina kai cheirokopēsantes, ē ēdē nekrou ontos apekopsan; ho Theos oide, kai hoi authentai tēs praxeōs. Proecheirizonto d᾽ oun homōs autēn, hōs Arseniou tinos episkopou tōn Melitianōn thrēskeias tynchanousan. Kai tautēn epheron en mesǭ, ton ᾿Arsenion apochrypsantes" elegon tēn cheira tautēn ᾿Athanation pros mageias tinas. To men oun megiston kephalaion, ho hoi sychophantai synethesan, toiouton ēn. Hoia de philei en tois toioutois ginesthai, alloi alla katēgoroun hautou, ᾿Epetithento gar tote malista, hoi pros auton apechthanomenoi. Tauta gnous ho basileus, graphei tǭ chēnsori Dalmatǭ adelphidǭ heautou, en ᾿Antiocheią tēs Syrias diagonti, agōgimous poiēsai tous katēgoroumenous, diagnonta dikēn tous elenchthentas eispraxasthai. "Epempe de kai Euserion hama Theognidi, hina epi parousi autōn chrinoito ᾿Athanasios. Ho de hōs egnō kaleisthai hypo tou chēnsoros, pempei eis Aigypton anazētēsai ton ᾿Arsenion. Kai manthanei men hauton kryptesthai " syllabein de ou dedynētai, allose allachou methistamenon. Pauei de ho basileus to epi tou chēnsoros dikastērion, di᾽ aitian toiautēn.
… So Arius, having persuaded the emperor, went to Alexandria. Yet his contrivance did not prove stronger than the truth, though it was kept silent. For when he arrived at Alexandria, Athanasius would not receive him, but turned away from him as an abomination; and Arius tried to stir up Alexandria again by spreading his heresy. Then Eusebius and his party both wrote themselves and got the emperor to write, that Arius and his followers should be received. Athanasius refused altogether to receive them, and wrote to the emperor explaining that it was impossible for those who had once rejected the faith and been anathematized to be taken back again on their return. The emperor took this hard and wrote threatening Athanasius as follows. Part of the emperor’s letter: “Having, then, knowledge of my will, give unhindered entry to all who wish to enter the church. For if I learn that you have hindered any of those who claim membership in the church, or barred them from entry, I will at once send someone who will depose you by my command and remove you from your place.” The emperor wrote this out of concern for what was profitable and not wishing the church to be torn apart; for he was eager to bring all to concord. Then Eusebius and his party, thinking they had found a fitting opportunity, since they were hostile to Athanasius, took the emperor’s displeasure as a helper of their own aim. For this reason they stirred everything up, striving to remove him from the bishopric; for they hoped that only so would the Arian opinion prevail, if Athanasius were out of the way. Ranged against him, then, were Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Ursacius of Singidunum in Upper Moesia, and Valens of Mursa in Pannonia. These hired some of the Melitian sect and raised various accusations against Athanasius.
First, through the Melitians Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus, they made the slanderous charge that Athanasius had ordered the Egyptians to pay a tribute of linen garments to the church of the Alexandrians. But Alypius and Macarius, presbyters of the church of Alexandria, who happened to be at Nicomedia at the time, overturned this slander, showing the emperor that what was said against Athanasius was false. So the emperor rebuked the accusers by letter and urged Athanasius to come to him. But before he arrived, Eusebius and his party anticipated him and added another slander to the first, much worse than the first: that Athanasius, plotting against the emperor’s affairs, had sent a certain Philumenus a box full of … . The emperor examined this matter at Psamathia, a suburb of Nicomedia, found Athanasius innocent, and sent him away with honour, writing to the church of the Alexandrians that their bishop Athanasius had been falsely accused.
What Eusebius and his party afterwards contrived against Athanasius it would have been good and fitting to bury in silence, so that the church of Christ might not be condemned by those who do not hold to Christ. But since these things have been set down in writing and have become known to all, I have thought it necessary to tell briefly, as far as I can, what would need a treatise of its own. Whence the matter of the slander and those who raised the slanders took their beginning I will say briefly. The Mareotis is a district of Alexandria. In it there are very many populous villages, and in them many splendid churches. These churches are placed under the bishop of Alexandria and are under his city as parishes. In this Mareotis a man called Ischyras undertook a thing deserving many deaths: though he had never received the priesthood, he took to himself the name of presbyter and dared to perform the functions of a priest. Detected in this, Ischyras ran away from there, went to Nicomedia, and took refuge with Eusebius and his party. They, out of hatred for Athanasius, received him as a presbyter and promised to honour him with the rank of bishop if he would bring an accusation against Athanasius, taking as a pretext what Ischyras invented. For he spread the report that he had suffered terrible things in an attack: that Macarius had burst into the sanctuary, overturned the table, broken a mystic cup, and burned the sacred books. As the reward for the accusation, as I said, they promised him the bishopric, knowing that an accusation against Macarius would bring down, with the accused, Athanasius who had sent him. This accusation they put together later. Before it came another, full of every hatred, of which I must now speak. Having obtained a man’s hand from I know not where, whether they killed someone and cut off his hand or cut it off someone already dead, God knows, and those who did the deed, they nevertheless produced it as belonging to one Arsenius, a bishop of the Melitian sect. They brought this into public view, having hidden Arsenius away, and said that Athanasius had … this hand for some magic arts. This was the chief charge that the slanderers put together. As usually happens in such cases, others accused him of other things; for those who were hostile to him attacked him most at that time. When the emperor learned this, he wrote to his nephew the censor Dalmatius, who was staying at Antioch in Syria, to have the accused brought before him and, having examined the matter, to punish those convicted. He also sent Eusebius together with Theognis, so that Athanasius might be tried in their presence. When Athanasius learned that he was summoned by the censor, he sent to Egypt to search for Arsenius. He learned that he was in hiding, but could not seize him, since he kept moving from one place to another. But the emperor stopped the trial before the censor, for the following reason.
1.28PG 67:157–159
Σύνοδον ἐπισκόπων ἐχήρυξε γενέσθαι " ἐπὶ τῇ ἱερώσει τοῦ εὐκτηρίου οἴκου, ὃν ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀνήγειρεν. Ὁδοῦ οὖν πάρεργον, πρότερον τῇ Τύρῳ ἃ ἃ συναχθέντας τοὺς ἐπισκόπους, τὰ κατὰ ᾿Αθανάσιον γυμνάσαι προσέταξεν" ὅπως ἂν ἐκεῖ πρότερον ἔκποδὼν γενομένης τῆ; ἐρεσχελίας, εἰρηνιχώτερον τὰ ἐπιθατήρια τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπιτελέσωσι, καθ:εροῦντες αὑτὴν τῷ Θεῷ. Τριακοστὸν δὲ ἔτος ἣν τοῦτο τῆς βασιλείας Κωνσταντίνου 9. Καὶ παρῆσαν ἐπὶ τὴν Τῦρον ἐχ διαφόρων τόπων ἐπίσκοποι τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑξήκοντα, Διονυσίου τοῦ ἀπὸ ὑπατικῶν συναγαγόντος αὑτούς. Καὶ ἤγετο μὲν Μακάριος ὁ πρεσβύτερος τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας σιδηροδέσμιος διὰ στρατιωτικῆς χειρός. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ ἀπαντῆσαι οὐχ ἐδούλετο, οὐ τοσοῦτον τὰς κατηγορίας εὐλαβούμενος " οὐδὲν γὰρ τῶν κατηγορουμένων ἐγίνωσκεν " ἀλλὰ φοθούμενος μή τι χαινοτομηθῇ παρὰ τὰ ἐν Νικαίᾳ τῇ τότε συνὀδὼ συναρέσαντα. Ἐδεδοίχει γὰρ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπειλητιχὰ γράμματα. ᾿Ἐγέγραπτο γὰρ αὑτῷ, ὡς εἰ μὴ ἐχὼν ἀπαντήσοι, ἀνάγκῃ ἀχθήσεσθαι. Παρῆν οὖν ἐξ ἀνάγκης καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιος.
Synodon episkopōn echēryxe genesthai " epi tę̄ hierōsei tou euktēriou oikou, hon en tois Hierosolymois anēgeiren. Hodou oun parergon, proteron tę̄ Tyrǭ ha ha synachthentas tous episkopous, ta kata ᾿Athanasion gymnasai prosetaxen" hopōs an ekei proteron ekpodōn genomenēs tē? ereschelias, eirēnichōteron ta epithatēria tēs ekklēsias epitelesōsi, kath:erountes hautēn tǭ Theǭ. Triakoston de etos hēn touto tēs basileias Kōnstantinou 9. Kai parēsan epi tēn Tyron ech diaphorōn topōn episkopoi ton arithmon hexēkonta, Dionysiou tou apo hypatikōn synagagontos hautous. Kai ēgeto men Makarios ho presbyteros tēs ᾿Alexandreias sidērodesmios dia stratiōtikēs cheiros. ᾿Athanasios de apantēsai ouch edouleto, ou tosouton tas katēgorias eulaboumenos " ouden gar tōn katēgoroumenōn eginōsken " alla phothoumenos mē ti chainotomēthę̄ para ta en Nikaią tę̄ tote synodō synaresanta. Ededoichei gar ta tou basileōs apeilēticha grammata. ᾿Egegrapto gar hautǭ, hōs ei mē echōn apantēsoi, anankę̄ achthēsesthai. Parēn oun ex anankēs kai ᾿Athanasios.
He proclaimed that a synod of bishops should be held for the consecration of the house of prayer which he had built at Jerusalem. On the way, as a side task, he ordered the bishops to gather first at Tyre and examine the case of Athanasius, so that once the wrangling had been put out of the way there, they might more peaceably perform the dedication festival of the church, consecrating it to God. This was the thirtieth year of Constantine’s reign. Bishops from various places came to Tyre, sixty in number, Dionysius, a man of consular rank, having assembled them. Macarius, the presbyter of Alexandria, was brought in iron chains under military guard. Athanasius did not wish to attend, not so much because he feared the accusations (for he knew himself guilty of none of the charges) as because he was afraid that some innovation might be made against what had been agreed at the synod of Nicaea. But he feared the emperor’s threatening letters; for it had been written to him that if he did not come willingly he would be brought by force. So Athanasius too was present, under compulsion.
1.29PG 67:159–161
Θεοῦ δέ τις πρόνοια τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον ἐπὶ τὴν Τύρον ἤλαυνεν. ᾿Αμελήσας γὰρ τῶν ἐντολῶν, ὧν αὐτῷ οἱ τὰ χρήματα συχοφάνται παρασχόντες δεδώχασι, καθ᾽ ἱστορίαν τῶν γενησομένων χεχρυμμένως παρῆν. Ἔτυχε δέ πως τοῦ ὑπατικοῦ ᾿Αρχελάου οἰκέτας ἐν χαπηλείῳ ἀκοῦσαι λεγόντων τινῶν, ὡς ὁ λεγόμενος ἀνῃρῆσθαι, πάρεστιν ἕν τινος οἰκίᾳ χρυπτόμενος. Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες, τοὺς εἰπόντας μειωσάμενοι, χαταφανῇ τὰ ἀκουσθέντα τῷ δεσπότῃ ποιοῦσιν. Ὁ δὲ ὡς εἶχε μὴ μελλήσας, ἀνεζήτησε καὶ εὗρε καὶ εὑρὼν ἢσφαλίσατο. Καὶ τῷ ᾿Αθανασίῳ δηλοῖ μηδὲν ταράστεσθαι" παρεῖναι γὰρ ζῶντα τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον. Συλληφθεὶς οὖν ᾿Ἀρσένιος, ἠρνεῖτο εἶναι ὃς ᾿Αλλ' αὐτὸν Παῦλος ὁ τῆς Τύρου ἐπίσκοπος πάλαι γινώσχων, ἐξήλεγξεν. Ταῦτα τῆς Προνοίας προευτρεπισάσης, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ἐκαλεῖτο ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου ὁ ᾿Αθανάσιος. Καὶ παρόντος, οἱ συχοφάνται τὴν χεῖρα εἰς μέσον ἦγον, καὶ τὴν κατηγορίαν ἐνίσταντο. Ὁ δὲ σοφῶς μετῆλθε τὸ πρᾶγμα. Ἠρώτησε γὰρ τοὺς παρόντας καὶ τοὺς κατηγόρους, τίνες εἶεν οἱ γινώσκοντες τὸν ᾿Αρσένιον. Πολλῶν δὲ εἰπόντων γινώσκειναὐτὸν, εἰσάγεσθαι ποιεῖ τὸν Ἀρσένιον, ἔνδον τοῦ ἱματίου τὰς χεῖρας αὐτοῦ ἔχοντα. Εἶτα αὖθις ἐρωτᾷ· Οὗτός ἐστιν ὁ τὴν χεῖρα ἀπολωλεκώς ; Οἱ δὲ, ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ παραδόξῳ κατεπλάγησαν, πλὴν τῶν εἰδότων ὅθεν ἡ χεὶρ ἡ κοπεῖσα. Οἱ δὲ λοιποί, άληθῶς ᾤοντο λείπειν τῷ ᾿Αρσενίῳ τὴν χεῖρα, καὶ προσεδόκων ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποθέσεως ἀπολογεῖσθαι τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον. Ὁ δὲ ἀνελίξας τὸ ἱμάτιον τοῦ ᾿Αρσενίου καθ' ἕτερον τῶν μερῶν, δείκνυσι τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τὴν χεῖρα. Πάλιν δὲ νομιζόντων τινῶν τῆς ἑτέρας ὑστερεῖσθαι αὐτὸν, μικρὸν παρελκύσας, ἀμφιβόλους κατέστησεν. Εἶτα μὴ μελλήσας, καὶ τὸ ἕτερον ἀνελίξας μέρος, καὶ τὴν ἑτέραν τοῦ ᾿Αρσενίου χεῖρα ἐπέδειξεν· οὕτω τε εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς παρόντας· ᾿Αρσένιος μὲν, ὡς ὁρᾶτε, τὰς δύο χεῖρας ἔχων ἐφεύρηται. Τῆς τρίτης δὲ τὸν τόπον ὅθεν ἀφήρηται, δεικνύτωσαν οἱ κατήγοροι.
Theou de tis pronoia ton ᾿Arsenion epi tēn Tyron ēlaunen. ᾿Amelēsas gar tōn entolōn, hōn autǭ hoi ta chrēmata sychophantai paraschontes dedōchasi, kath᾽ historian tōn genēsomenōn chechrymmenōs parēn. Etyche de pōs tou hypatikou ᾿Archelaou oiketas en chapēleiǭ akousai legontōn tinōn, hōs ho legomenos anę̄rēsthai, parestin hen tinos oikią chryptomenos. Tauta akousantes, tous eipontas meiōsamenoi, chataphanę̄ ta akousthenta tǭ despotę̄ poiousin. Ho de hōs eiche mē mellēsas, anezētēse kai heure kai heurōn ēsphalisato. Kai tǭ ᾿Athanasiǭ dēloi mēden tarastesthai" pareinai gar zōnta ton ᾿Arsenion. Syllēphtheis oun ᾿Arsenios, ērneito einai hos ᾿All' auton Paulos ho tēs Tyrou episkopos palai ginōschōn, exēlenxen. Tauta tēs Pronoias proeutrepisasēs, met᾽ ou poly ekaleito hypo tēs synodou ho ᾿Athanasios. Kai parontos, hoi sychophantai tēn cheira eis meson ēgon, kai tēn katēgorian enistanto. Ho de sophōs metēlthe to pragma. Ērōtēse gar tous parontas kai tous katēgorous, tines eien hoi ginōskontes ton ᾿Arsenion. Pollōn de eipontōn ginōskeinauton, eisagesthai poiei ton Arsenion, endon tou himatiou tas cheiras autou echonta. Eita authis erōtą; Houtos estin ho tēn cheira apolōlekōs ? Hoi de, epi men tǭ paradoxǭ kateplagēsan, plēn tōn eidotōn hothen hē cheir hē kopeisa. Hoi de loipoi, alēthōs ǭonto leipein tǭ ᾿Arseniǭ tēn cheira, kai prosedokōn ex heteras hypotheseōs apologeisthai ton ᾿Athanasion. Ho de anelixas to himation tou ᾿Arseniou kath' heteron tōn merōn, deiknysi tou anthrōpou tēn cheira. Palin de nomizontōn tinōn tēs heteras hystereisthai auton, mikron parelkysas, amphibolous katestēsen. Eita mē mellēsas, kai to heteron anelixas meros, kai tēn heteran tou ᾿Arseniou cheira epedeixen; houtō te eipe pros tous parontas; ᾿Arsenios men, hōs horate, tas dyo cheiras echōn epheurētai. Tēs tritēs de ton topon hothen aphērētai, deiknytōsan hoi katēgoroi.
But a providence of God drove Arsenius to Tyre. Disregarding the instructions given him by the slanderers who had supplied him with money, he came secretly to see what would happen. It happened somehow that servants of Archelaus, a man of consular rank, heard some people in a tavern saying that the man said to have been murdered was there, hidden in someone’s house. Hearing this, they took note of the speakers and made what they had heard known to their master. He, without delay, searched, found him, and having found him put him under guard. He sent word to Athanasius not to be troubled, for Arsenius was there alive. When Arsenius was seized, he denied that he was who he was; but Paul, the bishop of Tyre, who had known him long before, proved who he was. Providence having prepared these things beforehand, Athanasius was soon summoned by the synod. When he was present, the slanderers brought the hand into the midst and pressed the accusation. But he handled the matter wisely. He asked those present and the accusers who among them knew Arsenius. When many said they knew him, he had Arsenius brought in, with his hands inside his cloak. Then he asked again: “Is this the man who lost his hand?” They were astonished at the surprise, except those who knew where the severed hand had come from. The rest really thought that Arsenius lacked a hand, and expected Athanasius to defend himself on other grounds. But he turned back Arsenius’s cloak on one side and showed the man’s hand. Again, while some thought he lacked the other hand, he waited a little and kept them in doubt. Then without delay he turned back the other side as well and showed Arsenius’s other hand, and said to those present: “Arsenius, as you see, has been found to have two hands. Let the accusers show the place from which the third was cut off.”
1.30PG 67:161
Τούτων οὕτως ἐπὶ ᾿Αρσενίῳ πραχθέντων, ἐν ἀμηχανίᾳ μὲν οἱ ῥάψαντες τὸν δόλον κατέστησαν. ᾿Αχαάβ δὲ, ὁ καὶ Ἰωάννης, ὁ κατήγορος, τοῦ δικαστηρίου διαδὺς, ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ διέφυγε. Καὶ οὕτω μὲν ταύτην τὴν κατηγορίαν ᾿Αθανάσιος ἀπεδύσατο, μηδεμιᾷ χρησάμενος παραγραφῇ. Ἐθάῤῥει γὰρ, ὡς καταπλήξει τοὺς συκοφάντας καὶ μόνη τοῦ ᾿Αρσενίου ή ζωή.
Toutōn houtōs epi ᾿Arseniǭ prachthentōn, en amēchanią men hoi rhapsantes ton dolon katestēsan. ᾿Achaab de, ho kai Iōannēs, ho katēgoros, tou dikastēriou diadys, en tǭ thorybǭ diephyge. Kai houtō men tautēn tēn katēgorian ᾿Athanasios apedysato, mēdemią chrēsamenos paragraphę̄. Etharrhei gar, hōs kataplēxei tous sykophantas kai monē tou ᾿Arseniou ē zōē.
When this had been done concerning Arsenius, those who had stitched together the plot were at a loss. Achab, also called John, the accuser, slipped out of the court and escaped in the confusion. So Athanasius cleared himself of this charge without using any legal objection; for he was confident that the mere fact that Arsenius was alive would confound the slanderers.
1.31PG 67:161–163
Ἐπὶ δὲ ταῖς κατὰ Μακαρίου συκοφαντίαις, ταῖς νομικαῖς ἐχρήσατο παραγραφαῖς. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τοὺς περὶ Εὐσέβιον ὡς ἐχθροὺς παρεγράφετο, φάσκων μὴ δεῖν ἐπὶ ἀντιδίκων κρίνεσθαι· ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ δείκνυσθαι, εἰ ὁ κατήγορος Ἰσχύρας ἀληθῶς πρεσβυτέρου ἔχει ἀξίαν. Οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἐν τῇ κατηγορίᾳ ἐγέγραπτο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τούτων οὐδένα λόγον οἱ κριταὶ προσεδέξαντο, εἰσήχθη μὲν ἡ κατὰ Μακαρίου δίκη. ᾿Ατονησάντων δὲ τῶν κατηγόρων, ὑπέρθεσιν ἐλάμβανεν ἡ ἀκρόασις, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ παραγενέσθαι εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην τινὰς, ἵνα ἐπὶ τῶν τόπων ζητηθῇ τὰ ἀμφίβολα. Ὡς δὲ ᾿Αθανάσιος πεμπομένους εἶδεν οὓς παρεγράψατο· ἐπέμπετο γὰρ Θέογνις, Μαρὶς, Θεόδωρος, Μακεδόνιος, Οὐάλης, Οὐρσάκιος· ἐβόα σκευωρίαν εἶναι καὶ δόλον τὰ γινόμενα· οὐδὲ γὰρ δίκαιον εἶναι, Μακάριον μὲν τὸν πρεσβύτερον ἐν δεσμοῖς εἶναι, τὸν δὲ κατήγορον ἅμα τοῖς ἐχθροῖς δικασταῖς εἶναι, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τε ἐκ μονομεροῦς πρᾶξιν ὑπομνημάτων ποιήσασθαι. Ταῦτα βοῶντος τοῦ ᾿Αθανασίου, καὶ διαμαρτυρομένου τὸ τε κοινὸν τῆς συνόδου, καὶ τὸν ἀπὸ ὑπατικῶν Διονύσιον, καὶ ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτοῦ λόγον ἐποιεῖτο, διαλαθὼν ἀνεχώρησεν. Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἀποσταλέντες εἰς τὸν Μαρεώτην, ἐκ μονομεροῦς ὑπομνήματα ποιήσαντες, ὡς ἀληθῶς γενομένων, ὁ κατήγορος ἔλεγεν, εἶχον.
Epi de tais kata Makariou sykophantiais, tais nomikais echrēsato paragraphais. Kai prōton men tous peri Eusebion hōs echthrous paregrapheto, phaskōn mē dein epi antidikōn krinesthai; epeita de kai deiknysthai, ei ho katēgoros Ischyras alēthōs presbyterou echei axian. Houtō gar kai en tę̄ katēgorią egegrapto. Epei de toutōn oudena logon hoi kritai prosedexanto, eisēchthē men hē kata Makariou dikē. ᾿Atonēsantōn de tōn katēgorōn, hyperthesin elambanen hē akroasis, eph᾽ hǭ paragenesthai eis ton Mareōtēn tinas, hina epi tōn topōn zētēthę̄ ta amphibola. Hōs de ᾿Athanasios pempomenous eiden hous paregrapsato; epempeto gar Theognis, Maris, Theodōros, Makedonios, Oualēs, Oursakios; eboa skeuōrian einai kai dolon ta ginomena; oude gar dikaion einai, Makarion men ton presbyteron en desmois einai, ton de katēgoron hama tois echthrois dikastais einai, eph᾽ hǭ te ek monomerous praxin hypomnēmatōn poiēsasthai. Tauta boōntos tou ᾿Athanasiou, kai diamartyromenou to te koinon tēs synodou, kai ton apo hypatikōn Dionysion, kai hōs oudeis autou logon epoieito, dialathōn anechōrēsen. Hoi men oun apostalentes eis ton Mareōtēn, ek monomerous hypomnēmata poiēsantes, hōs alēthōs genomenōn, ho katēgoros elegen, eichon.
Against the slanders concerning Macarius he used legal objections. First he objected to Eusebius and his party as enemies, saying that he ought not to be tried before his adversaries. Then he asked that it be shown whether the accuser Ischyras really had the rank of presbyter; for so it had been written in the accusation. When the judges accepted none of these objections, the case against Macarius was brought on. But when the accusers failed, the hearing was adjourned so that some might go to the Mareotis to investigate the doubtful points on the spot. When Athanasius saw that those he had objected to were being sent (for Theognis, Maris, Theodore, Macedonius, Valens, and Ursacius were sent), he cried out that what was happening was a plot and a fraud: for it was not just that Macarius the presbyter should be in chains, while the accuser was with the judges, who were his enemies, so that they could draw up a one-sided record. When Athanasius cried out this and appealed to the whole synod and to Dionysius the consular, and no one took any notice of him, he withdrew secretly. Those sent to the Mareotis drew up a one-sided record and held as truly done what the accuser said.
1.32PG 67:163
Καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιος μὲν ἀναχωρήσας, πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἀνέδραμεν. Ἡ σύνοδος δὲ, πρῶτον μὲν ἐρήμην αὐτοῦ κατεδιήτησεν. Ὡς δὲ καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτη πεπραγμένα συνέφθασε, καθαίρεσιν ἐψηφίσαντο 9 πολλά ἐν τοῖς καθαιρετικοῖς αὐτὸν λοιδορήσαντες, καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ φόνῳ κατηγορίας τῶν συκοφαντῶν τὴν ἧτταν άποσιγήσαντες. Ἐδέξαντο δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν ᾿Αρσένιον, τὸν ἀνῃρῆσθαι λεγόμενον. Ὃς πρότερον μὲν τῆς Μελιτιανῶν θρησκείας ἐπίσκοπος ἦν· τότε δὲ εἰς τὴν κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου καθαίρεσιν, ὡς τῆς Ὑψηλοπολιτῶν πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος καθυπέγραψε. Καὶ τὸ παράδοξον, ὁ λεγόμενος ἀνῃρῆσθαι ὑπὸ ᾿Αθανασίου, ζῶν καθαιρεῖ τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον.
Kai ᾿Athanasios men anachōrēsas, pros ton basilea anedramen. Hē synodos de, prōton men erēmēn autou katediētēsen. Hōs de kai ta en tǭ Mareōtē pepragmena synephthase, kathairesin epsēphisanto 9 polla en tois kathairetikois auton loidorēsantes, kai tēs epi tǭ phonǭ katēgorias tōn sykophantōn tēn hēttan aposigēsantes. Edexanto de kai auton ᾿Arsenion, ton anę̄rēsthai legomenon. Hos proteron men tēs Melitianōn thrēskeias episkopos ēn; tote de eis tēn kata ᾿Athanasiou kathairesin, hōs tēs Hypsēlopolitōn poleōs episkopos kathypegrapse. Kai to paradoxon, ho legomenos anę̄rēsthai hypo ᾿Athanasiou, zōn kathairei ton ᾿Athanasion.
Athanasius, having withdrawn, hastened to the emperor. The synod first condemned him in his absence; and when the proceedings in the Mareotis arrived, they voted his deposition, reviling him much in the decree of deposition and passing over in silence the defeat of the slanderers on the charge of murder. They also received Arsenius himself, the man said to have been murdered. He had formerly been a bishop of the Melitian sect; now he signed the deposition of Athanasius as bishop of the city of Hypsele. And the strange thing is that the man said to have been murdered by Athanasius, being alive, deposes Athanasius.
1.33PG 67:163–165
Παρῆν δὲ εὐθὺς γράμματα τοῦ βασιλέως, σημα!νοντα ἐπὶ τὴν νέαν Ἱερουσαλήμ σπεύδειν τὴν σύνοδον. Εὐθύς τε ὡς εἶχον, ἐκ τῆς Τύρου σπουδαίως ἐπὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐπορεύοντο. Πάνδημον δὲ ποιήσαντες ἑορτὴν ἐπὶ τῇ καθιερώσει τῶν τόπων, ῎Αρειον μὲν καὶ τοὺς περὶ αὐτὸν ἐδέξαντο, τοῖς βασιλέως 69 γράμμασι πειθαρχεῖν λέγοντες, δι' ὧν δεδηλώκει αὐτοῖς, πεπεῖσθαι περὶ τῆς πίστεως Αρείου καὶ Εύζωΐου. Ἔγραφον δὲ καὶ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ὡς παντὸς ἐξιρισθέντος φθόνου, ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καθέστηκε πράγματα· καὶ ὅτι῎Αρειος ἐκ μετανοίας ἐπιγνοὺς τὴν ἀλήθειαν, ὡς λοιπὸν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ὢν, δικαίως καὶ λοιπὸν παρ' αὐτῶν προσδεχθεὶς, καὶ ἐξορισθέντα τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον αἰνιττόμενοι. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν γνώριμα καθίστων. Ταῦτα δὴ τῶν ἐπισκόπων διατεθέντων, ἐπικαταλαμβάνει ἕτερα τοῦ βασιλέως γράμματα, σημαίνοντα ᾿Αθανάσιον μὲν ἀναδεδραμηκέναι πρὸς αὐτόν ς· αὐτοὺς δὲ ἀναγκαῖον εἶναι δι' αὐτὸν παραγενέσθαι ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει. Ἔστι δὲ τὰ ἐπικαταλαβόντα γράμματα τοῦ βασιλέως τάδε.
Parēn de euthys grammata tou basileōs, sēma!nonta epi tēn nean Hierousalēm speudein tēn synodon. Euthys te hōs eichon, ek tēs Tyrou spoudaiōs epi ta Hierosolyma eporeuonto. Pandēmon de poiēsantes heortēn epi tę̄ kathierōsei tōn topōn, ᾿Areion men kai tous peri auton edexanto, tois basileōs 69 grammasi peitharchein legontes, di' hōn dedēlōkei autois, pepeisthai peri tēs pisteōs Areiou kai Euzōïou. Egraphon de kai tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsią, hōs pantos exiristhentos phthonou, en eirēnę̄ ta tēs Ekklēsias kathestēke pragmata; kai hoti᾿Areios ek metanoias epignous tēn alētheian, hōs loipon tēs Ekklēsias ōn, dikaiōs kai loipon par' autōn prosdechtheis, kai exoristhenta ton ᾿Athanasion ainittomenoi. Ou mēn alla kai tǭ basilei ta peri tōn autōn gnōrima kathistōn. Tauta dē tōn episkopōn diatethentōn, epikatalambanei hetera tou basileōs grammata, sēmainonta ᾿Athanasion men anadedramēkenai pros auton s; autous de anankaion einai di' auton paragenesthai en Kōnstantinou polei. Esti de ta epikatalabonta grammata tou basileōs tade.
At once a letter came from the emperor directing the synod to hasten to the New Jerusalem. Immediately, just as they were, they went with haste from Tyre to Jerusalem. Holding a public festival for the consecration of the places, they received Arius and his followers, saying that they were obeying the emperor’s letter, in which he had told them that he was satisfied about the faith of Arius and Euzoius. They also wrote to the church of the Alexandrians that, all envy having been banished, the affairs of the church were at peace; and that Arius, having recognized the truth by repentance, was rightly received by them henceforth as belonging to the church, hinting also at the exile of Athanasius. They also made these same things known to the emperor. While the bishops were so engaged, another letter of the emperor overtook them, saying that Athanasius had hastened to him and that they must come to Constantinople on his account. The emperor’s letter that overtook them is as follows.
1.34PG 67:167–169
Νικητής Κωνσταντῖνος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστὸς, τοῖς ἐν Τύρῳ συνελθοῦσιν ἐπισκόποις. Ἐγὼ μὲν ἀγνοῶ ἐ, τίνα ἐστὶ τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας συνόδου μετὰ θορύβου καὶ χειμῶνος κριθέντα. Δοκεῖ δὲ πως ὑπό τινος ταραχώδους ἀταξίας ἡ ἀλήθεια διεστράφθαι, ὑμῶν δηλαδὴ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν πλησίον ἐρεσχελίαν, ἣν ἀήττητον εἶναι βούλεσθε, τὰ τῷ Θεῷ ἀρέσκοντα μὴ συνορώντων. ᾿Αλλ' ἔσται τῆς θείας Προνοίας ἔργον, καὶ τὰ τῆς φιλονεικίας ταύτης κακὰ φανερῶς ἀλόντα διασκεδάσαι· καὶ ἡμῖν διαῤῥήδην, εἴ τινα τῆς ἀληθείας αὐτοὶ οἱ συνελθόντες ἐποιήσασες 3 φροντίδα, καὶ εἰ τὰ κεκριμένα χωρίς τινος χάριτος καὶ ἀπεχθείας ἐκρίνατε, φανερῶσαι. Τοιγαροῦν ἠπειγμένως πάντας ὑμᾶς πρὸς τὴν ἐμὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀνελθεῖν δεῖ, ἵνα τὴν τῶν πεπραγμένων ὑμῖν ἀκρίβειαν δι᾽ ὑμῶν αὐτῶν παραστήσητε. Τίνος δὲ ἕνεκεν ταῦτα γράψαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐδικαίωσα, καὶ ὑμᾶς πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν διὰ τοῦ γράμματος καλῶ, ἐκ τῶν ἑπομένων γνώσεσθε. Ἐπιβαίνοντί μοι λοιπὸν τῆς ἐπωνύμου ἡμῶν καὶ πανευδαίμονος πατρίδος, τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως· συνέβαινε δὲ τηνικαῦτα ἐφ᾽ ἴππου με ὀχεῖσθαι· ἐξαίφνης ᾿Αθανάσιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ἐν μέσῳ τῆς λεωφόρου, μετὰ ἱερῶν τινων, οὓς περὶ αὐτὸν εἶχεν, ἀπροσδοκήτως οὕτω προσῆλθεν, ὡς καὶ παρασχεῖν ἐκπλήξεως ἀφορμήν. Μαρτυρεῖ γάρ μοι ὁ πάντων ἔφορος Θεὸς, ὡς οὐδὲ ἐπιγνῶναι αὐτὸν ὅστις ἦν παρά τὴν πρώτην ὄψιν ἐδυνήθην, εἰ μὴ τῶν ἡμετέρων τινὲς, καὶ ὅστις ἦν, καὶ τὴν ἀδικίαν ἣν πέπονθε, διηγήσασθαι, πυνθανομένοις, ὥσπερ εἰκὸς, ἀνήγγειλαν ἡμῖν. Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν οὔτε διελέχθην αὐτῷ κατ᾿ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ, οὔτε ὁμιλίας ἐκοινώνησα. Ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνος μὲν ἀκουσθῆναι ἠξίου, ἐγὼ δὲ παρῃτούμην, καὶ μικροῦ δεῖν ἀπελαύνειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευον, μετὰ πλείονος παρῥησίας, οὐδὲν ἔτερον παρ' ἡμῶν ἢ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἄφιξιν ἠξίωσεν ὑπάρξαι, ἵνα ὑμῶν παρόντων, ἃ πέπονθεν ἀναγκαίως ἀποδύρασθαι δυνηθῇ. Ὅθεν ἐπειδὴ εὔλογόν μοι εἶναι φαίνεται, καὶ τοῖς καιροῖς πρέπον καταφαίνεται, ἀσμένως ταῦτα γραφῆναι πρὸς ὑμᾶς προσέταξα, ἵνα πάντες ὅσοι τὴν σύνοδον τὴν ἐν Τύρῳ γενομένην ἀνεπληρώσατε, ἀνυπερθέτως εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον τῆς ἡμετέρας εὐσεβείας ἐπειχθῆτε, τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ἐπιδείξοντες τὸ τῆς ὑμετέρας κρίσεως καθαρόν τε καὶ ἀδιάστροφον, ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ δηλαδὴ, ὃν τοῦ Θεοῦ γνήσιον εἶναι θεράποντα οὐδ᾽ ἂν ὑμεῖς ἀρνηθείητε. Τοιγαροῦν διὰ τῆς ἐμῆς πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν λατρείας η τὰ πανταχοῦ εἰρηνεύεται, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Βαρβάρων αὐτῶν τὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ ὄνομα γνησίως εύλογούμενον, οἱ μέχρι νῦν τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἠγνόουν. Δῆλον δὲ ὅτι ὁ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀγνοῶν, οὐδὲ τὸν Θεὸν ἐπιγινώσκει. Πλὴν ὅμως, καθὰ προείρηται, καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι δι᾽ ἐμὲ τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ θεράποντα γνήσιον, ἐπέγνωσαν τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ εὐλαβεῖσθαι μεμαθήκασιν, ὃν ὑπερασπίζειν μου πανταχοῦ καὶ προνοεῖσθαι, τοῖς ἔργοις αὐτοῖς ᾔσθοντο· ὅθεν μάλιστα καὶ ἴσασι τὸν Θεὸν, ὃν ἐκεῖνοι μὲν διὰ τὸν πρὸς ἡμᾶς φόβον εὐλαβοῦνται. Ἡμεῖς δὲ οἱ τὰ ἄγια μυστήρια τῆς Ἐκκλησίας αὐτοῦ δοκοῦντες προβάλλεσθαι· οὐ γὰρ εἴποιμι φυλάττειν· ἡμεῖς, φημὶ, οὐδὲν πράττομεν, ἢ τὰ πρὸς διχόνοιαν καὶ μίσος συντείνοντα, καὶ ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, τὰ πρὸς ὅλεθρον τοῦ ἀνθρωπίνου γένους συντείνοντα. Ἀλλ᾿ ἐπείχθητε, καθὰ προεῖπον, πρὸς ἡμᾶς πάντες ᾗ τάχος· πεπεισμένοι, ὡς παντὶ σθένει κατορθῶσαι πειρασόμεθα, ὅπως ἐν τῷ νόμῳ τοῦ Θεοῦ ταῦτα ἐξαιρέτως ἀδιάπτωτα φυλάττηται, οἷς οὔτε ψόγος, οὔτε κακοδοξία τις δυνήσεται προσπλακῆναι, διασκεδασθέντων δηλαδὴ καὶ συντριβέντων ἄρδην, καὶ παντελῶς ἀφανισθέντων τῶν ἐχθρῶν τοῦ νόμου, οἵτινες ἐπὶ προσχήματι τοῦ ἁγίου ὀνόματος, ποικίλας καὶ διαφόρους βλασφημίας ἐμβάλλουσιν.
Nikētēs Kōnstantinos, Megistos, Sebastos, tois en Tyrǭ synelthousin episkopois. Egō men agnoō e, tina esti ta hypo tēs hymeteras synodou meta thorybou kai cheimōnos krithenta. Dokei de pōs hypo tinos tarachōdous ataxias hē alētheia diestraphthai, hymōn dēladē dia tēn pros ton plēsion ereschelian, hēn aēttēton einai boulesthe, ta tǭ Theǭ areskonta mē synorōntōn. ᾿All' estai tēs theias Pronoias ergon, kai ta tēs philoneikias tautēs kaka phanerōs alonta diaskedasai; kai hēmin diarrhēdēn, ei tina tēs alētheias autoi hoi synelthontes epoiēsases 3 phrontida, kai ei ta kekrimena chōris tinos charitos kai apechtheias ekrinate, phanerōsai. Toigaroun ēpeigmenōs pantas hymas pros tēn emēn eusebeian anelthein dei, hina tēn tōn pepragmenōn hymin akribeian di᾽ hymōn autōn parastēsēte. Tinos de heneken tauta grapsai pros hymas edikaiōsa, kai hymas pros emauton dia tou grammatos kalō, ek tōn hepomenōn gnōsesthe. Epibainonti moi loipon tēs epōnymou hēmōn kai paneudaimonos patridos, tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs; synebaine de tēnikauta eph᾽ ippou me ocheisthai; exaiphnēs ᾿Athanasios ho episkopos en mesǭ tēs leōphorou, meta hierōn tinōn, hous peri auton eichen, aprosdokētōs houtō prosēlthen, hōs kai paraschein ekplēxeōs aphormēn. Martyrei gar moi ho pantōn ephoros Theos, hōs oude epignōnai auton hostis ēn para tēn prōtēn opsin edynēthēn, ei mē tōn hēmeterōn tines, kai hostis ēn, kai tēn adikian hēn peponthe, diēgēsasthai, pynthanomenois, hōsper eikos, anēngeilan hēmin. Egō men oun oute dielechthēn autǭ kat᾿ ekeino kairou, oute homilias ekoinōnēsa. Hōs de ekeinos men akousthēnai ēxiou, egō de parę̄toumēn, kai mikrou dein apelaunein auton ekeleuon, meta pleionos parrhēsias, ouden eteron par' hēmōn ē tēn hymeteran aphixin ēxiōsen hyparxai, hina hymōn parontōn, ha peponthen anankaiōs apodyrasthai dynēthę̄. Hothen epeidē eulogon moi einai phainetai, kai tois kairois prepon kataphainetai, asmenōs tauta graphēnai pros hymas prosetaxa, hina pantes hosoi tēn synodon tēn en Tyrǭ genomenēn aneplērōsate, anyperthetōs eis to stratopedon tēs hēmeteras eusebeias epeichthēte, tois ergois autois epideixontes to tēs hymeteras kriseōs katharon te kai adiastrophon, ep᾿ emou dēladē, hon tou Theou gnēsion einai theraponta oud᾽ an hymeis arnētheiēte. Toigaroun dia tēs emēs pros ton Theon latreias ē ta pantachou eirēneuetai, kai hypo tōn Barbarōn autōn to tou Theou onoma gnēsiōs eulogoumenon, hoi mechri nyn tēn alētheian ēgnooun. Dēlon de hoti ho tēn alētheian agnoōn, oude ton Theon epiginōskei. Plēn homōs, katha proeirētai, kai hoi barbaroi di᾽ eme ton tou Theou theraponta gnēsion, epegnōsan ton Theon, kai eulabeisthai memathēkasin, hon hyperaspizein mou pantachou kai pronoeisthai, tois ergois autois ę̄sthonto; hothen malista kai isasi ton Theon, hon ekeinoi men dia ton pros hēmas phobon eulabountai. Hēmeis de hoi ta agia mystēria tēs Ekklēsias autou dokountes proballesthai; ou gar eipoimi phylattein; hēmeis, phēmi, ouden prattomen, ē ta pros dichonoian kai misos synteinonta, kai haplōs eipein, ta pros holethron tou anthrōpinou genous synteinonta. All᾿ epeichthēte, katha proeipon, pros hēmas pantes hę̄ tachos; pepeismenoi, hōs panti sthenei katorthōsai peirasometha, hopōs en tǭ nomǭ tou Theou tauta exairetōs adiaptōta phylattētai, hois oute psogos, oute kakodoxia tis dynēsetai prosplakēnai, diaskedasthentōn dēladē kai syntribentōn ardēn, kai pantelōs aphanisthentōn tōn echthrōn tou nomou, hoitines epi proschēmati tou hagiou onomatos, poikilas kai diaphorous blasphēmias emballousin.
“Victor Constantine, Maximus, Augustus, to the bishops assembled at Tyre. I do not know what was decided by your synod amid tumult and storm. But it seems that the truth has somehow been perverted by some disorderly confusion, because you, in your wrangling with your neighbour, which you wish to be invincible, do not see what is pleasing to God. But it will be the work of divine providence to scatter the evils of this contentiousness, once they are plainly detected, and to make clear to us whether you who assembled had any regard for the truth, and whether you made your decisions without favour or enmity. Therefore all of you must come with speed to my piety, so that you may yourselves give an exact account of what you have done. Why I have thought it right to write this to you and summon you to me by this letter you will learn from what follows. As I was entering our namesake and most happy homeland, the city of Constantinople (I happened then to be riding on horseback), suddenly the bishop Athanasius, with some clergy he had with him, approached me in the middle of the road so unexpectedly that he gave cause for astonishment. For God, who oversees all, is my witness that I could not even recognize who he was at first sight, until some of our attendants, when we asked, as was natural, told us who he was and the injustice he had suffered. I did not converse with him at that time, nor did I have any conversation with him. When he asked to be heard and I refused and all but ordered him to be driven away, he asked with greater boldness nothing else from us than that you should come, so that in your presence he might be able to lament what he had necessarily suffered. Since this seems reasonable to me and appears suited to the times, I gladly ordered this to be written to you, so that all of you who made up the synod at Tyre should hasten without delay to the court of our piety, to show by your deeds the purity and integrity of your judgment, in my presence, that is, whom even you would not deny to be a true servant of God. For through my worship of God everything everywhere is at peace, and the name of God is truly blessed even by the barbarians, who until now were ignorant of the truth. And it is clear that he who is ignorant of the truth does not know God either. Nevertheless, as I said before, even the barbarians, through me, the true servant of God, have come to know God and have learned to reverence him, whom they have perceived by deeds themselves to protect me everywhere and to provide for me; and so they know God above all, whom they reverence out of fear of us. But we, who seem to set forth (for I would not say guard) the holy mysteries of his church, we, I say, do nothing but what tends to dissension and hatred, and, to put it simply, to the destruction of the human race. But hasten to us, as I said, all of you, as quickly as possible, being convinced that we will try with all our strength to ensure that in the law of God those things above all are kept without fault, to which no blame or wrong belief can attach itself, the enemies of the law being scattered and utterly crushed and wholly destroyed, who under the pretext of the holy name introduce various and diverse blasphemies.”
1.35PG 67:169–171
Ταῦτα τὰ γράμματα · εἰς ἀγῶνα τοὺς ἐν τῇ συνὀδῳ κατέστησε. Καθὸ οἱ μὲν πλείους ἐπὶ τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐχώρησαν πόλεις. Οἱ δὲ περὶ Εὐσέβιον καὶ Θέογνιν καὶ Μάριν, Πατρόφιλόν τε καὶ Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐαλέντα, εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐλθόντες, οὐκέτι περὶ ποτηρίου κατεαγότος ἢ τραπέζης ἢ Αρσενίου ἀναιρεθέντος ζήτησιν γενέσθαι συνεχώρησαν· ἀλλ᾿ ἐπὶ ἑτέραν χωροῦσι διαβολὴν, διδάξαντες τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς εἴη ᾿Αθανάσιος ἀπειλήσας κωλύσειν πεμφθῆναι τὸν σἴτον, τὸν ἐξ ἔθους ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν κομιζόμενον · καὶ τούτων λεγομένων παρὰ ᾿Αθανασίου ἀκηκοέναι ᾿Αδαμάντιον, ᾿Ανουβίωνα, ᾿Αρβαθίωνα καὶ Πέτρον τοὺς ἐπισκόπους. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ διαβθολὴ, ὅταν ὁ διαβάλ λων ἀξιόπιστος ἧ. Τούτῳ γὰρ συναρπαγεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς, εἰς θυμὸν ἀχθεὶς, ἐξορίᾳ ὑποθάλλει τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον τὰς Γαλλίας κελεύσας οἰκεῖν. Φασὶ δέ τινες τοῦτο πεποιηκέναι τὸν βασιλέα, σκοπῷ τοῦ ἐνωθῆνα: τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, ἐπειδὴ ᾿Αθανάσιος πάντη χοινωνῇσα' τοῖς περὶ Ἄρειον ἐξετρέπετο. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὗτος μὲν ἐν Τριθέρει τῆς Γαλλίας διήγαγεν.
Tauta ta grammata ; eis agōna tous en tę̄ synodǭ katestēse. Katho hoi men pleious epi tas heautōn echōrēsan poleis. Hoi de peri Eusebion kai Theognin kai Marin, Patrophilon te kai Oursakion kai Oualenta, eis tēn Kōnstantinou polin elthontes, ouketi peri potēriou kateagotos ē trapezēs ē Arseniou anairethentos zētēsin genesthai synechōrēsan; all᾿ epi heteran chōrousi diabolēn, didaxantes ton basilea, hōs eiē ᾿Athanasios apeilēsas kōlysein pemphthēnai ton siton, ton ex ethous ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias eis tēn Kōnstantinou polin komizomenon ; kai toutōn legomenōn para ᾿Athanasiou akēkoenai ᾿Adamantion, ᾿Anoubiōna, ᾿Arbathiōna kai Petron tous episkopous. ᾿Alla gar diabtholē, hotan ho diabal lōn axiopistos hē. Toutǭ gar synarpageis ho basileus, eis thymon achtheis, exorią hypothallei ton ᾿Athanasion tas Gallias keleusas oikein. Phasi de tines touto pepoiēkenai ton basilea, skopǭ tou enōthēna: tēn Ekklēsian, epeidē ᾿Athanasios pantē choinōnę̄sa' tois peri Areion exetrepeto. ᾿All᾽ houtos men en Tritherei tēs Gallias diēgagen.
This letter threw the members of the synod into alarm. Most of them went off to their own cities; but Eusebius, Theognis, Maris, Patrophilus, Ursacius, and Valens went to Constantinople and no longer allowed any inquiry to be made about a broken cup or an overturned table or the murder of Arsenius. Instead they turned to another slander, telling the emperor that Athanasius had threatened to stop the grain that was customarily brought from Alexandria to Constantinople from being sent, and that the bishops Adamantius, Anubion, Arbathion, and Peter had heard Athanasius say this. But slander … when the slanderer is trustworthy. The emperor, carried away by this and roused to anger, sent Athanasius into exile, ordering him to live in the Gauls. Some say the emperor did this with a view to the unity of the church, since Athanasius refused altogether to communicate with Arius and his party. He lived at Treves in Gaul.
1.36PG 67:171–173
Οἱ 6$ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει: συναγθέντες ἐπίσκοποι “δἰ Ἀάρχελλον τὸν ᾿Αγκύρας τῆς ἐν μικρᾷ Γαλατίᾳ καθεῖλον, δι αἰτίαν τοιαύτην" ᾿Αστέριός ἃ τις ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ σοφιττιχὴν μετιὼν, τὴν μὲν κατέλειπε γριστιανίζειν δὲ ἐπηγγέλλετο. Ἐπεχείρει δὲ λόγους συγγράφειν, οἵ μέχρι νῦν φέρονται, δι᾽ ὧν τὸ ᾿Αρείου συνίστη δόγμα, τὸν Χριστὸν οὕτω λέγων εἶναι Θεοῦ δύναμιν, ὡς εἴρηται παρὰ Μωῦσῇ τὴν ἀχρίδα καὶ τὴν χάμπην δύναμιν εἶναι Θεοῦ, καὶ ἕτερα τούτοις παραπλήσια. Συνῆν δὲ ὁ ᾿Αστέριος συνεχῶς καὶ τοῖς ἐπισχόύποις, τοῖς μάλιστα τὴν ᾿Αρειανῶν δόξαν μὴ ἀθετοῦτι. Καὶ δὴ εἰς τὰς συνόδους ἀπήντα, ὑποδῦναι μιᾶς πόλεως ἐπισκοπὴν προθυμούμενος" ἀλλ' ἱερωσύνης μὲν ἠστόχησε, διὰ τὸ ἐπιτεθυχέναι κατὰ τὸν διωγμόν. Περιϊὼν δὲ τὰς ἐν Συρίᾳ πόλεις, συνέταξε λόγους ἐπεδείκνυτο. Ταῦτα γνοὺς (; ὁ Μάρκελλος ἀντιπράττειν αὐτῷ βουλόμενος, κατὰ διάμετρον πολὺ εἰς τὸ ἐναντίον ἐξέπεσε, ἩΓιλὸν γὰρ ἄνθρωπον ὡς ὁ Σαμοσατεὺς ἐτόλμησεν εἰπεῖν τὸν Χριστόν. Ταῦτα γνόντες οἱ τότε ἐν "Ἱεροσολύμοις συνελθόντες, ᾿Αστερίου μὲν οὐδένα λόγον ἐτίθεντο, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ εἰς τὸν κατάλογον τῶν ἱερέων ἑτέτακτο. Μάρκελλον δὲ ὡς ἱερωμένον, λόγον ἀπήτουν τοῦ συγγραφέντος αὐτῷ βιβλίου. Ὡς δὲ ηὕρισκον αὐτὸν τὰ τοῦ Σαμοσατέως φρονοῦντα, ἐκέλευον αὐτὸν μεταθέσθαι τῆς δόξης. Ὁ δὲ καταισχυνθεὶς, ἐπηγγέλλετο κατακαύσειν τὸ βιβλίον. Ὡς δὲ σπουδῇ διελύθη ὁ τῶν ἐπισκόπων σύλλογος, τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν καλοῦντος αὐτοὺς, τότε δὴ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει παρὄντων, αὖθις τὰ κατὰ Μάρκελλον ἀνεζητεῖτο. Ως δὲ ὁ Μάρκελλος οὐχ ἡρεῖτο κατακαῦσαι καθὰ ὑπέσχετο τὴν ἄκαιρον συγγραφὴν, οἱ παρόντες τὸν μὲν καθεἴλον, Βασίλειον δὲ ἀντ' αὐτοῦ εἰς τὴν ῎Αγκυραν ἔπεμψαν. Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν τὸ σύγγραμμα Εὐσέβιος ἐν τρισὶ βιβλίοις ἀνέτρεψεν, ἐξελέγξας τὴν κακοδοξίαν αὐτοῦ. Μάρκελλος δὲ ὕστερον ἐν τῇ κατὰ Σαρδικὴν συνόδῳ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀνέλαβεν, εἰπὼν μὴ νενοῆσθαι αὐτοῦ τὸ σύγγραμμα, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τοῦ Σαμοσατέως δόξαν λαβεῖν. Περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτου κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν.
Hoi 6$ en Kōnstantinou polei: synagthentes episkopoi “di Aarchellon ton ᾿Ankyras tēs en mikrą Galatią katheilon, di aitian toiautēn" ᾿Asterios ha tis en Kappadokią sophittichēn metiōn, tēn men kateleipe gristianizein de epēngelleto. Epecheirei de logous syngraphein, hoi mechri nyn pherontai, di᾽ hōn to ᾿Areiou synistē dogma, ton Christon houtō legōn einai Theou dynamin, hōs eirētai para Mōysę̄ tēn achrida kai tēn champēn dynamin einai Theou, kai hetera toutois paraplēsia. Synēn de ho ᾿Asterios synechōs kai tois epischoupois, tois malista tēn ᾿Areianōn doxan mē athetouti. Kai dē eis tas synodous apēnta, hypodynai mias poleōs episkopēn prothymoumenos" all' hierōsynēs men ēstochēse, dia to epitethychenai kata ton diōgmon. Periïōn de tas en Syrią poleis, synetaxe logous epedeiknyto. Tauta gnous (? ho Markellos antiprattein autǭ boulomenos, kata diametron poly eis to enantion exepese, HēGilon gar anthrōpon hōs ho Samosateus etolmēsen eipein ton Christon. Tauta gnontes hoi tote en "Hierosolymois synelthontes, ᾿Asteriou men oudena logon etithento, epei mēde eis ton katalogon tōn hiereōn hetetakto. Markellon de hōs hierōmenon, logon apētoun tou syngraphentos autǭ bibliou. Hōs de hēuriskon auton ta tou Samosateōs phronounta, ekeleuon auton metathesthai tēs doxēs. Ho de kataischyntheis, epēngelleto katakausein to biblion. Hōs de spoudę̄ dielythē ho tōn episkopōn syllogos, tou basileōs eis tēn Kōnstantinoupolin kalountos autous, tote dē tōn peri Eusebion en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei parontōn, authis ta kata Markellon anezēteito. Ōs de ho Markellos ouch hēreito katakausai katha hypescheto tēn akairon syngraphēn, hoi parontes ton men katheilon, Basileion de ant' autou eis tēn ᾿Ankyran epempsan. Alla touto men to syngramma Eusebios en trisi bibliois anetrepsen, exelenxas tēn kakodoxian autou. Markellos de hysteron en tę̄ kata Sardikēn synodǭ tēn episkopēn anelaben, eipōn mē nenoēsthai autou to syngramma, kai dia touto tou Samosateōs doxan labein. Peri men oun toutou kata chōran eroumen.
The bishops assembled at Constantinople also deposed Marcellus, bishop of Ancyra in Galatia Minor, for the following reason. A certain Asterius in Cappadocia, who practised sophistry, gave it up and professed to become a Christian. He undertook to write discourses, which are still in circulation, in which he upheld Arius’s doctrine, saying that Christ is the power of God in the same sense in which Moses says that the locust and the caterpillar are a power of God, and other things like these. Asterius was constantly in the company of the bishops, especially those who did not reject the Arian opinion. He attended the synods, eager to obtain the bishopric of some city; but he failed to gain the priesthood because he had sacrificed in the persecution. Going round the cities of Syria, he delivered the discourses he had composed. Learning this, Marcellus, wishing to oppose him, fell far into the diametrically opposite error; for he dared to say, as the Samosatene had, that Christ was a mere man. When those who had then met at Jerusalem learned this, they took no account of Asterius, since he was not enrolled in the list of priests; but of Marcellus, as one in holy orders, they demanded an account of the book he had written. When they found that he held the views of the Samosatene, they ordered him to change his opinion. Ashamed, he promised to burn the book. But since the assembly of bishops broke up in haste, the emperor summoning them to Constantinople, the case of Marcellus was taken up again there when Eusebius and his party were present in Constantinople. When Marcellus would not burn his ill-timed writing as he had promised, those present deposed him and sent Basil to Ancyra in his place. Eusebius refuted this treatise in three books, exposing its wrong belief. Marcellus later recovered his bishopric at the synod of Sardica, saying that his treatise had been misunderstood and had for this reason been thought to hold the opinion of the Samosatene. Of this we shall speak in its place.
1.37PG 67:173–175
Τριακοστὸν δὲ ἔτος τῆς βασιλείας Κωνσταντίνου τούτων γινομένων ἐπληροῦτο. Καὶ Ἄρειος σὺν τοῖς περὶ αὐτὸν καταλαβὼν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, αὖθις ὅλην ἐτάραττε, τοῦ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαοῦ δυσφοροῦντος, ἐπί τε τῇ Ἀρείου καθόδῳ καὶ τῶν ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὸν, καὶ ὅτι ὁ ἐπίσκοπος αὐτῶν ᾿Αθανάσιος εἰς ἐξορίαν ἀπέσταλτο. Ὡς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπυνθάνετο διεστράφθαι τὴν Ἀρείου γνώμην, μετάπεμπτον αὖθις εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἥκειν αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε, λόγον δώσοντα ὧν αὖθις ἀνακινεῖν ἐπεχείρει. Ἐτύγχανε δὲ τότε τῆς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει προεστὼς ᾿Αλέξανδρος Ἐκκλησίας, Μητροφάνην πάλαι διαδεξάμενος. Τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα θεοφιλῆ ὄντα, ἡ πρὸς ῎Αρειον τότε γενομένη μάχη ἀνέδειξεν, ᾽'Ὡς γὰρ ἧκε τότε Ἄρειος, ὁ λαὸς εἰς δύο πάλιν τμήματα ἐμερίζετο, ταραχῇ τε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐγένετο" τῶν μὲν τὴν ἐν Νικαία πίστιν μηδαμῶς παρασαλεύειν λεγόντων " τῶν δὲ, εὔλογα λέγειν τὸν φιλονεικούντων, εἰς ἀγῶνα μέγιστον κατέστη ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος " καὶ μάλιστα μὲν, ὅτι Εὐσέβιος ὁ Νικομηδείας πολλὰ διηπείλει αὐτῷ, λέγων ὅσον οὐδέπω χαθαιρήσειν αὑτὸν, εἰ μὴ εἰς κοινωνίαν δέξηται τὸν τοὺς ἀμφ᾽ αὐτόν. ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ δὲ οὐ τοσοῦτον περὶ καθαιρέσεως ἔμελεν, ὅσον ἐδεδίει ἐπὶ τῇ σπουδαζομένῃ παραλύσει τοῦ δόγματος. Φύλαχα γὰρ ἑαυτὸν τῶν ὅρων τῆς συνὀδου νομίζων, παντοῖος ἐγίνετο μὴ παρατρωθῆναι ποὺς τύπους αὐτῆς. Ἐν ταύτῃ τοίνυν τῇ ἀγωνέχ καθεστὼς, χαίρειν πολλὰ φράσας τῇ διαλεκτικῇ, προσφεύγει Θεῷ " καὶ νηστείαις μὲν συνεχέσιν ἐσχόλαζε, καὶ τοῦ προσεύχεσθαι οὐδένα τρόπον παρέλειπε. Καὶ δὴ τοιοῦτο ἐνθύμιον εἶχε, καὶ λαθὼν ἐπετέλει τὰ δόξαντα. Ἔν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐπώνυμον Εἰρήνη, μόνον ἑαυτὸν κατάκλειστον ποιήσας, καὶ εἰς τὸ θυσιαστῆ - ριον εἰσελθὼν, ὑπὸ τὴν ἱερὰν τράπεζαν ἑαυτὸν ἐπὶ στόμα ἐκτείνας, εὔχεται δακρύων. Νύχτας τὸ πολλὰς ἐφεξῆς ἡμέρας τοῦτο ποιῶν διετέλει. Ἡτεῖτο γὰρ παρὰ Θεοῦ καὶ ἐλάμβανεν. Ἡ δὲ αἴτησις ἣν τοιαύτη εἰ μὲν ἀληθὴς ἡ ᾿Αρείου δόξα, ἑαυτὸν τὴν ὡρισμένην ἡμέραν τῇ συζητήσει μὴ ὄψεσθαι " εἰ δὲ ἣν αὐτὸς ἔχει πίστιν, ἀληθῆς, "“Αρειον τῆς ἀπεθείας δίκην διδόναι, τὸν πάντων αἴτιον τῶν
Triakoston de etos tēs basileias Kōnstantinou toutōn ginomenōn eplērouto. Kai Areios syn tois peri auton katalabōn tēn ᾿Alexandreian, authis holēn etaratte, tou ᾿Alexandreōn laou dysphorountos, epi te tę̄ Areiou kathodǭ kai tōn amph᾽ auton, kai hoti ho episkopos autōn ᾿Athanasios eis exorian apestalto. Hōs de ho basileus epynthaneto diestraphthai tēn Areiou gnōmēn, metapempton authis eis tēn Kōnstantinou polin hēkein auton ekeleuse, logon dōsonta hōn authis anakinein epecheirei. Etynchane de tote tēs en Kōnstantinou polei proestōs ᾿Alexandros Ekklēsias, Mētrophanēn palai diadexamenos. Touton ton andra theophilē onta, hē pros ᾿Areion tote genomenē machē anedeixen, ᾽'Hōs gar hēke tote Areios, ho laos eis dyo palin tmēmata emerizeto, tarachę̄ te kata tēn polin egeneto" tōn men tēn en Nikaia pistin mēdamōs parasaleuein legontōn " tōn de, euloga legein ton philoneikountōn, eis agōna megiston katestē ho ᾿Alexandros " kai malista men, hoti Eusebios ho Nikomēdeias polla diēpeilei autǭ, legōn hoson oudepō chathairēsein hauton, ei mē eis koinōnian dexētai ton tous amph᾽ auton. ᾿Alexandrǭ de ou tosouton peri kathaireseōs emelen, hoson edediei epi tę̄ spoudazomenę̄ paralysei tou dogmatos. Phylacha gar heauton tōn horōn tēs synodou nomizōn, pantoios egineto mē paratrōthēnai pous typous autēs. En tautę̄ toinyn tę̄ agōnech kathestōs, chairein polla phrasas tę̄ dialektikę̄, prospheugei Theǭ " kai nēsteiais men synechesin escholaze, kai tou proseuchesthai oudena tropon pareleipe. Kai dē toiouto enthymion eiche, kai lathōn epetelei ta doxanta. En tę̄ ekklēsią epōnymon Eirēnē, monon heauton katakleiston poiēsas, kai eis to thysiastē - rion eiselthōn, hypo tēn hieran trapezan heauton epi stoma ekteinas, euchetai dakryōn. Nychtas to pollas ephexēs hēmeras touto poiōn dietelei. Hēteito gar para Theou kai elambanen. Hē de aitēsis hēn toiautē ei men alēthēs hē ᾿Areiou doxa, heauton tēn hōrismenēn hēmeran tę̄ syzētēsei mē opsesthai " ei de hēn autos echei pistin, alēthēs, "“Areion tēs apetheias dikēn didonai, ton pantōn aition tōn
While this was happening, the thirtieth year of Constantine’s reign was being completed. Arius with his followers, arriving at Alexandria, again threw the whole city into turmoil, since the people of Alexandria were indignant both at the return of Arius and his party and because their bishop Athanasius had been sent into exile. When the emperor learned that Arius’s mind had become perverse, he ordered him to come to Constantinople again, to give an account of what he was trying to stir up once more. At that time Alexander presided over the church in Constantinople, having succeeded Metrophanes some time before. That this man was dear to God was shown by the struggle that then arose against Arius. When Arius came, the people were again divided into two parties and there was disturbance in the city, some saying that the faith of Nicaea must not be shaken at all, others contending that Arius spoke reasonably. Alexander was placed in the greatest struggle, especially because Eusebius of Nicomedia threatened him much, saying that he would depose him very soon unless he received Arius and his followers into communion. Alexander was not so much concerned about deposition as afraid of the overthrow of the doctrine that was being pursued; for, regarding himself as guardian of the definitions of the synod, he did everything to keep its formulas from being violated. Placed in this struggle, he bade dialectic a long farewell and fled to God: he gave himself to continual fasting and left no form of prayer undone. He conceived a plan of this kind, and carried out his resolve secretly. Shutting himself in alone in the church called Irene, he went into the sanctuary, stretched himself on his face under the holy table, and prayed with tears. He continued to do this for many nights and days in succession. For he made a request of God, and received it. The request was this: if Arius’s opinion was true, that he himself might not see the day appointed for the disputation; but if the faith he held was true, that Arius, the cause of all the …, might pay the penalty for his impiety.
1.38PG 67:175–177
Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Αλέξανδρος ηὔχετο. Ὁ βασιλεὺς ὃὲ ἀπόπειραν ᾿Αρείον ποιήσασθαι βουλτθεὶς, ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια αὐτὸν μεταπέμπεται, ἠρώτα τε εἰ τοῖς ὅροις στοιχεῖ τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδου. Ὁ δὲ ἑτοίμως μηδὲν μελλήσας, ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὑπέγραφε τὰ περὶ τῆς πίστεως ὁρισθέντα σοφισάμενος. Καὶ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς θαυμάσας, ὄρχον ἐπέφερεν. Ὁ δὲ τοῦτο σοφιζόμενος ἐποίει " τίνα τρόπον ἐτεχνάζετο γράφων, ὡς ἤκουσα, ἔστι ταῦτα' Καταγράψας, φησὶν, ὁ "Άρειος ἐν χάρτη ἣν εἶχε δόξαν, ὑπὸ μάλης ἔφερεν. τε ἀληθῶς οὕτω φρονεῖν, ὡς καὶ γεγραφηχὼς εἴη. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὕτω γεγενῆσθαι, ἀκοῇ γράψας ἔχω. Ὅτι μέντοι καὶ ἐπέθηκε τοῖς γραφεῖσιν, τῶν ἐπιστολῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀνελεξάμην" πιστεύσας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, δεχθῆναι αὐτὸν ὑπὴ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ᾿Αλεξάνδρου εἰς κοινωνίαν ἐκέλευσεν, Σαδδάτου δὲ ἦν τότε ἡμέρα" καὶ τῇ ἑξῆς προσεδόκα συνάγεσθαι " δίκη δὲ ἐπηκολούθει τοῖς ᾿Αρείου τολμήμασιν. Ὡς γὰρ ἐξῆλθε τῆς βασιλικῆς αὐλῆς, ἐδορυφορεῖτο μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Εὐσέδιον διὰ μέσης τότε τῆς πόλεως, περίοπτός τε ἦν. Καὶ ἐπεὶ ἐγένετο πλησίον τῆς ἐπιλεγομένης ἀγορᾶς Κωνσταντίνου, ἔνθα ὁ πορφυροῦς ἵδρυται χίων, φόδος ἔκ τινος συνειδότος κατεῖχε τὸν. “Ἄρειον σύν τε τῷ φόδῳ, τῆς γαστρὸς ἐχινεῖτο χαύνωσις ἐρόμενός τε εἰ ἀφεδρών που πλησίον, μαθών. τε εἶναι- ὄπισθεν τῆς ἀγορᾶς Κωνσταντίνου, ἐκεῖσε ἐβάδιζεν. Λαμδάνει οὖν λιποθυμία τὸν ἄνθρωπον " καὶ ἅμα τοῖς διαχωρήμασιν ἡ ἔδρα τότε παραυτίκα ἐκπίπτει , καὶ αἴμαπλῆθος ἐπηκολούθει, καὶ τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν ἐντέρων. Συνέτρεχε δὲ αἷμα αὐτῷ σπληνί τε καὶ ἥπατι" αὐτίκα οὖν ἐτεθνήκει. Ὁ δὲ ἀφεδρὼν ἄχρι νῦν ἐν τῇ σταντίνου πόλει δείκνυται, ὡς ἔφην, ὄπισθεν τῆς ἀγορᾶς Κωνσταντίνου, καὶ τοῦ ἐν τῇ στοᾷ μακχέλλου" πάντων τε τῶν παριόντων ἐγειρόντων δάχτυλον αὐτοῦ", ἀειμνημόνευτον τοῦ θανάτου τὸν τρόπον ἀπεργαζόμενος. Τούτου γενομένου, φόβος καὶ ἀγωνία κατεῖχε τοὺς περὶ τὸν Νικομηδέα Εὐσέβιον διέτρεχέ τε ἡ φήμη δι᾽ ὅλης τῆς πόλεως, ὡς δὲ εἰπεῖν, καὶ τῆς συμπάσης οἰκουμένης. Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῷ Χριστιαγισμῷ μᾶλλον προσετίθετο, καὶ ἀληθῶς Θεοῦ μεμαρτυρῆσθαι τὴν ἐν Νιχαίᾳα πίστιν ἔφησεν. Εὐφραίνετό τε ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγονόσι, καὶ ἐπὶ τρισὶν υἱοῖς οὖς Καίσαρας ἀνηγορεύκει, ἕκαστον κατὰ δεκάδα ἐνιαυτῶν τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ. Τὸν μὲν πρῶτον, ὁμώνυμον ἑαντου Κωνσταντῖνον, τῶν ἐσπερίων μερῶν ἄρχειν καταστήσας ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ δεχάδι τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ. Τῶν δὲ πρὸς τῇ Ἑῴᾳ μερῶν, τὸν τῷ πάππῳ ἐπώνυμον Κωνστάντιον ἐν τῇ εἰχοσαετηρίδι χατ-ὄ ἐστησε Καίσαρα. Τὸν δὲ νεώτερον Κώνσταντα, ἐν τῇ τριαχονταετηρίδι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ βασιλείας ἐχειροτό-
Toiauta men oun ᾿Alexandros ēucheto. Ho basileus hoe apopeiran ᾿Areion poiēsasthai boulttheis, epi ta basileia auton metapempetai, ērōta te ei tois horois stoichei tēs en Nikaią synodou. Ho de hetoimōs mēden mellēsas, ep᾽ autou hypegraphe ta peri tēs pisteōs horisthenta sophisamenos. Kai ho men basileus thaumasas, orchon epepheren. Ho de touto sophizomenos epoiei " tina tropon etechnazeto graphōn, hōs ēkousa, esti tauta' Katagrapsas, phēsin, ho "Areios en chartē hēn eiche doxan, hypo malēs epheren. te alēthōs houtō phronein, hōs kai gegraphēchōs eiē. Touto men oun houtō gegenēsthai, akoę̄ grapsas echō. Hoti mentoi kai epethēke tois grapheisin, tōn epistolōn tou basileōs anelexamēn" pisteusas de ho basileus, dechthēnai auton hypē tou episkopou Kōnstantinou poleōs ᾿Alexandrou eis koinōnian ekeleusen, Saddatou de ēn tote hēmera" kai tę̄ hexēs prosedoka synagesthai " dikē de epēkolouthei tois ᾿Areiou tolmēmasin. Hōs gar exēlthe tēs basilikēs aulēs, edoryphoreito men hypo tōn peri Eusedion dia mesēs tote tēs poleōs, perioptos te ēn. Kai epei egeneto plēsion tēs epilegomenēs agoras Kōnstantinou, entha ho porphyrous hidrytai chiōn, phodos ek tinos syneidotos kateiche ton. “Areion syn te tǭ phodǭ, tēs gastros echineito chaunōsis eromenos te ei aphedrōn pou plēsion, mathōn. te einai- opisthen tēs agoras Kōnstantinou, ekeise ebadizen. Lamdanei oun lipothymia ton anthrōpon " kai hama tois diachōrēmasin hē edra tote parautika ekpiptei , kai aimaplēthos epēkolouthei, kai ta lepta tōn enterōn. Synetreche de haima autǭ splēni te kai hēpati" autika oun etethnēkei. Ho de aphedrōn achri nyn en tę̄ stantinou polei deiknytai, hōs ephēn, opisthen tēs agoras Kōnstantinou, kai tou en tę̄ stoą makchellou" pantōn te tōn pariontōn egeirontōn dachtylon autou", aeimnēmoneuton tou thanatou ton tropon apergazomenos. Toutou genomenou, phobos kai agōnia kateiche tous peri ton Nikomēdea Eusebion dietreche te hē phēmē di᾽ holēs tēs poleōs, hōs de eipein, kai tēs sympasēs oikoumenēs. Ho de basileus tǭ Christiagismǭ mallon prosetitheto, kai alēthōs Theou memartyrēsthai tēn en Nichaiąa pistin ephēsen. Euphraineto te epi tois gegonosi, kai epi trisin huiois ous Kaisaras anēgoreukei, hekaston kata dekada eniautōn tēs basileias autou. Ton men prōton, homōnymon heantou Kōnstantinon, tōn esperiōn merōn archein katastēsas en tę̄ prōtę̄ dechadi tēs basileias autou. Tōn de pros tę̄ Heǭą merōn, ton tǭ pappǭ epōnymon Kōnstantion en tę̄ eichosaetēridi chat-o estēse Kaisara. Ton de neōteron Kōnstanta, en tę̄ triachontaetēridi tēs heautou basileias echeiroto-
So Alexander prayed. The emperor, wishing to test Arius, sent for him to the palace and asked whether he held to the definitions of the synod at Nicaea. He at once, without hesitation, signed in his presence the definitions concerning the faith, using a trick. The emperor, surprised, required an oath. He did this too by a trick. The way he contrived it in writing, as I have heard, was this. Arius, they say, wrote down on a paper the opinion he held and carried it under his arm, … that he truly held what he had written. That this happened so I have written from hearsay; but that he added an oath to what he signed I gathered from the emperor’s letters. The emperor, believing him, ordered that he be received into communion by Alexander, bishop of Constantinople. It was then the Sabbath, and he expected to join the assembly the next day; but punishment followed Arius’s audacious deeds. For when he went out of the palace, he was escorted by Eusebius and his party through the middle of the city, attracting everyone’s gaze. When he came near the so-called Forum of Constantine, where the porphyry column stands, a fear arising from a guilty conscience seized Arius, and with the fear came a violent relaxing of the bowels. He asked whether there was a privy nearby, and learning that there was one behind the Forum of Constantine, he went there. Faintness seized the man, and together with the evacuations his bowels came out at once; a great quantity of blood followed, and the small intestines. Blood ran from him with the spleen and liver, and he died at once. The privy is shown in Constantinople to this day, as I said, behind the Forum of Constantine and the market in the colonnade; and as all who pass by point their finger at it, it keeps the manner of his death in perpetual memory. When this had happened, fear and anguish seized Eusebius of Nicomedia and his party, and the report ran through the whole city and, one might say, through the whole world. The emperor attached himself still more to Christianity and said that the faith of Nicaea had truly been attested by God. He rejoiced in what had happened and in his three sons, whom he had proclaimed Caesars, one at each decade of his reign: the first, Constantine, named after himself, he appointed to rule the western parts in the first decade of his reign; Constantius, named after his grandfather, he made Caesar of the eastern parts at his twentieth anniversary; and the younger, Constans, he appointed at the thirtieth anniversary of his reign.
1.39PG 67:177–179
Ἐνιαυτοῦ δὲ μεταταῦτα παραδραμόντος ἐπιδὰς ἐξηχονταπέντε ἐνιαυτῶν. ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος, ἀξῥωστίᾳ περιπίπτει " ἐχ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐχπλεῖ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλενούπολιν, ὡς φυσιχοῖς θερμοῖς χρησόμενος τοῖς ἐκεῖ γειτνιάζουσιν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ αφοδροτέρου τοῦ νοσήματος ἤσθετο, τὰ μὲν λουτρὰ ὑπερέθετο" ἀπαίρει δὲ τῆς ᾿Ελενουπόλεως εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν" κἀκεῖ. ἐν προαστείῳ διάγων, τοῦ Χριστιανιχοῦ. μεταλαμθάνε: βαπτίσματος. Εὔθυμος δὲ ἐπὶ τούτῳ γενόμενος, διαθήκας ποιεῖται, ἐν αἷς τοὺς μὲν τρεῖς υἱοὺς κληρονόμους τῆς βασιλείας ἐνίσταται, καθὰ καὶ ζῶν αὐτοῖς τοὺς κλήρους διένειμε. Πολλὰ δὲ τῇ Ῥωμαίων πόλει καὶ τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπωνύμῳ πρεσβεῖα καταλιπὼν, τὰς διαθήκας ἐκείνῳ παρατίθεται τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ, δι' ὄνπερ ῎Αρειος ἀνακέκληται, οὗ καὶ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν πεποιήμεθα μνήμην· ἐντειλάμενος μηδενὶ ἑτέρῳ, ἢ τῷ υἱῷ τῷ τῆς ᾿Ανατολῆς ἄρχοντι Κωνσταντίῳ, εἰς τὰς χεῖρας βαλεῖν. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ θέσθαι τὰς διαθήκας, ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐπιβιοὺς, τὸν βίον ἀπέλιπε ὁ. Τῶν μέντοι υἱῶν αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τῇ τελευτῇ παρῆν οὐδείς. Πέμπεται οὖν εὐθὺς πρὸς τὴν Ἑῴαν ὁ Κωνσταντίῳ μηνύσων τὴν τελευτήν.
Eniautou de metatauta paradramontos epidas exēchontapente eniautōn. ho basileus Kōnstantinos, axrhōstią peripiptei " ech tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs echplei epi tēn Helenoupolin, hōs physichois thermois chrēsomenos tois ekei geitniazousin. Epei de aphodroterou tou nosēmatos ēstheto, ta men loutra hyperetheto" apairei de tēs ᾿Elenoupoleōs eis tēn Nikomēdeian" kakei. en proasteiǭ diagōn, tou Christianichou. metalamthane: baptismatos. Euthymos de epi toutǭ genomenos, diathēkas poieitai, en hais tous men treis huious klēronomous tēs basileias enistatai, katha kai zōn autois tous klērous dieneime. Polla de tę̄ Rhōmaiōn polei kai tę̄ heautou epōnymǭ presbeia katalipōn, tas diathēkas ekeinǭ paratithetai tǭ presbyterǭ, di' onper ᾿Areios anakeklētai, hou kai mikron emprosthen pepoiēmetha mnēmēn; enteilamenos mēdeni heterǭ, ē tǭ huiǭ tǭ tēs ᾿Anatolēs archonti Kōnstantiǭ, eis tas cheiras balein. Meta de to thesthai tas diathēkas, oligas hēmeras epibious, ton bion apelipe ho. Tōn mentoi huiōn autou epi tę̄ teleutę̄ parēn oudeis. Pempetai oun euthys pros tēn Heǭan ho Kōnstantiǭ mēnysōn tēn teleutēn.
A year later, having entered his sixty-fifth year, the emperor Constantine fell ill. He sailed from Constantinople to Helenopolis to use the natural hot springs near there. When he felt the illness growing more severe, he put off the baths, left Helenopolis for Nicomedia, and, staying in a suburb there, received Christian baptism. Made glad by this, he made his will, in which he appointed his three sons heirs of the empire, dividing the portions among them as he had done while living. He left many bequests to the city of Rome and to the city named after him, and entrusted the will to that presbyter through whom Arius had been recalled, whom we mentioned a little before, charging him to put it into the hands of no one but his son Constantius, ruler of the East. After making the will he lived a few days and departed this life. None of his sons was present at his death. A messenger was at once sent to the East to announce the death to Constantius.
1.40PG 67:179
Τὸ δὲ σῶμα τοῦ βασιλέως οἱ ἐπιτήδειοι χρυσῇ ἐνθέμενοι λάρνακι, ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν διεκόμισαν· ἀπέθεντό τε ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἐφ᾽ ὑψηλοῦ, καὶ διὰ τιμῆς ἦγον καὶ δορυφορίας πολλῆς, ὡς καὶ ζῶντος ἐγίνετο· καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίουν ἕως τις τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ παραγένηται. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἀνατολικῶν μερῶν ἐπιστάντος Κωνσταντίου, κηδείας τῆς βασιλικῆς ἠξιοῦτο, ἀποτεθεὶς ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῇ ἐπωνύμῳ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων, ἣν δι' αὐτὸ τοῦτο πεποιήκει, ὅπως ἂν οἱ βασιλεῖς τε καὶ ἱερεῖς τῶν ἀπαστολικών λειψάνων μὴ ἀπολιμπάνοιντο. Ἔζησε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος ἔτη ἑξηκονταπέντε. Ἐβασίλευσε δὲ ἔτη τριάκοντα ἕν· ἐτελεύτησε δὲ ἐν ὑπατίᾳ Φιλικιανοῦ καὶ Τατιανοῦ, τῇ δευτέρᾳ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ Μαΐου μηνός· τοῦτο δὲ ἦν δεύτερον ἔτος τῆς διακοσιοστῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς ὀγδόης Ὀλυμπιάδος. Περιέχει δὲ ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑνὸς πρὸς τοῖς τριάκοντα.
To de sōma tou basileōs hoi epitēdeioi chrysę̄ enthemenoi larnaki, epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin diekomisan; apethento te en tois basileiois eph᾽ hypsēlou, kai dia timēs ēgon kai doryphorias pollēs, hōs kai zōntos egineto; kai touto epoioun heōs tis tōn huiōn autou paragenētai. Meta de tauta ek tōn anatolikōn merōn epistantos Kōnstantiou, kēdeias tēs basilikēs ēxiouto, apotetheis en tę̄ ekklēsią tę̄ epōnymǭ tōn ᾿Apostolōn, hēn di' auto touto pepoiēkei, hopōs an hoi basileis te kai hiereis tōn apastolikōn leipsanōn mē apolimpanointo. Ezēse de ho basileus Kōnstantinos etē hexēkontapente. Ebasileuse de etē triakonta hen; eteleutēse de en hypatią Philikianou kai Tatianou, tę̄ deuterą kai eikadi tou Maïou mēnos; touto de ēn deuteron etos tēs diakosiostēs hebdomēkostēs ogdoēs Olympiados. Periechei de hē biblos chronon etōn henos pros tois triakonta.
His household placed the emperor’s body in a golden coffin and brought it to Constantinople. They laid it out on a high place in the palace and paid it honour with a great guard, as had been done while he lived; and they did this until one of his sons should arrive. Afterwards, when Constantius arrived from the eastern parts, he was given an imperial funeral and laid in the church called after the Apostles, which he had built for this very purpose, so that emperors and priests might not be separated from the relics of the apostles. The emperor Constantine lived sixty-five years and reigned thirty-one. He died in the consulship of Felicianus and Tatianus, on the twenty-second of May; this was the second year of the two hundred and seventy-eighth Olympiad. This book covers a period of thirty-one years.
Chapter 2
2.1PG 67:183–185
νήθη. Τὰ τὰρ κατὰ ᾿Αθανάσιον νομίζει μετὰ τὴν τε. λευτὴν τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου γεγενῆσθαι· ἀγνοεῖ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἐν Γαλλίαις γενομένην αὐτοῦ ἐξω ορίαν, καὶ ἕτερα πλείονα. Ἡμεῖς οὖν πρότερον φίνῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες, τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τὸ δεύτερον τῆς Ἱστορίας βιβλίον, ᾗ ἐκείνῳ ἐδόκει συνεγράψαμεν• ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ τρίτου ἄχρι τοῦ ἑβδόμου βιβλίου, τὰ μὲν παρὰ Ῥουφίνου λαβόντες, τὰ δὲ ἐκ διαφόρων συναγαγόντες, τινὰ δὲ καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἔτι ζώντων ἀκούσαντες, ἐπληρώσαμεν. Ὕστερον μέντοι συντυχόντες Αθανασίου συντάγμασιν, ἐν οἷς τὰ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ὀδύρεται πάθη, καὶ ὅπως διὰ τὴν διαβολὴν τῶν περὶ Εὐσέβιον ἐξωρίσθη, ἔγνωμεν δεῖν πιστεύειν μᾶλλον τῷ πεπονθότι, καὶ τοῖς γινομένων τῶν πραγμάτων παροῦσιν, ἢ τοῖς καταστοχασαμένοις αὐτῶν, καὶ διατοῦτο πλανηθεῖσιν. Ἔτι μὴν καὶ ἐπιστολῶν τῶν τότε διαφόρων ἐπιτετυχηκότες, ὡς οἷόν τε τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀνιχνεύσαμεν. Διὸ ἠναγκάσθημεν τὸ πρῶτον καὶ τὸ δεύτερον βιβλίον ἄνωθεν ὑπαγορεῦσαι, συγχρώμενοι καὶ ἐν οἷς ὁ Ῥουφῖνος οὐκ ἐκπίπτει τοῦ ἀληθοῦς. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο ἰστέον, ὅτι οὐ παρεθήκαμεν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ὑπαγορεύσει τὸ καθαιρετικὸν ᾿Αρείου, οὔτε μὴν τὰς βασιλέως ἐπιστολὰς, ἀλλὰ τὰ γυμνα μόνον πράγματα, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ πολυστίχου γενομένης τῆς ἱστορίας, ὀκνηροὺς τοὺς ἀναγινώσκοντας ἀπεργάσασθαι. Ἐπειδὴ πρὸς σὴν χάριν, ὦ ἱερὲ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἄνθρωπε Θεόδωρε, καὶ τοῦτο ἔδει ποιῆσαι, ὥστε μὴ ἀγνοεῖν καὶ ὅσα ταῖς λέξεσιν οἱ βασιλεῖς ἐπέστειλαν, ἢ κατὰ διαφόρους συνόδους οἱ ἐπίσκοποι τὴν πίστιν καταβραχύ μεταποιοῦντες ἐξέδωκαν· διατοῦτο ὅσα ἀναγκαῖα ἡγησάμεθα, ἐν τῇδε τῇ μεταταῦτα ὑπαγορεύσει μετατεθείκαμεν · καὶ τοῦτο ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ βιβλίῳ ποιήσαντες, καὶ ἐν τῷ μετὰ χεῖρας, λέγω δὲ τῷ δευτέρῳ, ποιῆσαι σπουδάζομεν. ᾿Αρκτέον δὲ ἤδη τῆς ἱστορίας.
nēthē. Ta tar kata ᾿Athanasion nomizei meta tēn te. leutēn tou basileōs Kōnstantinou gegenēsthai; agnoei de kai tēn en Galliais genomenēn autou exō orian, kai hetera pleiona. Hēmeis oun proteron phinǭ akolouthēsantes, to prōton kai to deuteron tēs Historias biblion, hę̄ ekeinǭ edokei synegrapsamen• apo de tou tritou achri tou hebdomou bibliou, ta men para Rhouphinou labontes, ta de ek diaphorōn synagagontes, tina de kai para tōn eti zōntōn akousantes, eplērōsamen. Hysteron mentoi syntychontes Athanasiou syntagmasin, en hois ta kath' heauton odyretai pathē, kai hopōs dia tēn diabolēn tōn peri Eusebion exōristhē, egnōmen dein pisteuein mallon tǭ peponthoti, kai tois ginomenōn tōn pragmatōn parousin, ē tois katastochasamenois autōn, kai diatouto planētheisin. Eti mēn kai epistolōn tōn tote diaphorōn epitetychēkotes, hōs hoion te tēn alētheian anichneusamen. Dio ēnankasthēmen to prōton kai to deuteron biblion anōthen hypagoreusai, synchrōmenoi kai en hois ho Rhouphinos ouk ekpiptei tou alēthous. Ou mēn alla kai touto isteon, hoti ou parethēkamen en tę̄ prōtę̄ hypagoreusei to kathairetikon ᾿Areiou, oute mēn tas basileōs epistolas, alla ta gymna monon pragmata, hyper tou mē polystichou genomenēs tēs historias, oknērous tous anaginōskontas apergasasthai. Epeidē pros sēn charin, ō hiere tou Theou anthrōpe Theodōre, kai touto edei poiēsai, hōste mē agnoein kai hosa tais lexesin hoi basileis epesteilan, ē kata diaphorous synodous hoi episkopoi tēn pistin katabrachy metapoiountes exedōkan; diatouto hosa anankaia hēgēsametha, en tę̄de tę̄ metatauta hypagoreusei metatetheikamen ; kai touto en tǭ prōtǭ bibliǭ poiēsantes, kai en tǭ meta cheiras, legō de tǭ deuterǭ, poiēsai spoudazomen. ᾿Arkteon de ēdē tēs historias.
… went astray. For he thinks that the affairs of Athanasius took place after the death of the emperor Constantine; he is also unaware of his exile in the Gauls, and of many other things. We at first followed Rufinus and wrote the first and second books of our History as he thought; from the third to the seventh book we completed it partly by taking from Rufinus, partly by gathering from various sources, and partly by hearing from those still living. Later, however, coming upon writings of Athanasius in which he laments his own sufferings and how he was exiled through the slander of Eusebius and his party, we recognized that we ought to believe the sufferer and those present at the events, rather than those who guessed at them and so went astray. Moreover, having found various letters of that time, we traced the truth as far as we could. We were therefore compelled to dictate the first and second books afresh, using Rufinus too where he does not fall from the truth. It should also be known that in the first dictation we did not include the deposition of Arius or the emperor’s letters, but only the bare facts, so that the history might not become long and make readers weary. But since for your sake, Theodore, holy man of God, it was necessary to do this too, so that you might not be ignorant of what the emperors wrote in their own words, or of what the bishops published in various synods, altering the faith little by little, we have therefore inserted in this later dictation whatever we thought necessary. Having done this in the first book, we are trying to do it in the one in hand, I mean the second. Now we must begin the history.
2.2PG 67:185–187
Τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου τελευτήσαντος, οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον τὸν Νικομηδέα καὶ Θέογνιν Νικαίας ἐπίσκοπον, καιροῦ δεδράχθαι εὐκαίρου νομίσαντες, ἀγῶνα ἔθεντο τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν ἐκβαλεῖν, ἀντεισάγειν δὲ τὴν ἀρειανίζουσαν. Περιέσεσθαι δὲ τούτου οὐκ ἂν δύναιντο, εἰ μὴ ὑπονοστήσῃ ᾿Αθανάσιος. Ταῦτα δὲ κατεσκεύαζον, ὑπουργῷ χρώμενοι τῷ πρεσβυτέρῳ, ὃς τῆς ᾿Αρείου ἀνακλήσεως αἴτιος μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐγεγόνει. Πῶς δὲ τοῦτο ἐπράχθη, λεκτέον. Τὴν διαθήκην ὁ πρεσβύτερος καὶ τὰ ἐνταλθέντα παρὰ τοῦ κατοιχομένου βασιλέως προσφέρει Κωνσταντίῳ τῷ τοῦ βασιλέως υἱῷ. Ὁ δὲ τοῦθ᾽ εὑρηκὼς γεγραμμένον ὅπερ ἐβούλετο· τῆς γὰρ Ἑψας βασιλεύειν αὐτὸν ἐπέτρεπεν ἡ διαθήκη· διὰ τιμῆς ἦγε τὸν πρεσβύτερον, παῤῥησίας τε μετεδίδου πολλῆς, εἴς τε τὰ βασίλεια θαῤῥοῦντα εἰσιέναι ἐκέλευεν. Ἡ τοίνυν δοθεῖσα παῤῥησία γνώριμον αὐτὸν ταχέως κατέστησε τῇ τε τοῦ βασιλέως γαμετῇ, καὶ τοῖς εὐνούχοις αὐτῆς. Ἦν δὲ ἐν τῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ πρωτότυτ πος τῶν κοιτώνων τοῦ βασιλέως εὐνοῦχος, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Εὐσέβιος. Τοῦτον ὁ πρεσβύτερος συνθέσθαι τῇ ᾿Αρείου δόξῃ συνέπεισεν. Ἐκ δὲ τούτου, καὶ οἱ λοιποί τῶν εὐνούχων τὰ αὐτὰ φρονεῖν ἀνεπείθοντο. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γαμετὴ, διὰ τῶν εὐνούχων. καὶ τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου, τῇ Ἀρείου δόξῃ προστίθεται. Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν διέβαινε τὸν βασιλέα, τὸ ζήτημα τοῦτο · καὶ γίνεται φανερὸν κατὰ βραχύ, πρῶτον μὲν τοῖς κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια στρατευομένοις. Ἔπειτα δὲ, διεδάθη καὶ εἰς τὰ πλήθη τῆς πόλεως· διελέγοντο δὲ περὶ τῆς δόξης, ἐν μὲν, τοῖς βασιλείοις οἱ ἐπικοιτωνῖται ἅμα ταῖς γυναιξίν ἐν δὲ τῇ πόλει, καθ' ἑκάστην οἰκίαν διαλεκτικὸς πόλεμος ἦν· διέτρεχεν οὖν ταχέως τὸ κακὸν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπαρχίας τε καὶ πόλεις. Καὶ ὡς σπινθήρ, ἐκ μικροῦ λαμβάνον τὴν ἀρχὴν τὸ ζήτημα, εἰς φιλονεικίαν τοὺς ἀκούοντας ἤγειρεν. Ἔκαστος γὰρ τῶν πυνθανομένων τῆς ταραχῆς τὴν αἰτίαν, πρόφασιν εὐθὺς εἶχε ζητήσεως· καὶ ἅμα τῇ ἐρωτήσει, ἐρίζειν ἐβούλετο. Ἐκ δὲ τῆς ἔριδος πάντα ἀνατέτραπτο. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὰς Ἀνατολικὰς πόλεις ἐγένετο. Αἱ γὰρ ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς, καὶ τὰ Ἑσπέρια μέρη τέως ἡσύχαζον· τοὺς ὅρους γὰρ τοὺς τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδου παρασαλεύειν οὐκ ἤθελον. Ὡς οὖν ἐξαφθὲν τὸ πρᾶγμα ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον ἐπέδωκε, τηνικαῦτα οἱ περὶ Εὐσέβιον τὸν Νικομηδέα, ἔρμαιον ἡγοῦντο τὴν τῶν πολλῶν ταραχήν. Οὕτω γὰρ μόνως δύνασθαι τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον ἀναδεῖξαι τῆς αὐτῶν δόξης ὁμόφρονα. ᾿Αλλὰ τότε μὲν ἔφθασεν ἐπανελθὼν εἰς αὐτὴν ᾿Αθανάσιος, ἑνὸς τῶν Αὐγούστων ὠχυρωμένος γράμμασιν, ἅπερ τῷ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαῷ Κωνσταντῖ· νος ὁ νέος ὁ τῷ πατρὶ ὁμώνυμος, ἐκ τῆς ἐν Γαλλία Τριβέρεως ἔπεμψεν. Ἔστι δὲ τάδε τὰ γράμματα τὰ ὑποτεταγμένα.
Tou basileōs Kōnstantinou teleutēsantos, hoi peri Eusebion ton Nikomēdea kai Theognin Nikaias episkopon, kairou dedrachthai eukairou nomisantes, agōna ethento tēn tou homoousiou pistin ekbalein, anteisagein de tēn areianizousan. Periesesthai de toutou ouk an dynainto, ei mē hyponostēsę̄ ᾿Athanasios. Tauta de kateskeuazon, hypourgǭ chrōmenoi tǭ presbyterǭ, hos tēs ᾿Areiou anaklēseōs aitios mikron emprosthen egegonei. Pōs de touto eprachthē, lekteon. Tēn diathēkēn ho presbyteros kai ta entalthenta para tou katoichomenou basileōs prospherei Kōnstantiǭ tǭ tou basileōs huiǭ. Ho de touth᾽ heurēkōs gegrammenon hoper ebouleto; tēs gar Hepsas basileuein auton epetrepen hē diathēkē; dia timēs ēge ton presbyteron, parrhēsias te metedidou pollēs, eis te ta basileia tharrhounta eisienai ekeleuen. Hē toinyn dotheisa parrhēsia gnōrimon auton tacheōs katestēse tę̄ te tou basileōs gametę̄, kai tois eunouchois autēs. Ēn de en tǭ chronǭ toutǭ prōtotyt pos tōn koitōnōn tou basileōs eunouchos, hǭ onoma ēn Eusebios. Touton ho presbyteros synthesthai tę̄ ᾿Areiou doxę̄ synepeisen. Ek de toutou, kai hoi loipoi tōn eunouchōn ta auta phronein anepeithonto. Ou mēn alla kai hē tou basileōs gametē, dia tōn eunouchōn. kai tou presbyterou, tę̄ Areiou doxę̄ prostithetai. Met᾿ ou poly de kai ep᾿ auton diebaine ton basilea, to zētēma touto ; kai ginetai phaneron kata brachy, prōton men tois kata ta basileia strateuomenois. Epeita de, diedathē kai eis ta plēthē tēs poleōs; dielegonto de peri tēs doxēs, en men, tois basileiois hoi epikoitōnitai hama tais gynaixin en de tę̄ polei, kath' hekastēn oikian dialektikos polemos ēn; dietrechen oun tacheōs to kakon, kai epi tas allas eparchias te kai poleis. Kai hōs spinthēr, ek mikrou lambanon tēn archēn to zētēma, eis philoneikian tous akouontas ēgeiren. Ekastos gar tōn pynthanomenōn tēs tarachēs tēn aitian, prophasin euthys eiche zētēseōs; kai hama tę̄ erōtēsei, erizein ebouleto. Ek de tēs eridos panta anatetrapto. Tauta men oun kata tas Anatolikas poleis egeneto. Hai gar en Illyriois, kai ta Hesperia merē teōs hēsychazon; tous horous gar tous tēs en Nikaią synodou parasaleuein ouk ēthelon. Hōs oun exaphthen to pragma epi to cheiron epedōke, tēnikauta hoi peri Eusebion ton Nikomēdea, ermaion hēgounto tēn tōn pollōn tarachēn. Houtō gar monōs dynasthai tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopon anadeixai tēs autōn doxēs homophrona. ᾿Alla tote men ephthasen epanelthōn eis autēn ᾿Athanasios, henos tōn Augoustōn ōchyrōmenos grammasin, haper tǭ ᾿Alexandreōn laǭ Kōnstanti; nos ho neos ho tǭ patri homōnymos, ek tēs en Gallia Tribereōs epempsen. Esti de tade ta grammata ta hypotetagmena.
When the emperor Constantine had died, Eusebius of Nicomedia and Theognis, bishop of Nicaea, thinking they had seized a good opportunity, strove to drive out the faith of the homoousios and to bring in the Arian one instead. But they could not succeed in this unless Athanasius were kept from returning. They contrived this by using as their agent the presbyter who had a little before been the cause of Arius’s recall. How this was done must be told. The presbyter presented the will and the late emperor’s instructions to Constantius, the emperor’s son. He, finding written what he wished (for the will entrusted him with the rule of the East), held the presbyter in honour, gave him much freedom of speech, and ordered that he might enter the palace freely. The freedom given him soon made him known to the emperor’s wife and to her eunuchs. At that time the chief chamberlain of the emperor was a eunuch named Eusebius. The presbyter persuaded him to agree with Arius’s opinion, and through him the rest of the eunuchs were persuaded to think the same. Moreover the emperor’s wife too, through the eunuchs and the presbyter, attached herself to Arius’s opinion. Not long afterwards the question passed to the emperor himself, and little by little it became known, first to those serving in the palace, and then it spread to the crowds of the city. In the palace the chamberlains discussed the opinion with the women, and in the city there was a war of dialectic in every house. So the evil quickly ran through the other provinces and cities as well. Like a spark, the question, starting from something small, roused its hearers to contention; for everyone who asked the cause of the disturbance at once found occasion for dispute, and with the question wanted to quarrel. Through the quarrelling everything was turned upside down. This happened in the eastern cities; for those in Illyricum and the western parts were quiet for a time, since they did not wish to shake the definitions of the synod of Nicaea. As the matter, once kindled, grew worse, Eusebius of Nicomedia and his party counted the confusion of the many a godsend; for only so, they thought, could they appoint a bishop of Alexandria of their own opinion. But at that time Athanasius forestalled them by returning there, fortified by a letter of one of the Augusti, which Constantine the Younger, his father’s namesake, sent from Treves in Gaul to the people of the Alexandrians. The letter subjoined is as follows.
2.3PG 67:189–191
Κωνσταντῖνος Καῖσαρ τῷ λαῷ τῆς Καθολικῆς Ἀλεξανδρέων Εκκλησίας. Οὐδὲ τῆς ὑμετέρας ἱερᾶς ἐννοίας ἀποπεφευγέναι εἰς γνῶσιν οἶμαι, διατοῦτο ᾿Αθανάσιον τὸν τοῦ προσκυνητοῦ νόμου ὑποφήτην πρὸς καιρὸν εἰς τὰς Γαλλίας ἀπεστάλθαι, ἵνα ἐπειδὴ ἡ ἀγριότης τῶν αἰμοβόρων καὶ πολεμίων αὐτοῦ ἐχθρῶν, εἰς κίνδυνον τῆς ἱερᾶς αὐτοῦ κεφαλῆς ἐπέμενε, μὴ ἄρα διὰ τῆς τῶν φαύλων διαστροφῆς ἀνήκεστα ὑποστῇ. Πρὸς τὸ διαπαῖξαι τοίνυν ταύτην, ἀφῃρέθη τῶν φαρύγγων τῶν ἐπικειμένων αὐτῷ ἀνδρῶν, ὑπ᾿ ἐμοὶ διάγειν κελευσθεὶς οὕτως, ὡς ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλει ἐν ᾗ διέτριβεν, πᾶσι τοῖς ἀναγκαίοις ἐκπλεονάζειν, εἰ καὶ ταμάλιστα αὐτοῦ ἡ ἀοίδιμος ἀρετὴ ταῖς θείαις πεποιθυῖα βοηθείαις, καὶ τὰ τῆς τραχυτέρας τύχης ἄχθη ἐξουθενεῖ. Τοιγαροῦν εἰ καὶ ταμάλιστα πρὸς τὴν προσφιλεστάτην ὑμῶν θεοσέβειαν, ὁ δεσπότης ἡμῶν ὁ τῆς μακαρίας μνήμης Κωνσταντίνος ὁ Σεβαστὸς, ὁ ἐμὸς πατὴρ, τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοπον τῷ ἰδίῳ τόπῳ παρασχεῖν προήρητο, ὅμως ἐπειδὴ ἀνθρωπίνῳ κλήρῳ προληφθεὶς, πρὸ τοῦ τὴν εὐχὴν πληρῶσαι ἀνεπαύσατο, ἀκόλουθον ἡγησάμην, τὴν προαίρεσιν τοῦ τῆς θείας μνήμης βασιλέως διαδεξάμενος πληρῶσαι. ῾Ὅστις ἐπειδὰν τῆς ὑμετέρας τύχῃ προσόψεως, ὅσης παρ᾿ ἐμοῦ αἰδοῦς τετύχηκε γνώσεσθε · οὐ γὰρ θαυμαστὸν, εἴ τι δ' ἂν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ πεποίηκα. Καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἐμὴν ψυχὴν, ἡ τοῦ ὑμετέρου πόθου εἰκὼν, καὶ τὸ ( τηλικούτου ἀνδρὸς σχῆμα εἰς τοῦτο ἐκίνει καὶ προέτρεπεν. Ἡ θεία Πρόνοια ὑμᾶς διαφυλάξοι, ἀδελφοὶ ἀγαπητοί. Τούτοις θαῤῥῶν τοῖς γράμμασιν ὁ ᾿Αθανάσιος, καταλαμβάνει τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν· καὶ ἥδιστα μὲν αὐτὸν ἀνεδέξατο ὁ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαός. Ὅσοι δὲ ἐτύγχανον ἀρειανίζοντες ἐν αὐτῇ, φατρίας συνἱσταντο κατ' αὐτοῦ. Δι' ὧν συνεχεῖς στάσεις ἐγίνοντο· αἴτινες ὑπόθεσιν παρείχον τοῖς περὶ Εὐσέβιον τοῦ διαβάλλειν αὐτὸν βασιλεῖ, ὅτι μὴ κρίναντος τοῦ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν ἐπισκόπων, ἑαυτῷ ἐπιτρέψας τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν κατελάμβανεν,· ἐπιτοσοῦτον δὲ τὰς διαβολὰς ἐξέτεινον, ὡς ὀργισθέντα τὸν βασιλέα, τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐκβαλεῖν. Πῶς μὲν οὖν τοῦτο ἐγένετο, μικρὸν ὕστερον λέξω.
Kōnstantinos Kaisar tǭ laǭ tēs Katholikēs Alexandreōn Ekklēsias. Oude tēs hymeteras hieras ennoias apopepheugenai eis gnōsin oimai, diatouto ᾿Athanasion ton tou proskynētou nomou hypophētēn pros kairon eis tas Gallias apestalthai, hina epeidē hē agriotēs tōn aimoborōn kai polemiōn autou echthrōn, eis kindynon tēs hieras autou kephalēs epemene, mē ara dia tēs tōn phaulōn diastrophēs anēkesta hypostę̄. Pros to diapaixai toinyn tautēn, aphę̄rethē tōn pharyngōn tōn epikeimenōn autǭ andrōn, hyp᾿ emoi diagein keleustheis houtōs, hōs en tautę̄ tę̄ polei en hę̄ dietriben, pasi tois anankaiois ekpleonazein, ei kai tamalista autou hē aoidimos aretē tais theiais pepoithuia boētheiais, kai ta tēs trachyteras tychēs achthē exouthenei. Toigaroun ei kai tamalista pros tēn prosphilestatēn hymōn theosebeian, ho despotēs hēmōn ho tēs makarias mnēmēs Kōnstantinos ho Sebastos, ho emos patēr, ton auton episkopon tǭ idiǭ topǭ paraschein proērēto, homōs epeidē anthrōpinǭ klērǭ prolēphtheis, pro tou tēn euchēn plērōsai anepausato, akolouthon hēgēsamēn, tēn proairesin tou tēs theias mnēmēs basileōs diadexamenos plērōsai. ῾Hostis epeidan tēs hymeteras tychę̄ prosopseōs, hosēs par᾿ emou aidous tetychēke gnōsesthe ; ou gar thaumaston, ei ti d' an hyper autou pepoiēka. Kai gar tēn emēn psychēn, hē tou hymeterou pothou eikōn, kai to ( tēlikoutou andros schēma eis touto ekinei kai proetrepen. Hē theia Pronoia hymas diaphylaxoi, adelphoi agapētoi. Toutois tharrhōn tois grammasin ho ᾿Athanasios, katalambanei tēn ᾿Alexandreian; kai hēdista men auton anedexato ho tōn ᾿Alexandreōn laos. Hosoi de etynchanon areianizontes en autę̄, phatrias synistanto kat' autou. Di' hōn synecheis staseis eginonto; aitines hypothesin pareichon tois peri Eusebion tou diaballein auton basilei, hoti mē krinantos tou koinou synedriou tōn episkopōn, heautǭ epitrepsas tēn Ekklēsian katelambanen,; epitosouton de tas diabolas exeteinon, hōs orgisthenta ton basilea, tēs ᾿Alexandreias ekbalein. Pōs men oun touto egeneto, mikron hysteron lexō.
“Constantine Caesar to the people of the catholic church of the Alexandrians. I think it has not escaped the knowledge of your holy minds that Athanasius, the interpreter of the venerable law, was sent for a time to the Gauls for this reason: since the savagery of his bloodthirsty and hostile enemies persisted to the danger of his sacred head, he was sent so that he might not suffer irreparable harm through the perversity of wicked men. To frustrate this, he was snatched from the jaws of the men who pressed upon him and ordered to live under my care, in such a way that in this city where he stayed he had everything necessary in abundance; although his celebrated virtue, trusting in divine help, despises even the burdens of harsher fortune. Therefore, although our lord Constantine Augustus of blessed memory, my father, had resolved to restore this same bishop to his own place for your most beloved godliness, yet since he was overtaken by the lot of mortals and went to his rest before fulfilling his wish, I thought it fitting, as successor to the purpose of the emperor of divine memory, to fulfil it. When he comes into your presence you will know how great a respect he has received from me. Nor is it surprising if I have done anything on his behalf; for my soul was moved and urged to this by the image of your longing and by the bearing of so great a man. May divine providence keep you, beloved brothers.”
Confident in this letter, Athanasius arrived at Alexandria, and the people of the Alexandrians received him most gladly. But all who held with Arius there formed factions against him. Continual riots resulted, which gave Eusebius and his party grounds for accusing him to the emperor of having taken possession of the church on his own authority, without the judgment of a general council of bishops. They pushed their slanders so far that the angry emperor expelled him from Alexandria. How this happened I will tell a little later.
2.4PG 67:191
Ἐν δὲ τῷδε τῷ χρόνῳ τελευτήσαντος Εὐσεβίου ὃς τῆς ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ Καισαρείας ἐπίσκοπος ἦν, καὶ τὴν Παμφίλου προσωνυμίαν ἐκέκτητο, Ακάκιος μαθητὴς αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν διαδέχεται · ὃς ἄλλα μὲν βιβλία πολλὰ ἐξέθετο, καὶ εἰς τὸν βίον δὲ τοῦ διδα σκάλου αὐτοῦ συνέγραψεν.
En de tǭde tǭ chronǭ teleutēsantos Eusebiou hos tēs en Palaistinę̄ Kaisareias episkopos ēn, kai tēn Pamphilou prosōnymian ekektēto, Akakios mathētēs autou tēn episkopēn diadechetai ; hos alla men biblia polla exetheto, kai eis ton bion de tou dida skalou autou synegrapsen.
At this time Eusebius, who was bishop of Caesarea in Palestine and bore the surname of Pamphilus, died, and Acacius his disciple succeeded to the bishopric. He published many other books and also wrote a life of his teacher.
2.5PG 67:191
Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ὁ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίου ἀδελ φὸς ὃς ἦν ὁμώνυμος τῷ πατρὶ, ὁ Νέος Κωνσταντῖνος, ἐπιὼν τοῖς μέρεσι τοῦ νέου ἀδελφοῦ Κώνσταντος, συμβαλών τε τοῖς στρατιώταις αὐτοῦ, ἀναιρεῖται κα ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ ᾿Ακινδύνου καὶ Πρόκλου.
Met᾿ ou poly de ho tou basileōs Kōnstantiou adel phos hos ēn homōnymos tǭ patri, ho Neos Kōnstantinos, epiōn tois meresi tou neou adelphou Kōnstantos, symbalōn te tois stratiōtais autou, anaireitai ka hyp᾿ autōn, en hypateią ᾿Akindynou kai Proklou.
Not long afterwards the emperor Constantius’s brother, Constantine the Younger, who bore his father’s name, invaded the territories of his younger brother Constans, engaged with his soldiers, and was killed by them, in the consulship of Acindynus and Proclus.
2.6PG 67:191–193
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον κατὰ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν, ἑτέρα ταῖς προτέραις ἐπισυμπλέκεται ταραχή, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ κατὰ τήνδε τὴν πόλιν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν προεστώς, ὁ τὴν πρὸς ῎Ἄρειον μάχην ἀγωνισάμενος, τὸν ἐνθάδε βίον ἀπέλειπεν 4, εἰκοσιτρία μὲν ἔτη κατὰ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν διατρίψας, ἐνενήκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ δὲ ἔτη τὰ πάντα βιοὺς, οὐδένα εἰς τὸν αὐτοῦ τόπον χειροτονήσας. Ἐνετείλατο δὲ τοῖς καθήκουσιν ἐλέσθαι δυοῖν τὸν ἕτερον, ὧν αὐτὸς ὀνομάσειεν. Καὶ εἰ μὲν βούλοιντο διδασκαλικὸν ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ βίου χρηστοῦ μαρτυρούμενον, Παῦλον τὸν ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ χειροτονηθέντα πρεσβύτερον, ἄνδρα νέον μὲν τὴν ἡλικίαν, προβεβηκότα δὲ ταῖς φρεσίν. Εἰ δὲ μόνον ἐκ τοῦ προσχήματος τῆς εὐλαβείας δεικνύμενον, αἱρεῖσθαι Μακεδόνιον, διάκονον τυγχάνοντα μὲν ἤδη πάλαι τῆς ἐκκλησίας, τῇ ἡλικίᾳ δὲ γέροντα. Ἐκ τούτου μείζων φιλονεικία περὶ χειροτονίας γίνεται ἐπισκόπου, καὶ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν διετάραττεν. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ ὁ λαὸς εἰς δύο διετέτμητο μέρη· τῶν μὲν προσκειμένων τῷ ᾿Αρειανῷ δόγματι, τῶν δὲ φρονούντων καθὰ ἡ ἐν Νικαίᾳ σύνοδος ὥρισε. Καὶ ἕως μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρος περιῆν, κατεκράτουν οἱ φρονοῦντες τὸ ὁμοούσιον, τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων · διακρινομένων, καὶ ὁσημέραι διαπληκτιζομένων περὶ τοῦ δόγματος. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος τετελευτήκει, ἀμφήριστος ἡ τοῦ λαοῦ μάχη καθίστατο. Διὸ οἱ μὲν τοῦ. ὁμοουσίου τὴν πίστιν φυλάττοντες, Παῦλον εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίζονται· οἱ δὲ ἀρειανίζοντες, Μακεδόνιον ἔσπευδον. Καὶ ἐν μὲν τῇ τῆς Εἰρήνης ἐπωνύμῳ ἐκκλησίᾳ, καὶ ἐχομένῃ τῆς νῦν Μεγάλης καὶ Σοφίας ὀνομαζομένης, χειροτονεῖται Παῦλος, ἐφ' οὗ καὶ μᾶλλον ἡ τοῦ ἀπελθόντος ψῆφος ἐδόκει κρατεῖν.
Hypo de ton auton touton chronon kata tēn Kōnstantinou polin, hetera tais proterais episympleketai tarachē, ex aitias toiautēs; ᾿Alexandros ho kata tēnde tēn polin tōn ekklēsiōn proestōs, ho tēn pros ᾿Areion machēn agōnisamenos, ton enthade bion apeleipen 4, eikositria men etē kata tēn episkopēn diatripsas, enenēkonta kai oktō de etē ta panta bious, oudena eis ton autou topon cheirotonēsas. Eneteilato de tois kathēkousin elesthai dyoin ton heteron, hōn autos onomaseien. Kai ei men boulointo didaskalikon en tautǭ kai biou chrēstou martyroumenon, Paulon ton hyp᾿ autou cheirotonēthenta presbyteron, andra neon men tēn hēlikian, probebēkota de tais phresin. Ei de monon ek tou proschēmatos tēs eulabeias deiknymenon, haireisthai Makedonion, diakonon tynchanonta men ēdē palai tēs ekklēsias, tę̄ hēlikią de geronta. Ek toutou meizōn philoneikia peri cheirotonias ginetai episkopou, kai tēn Ekklēsian dietaratten. Epei gar ho laos eis dyo dietetmēto merē; tōn men proskeimenōn tǭ ᾿Areianǭ dogmati, tōn de phronountōn katha hē en Nikaią synodos hōrise. Kai heōs men ᾿Alexandros periēn, katekratoun hoi phronountes to homoousion, tōn areianizontōn ; diakrinomenōn, kai hosēmerai diaplēktizomenōn peri tou dogmatos. Epei de ekeinos teteleutēkei, amphēristos hē tou laou machē kathistato. Dio hoi men tou. homoousiou tēn pistin phylattontes, Paulon eis tēn episkopēn procheirizontai; hoi de areianizontes, Makedonion espeudon. Kai en men tę̄ tēs Eirēnēs epōnymǭ ekklēsią, kai echomenę̄ tēs nyn Megalēs kai Sophias onomazomenēs, cheirotoneitai Paulos, eph' hou kai mallon hē tou apelthontos psēphos edokei kratein.
About this same time another disturbance was added to the earlier ones at Constantinople, for the following reason. Alexander, who presided over the churches of that city and had fought the battle against Arius, departed this life, having spent twenty-three years in the episcopate and lived ninety-eight years in all, without ordaining anyone in his place. He instructed those whom it concerned to choose one of two men whom he named: if they wanted one who was both a teacher and attested for a good life, Paul, whom he had ordained presbyter, a man young in age but advanced in understanding; but if they wanted one marked only by an outward show of piety, they should choose Macedonius, who had long been a deacon of the church and was an old man. From this arose a greater contention over the ordination of a bishop, and it troubled the church. For the people were divided into two parties, some holding to the Arian doctrine, others thinking as the synod of Nicaea had defined. As long as Alexander lived, those who held the homoousios prevailed, while the Arians were disputing and quarrelling daily about the doctrine. But when he died, the people’s struggle became evenly matched. So those who kept the faith of the homoousios put forward Paul for the bishopric, while the Arians pressed for Macedonius. Paul was ordained in the church named after Irene, which adjoins the one now called the Great Church and Sophia; in his case the vote of the departed seemed more to prevail.
2.7PG 67:193
Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ἐπιστὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς τῇ Κωνσταν. τίνου πόλει, πρὸς ὀργὴν ἐκκάεται ἐπὶ τῇ γενομένῃ χειροτονίᾳ· καὶ καθιστὰς συνέδριον τῶν τὰ ᾿Αρείου φρονούντων ἐπισκόπων, τὸν μὲν Παῦλον σχολάζειν ἐποίησεν· Εὐσέβιον δὲ ἐκ τῆς Νικομηδείας μεταστήσας, τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπίσκοπον ἀναδείκνυσι. Καὶ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς ταῦτα πράξας, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν.
Met᾿ ou poly de epistas ho basileus tę̄ Kōnstan. tinou polei, pros orgēn ekkaetai epi tę̄ genomenę̄ cheirotonią; kai kathistas synedrion tōn ta ᾿Areiou phronountōn episkopōn, ton men Paulon scholazein epoiēsen; Eusebion de ek tēs Nikomēdeias metastēsas, tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs episkopon anadeiknysi. Kai ho men basileus tauta praxas, epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen.
Not long afterwards the emperor came to Constantinople and was inflamed with anger at the ordination that had taken place. Convening a council of bishops who held Arius’s views, he removed Paul from office, and transferring Eusebius from Nicomedia, he made him bishop of Constantinople. Having done this, the emperor set out for Antioch.
2.8PG 67:195–197
Εὐσέβιος δὲ οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἡσυχάζειν ἐβούλετο, ἀλλὰ, τὸ τοῦ λόγου, πάντα λίθον ἐκίνει, ὅπως ἂν ὁ προέθετο κατεργάσηται· κατασκευάζει οὖν σύνοδον ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τῆς Συρίας ὁ γενέσθαι, προφάσει μὲν τῶν ἐγκαινίων τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἣν ὁ πατὴρ μὲν τῶν Αὐγούστων κατασκευάζειν ἤρξατο, μετὰ τελευτὴν δὲ αὐτοῦ, ὁ υἱὸς Κωνστάντιος δεκάτῳ ἔτει ἀπὸ τῆς θεμελιώσεως συνετέλεσεν. Τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς, ἐπὶ τῇ ἀνατροπῇ καὶ καθαιρέσει τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως. Ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ τῇ συνόδῳ συνῆλθον ἐκ διαφόρων πόλεων ἐπίσκοποι ἐνενήκοντα. Μάξιμος μέντοι ὁ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπίσκοπος, ὃς Μακάριον διεδέξατο, οὐ παρεγένετο ἐν αὐτῇ, ἐπιλογισάμενος ὡς εἴη συναρ παγεὶς, καὶ τῇ καθαιρέσει ὑπογράψας ᾿Αθανασίου. ᾿Ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ Ἰούλιος παρῆν, ὁ τῆς μεγίστης Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος · οὐδὲ μὴν εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ ἀπεστάλκει τινά· καίτοι κανόνος ἐκκλησιαστικοῦ κελεύοντος, μὴ δεῖν παρὰ τὴν γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ῥώμης, τὰς Ἐκκλησίας κανονίζειν κ. Συγκροτείται οὖν αὕτη σύνοδος τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ, παρουσίᾳ Κωνσταντίου τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Προδίνου: ἦν δὲ πέμπτον ἔτος τοῦτο τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ τῶν Αὐγούστων πατρὸς Κωνσταντίνου. Προειστήχει δὲ τότε τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ Ἔχχλησίας Πλάχιτος, διαδεξάμενος Εὐφρόνιον. Οἱ περὶ Εὐσέδιον οὖν, τίθενται προηγουμένως ᾿Αθανάδιαδάλλειν, πρῶτον μὲν ὡς παρὰ κανόνα πράξαντα, ὃν αὐτοὶ ὥρισαν τότε, ὅτι μὴ γνώμη κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τῶν ἐπισκόπων, τὴν τάξιν τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀνέλαδεν. Ἐπανελθὼν γὰρ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐξορίας, ἑαυτῷ ἐπιτρέψας εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἰσεπήδησε. Καὶ ὅτι ἐν τῇ εἰσόδῳ αὐτοῦ ταραχῆς γενομένης, πολλοὶ τῇ στάσει ἀπέθανον ὥς τινων αἰχιτθέντων ὑπὸ ᾿Αθανασίου, τινῶν ὃὲ δικαστηρίοις παραδοθένἡ των. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὰ ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ πεπραγμένα ᾿Αθαγασίου εἰς μέσον ἦγον. ||
Eusebios de oudeni tropǭ hēsychazein ebouleto, alla, to tou logou, panta lithon ekinei, hopōs an ho proetheto katergasētai; kataskeuazei oun synodon en Antiocheią tēs Syrias ho genesthai, prophasei men tōn enkainiōn tēs ekklēsias, hēn ho patēr men tōn Augoustōn kataskeuazein ērxato, meta teleutēn de autou, ho huios Kōnstantios dekatǭ etei apo tēs themeliōseōs synetelesen. To de alēthes, epi tę̄ anatropę̄ kai kathairesei tēs homoousiou pisteōs. En tautę̄ de tę̄ synodǭ synēlthon ek diaphorōn poleōn episkopoi enenēkonta. Maximos mentoi ho tōn Hierosolymōn episkopos, hos Makarion diedexato, ou paregeneto en autę̄, epilogisamenos hōs eiē synar pageis, kai tę̄ kathairesei hypograpsas ᾿Athanasiou. ᾿Alla mēn oude Ioulios parēn, ho tēs megistēs Rhōmēs episkopos ; oude mēn eis ton topon autou apestalkei tina; kaitoi kanonos ekklēsiastikou keleuontos, mē dein para tēn gnōmēn tou episkopou Rhōmēs, tas Ekklēsias kanonizein k. Synkroteitai oun hautē synodos tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią, parousią Kōnstantiou tou basileōs, en hypateią Prodinou: ēn de pempton etos touto tēs teleutēs tou tōn Augoustōn patros Kōnstantinou. Proeistēchei de tote tēs en ᾿Antiocheią Echchlēsias Plachitos, diadexamenos Euphronion. Hoi peri Eusedion oun, tithentai proēgoumenōs ᾿Athanadiadallein, prōton men hōs para kanona praxanta, hon autoi hōrisan tote, hoti mē gnōmē koinou synedriou tōn episkopōn, tēn taxin tēs hierōsynēs aneladen. Epanelthōn gar apo tēs exorias, heautǭ epitrepsas eis tēn Ekklēsian eisepēdēse. Kai hoti en tę̄ eisodǭ autou tarachēs genomenēs, polloi tę̄ stasei apethanon hōs tinōn aichitthentōn hypo ᾿Athanasiou, tinōn hoe dikastēriois paradothenē tōn. Ou mēn alla ta en tę̄ Tyrǭ pepragmena ᾿Athagasiou eis meson ēgon. ||
Eusebius would by no means keep quiet, but, as the saying goes, left no stone unturned to accomplish what he intended. He arranged for a synod to be held at Antioch in Syria, on the pretext of the dedication of the church which the father of the Augusti had begun to build and which after his death his son Constantius completed in the tenth year after its foundation; but in truth for the overthrow and abolition of the faith of the homoousios. Ninety bishops from various cities met at this synod. Maximus, bishop of Jerusalem, who had succeeded Macarius, did not attend, reflecting that he had been entrapped into signing the deposition of Athanasius. Nor was Julius, bishop of great Rome, present, nor had he sent anyone in his place; although an ecclesiastical canon commands that the churches must not make canons against the judgment of the bishop of Rome. This synod, then, met at Antioch in the presence of the emperor Constantius, in the consulship of … Probinus; this was the fifth year after the death of Constantine, father of the Augusti. Placitus, who had succeeded Euphronius, then presided over the church at Antioch. Eusebius and his party set out first of all to accuse Athanasius: first, as having acted against a canon which they themselves then laid down, because he had resumed the rank of priesthood without the judgment of a general council of bishops; for on his return from exile he had rushed into the church on his own authority. And that at his entry a disturbance arose and many died in the riot, some being beaten by Athanasius and others handed over to the courts. Moreover, they brought forward the proceedings at Tyre against Athanasius.
2.9PG 67:197–199
Ἐπὶ τούτοις τότε τῆς διαβολῆς γενομένης, ρίζονται τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον, πρῶτον μὲν Εὐσέδιον τὸν ἐπιχληθέντα Ἐμισηνόν. Τίς δὲ οὗτος ἣν, διδάσκει Γεώργιος ὁ Λαοδικείας, ὃς τότε παρῆν ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ. Φησὶ γὰρ ἐν τῷ εἰς αὐτὸν πεπονημένῳ βιδλέῳ, ὡς εἴη Εὐσέδιος τῶν εὐπατριδῶν τῆς ἐν Μετοποταμίᾳ Ἐδέση: χαταγόμενος᾽ νέας τε ἡλιχίας τὰ ἱερὰ μαθὼν Γράμματα" εἶτα τὰ ᾿Ελλήνων παιδευθεὶς παρὰ τῷ τηνικαῦτα τῇ ᾿Εδέσῃ ἐπιδημήσαντι παιδευτῇ' τέλος ὑπὸ Πατροφίλου Εὐσεύθίου τὰ ἱερὰ ἡρμηνεύθη Βιδλία ὧν ὁ μὲν τῶν ἐν Καισα- α' ὁ δὲ τῆς ἐν Σχυθοπόλει προΐστατο Ἐκκλησίας. Μετὰ ταῦτα δὲ ἐπιδημήσαντος αὐτοῦ τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ, συνέβη. Εὐστάθιον ὑπὸ Κύρου κατηγορηθέντα τοῦ Βεροιέως καθαιρεθῆναι ὡς Σαθελλίζοντα. Εἶτα αὖθις τὸν Εὐσέβιον συνεῖναι Εὐφρονίῳ τῷ διαδεξαμένῳ Εὐστάθιον " φεύγοντά τε τὴν ἱερωσύνην, καταλαβεῖν ἃ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, κἀκεῖ μαθεῖν τὰ φιλόσοφα. Ἐπανελθόντα τε εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν, Πλακίτῳ τῷ μετὰ Εὐφρόνιον συνεῖναι, ὑπό τε Εὐσεβίου τοῦ Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπισκόπου προβληθῆναι εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκοπήν. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἐκεῖ μὲν μηκέτι ὁρμῆσαι, διὰ τὸ σφόδρα ὑπὸ τοῦ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαοῦ ἀγαπᾶσθαι ᾿Αθανάσιον. Πεμφθῆναι δὲ εἰς τὴν Ἐμισηνῶν πόλιν. Διαστασιασάντων δὲ τῶν Ἐμισηνῶν ἐπὶ τῇ χειροτονίᾳ αὐτοῦ · ἐλοιδορεῖτο γὰρ, ὡς μαθηματικὴν ἀσκούμενος· φυγῇ χρῆται, καὶ ἄπεισιν εἰς Λαοδίκειαν πρὸς τὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ πολλὰ εἰπόντα Γεώργιον. Οὗτος δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν καταστήσας, παρεσκεύασεν αὖθις ὑπὸ Πλακίτου καὶ Ναρκίσσου καταχθῆναι εἰς τὴν Ἔμισαν. Πάλιν τε μέμψιν ὑπομεῖναι, ὡς τὰ Σαβελλίου φρονοῦντα αὐτόν. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως αὐτοῦ πλατύτερον διεξῆλθεν ὁ Γεώργιος. Τελευταῖον δὲ ἐπάγει, ὅτι καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπιὼν ἐπῆγε, καὶ ὅτι τεράστια ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο. Τὰ μὲν δὴ Γεωργίῳ εἰρημένα περὶ τοῦ Ἐμισηνοῦ Εὐσεβίου, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον λελέχθω μοι.
Epi toutois tote tēs diabolēs genomenēs, rizontai tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopon, prōton men Eusedion ton epichlēthenta Emisēnon. Tis de houtos hēn, didaskei Geōrgios ho Laodikeias, hos tote parēn en tę̄ synodǭ. Phēsi gar en tǭ eis auton peponēmenǭ bidleǭ, hōs eiē Eusedios tōn eupatridōn tēs en Metopotamią Edesē: chatagomenos᾽ neas te hēlichias ta hiera mathōn Grammata" eita ta ᾿Ellēnōn paideutheis para tǭ tēnikauta tę̄ ᾿Edesę̄ epidēmēsanti paideutę̄' telos hypo Patrophilou Euseuthiou ta hiera hērmēneuthē Bidlia hōn ho men tōn en Kaisa- a' ho de tēs en Schythopolei proïstato Ekklēsias. Meta tauta de epidēmēsantos autou tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią, synebē. Eustathion hypo Kyrou katēgorēthenta tou Beroieōs kathairethēnai hōs Sathellizonta. Eita authis ton Eusebion syneinai Euphroniǭ tǭ diadexamenǭ Eustathion " pheugonta te tēn hierōsynēn, katalabein ha tēn ᾿Alexandreian, kakei mathein ta philosopha. Epanelthonta te eis tēn ᾿Antiocheian, Plakitǭ tǭ meta Euphronion syneinai, hypo te Eusebiou tou Kōnstantinou poleōs episkopou problēthēnai eis tēn ᾿Alexandreias episkopēn. ᾿All᾽ ekei men mēketi hormēsai, dia to sphodra hypo tou tōn ᾿Alexandreōn laou agapasthai ᾿Athanasion. Pemphthēnai de eis tēn Emisēnōn polin. Diastasiasantōn de tōn Emisēnōn epi tę̄ cheirotonią autou ; eloidoreito gar, hōs mathēmatikēn askoumenos; phygę̄ chrētai, kai apeisin eis Laodikeian pros ton peri autou polla eiponta Geōrgion. Houtos de auton eis tēn ᾿Antiocheian katastēsas, pareskeuasen authis hypo Plakitou kai Narkissou katachthēnai eis tēn Emisan. Palin te mempsin hypomeinai, hōs ta Sabelliou phronounta auton. Kai ta men peri tēs katastaseōs autou platyteron diexēlthen ho Geōrgios. Teleutaion de epagei, hoti kai ho basileus auton epi tous barbarous apiōn epēge, kai hoti terastia en tais chersin autou egeneto. Ta men dē Geōrgiǭ eirēmena peri tou Emisēnou Eusebiou, epi tosouton lelechthō moi.
When the slander had been made on these grounds, they first put forward as bishop of Alexandria Eusebius surnamed of Emesa. Who he was is told by George of Laodicea, who was then present at the synod. He says in the book he composed about him that Eusebius came from one of the noble families of Edessa in Mesopotamia; that from his youth he learned the sacred writings; then he was educated in pagan learning by a teacher who was then staying at Edessa; finally the sacred books were explained to him by Patrophilus and Eusebius, of whom the latter presided over the church at Caesarea and the former over that at Scythopolis. Afterwards, when he was staying at Antioch, it happened that Eustathius was accused by Cyrus of Beroea and deposed as a Sabellian. Then Eusebius lived with Euphronius, Eustathius’s successor; avoiding the priesthood, he went to Alexandria and studied philosophy there. Returning to Antioch, he lived with Placitus, Euphronius’s successor, and was put forward by Eusebius, bishop of Constantinople, for the bishopric of Alexandria. But he did not go there, because Athanasius was much loved by the people of Alexandria; he was sent instead to the city of Emesa. When the people of Emesa rioted over his ordination (for he was reviled as one who practised astrology), he fled and went to Laodicea, to George, who said much about him. George took him to Antioch and arranged for him to be brought back again to Emesa by Placitus and Narcissus. Again he incurred blame, as holding the views of Sabellius. George describes his installation at length, and finally adds that the emperor took him along when he went against the barbarians, and that wonders were done at his hands. Let this much be said by me of what George says about Eusebius of Emesa.
2.10PG 67:199–203
σαν. Τότε δὲ τοῦ Εὐσεβίου ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ προβληθέντος, καὶ δεδοικότος τὴν εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἄφιξιν, προχειρίζονται Γρηγόριον εἰς τὴν Ἀλεξανδρείας ἐπισκοπήν. Καὶ τοῦτο κατεργασάμενοι, μεταποιοῦσι τὴν πίστιν, οὐδὲν μὲν τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ μεμψάμενοι, τὸ δὲ ἀληθὲς, ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει καὶ παρατροπῇ τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, διὰ τοῦ συνεχεῖς ποιεῖσθαι συνόδους, καὶ ἄλλοτε ἄλλως ὑπαγορεύειν τὸν ὅρον τῆς πίστεως, ὥστε καταβραχὺ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν δόξαν παρατρέψωσι. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὅπως ἐγένετο, προϊόν - τος τοῦ λόγου δηλώσομεν· Ἡ δὲ ὑπαγορευθεῖσα περὶ τῆς πίστεως ἐπιστολὴ, ἔστιν ἥδε· Ἡμεῖς οὔτε ἀκόλουθοι ᾿Αρείου γεγόναμεν. Πῶς γὰρ ἐπίσκοποι ὄντες, ἀκολουθήσομεν πρεσβυτέρῳ; Οὔτε ἄλλην τινὰ πίστιν παρὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐκτεθεῖσαν ἐδεξάμεθα. ᾿Αλλὰ ἡμεῖς ἐξετασταὶ καὶ δοκιμασταὶ τῆς πίστεως αὐτοῦ γενόμενοι, μᾶλλον αὐτὸν προσηκάμεθα ἤπερ ἠκολουθήσαμεν. Καὶ γνώσεσθε ἀπὸ τῶν λεγομένων. Μεμαθήκαμεν γὰμ 1 ἐς ἀρχῆς, εἰς ἕνα τὸν τῶν ὅλων Θεὸν πιστεύειν, τῶν πάντων νοητῶν τε καὶ αἰσθητῶν δημιουργόν τε καὶ προνοητήν · καὶ εἰς ἕνα Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ μονογενῆ, πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων ὑπάρχοντα, καὶ συνόντα τῷ γεγεννηκότι αὐτὸν Πατρὶ, δι' οὗ καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ τὰ ἀόρατα· τὸν καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν κατ' εὐδοκίαν τοῦ Πατρὸς κατελθόντα, καὶ σάρκα ἐκ τῆς ἁγίας Παρθένου ἀνειληφότα, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν πατρικὴν αὐτοῦ βουλὴν συνεκπεπληρωκότα πεπονθέναι, καὶ ἐγηγέρθαι, καὶ εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἀνεληλυθέναι, καὶ ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς καθέζεσθαι. Καὶ ἐρχόμενον κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκροὺς, καὶ διαμένοντα βασιλέα καὶ Θεὸν εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας. Πιστεύομεν καὶ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα. Εἰ δὲ δεῖ προσθεῖναι, πιστεύομεν καὶ περὶ σαρκὸς ἀναστάσεως, καὶ ζωῆς αἰωνίου. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ ἐπιστολῇ γράψαντες, τοῖς κατὰ πόλιν ἔπεμπον. Ἐπιμείναντες δὲ μικρὸν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ, καὶ ὥσπερ καταγνόντες ταύτης, αὖθις ἑτέραν ὑπαγορεύουσιν ἐν τοῖσδε τοῖς βήματι · ῎Αλλη ἔκθεσις. Πιστεύομεν ἀκολούθως η τῇ εὐαγγελικῇ καὶ ἀποστολικῇ παραδόσει, εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, τὸν τῶν ὅλων δημιουργόν τε καὶ ποιητήν· εἰς ἕνα Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν Υἱὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν μονογενῆ Θεὸν, δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο · τὸν γεννηθέντα πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, ὅλον ἐξ ὅλου, μόνον ἐκ μόνου, τέλειον ἐκ τελείου –, βασιλέα ἐκ βασιλέως, Κύριον ἀπὸ Κυρίου, Λόγον ζῶντα, σοφίαν, ζωὴν, φῶς ἀληθινὸν, ὁδὸν ἀληθείας, ἀνάστασιν, ποιμένα, θύραν· ἄτρεπτὸν τε καὶ ἀναλλοίωτον · τὴν τῆς θεότητος, οὐσίας τε καὶ δυνάμεως καὶ βουλῆς καὶ δόξης τοῦ Πατρὸς ἀπαράλλακτον εἰκόνα · τὸν πρωτότοκον πάσης κτίσεως· τὸν ὄντα ἐν ἀρχῇ πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν, Λόγον Cὖν, κατὰ τὸ εἰρημένον ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ· Θεὸς ἦν ὁ Λόγος, δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο. καὶ ἐν · τὰ πάντα συνέστηκε· τὸν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν κατελθόντα ἄνωθεν, καὶ γεννηθέντα ἐκ Παρθένου κατὰ τὰς Γραφάς· καὶ ἄνθρωπον γενόμενον, μεσίτην δεοῦ καὶ ἀνθρώπων, ἀπόστολόν τε τῆς πίστεως ἡμῶν, καὶ ἀρχηγὸν τῆς ζωῆς, ὡς φησι, ὅτι Κατατὸ ἐμὸν, ἀλλὰ τὸ θέλημα τοῦ πέμψαντός με. Τὸν παθόντα ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν, καὶ ἀναστάντα ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ἀνελθόντα εἰς οὐρανοὺς, καὶ καθεσθέντα ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρός· καὶ πάλιν ἐρχόμενον μετὰ δόξης καὶ δυνάμεως, κρίναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς. Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, τὸ εἰς παράκλησιν καὶ ἁγιασμὸν, καὶ εἰς τελείωσιν τοῖς πιστεύουσι διδό μενον· καθὼς καὶ ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς διετάξατο τοῖς μαθηταῖς λέγων· Πορευθέντες μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος · δῆλον ὅτι Πατρὸς ἀληθινῶς ὄντος Πατρὸς, καὶ Υἱοῦ ἀληθινῶς Υἱοῦ ὄντος, καὶ Πνεύματος ἁγίου ἀληθῶς ὄντος Πνεύματος ἁγίου· τῶν ὀνομάτων βέβηκα ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, οὐχ ἵνα ποιῶ τὸ θέλημα οὐχ ἁπλῶς, οὐδὲ ἀργῶν κειμένων, ἀλλὰ σημαινόντων ἀκριβῶς τὴν ἰδίαν ἑκάστου τῶν ὀνομαζομένων ὑπόστασίν τε καὶ δόξαν καὶ τάξιν, ὡς εἶναι τῇ μὲν ὑποστάσει τρία· τῇ δὲ συμφωνίᾳ ἕν. Ταύτην οὖν ἔχοντες τὴν πίστιν (94'), ἐνώπιον τοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, πᾶσαν αἱρετικὴν ἀναθεματίζομεν κακοδοξίαν. Καὶ εἴ τις παρὰ τὴν ὑγιῆ τῶν Γραφῶν ὀρθὴν πίστιν δι δάσκει λέγων, ἢ καιρὸν ἢ αἰῶνα εἶναι ἢ γεγονέναι, πρὸ τοῦ τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀνάθημα ἔστω. Καὶ εἴ τις λέγει τὸν Υἱὸν κτίσμα ὡς ἓν τῶν κτισμάτων, ἢ γέννημα ὡς ἓν τῶν γεννημάτων, καὶ μὴ ὡς αἱ θεῖαι Γραφαὶ παραδεδώκασι τῶν προειρημένων ἕκαστα· ἢ εἴ τις ἄλλο διδάσκει ἢ εὐαγγελίζεται παρ᾿ ὁ παρ ελάβομεν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Ἡμεῖς γὰρ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐκ τῶν θείων Γραφῶν παραδεδομένοις, ὑπὸ τε τῶν προφητῶν καὶ ἀποστόλων, ἀληθινῶς τε καὶ ἐμφανῶς, καὶ πιστεύομεν καὶ ἀκολουθοῦμεν. Τοιαῦται μὲν αἱ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τότε συνελθόντων περὶ τῆς πίστεως ἐκθέσεις ἐγένοντο· αἷς καὶ Γρηγόριος μήπω τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπιβὰς, ὡς ἐπίσκοπος αὐτῆς καθυπέγραψε. Καὶ ἡ μὲν ἐκεῖ τότε γενομένη σύνοδος ταῦτα πράξασα, καὶ ἄλλα τινὰ νομοθετήσασα διελύθη. Ἐν δὲ τῷδε τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ τὰ δημόσια πράγματα συνέβη ταράσσεσθαι. Ἔθνος οἳ Φράγκοι • καλοῦνται, τοῖς περὶ Γαλλίαν κατέτρεχον Ῥωμαίοις. Ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ, καὶ σεισμοὶ μέγιστοι ἐν τῇ Ἑῴᾳ ἐγένοντο· μάλιστα δὲ ἡ ᾿Αντιόχεια ἐπὶ ἐνιαυτὸν ὅλον ἐσείετο.
san. Tote de tou Eusebiou en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią problēthentos, kai dedoikotos tēn eis ᾿Alexandreian aphixin, procheirizontai Grēgorion eis tēn Alexandreias episkopēn. Kai touto katergasamenoi, metapoiousi tēn pistin, ouden men tōn en Nikaią mempsamenoi, to de alēthes, epi kathairesei kai paratropę̄ tēs homoousiou pisteōs, dia tou synecheis poieisthai synodous, kai allote allōs hypagoreuein ton horon tēs pisteōs, hōste katabrachy eis tēn ᾿Areianēn doxan paratrepsōsi. Tauta men oun hopōs egeneto, proïon - tos tou logou dēlōsomen; Hē de hypagoreutheisa peri tēs pisteōs epistolē, estin hēde; Hēmeis oute akolouthoi ᾿Areiou gegonamen. Pōs gar episkopoi ontes, akolouthēsomen presbyterǭ? Oute allēn tina pistin para tēn ex archēs ektetheisan edexametha. ᾿Alla hēmeis exetastai kai dokimastai tēs pisteōs autou genomenoi, mallon auton prosēkametha ēper ēkolouthēsamen. Kai gnōsesthe apo tōn legomenōn. Memathēkamen gam 1 es archēs, eis hena ton tōn holōn Theon pisteuein, tōn pantōn noētōn te kai aisthētōn dēmiourgon te kai pronoētēn ; kai eis hena Huion tou Theou monogenē, pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn hyparchonta, kai synonta tǭ gegennēkoti auton Patri, di' hou kai ta panta egeneto ta horata kai ta aorata; ton kai ep᾿ eschatōn tōn hēmerōn kat' eudokian tou Patros katelthonta, kai sarka ek tēs hagias Parthenou aneilēphota, kai pasan tēn patrikēn autou boulēn synekpeplērōkota peponthenai, kai egēgerthai, kai eis ouranous anelēlythenai, kai en dexią tou Patros kathezesthai. Kai erchomenon krinai zōntas kai nekrous, kai diamenonta basilea kai Theon eis tous aiōnas. Pisteuomen kai eis to hagion Pneuma. Ei de dei prostheinai, pisteuomen kai peri sarkos anastaseōs, kai zōēs aiōniou. Tauta men en tę̄ prōtę̄ epistolę̄ grapsantes, tois kata polin epempon. Epimeinantes de mikron en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią, kai hōsper katagnontes tautēs, authis heteran hypagoreuousin en toisde tois bēmati ; ᾿Allē ekthesis. Pisteuomen akolouthōs ē tę̄ euangelikę̄ kai apostolikę̄ paradosei, eis hena Theon Patera pantokratora, ton tōn holōn dēmiourgon te kai poiētēn; eis hena Kyrion Iēsoun Christon, ton Huion autou ton monogenē Theon, di' hou ta panta egeneto ; ton gennēthenta pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn ek tou Patros, Theon ek Theou, holon ex holou, monon ek monou, teleion ek teleiou –, basilea ek basileōs, Kyrion apo Kyriou, Logon zōnta, sophian, zōēn, phōs alēthinon, hodon alētheias, anastasin, poimena, thyran; atrepton te kai analloiōton ; tēn tēs theotētos, ousias te kai dynameōs kai boulēs kai doxēs tou Patros aparallakton eikona ; ton prōtotokon pasēs ktiseōs; ton onta en archę̄ pros ton Theon, Logon Cyn, kata to eirēmenon en tǭ Euangeliǭ; Theos ēn ho Logos, di' hou ta panta egeneto. kai en ; ta panta synestēke; ton ep᾽ eschatōn tōn hēmerōn katelthonta anōthen, kai gennēthenta ek Parthenou kata tas Graphas; kai anthrōpon genomenon, mesitēn deou kai anthrōpōn, apostolon te tēs pisteōs hēmōn, kai archēgon tēs zōēs, hōs phēsi, hoti Katato emon, alla to thelēma tou pempsantos me. Ton pathonta hyper hēmōn, kai anastanta hyper hēmōn tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą, kai anelthonta eis ouranous, kai kathesthenta en dexią tou Patros; kai palin erchomenon meta doxēs kai dynameōs, krinai zōntas kai nekrous. Kai eis to Pneuma to hagion, to eis paraklēsin kai hagiasmon, kai eis teleiōsin tois pisteuousi dido menon; kathōs kai ho Kyrios hēmōn Iēsous Christos dietaxato tois mathētais legōn; Poreuthentes mathēteusate panta ta ethnē, baptizontes autous eis to onoma tou Patros, kai tou Huiou, kai tou hagiou Pneumatos ; dēlon hoti Patros alēthinōs ontos Patros, kai Huiou alēthinōs Huiou ontos, kai Pneumatos hagiou alēthōs ontos Pneumatos hagiou; tōn onomatōn bebēka ek tou ouranou, ouch hina poiō to thelēma ouch haplōs, oude argōn keimenōn, alla sēmainontōn akribōs tēn idian hekastou tōn onomazomenōn hypostasin te kai doxan kai taxin, hōs einai tę̄ men hypostasei tria; tę̄ de symphōnią hen. Tautēn oun echontes tēn pistin (94'), enōpion tou Theou kai tou Christou, pasan hairetikēn anathematizomen kakodoxian. Kai ei tis para tēn hygiē tōn Graphōn orthēn pistin di daskei legōn, ē kairon ē aiōna einai ē gegonenai, pro tou ton Huion tou Theou, anathēma estō. Kai ei tis legei ton Huion ktisma hōs hen tōn ktismatōn, ē gennēma hōs hen tōn gennēmatōn, kai mē hōs hai theiai Graphai paradedōkasi tōn proeirēmenōn hekasta; ē ei tis allo didaskei ē euangelizetai par᾿ ho par elabomen, anathema estō. Hēmeis gar pasi tois ek tōn theiōn Graphōn paradedomenois, hypo te tōn prophētōn kai apostolōn, alēthinōs te kai emphanōs, kai pisteuomen kai akolouthoumen. Toiautai men hai tōn en ᾿Antiocheią tote synelthontōn peri tēs pisteōs ektheseis egenonto; hais kai Grēgorios mēpō tēs ᾿Alexandreias epibas, hōs episkopos autēs kathypegrapse. Kai hē men ekei tote genomenē synodos tauta praxasa, kai alla tina nomothetēsasa dielythē. En de tǭde tǭ chronǭ kai ta dēmosia pragmata synebē tarassesthai. Ethnos hoi Phrankoi • kalountai, tois peri Gallian katetrechon Rhōmaiois. En tautǭ de, kai seismoi megistoi en tę̄ Heǭą egenonto; malista de hē ᾿Antiocheia epi eniauton holon eseieto.
… Then, since Eusebius had been put forward at Antioch and was afraid to go to Alexandria, they appointed Gregory to the bishopric of Alexandria. When they had done this, they altered the creed. They found no fault with what was done at Nicaea, but in truth they aimed at the abolition and perversion of the faith of the homoousios, by holding continual synods and dictating the definition of faith differently at different times, so as to turn it gradually to the Arian opinion. How this happened we shall show as the account proceeds. The letter dictated about the faith is as follows:
“We have not become followers of Arius; for how should we, being bishops, follow a presbyter? Nor have we received any other faith than that set out from the beginning. Rather, having become examiners and testers of his faith, we accepted him rather than followed him. You will know this from what is said. For we have learned from the beginning to believe in one God, the God of the universe, the maker and provider of all things intelligible and perceptible; and in one only-begotten Son of God, existing before all ages and being with the Father who begot him, through whom also all things came to be, visible and invisible; who in the last days by the good pleasure of the Father came down and took flesh from the holy Virgin, and having fulfilled all his Father’s will, suffered, was raised, ascended into the heavens, and sits at the right hand of the Father; and is coming to judge the living and the dead, and remains king and God for ever. We believe also in the Holy Spirit. And if it must be added, we believe also concerning the resurrection of the flesh and life eternal.”
Having written this in the first letter, they sent it to those in each city. But after staying a little longer at Antioch, as if they had condemned this, they dictated another in these words. Another statement: “We believe, in accordance with the evangelical and apostolic tradition, in one God, the Father Almighty, the maker and creator of the universe; in one Lord Jesus Christ, his Son, the only-begotten God, through whom all things came to be; begotten before all ages from the Father, God from God, whole from whole, only from only, perfect from perfect, king from king, Lord from Lord, living Word, wisdom, life, true light, way of truth, resurrection, shepherd, door; unchangeable and unalterable; the exact image of the Godhead, essence, power, counsel, and glory of the Father; the firstborn of all creation; who was in the beginning with God, God the Word, according to what is said in the Gospel, ‘and the Word was God’, through whom all things came to be, and in whom all things hold together; who in the last days came down from above and was born of a Virgin according to the Scriptures, and became man, mediator between God and men, apostle of our faith and author of life, as he says, ‘I have come down from heaven, not to do my own will, but the will of him who sent me’; who suffered for us and rose for us on the third day, ascended into the heavens, and sat down at the right hand of the Father, and is coming again with glory and power to judge the living and the dead. And in the Holy Spirit, given to those who believe for comfort, sanctification, and perfection; as our Lord Jesus Christ also commanded his disciples, saying, ‘Go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit’; plainly of a Father who is truly Father, a Son who is truly Son, and a Holy Spirit who is truly Holy Spirit; the names not being given simply or idly, but signifying exactly the proper hypostasis, glory, and order of each of those named, so that they are three in hypostasis but one in agreement. Holding this faith, then, before God and Christ, we anathematize every heretical wrong belief. And if anyone teaches, contrary to the sound and right faith of the Scriptures, saying that there is or has been a time or an age before the Son of God was, let him be anathema. And if anyone says that the Son is a creature as one of the creatures, or an offspring as one of the offspring, and not as the divine Scriptures have handed down each of the things mentioned; or if anyone teaches or preaches anything other than what we have received, let him be anathema. For we truly and openly believe and follow all that has been handed down from the divine Scriptures by the prophets and apostles.”
Such were the statements of faith of those who then met at Antioch; Gregory too, who had not yet set foot in Alexandria, signed them as its bishop. The synod held there then, having done these things and made some other laws, was dissolved. At this time public affairs too were disturbed: the nation called the Franks overran the Romans in Gaul, and at the same time very great earthquakes occurred in the East, and Antioch above all was shaken for a whole year.
2.11PG 67:205–207
Τούτων γινομένων, καὶ Γρηγόριον χατήγαγον ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ Συριανός τε ὁ στρατηγὸς, οἱ σὺν αὑτῷ ὁπλῖται στρατιῶται, ἀριθμὸς ὄντες πεντακισχίλιοι. Συνελαμβάνοντο δὲ αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἐκεῖ τὰ ! ᾿Αρείου φρονοῦντες. Ὅπως δὲ ᾿Αθανάσιος τῆς Ἐχκλησίας ἐξωθούμενος, τοῦ συλληφθῆναι αὐτὸν διέφυγε, λεκτέον. Ἑσπέρα μὲν ἣν" ὁ δὲ λαὸς ἐπαννύχιζε, προσδυχωμένης συνάξεως. δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς, κατὰ φάλαγγα τοὺς στρατιώτας τάξας πανταχόθεν τῆς ἐκκλησίας. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ ἑωρακὼς τὰ γινόμενα, φροντίδα ἔθετο ὅπως ἂν τῷ λαῷ μηδαμῶς β)άδη γένηται δι᾽ αὐτόν. Καὶ προστάξας διακόνῳ χηρύξαι εὐχὴν, αὖθις ψαλμὸν λέγεσθαι παρεσκεύασε. Συμφωνίας δὲ ἐχ τῆς ψαλμῳδίας γενομένης, διὰ μιᾶς τῶν πυλῶν τῇς ἐχχλητίας πάντες ἐξήεσαν. Τούτου γινομένου, οἱ στρατιῶται ἀπόμαχοι ἔμενον " ὁ δὲ ᾽λθανάσιος ἐν μέσοις τοῖς Ψαλμῳδοῦσιν ἀθλαθὴς διεσώζετο. Τοῦτον δὲ τὸν τρόπον διεχφυγὼν, ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώἀνέδραμε. Καὶ Γρηγόριος μὲν τότε τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκράτησεν. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαὸς οὐχ ἐνεγχόντες τὸ γεγονὸς, τὴν καλουμένην Διονυσίου ἐχκλησίαν ἐνέπρησαν. Τοσαῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω. Εὐσέβιος δὲ ὅσα ἐβούλετο κατεργασάμενος, διεπρεσθεύετο πρὸς Ἰούλιον τὸν Ῥώμης ἐπί90 σκοπον, αὐτὸν κριτὴν τῶν κατὰ ᾿Αθανάσιον γενέσθαι παρακαλῶν, καὶ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν καλεῖν τὴν δίκην.
Toutōn ginomenōn, kai Grēgorion chatēgagon en ᾿Alexandreią Syrianos te ho stratēgos, hoi syn hautǭ hoplitai stratiōtai, arithmos ontes pentakischilioi. Synelambanonto de autois, kai ekei ta ! ᾿Areiou phronountes. Hopōs de ᾿Athanasios tēs Echklēsias exōthoumenos, tou syllēphthēnai auton diephyge, lekteon. Hespera men hēn" ho de laos epannychize, prosdychōmenēs synaxeōs. de ho stratēgos, kata phalanga tous stratiōtas taxas pantachothen tēs ekklēsias. ᾿Athanasios de heōrakōs ta ginomena, phrontida etheto hopōs an tǭ laǭ mēdamōs b)adē genētai di᾽ auton. Kai prostaxas diakonǭ chēryxai euchēn, authis psalmon legesthai pareskeuase. Symphōnias de ech tēs psalmǭdias genomenēs, dia mias tōn pylōn tę̄s echchlētias pantes exēesan. Toutou ginomenou, hoi stratiōtai apomachoi emenon " ho de ᾽lthanasios en mesois tois Psalmǭdousin athlathēs diesōzeto. Touton de ton tropon diechphygōn, epi tēn Rhōanedrame. Kai Grēgorios men tote tēs Ekklēsias ekratēsen. Ho de ᾿Alexandreōn laos ouch enenchontes to gegonos, tēn kaloumenēn Dionysiou echklēsian eneprēsan. Tosauta men oun peri toutōn eirēsthō. Eusebios de hosa ebouleto katergasamenos, dieprestheueto pros Ioulion ton Rhōmēs epi90 skopon, auton kritēn tōn kata ᾿Athanasion genesthai parakalōn, kai pros heauton kalein tēn dikēn.
While this was happening, Syrianus the general, with the armed soldiers under him, five thousand in number, brought Gregory into Alexandria, and those there who held Arius’s views helped them. How Athanasius, driven from the church, escaped being seized must be told. It was evening, and the people were keeping vigil, since an assembly was expected. The general came and drew up the soldiers in battle order all round the church. Athanasius, seeing what was happening, took care that the people should in no way be harmed on his account. He ordered a deacon to announce a prayer, and then had a psalm said. As the psalm was sung in harmony, all went out through one of the doors of the church. While this was happening, the soldiers stood idle, and Athanasius escaped unhurt in the midst of those singing the psalm. Having escaped in this way, he hastened to Rome. Gregory then took possession of the church; but the people of Alexandria, unable to bear what had happened, set fire to the church called Dionysius’s. Let this much be said about these things. Eusebius, having accomplished what he wished, sent an embassy to Julius, bishop of Rome, asking him to become judge of the case against Athanasius and to call the trial before himself.
2.12PG 67:207
Ἀλλ' οὐκ ἔφθασε μαθεῖν Εὐσέβιος τὰ παρὰ Ἰουλίου περὶ Ἀθανασίου κριθέντα. Μικρὸν γὰρ μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἐπιβιοὺς, ἐτελεύτησε 4. Διόπερ καὶ ὁ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει λαὸς, αὖθις εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν τὸν Παῦλον εἰσάγουσι. Κατὰ ταὐτὸν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες, ἐν τῇ λεγομένῃ ἐπὶ Παῦλον ἐκκλησίᾳ χειροτονοῦσι τὸν Μακεδόνιον. Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίησαν οἱ πρώην Εὐσεβίῳ τῷ πάντα κυκῶντι συμπράττοντες, τότε δὴ τὴν αὐθεντίαν διαδεξάμενοι · εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι, Θέογνις Νικαίας, Μάρις Χαλκηδόνος, Θεόδωρος Ἡρακλείας τῆς ἐν Θράκῃ, Οὐρσάκιος Σιγγιδόνος τῆς ἄνω Μυσίας, Οὐάλης Μουρσῶν τῆς ἄνω Παννονίας. Οὐρσάκιος μὲν οὖν καὶ Οὐάλης ὕστερον μεταγνόντες, βιβλίον μετανοίας τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰουλίῳ ἐπιδόντες, τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ τε δόξῃ συντιθέμενοι, ἐκοινώνησαν. Τότε δὲ διαπύρως τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν συγκροτοῦντες θρησκείαν, οὐ τοὺς τυχόντας κατὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν πολέμους ἑτύρευσαν, ὧν εἷς ἦν ὁ διὰ Μακεδονίου ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει γενόμενος. Ὑπὸ γὰρ τοῦδε τοῦ έμφυλίου τῶν Χριστιανῶν πολέμου, συνεχεῖς ἐγένοντο κατὰ τὴν πόλιν στάσεις, πολλοί τε ἐκ τῶν γινομένων συντριβέντες ἀπώλοντο.
All' ouk ephthase mathein Eusebios ta para Iouliou peri Athanasiou krithenta. Mikron gar meta tēn synodon epibious, eteleutēse 4. Dioper kai ho en Kōnstantinou polei laos, authis eis tēn Ekklēsian ton Paulon eisagousi. Kata tauton de kai hoi areianizontes, en tę̄ legomenę̄ epi Paulon ekklēsią cheirotonousi ton Makedonion. Kai touto de epoiēsan hoi prōēn Eusebiǭ tǭ panta kykōnti symprattontes, tote dē tēn authentian diadexamenoi ; eisi de houtoi, Theognis Nikaias, Maris Chalkēdonos, Theodōros Hērakleias tēs en Thrakę̄, Oursakios Singidonos tēs anō Mysias, Oualēs Moursōn tēs anō Pannonias. Oursakios men oun kai Oualēs hysteron metagnontes, biblion metanoias tǭ episkopǭ Iouliǭ epidontes, tę̄ homoousiǭ te doxę̄ syntithemenoi, ekoinōnēsan. Tote de diapyrōs tēn ᾿Areianēn synkrotountes thrēskeian, ou tous tychontas kata tōn Ekklēsiōn polemous hetyreusan, hōn heis ēn ho dia Makedoniou en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei genomenos. Hypo gar toude tou emphyliou tōn Christianōn polemou, synecheis egenonto kata tēn polin staseis, polloi te ek tōn ginomenōn syntribentes apōlonto.
But Eusebius did not live to learn what Julius decided about Athanasius; for he died a little after the synod. So the people of Constantinople brought Paul back into the church; and at the same time the Arians ordained Macedonius in the church called after Paul. Those who had previously worked with Eusebius, who stirred everything up, and had then inherited his authority did this: they were Theognis of Nicaea, Maris of Chalcedon, Theodore of Heraclea in Thrace, Ursacius of Singidunum in Upper Moesia, and Valens of Mursa in Upper Pannonia. Ursacius and Valens later changed their minds, presented a statement of repentance to bishop Julius, agreed to the opinion of the homoousios, and were admitted to communion. But at that time they ardently supported the Arian religion and stirred up no small wars against the churches, one of which was the one at Constantinople caused by Macedonius. Through this civil war of the Christians there were continual riots in the city, and many were crushed and killed in what happened.
2.13PG 67:207–209
Ἦλθε δὲ τὰ γινόμενα εἰς ἀκοὰς Κωνσταντίου τοῦ βασιλέως, κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν διατρίβοντος. Ἐντέλλεται οὖν Ἑρμογένει τῷ στρατηλάτῃ ἐπὶ τὰ Θράκια πεμπομένῳ μέρη, ὁδοῦ πάρεργον ποιῆσαι, καὶ ἐξωθῆσαι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας τὸν Παῦλον. "Ὃς καταλαβὼν τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν, ὅλην διετάραξε, βιαζόμενος ἐκβαλεῖν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον. Στάσις γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐκ τοῦ δήμου παρηκολούθει, καὶ ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν ἀμύνεσθαι. Ὡς δὲ ἐπέκειτο ὁ Ἑρμογένης διὰ στρατιωτικῆς χειρὸς ἀπελάσαι τὸν Παῦλον, παροξυνθὲν τότε τὸ πλῆθος, οἷα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι, άλογωτέρας ἐποιεῖτο κατ' αὐτοῦ τὰς ὁρμάς· καὶ ἐμπίπρησι μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν οἰκίαν· αὐτὸν δὲ σύραντες, ἀπέκτειναν Γ. Ταῦτα δὲ πέπρακται ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῶν δύο Αὐγούστων, Κωνσταντίου τὸ τρίτον καὶ Κώνσταντος τὸ δεύτερον. Καθ' ὂν χρόνον Κώνστας μὲν Φράγκων ἔθνος νικήσας, ὑποσπόνδους Ῥωμαίοις ἐποίησε. Κωνστάντιος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς περὶ τῆς ἀναιρέσεως Ερμογένους πυθόμενος, ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἱππεὺς ἐλάσας, καταλαμβάνει τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν· καὶ τὸν μὲν Παῦλον ἐξελαύνει τῆς πόλεως. Ἐζημίωσε δὲ τὴν πόλιν, ἀφελὼν τοῦ σιτηρεσίου τοῦ παρασχεθέντος παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ ἡμερησίου, ὑπὲρ τέσσαρας μυριάδας · ὀκτὼ γὰρ ἐγγὺς μυριάδες ἐχορηγοῦντο πρότερον τοῦ σίτου ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων κομιζομένου πόλεως. Μακεδόνιον δὲ ἀναδεῖξαι τῆς πόλεως ἐπίσκοπον ὑπερέθετο. Ωργίζετο γὰρ οὐ μόνον περὶ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ κεχειροτόνητο, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ διὰ τὰς μεταξὺ αὐτοῦ τε καὶ Παύλου γενομένας στάσεις, πολλοί τε ἄλλοι, καὶ ὁ στρατηλάτης Ἑρμογένης ἀνήρητο. Ἐάσας οὖν αὐτὸν ἐν ᾗ ἐχειροτονήθη ἐκκλησίᾳ συνάγειν, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ἀνεχώρησεν.
Ēlthe de ta ginomena eis akoas Kōnstantiou tou basileōs, kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian diatribontos. Entelletai oun Hermogenei tǭ stratēlatę̄ epi ta Thrakia pempomenǭ merē, hodou parergon poiēsai, kai exōthēsai tēs Ekklēsias ton Paulon. "Hos katalabōn tēn Kōnstantinoupolin, holēn dietaraxe, biazomenos ekbalein ton episkopon. Stasis gar euthys ek tou dēmou parēkolouthei, kai hetoimoi ēsan amynesthai. Hōs de epekeito ho Hermogenēs dia stratiōtikēs cheiros apelasai ton Paulon, paroxynthen tote to plēthos, hoia en tois toioutois philei ginesthai, alogōteras epoieito kat' autou tas hormas; kai empiprēsi men autou tēn oikian; auton de syrantes, apekteinan G. Tauta de pepraktai en hypateią tōn dyo Augoustōn, Kōnstantiou to triton kai Kōnstantos to deuteron. Kath' on chronon Kōnstas men Phrankōn ethnos nikēsas, hypospondous Rhōmaiois epoiēse. Kōnstantios de ho basileus peri tēs anaireseōs Ermogenous pythomenos, ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias hippeus elasas, katalambanei tēn Kōnstantinou polin; kai ton men Paulon exelaunei tēs poleōs. Ezēmiōse de tēn polin, aphelōn tou sitēresiou tou paraschethentos para tou patros autou hēmerēsiou, hyper tessaras myriadas ; oktō gar engys myriades echorēgounto proteron tou sitou ek tēs ᾿Alexandreōn komizomenou poleōs. Makedonion de anadeixai tēs poleōs episkopon hyperetheto. Ōrgizeto gar ou monon peri autou, hoti para gnōmēn autou kecheirotonēto, all᾽ hoti kai dia tas metaxy autou te kai Paulou genomenas staseis, polloi te alloi, kai ho stratēlatēs Hermogenēs anērēto. Easas oun auton en hę̄ echeirotonēthē ekklēsią synagein, authis epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian anechōrēsen.
What was happening came to the ears of the emperor Constantius, who was staying at Antioch. He ordered Hermogenes, the general, who was being sent to Thrace, to do it as a task on the way and drive Paul out of the church. Arriving at Constantinople, he threw the whole city into confusion, trying to expel the bishop by force; for a riot of the people at once followed, and they were ready to resist. When Hermogenes pressed on to drive Paul out with soldiers, the crowd, provoked, as usually happens in such cases, rushed at him more recklessly: they set fire to his house, dragged him out, and killed him. This was done in the consulship of the two Augusti, Constantius for the third time and Constans for the second. At that time Constans defeated the nation of the Franks and made them allies of the Romans. The emperor Constantius, learning of Hermogenes’s murder, rode from Antioch on horseback and reached Constantinople. He drove Paul out of the city and punished the city by taking away more than forty thousand measures of the daily grain allowance granted by his father; for nearly eighty thousand had previously been supplied from the grain brought from the city of Alexandria. He delayed appointing Macedonius bishop of the city; for he was angry with him, not only because he had been ordained against his wishes, but because through the riots between him and Paul many others, and the general Hermogenes, had been killed. He allowed him to hold assemblies in the church in which he had been ordained, and returned again to Antioch.
2.14PG 67:209–211
Ἐν δὲ τῷδε καὶ οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες μεθιστῶσιν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας Γρηγόριον ὡς μισούμενον, ἐν ταὐτῷ δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐμπρησμόν, καὶ ὅτι ἦττον τὴν αὐτῶν δόξαν συνεκρότει. ᾿Αντέπεμ πον δὲ Γεώργιον, ὃς ἐκ Καππαδοκίας μὲν ὡρμᾶτο· δόξαν δὲ δεινοῦ περὶ τὴν αὐτῶν θρησκείαν ἐκέκτητο.
En de tǭde kai hoi areianizontes methistōsin ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias Grēgorion hōs misoumenon, en tautǭ de kai dia ton tēs ekklēsias emprēsmon, kai hoti ētton tēn autōn doxan synekrotei. ᾿Antepem pon de Geōrgion, hos ek Kappadokias men hōrmato; doxan de deinou peri tēn autōn thrēskeian ekektēto.
Meanwhile the Arians removed Gregory from Alexandria, both because he was hated and because of the burning of the church, and because he supported their opinion too little. In his place they sent George, who came from Cappadocia and had a reputation for skill in their religion.
2.15PG 67:211–213
᾿Αθανάσιος μέντοι ὀψε ποτε διαβῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἐξίσχυσε. Τῶν δὲ Ἑσπερίων τηνικαῦτα μερῶν Κώνστας ὁ νεώτερος τῶν Κωνσταντίνου παίδων μόνος ἐκράτει, Κωνσταντίνου τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀναιρεθέντος, καθὰ καὶ ἤδη φθάσαντες προείπομεν. Κατ' αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ Παῦλος ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, καὶ Ἀσκληπᾶς Γάζης, καὶ Μάρκελλος Αγκύρας τῆς μικρᾶς Γαλατίας, καὶ Λούκιος ᾿Αδριανουπόλεως, ἄλλος δι' ἄλλο κατηγορη - θέντες, καὶ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐξελαθέντες 8, ἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ Ῥώμῃ εὑρίσκονται. Γνωρίζουσιν οὖν τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ῥώμης Ἰουλίῳ τὰ καθ' ἑαυτούς· ὁ δὲ, ἅτε προνόμια τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας ἐχούσης, παρῥησιαστικοῖς γράμμασιν ὠχύρωσεν αὐτοὺς, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ανατολὴν ἀποστέλλει, τὸν οἰκεῖον ἑκάστῳ τόπον ἀποδιδοὺς, καὶ καθαπτόμενος τῶν προπετῶς καθελόντων αὐτούς. Οἱ δὲ ἀναζεύξαντες ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης, καὶ τοῖς τύποις τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ἰουλίου θαρῥοῦντες, τάς τε ἑαυτῶν ἐκκλησίας καταλαμβάνουσι, καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς πρὸς οὓς ἐγράφησαν διαπέμπονται. Οἱ δὲ δεξάμενοι 1, ὕβριν ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐπίπληξιν· καὶ σύνοδον ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ κηρύξαντες, συνελθόντες ἐν αὐτῇ, γνώμῃ κοινῇ σφοδρότερον δι' ἐπιστολῆς ἀντεγκαλοῦσι τῷ Ἰουλίῳ, δηλοῦντες μὴ δεῖν κανονίζεσθαι παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ, εἰ βούλοιντο ἐξελαύνειν τινὰς τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν· μηδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς ἀντειπεῖν, ὅτε Ναύατον τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἤλαυνον. Ταῦτα μὲν οἱ τῆς ἐῴας ἐπίσκοποι τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ῥώμης Ἰουλίῳ διεπέμποντο. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ᾿Αθανασίου εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν εἰσιόντος, ὠθισμὸς τῶν ὑπὸ Γεωργίου τοῦ ᾿Αρειανοῦ ἐγένετο· ἐκ δὲ τούτου φασὶ ταραχὰς καὶ διαφθορὰς ἀνθρώπων γεγονέναι· οἵ τε ἀρειανίζοντες τὴν βλασφημίαν καὶ τὰ ἐκ τούτων ἐγκλήματα ἐπὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον ὡς αἴτιον ἀναφέρουσι, βραχέα περὶ τούτων λεκτέον. Τὰς μὲν γὰρ ἀληθεῖς αἰτίας ὁ Θεὸς οἶδεν, ὁ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας κριτής. Ὅτι δὲ ταῦτα κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον εἴωθε γίνεσθαι ὅταν καθ' ἑαυτῶν στασιάζῃ τὰ πλήθη, οὐκ ἄγνωστα τοῖς εὖ φρονοῦσι καθέστηκεν. Ὥστε μάτην ᾿Αθανασίῳ τὴν αἰτίαν ἀνάπτουσιν οἱ λοιδοροῦντες αὐτὸν, καὶ μάλιστα Σαβίνος, ὁ τῆς Μακεδονίου προεστὼς αἱρέσεως. Ὅς εἰ διελογίζετο, πόσα κακὰ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες, καὶ τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων εἰργάσαντο, ἢ ὅσα αἱ δι' ᾿Αθανάσιον γενόμεναι σύνοδοι ἀπωδύραντο, ἢ ὅσα αὐτὸς ὁ αἰρεσιάρχης Μακεδόνιος, κατὰ πασῶν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν διεπράξατο, ἡσυχίαν ἦγεν ἄν· Η φθεγγόμενος, εὔφημα ἂν πρὸ τούτων ἐφθέγγετο. Νῦν δὲ ταῦτα πάντα ἀποσιγήσας, ἐκεῖνα διαβάλλει. ᾿Αλλ' οὐδ᾽ ὅλως τοῦ αἰρεσιάρχου μνήμην πεποίηται, πάντως που τὰ τῆς δραματουργίας αὐτοῦ τολμήματα καλύπτειν βουλόμενος. Καὶ τὸ δὴ θαυμαστότερον, οὖς μὲν πέφευγεν ᾿Αρειανοὺς οὐκ εἶπε κακῶς· ᾧ δὲ ἠκολούθησε Μακεδονίῳ, τούτου καὶ τὴν χειροτονίαν ἀπέκρυψεν. Εἰ γὰρ αὐτῆς ἐμέμνητο, ἐμέμνητο ἂν πάντως καὶ τῶν ἀδικημάτων αὐτοῦ, ὡς τὰ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῆς γενόμενα δείκνυσι. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτου.
᾿Athanasios mentoi opse pote diabēnai epi tēn Italian exischyse. Tōn de Hesperiōn tēnikauta merōn Kōnstas ho neōteros tōn Kōnstantinou paidōn monos ekratei, Kōnstantinou tou adelphou autou hypo tōn stratiōtōn anairethentos, katha kai ēdē phthasantes proeipomen. Kat' auto de kai Paulos ho tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, kai Asklēpas Gazēs, kai Markellos Ankyras tēs mikras Galatias, kai Loukios ᾿Adrianoupoleōs, allos di' allo katēgorē - thentes, kai tōn Ekklēsiōn exelathentes 8, en tę̄ basileuousę̄ Rhōmę̄ heuriskontai. Gnōrizousin oun tǭ episkopǭ Rhōmēs Iouliǭ ta kath' heautous; ho de, hate pronomia tēs en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias echousēs, parrhēsiastikois grammasin ōchyrōsen autous, kai epi tēn ᾿Anatolēn apostellei, ton oikeion hekastǭ topon apodidous, kai kathaptomenos tōn propetōs kathelontōn autous. Hoi de anazeuxantes ek tēs Rhōmēs, kai tois typois tou episkopou Iouliou tharrhountes, tas te heautōn ekklēsias katalambanousi, kai tas epistolas pros hous egraphēsan diapempontai. Hoi de dexamenoi 1, hybrin epoiounto tēn epiplēxin; kai synodon en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią kēryxantes, synelthontes en autę̄, gnōmę̄ koinę̄ sphodroteron di' epistolēs antenkalousi tǭ Iouliǭ, dēlountes mē dein kanonizesthai par᾿ autou, ei boulointo exelaunein tinas tōn ekklēsiōn; mēde gar autous anteipein, hote Nauaton tēs ekklēsias ēlaunon. Tauta men hoi tēs eǭas episkopoi tǭ episkopǭ Rhōmēs Iouliǭ diepemponto. Epeidē de ᾿Athanasiou eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian eisiontos, ōthismos tōn hypo Geōrgiou tou ᾿Areianou egeneto; ek de toutou phasi tarachas kai diaphthoras anthrōpōn gegonenai; hoi te areianizontes tēn blasphēmian kai ta ek toutōn enklēmata epi ᾿Athanasion hōs aition anapherousi, brachea peri toutōn lekteon. Tas men gar alētheis aitias ho Theos oiden, ho autēs tēs alētheias kritēs. Hoti de tauta kata to pleiston eiōthe ginesthai hotan kath' heautōn stasiazę̄ ta plēthē, ouk agnōsta tois eu phronousi kathestēken. Hōste matēn ᾿Athanasiǭ tēn aitian anaptousin hoi loidorountes auton, kai malista Sabinos, ho tēs Makedoniou proestōs haireseōs. Hos ei dielogizeto, posa kaka kata ᾿Athanasiou hoi areianizontes, kai tōn to homoousion phronountōn eirgasanto, ē hosa hai di' ᾿Athanasion genomenai synodoi apōdyranto, ē hosa autos ho airesiarchēs Makedonios, kata pasōn tōn ekklēsiōn diepraxato, hēsychian ēgen an; Ē phthengomenos, euphēma an pro toutōn ephthengeto. Nyn de tauta panta aposigēsas, ekeina diaballei. ᾿All' oud᾽ holōs tou airesiarchou mnēmēn pepoiētai, pantōs pou ta tēs dramatourgias autou tolmēmata kalyptein boulomenos. Kai to dē thaumastoteron, ous men pepheugen ᾿Areianous ouk eipe kakōs; hǭ de ēkolouthēse Makedoniǭ, toutou kai tēn cheirotonian apekrypsen. Ei gar autēs ememnēto, ememnēto an pantōs kai tōn adikēmatōn autou, hōs ta ep᾿ autēs genomena deiknysi. Tosauta men peri toutou.
Athanasius at length managed to reach Italy. At that time Constans, the youngest of Constantine’s sons, ruled the western parts alone, his brother Constantine having been killed by the soldiers, as we have already said. At the same time Paul of Constantinople, Asclepas of Gaza, Marcellus of Ancyra in Galatia Minor, and Lucius of Adrianople, accused on various charges and driven from their churches, were to be found in imperial Rome. They made their situation known to Julius, bishop of Rome; and he, since the church at Rome has privileges, fortified them with letters speaking freely, sent them to the East, restoring to each his own place, and rebuked those who had rashly deposed them. They set out from Rome and, confident in the rulings of bishop Julius, took possession of their churches and sent the letters to those to whom they were addressed. Those who received them took the rebuke as an insult. They proclaimed a synod at Antioch, met there, and by common judgment answered Julius by letter with sharper counter-charges, declaring that they must not be ruled by him if they wished to expel some from the churches; for they had not opposed him when the Romans expelled Novatus from the church. This is what the bishops of the East sent to Julius, bishop of Rome.
Since, when Athanasius entered Alexandria, there was a pushing out of George the Arian’s followers, and they say that disturbances and deaths resulted from this, and the Arians lay the blame and the charges arising from these things on Athanasius as the cause, a few words must be said about this. The true causes God knows, who is the judge of truth itself. But it is well known to all who think rightly that such things usually happen when crowds are in strife against one another. So those who revile Athanasius lay the blame on him in vain, and especially Sabinus, leader of the heresy of Macedonius. If he had considered how many evils the Arians did against Athanasius and those who held the homoousios, or how much the synods held on Athanasius’s account lamented, or how much the heresiarch Macedonius himself did against all the churches, he would have kept quiet; or if he spoke, he would have said words of praise rather than these. As it is, he passes over all this in silence and slanders the other. He makes no mention at all of the heresiarch, no doubt wishing to cover the bold acts of his stage-play. And what is more remarkable, he speaks no ill of the Arians, whom he has abandoned, while he has concealed even the ordination of Macedonius, whom he followed. For if he had mentioned it, he would certainly have mentioned his crimes too, as what happened at it shows. So much for this.
2.16PG 67:213–217
Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ διάγων πυθόμενος πάλιν τὸν Παῦλον ἀπειληφέναι τὸν θρόνον, δι᾽ ὀργῆς ἐτίθετο τὸ γινόμενον. Πρόσταγμα οὖν ἔγγραφον ἀποστέλλει τῷ ἐπάρχῳ Φιλίππῳ, ὡς μείζονα μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἀρχόντων τὴν ἐξουσίαν κεκληρωμένῳ, δευτέρῳ δὲ μετὰ βασιλέα χρηματίζοντι· ὅπως ἂν τὸν μὲν Παῦλον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκβάλλῃ, ἀντεισάγῃ δὲ εἰς αὐτὴν Μακεδόνιον. Ὁ οὖν ἔπαρχος Φίλιππος εὐλαβηθεὶς τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ πλήθους στάσιν, τέχνῃ μετῆλθε τὸν Παῦλον· καὶ κρύπτει μὲν παρ' ἑαυτῷ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως βουλήν. Πλασάμενος δὲ δημοσίων πραγμάτων ποιεῖσθαι φροντίδα, πρόεισιν εἰς τὸ λουτρὸν τὸ δημόσιον, ᾧ ἐπώνυμον Ζεύξιππος. Κἀκεῖθεν μεταπέμπεται μετὰ τιμῆς δῆθεν τὸν Παῦλον, ὡς ἀναγκαῖον ἐλθεῖν παρ᾿ αὐτόν. Καὶ ἦλθεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνος ἦλθε μεταπεμφθεὶς, ἐπεδείκνυεν εὐθὺς ὁ ἔπαρχος τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ πρόσταγμα. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπίσκοπος εὐγνωμόνως ἔφερε τὴν ἄκριτον καταδίκην. Ὁ δὲ δείσας τοὺς περιεστηκότας καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τὴν ὀρμήν· καὶ γὰρ πολλοὶ συνεληλύθεισαν ἐκ φήμης ὑπόπτου περὶ τὸ δημόσιον· ἐκφραγῆνα: μίαν τοῦ λουτροῦ θυρίδα κελεύει· δι' ἧς ἐπὶ τὰς βασιλικὰς αὐλὰς ἀπαχθεὶς ὁ Παῦλος, ἐμβληθείς τε εἰς πλοῖον ἐπὶ τοῦτο εὐτρεπισθὲν, ταχέως ἐπ᾿ ἐξορίαν ἐπέμπετο. Προσέταξέν τε ὁ ἔπαρχος ἐπὶ τὴν Μακεδονίας μητρόπολιν Θεσσαλονίκην ἐλθεῖν, ἧς καὶ ἐκ προγόνων ὁ Παῦλος ἐτύγχανεν ὧν· ἐν ᾗ τὰς διατριβὰς ποιεῖσθαι, ἀδεῶς τε ἐπιβαίνειν καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς πόλεις· μὴ μὴν ἐξεῖναι αὐτῷ, ἐπὶ τὰ ᾿Ανατολικά μέρη διαβῆναι. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Παῦλος, παρὰ προσδοκίαν ἐκβληθεὶς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ τῆς πόλεως, μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀπήγετο. Ὁ δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως ἔπαρχος Φίλιππος, ἐκ τοῦ δημοσίου ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἠπείγετο. Σὺν αὐτῷ δὲ ὡς ἐκ μηχανῆς τινος παρὼν ὁ Μακεδόνιος, ἐν τῷ ὀχήματι σύνθρονος τῷ ἐπάρχῳ ἐν πᾶσιν ἐδείκνυτο. Στρατιωτική τε χεὶρ ξιφήρης περὶ αὐτοὺς ἐτύγχανε. Δέος δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καταλαμβάνει τὰ πλήθη· καὶ πάντες εἰς τὰς ἐκκλησίας συνέῤῥεον, οἵ τε τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, καὶ οἱ τοῦ ᾿Αρειανοῦ δόγματος · ἕκαστοι καταλαμβάνειν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν σπουδάζοντες. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ἔπαρχος ἅμα τῷ Μακεδονίῳ πλησίον τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐγένετο, τότε δὴ ἄλογος, φόβος καταλαμβάνει τὰ πλήθη, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας αὐτούς. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ οἱ παρὄντες ὄχλος ἦσαν πολὺς, πάροδος δὲ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ κατάγοντι τὸν Μακεδόνιον οὐδεμία ἐγίνετο, ὠθισμὸς παρὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐτολμᾶτο βίαιος. Ἐπεὶ δὲ συνωθούμενον τὸ πλῆθος, διὰ τὴν στενοχωρίαν ὑποχωρεῖν οὐχ οἷόν τε ἦν, ἀνθίστασθαι τοὺς ὄχλους οἱ στρατιῶται νομίζοντες καὶ ἑκόντας κωλύειν τὴν πάροδον, γυμνοῖς τοῖς ξίφεσιν ὡς ἀντεπιόντες ἐκέ - χρηντο, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦ ἔργου είχοντο. Απέθανον οὖν, ὡς λέγεται, περὶ τοὺς τρισχιλίους ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα· οἱ μὲν, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν σφαγέντες· οἱ δὲ, ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους φθαρέντες. Ἐπὶ τοῖς τοιούτοις δὴ τοῖς κατορθώμασιν, ὁ Μακεδόνιος ὡς οὐδὲν φαῦλον πεπραχὼς, ἀλλὰ καθαρὸς καὶ ἀθῶος τῶν γενομένων τυγχάνων, ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπάρχου μᾶλλον, ἢ ὑπὸ ἐκκλησιαστικοῦ κανόνος ἐνθρονίζεται. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν Μακεδόνιος καὶ οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ, διὰ τοσούτων φόνων τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἑκράτησαν. Κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν μεγάλην ἐκκλησίαν ἔκτιζεν, ἥτις Σοφία μὲν προσαγορεύεται νῦν. Συνῆπται δὲ τῇ ἐπωνύμῳ Εἰρήνῃ, ἣν ὁ πατὴρ τοῦ βασιλέως μικρὰν οὖσαν τοπρότερον, εἰς κάλλος καὶ μέγεθος ηὔξησε. Καὶ νῦν εἰσιν εἰς ἕνα περίβολον ἄμφω ὁρώμεναι, μιᾶς τὴν προσωνυμίαν ἔχουσαι.
Ho mentoi basileus Kōnstantios en ᾿Antiocheią diagōn pythomenos palin ton Paulon apeilēphenai ton thronon, di᾽ orgēs etitheto to ginomenon. Prostagma oun engraphon apostellei tǭ eparchǭ Philippǭ, hōs meizona men tōn allōn archontōn tēn exousian keklērōmenǭ, deuterǭ de meta basilea chrēmatizonti; hopōs an ton men Paulon tēs Ekklēsias ekballę̄, anteisagę̄ de eis autēn Makedonion. Ho oun eparchos Philippos eulabētheis tēn apo tou plēthous stasin, technę̄ metēlthe ton Paulon; kai kryptei men par' heautǭ tēn tou basileōs boulēn. Plasamenos de dēmosiōn pragmatōn poieisthai phrontida, proeisin eis to loutron to dēmosion, hǭ epōnymon Zeuxippos. Kakeithen metapempetai meta timēs dēthen ton Paulon, hōs anankaion elthein par᾿ auton. Kai ēlthen. Epei de ekeinos ēlthe metapemphtheis, epedeiknyen euthys ho eparchos tou basileōs to prostagma. Kai ho men episkopos eugnōmonōs ephere tēn akriton katadikēn. Ho de deisas tous periestēkotas kai tou plēthous tēn ormēn; kai gar polloi synelēlytheisan ek phēmēs hypoptou peri to dēmosion; ekphragēna: mian tou loutrou thyrida keleuei; di' hēs epi tas basilikas aulas apachtheis ho Paulos, emblētheis te eis ploion epi touto eutrepisthen, tacheōs ep᾿ exorian epempeto. Prosetaxen te ho eparchos epi tēn Makedonias mētropolin Thessalonikēn elthein, hēs kai ek progonōn ho Paulos etynchanen hōn; en hę̄ tas diatribas poieisthai, adeōs te epibainein kai kata tas allas tōn en Illyriois poleis; mē mēn exeinai autǭ, epi ta ᾿Anatolika merē diabēnai. Ho men oun Paulos, para prosdokian ekblētheis tēs Ekklēsias en tautǭ kai tēs poleōs, meta spoudēs apēgeto. Ho de tou basileōs eparchos Philippos, ek tou dēmosiou epi tēn ekklēsian ēpeigeto. Syn autǭ de hōs ek mēchanēs tinos parōn ho Makedonios, en tǭ ochēmati synthronos tǭ eparchǭ en pasin edeiknyto. Stratiōtikē te cheir xiphērēs peri autous etynchane. Deos de enteuthen katalambanei ta plēthē; kai pantes eis tas ekklēsias synerrheon, hoi te tēs homoousiou pisteōs, kai hoi tou ᾿Areianou dogmatos ; hekastoi katalambanein tēn ekklēsian spoudazontes. Epei de ho eparchos hama tǭ Makedoniǭ plēsion tēs ekklēsias egeneto, tote dē alogos, phobos katalambanei ta plēthē, alla gar kai tous stratiōtas autous. Epei gar hoi parontes ochlos ēsan polys, parodos de tǭ eparchǭ katagonti ton Makedonion oudemia egineto, ōthismos para tōn stratiōtōn etolmato biaios. Epei de synōthoumenon to plēthos, dia tēn stenochōrian hypochōrein ouch hoion te ēn, anthistasthai tous ochlous hoi stratiōtai nomizontes kai hekontas kōlyein tēn parodon, gymnois tois xiphesin hōs antepiontes eke - chrēnto, kai dē kai tou ergou eichonto. Apethanon oun, hōs legetai, peri tous trischilious hekaton pentēkonta; hoi men, hypo tōn stratiōtōn sphagentes; hoi de, hypo tou plēthous phtharentes. Epi tois toioutois dē tois katorthōmasin, ho Makedonios hōs ouden phaulon peprachōs, alla katharos kai athōos tōn genomenōn tynchanōn, hypo tou eparchou mallon, ē hypo ekklēsiastikou kanonos enthronizetai. Houtō men oun Makedonios kai hoi ᾿Areianoi, dia tosoutōn phonōn tēs ekklēsias hekratēsan. Kata de ton kairon touton, kai ho basileus tēn megalēn ekklēsian ektizen, hētis Sophia men prosagoreuetai nyn. Synēptai de tę̄ epōnymǭ Eirēnę̄, hēn ho patēr tou basileōs mikran ousan toproteron, eis kallos kai megethos ēuxēse. Kai nyn eisin eis hena peribolon amphō horōmenai, mias tēn prosōnymian echousai.
The emperor Constantius, staying at Antioch, learned that Paul had again recovered the throne and was angry at what had happened. He sent a written order to the prefect Philip, who held greater power than the other governors and was styled second after the emperor, that he should expel Paul from the church and bring in Macedonius instead. The prefect Philip, fearing a riot of the crowd, dealt with Paul by a trick. He kept the emperor’s purpose hidden, and pretending to be concerned with public business, went to the public bath called Zeuxippus. From there he sent for Paul, apparently with honour, as though it were necessary for him to come; and he came. When Paul had come at his summons, the prefect at once showed him the emperor’s order. The bishop bore the condemnation without trial patiently. But Philip, fearing the bystanders and the rush of the crowd (for many had gathered round the public bath on a suspicious rumour), ordered one of the windows of the bath to be broken open. Through it Paul was taken to the palace, put on a ship prepared for the purpose, and quickly sent into exile. The prefect ordered him to go to Thessalonica, the metropolis of Macedonia, where Paul’s family came from, to live there, and to visit freely the other cities of Illyricum too, but not to be allowed to cross to the eastern parts. Paul, then, unexpectedly expelled from both the church and the city, was hurried away. The emperor’s prefect Philip went from the bath to the church. With him, as if by some stage device, Macedonius was present, shown to all sitting beside the prefect in the carriage; and a band of soldiers with drawn swords surrounded them. Fear seized the crowds, and all streamed to the churches, both those of the homoousian faith and those of the Arian doctrine, each eager to occupy the church. When the prefect with Macedonius came near the church, an unreasoning fear seized the crowds, and the soldiers themselves too. For since those present were a great crowd and there was no passage for the prefect as he brought in Macedonius, the soldiers ventured on a violent pushing. When the crowd, pressed together, could not give way because of the narrow space, the soldiers, thinking the crowds were resisting and deliberately blocking the passage, used their drawn swords as against attackers and set to work. About three thousand one hundred and fifty, it is said, died, some cut down by the soldiers, others crushed by the crowd. After such achievements Macedonius, as if he had done nothing wrong but were pure and innocent of what had happened, was enthroned by the prefect rather than by an ecclesiastical canon. So Macedonius and the Arians took possession of the church through so many murders. At this time the emperor built the Great Church, which is now called Sophia. It adjoins the church named Irene, which the emperor’s father enlarged in beauty and size, it having been small before. Now both are seen within one enclosure and have one name.
2.17PG 67:217–221
Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τῷ καιρῷ, καὶ ἑτέρα διαβολή κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου παρὰ τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων συῤῥάπτεται, πρόφασιν ἐφευρόντων τοιαύτην· Τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίᾳ σιτηρέσιον ἤδη πρότερον δεδώρητο ὁ τῶν Αὐγούστων πατήρ, εἰς διατροφὴν τῶν πτωχῶν. Τοῦτο ἔφασαν ἐξαργυρίζειν τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον, καὶ εἰς οἰκεῖον ἀποφέρεσθαι κέρδος. Πιστεύσας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς, θάνατον αὐτῷ τὴν ζημίαν ἠπείλησεν. Ὁ δὲ προαισθόμενος τῆς βασιλέως ἀπειλῆς, χρῆται φυγῇ, καὶ ἦν ἀφανής. Τότε δὴ Ἰούλιος ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος γνοὺς τὰ παρὰ τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου γινόμενα, δεξάμενος δὲ καὶ τὰ Εὐσεβίου τοῦ τετελευτηκότος γράμματα, καλεῖ πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τὸν ᾿Αθανάσιον, πυθόμενος τὸν τόπον ἔνθα κέκρυπται. Φθάνει δὲ ἐν ταὐτῷ ράμματα, ἅπερ οἱ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πρότερον συναχθέντες ἀπεστάλχεισαν. Ἐπέμπετο δὲ καὶ ἕτερα γράμματα πρὸς αὐτὸν παρὰ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐπισκόπων, διδάσχοντα ψευδῆ εἶναι τὰ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου λεγόμενα. Οὕτως ἐναντίων πεμπομένων τῶν γραμμάτων, ὁ Ἰούλιος τοῖς ἐν τιοχείᾳ συναχθεῖσιν ἀντιγράφων ἐπεμέμψατο, πρῶτον μὲν τὸ ἐπαχθὲς τῆς αὐτῶν ἐπιστολῆς" ἔπειτα παρὰ κανόνας ποιοῦντας, διότι εἰς τὴν σύνοδον αὐτὸν οὐχ ἐκάλεσαν, τοῦ ἐκκλησιαστικοῦ κανόνος κελεύοντος, μὴ δεῖν παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ῥώμης κανονίζειν τὰς Ἐχχλησίαξ, καὶ ὅτι τὴν πίστιν λεληθότως παραχαράττουσιν. "Ἔτι δὲ ὡς καὶ τὰ ἐν Τύρῳ πάλαι πραχθέντα, συναρπαγῆς ἐγεγόνει, διὰ τὸ μονομερείας τὰ ἐν τῷ Μαρεώτῃ ὑπομνήματα πέπράχθαι" οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὰ κατὰ ᾿Αρσένιον, φανερῶς συχοφαντία ἐδέδεικτο. Ταῦτα τὰ τοιαῦτα πλειόνων ὁ Ἰούλιος τοῖς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ συναχθεῖσιν ἔγραφε. Παρεθέμεθα δ' ἂν καὶ τὰς πρὸς Ἰούλιον ἐπιστολὰς, τὴν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ, εἰ μὴ τὸ πολυεπες αὐτῶν μῆκος ἐχώλνσε. Σαβῖνος μέντοι ὁ τῆς Μακεδονίου αἱρέσεως, οὗ καὶ ἤδη πρότεοον ἐμνημονεύσαμεν, τὰς παρὰ Ἰουλίου ἐπιστολὰς ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνόδων οὐκ ἔθηχεν" χαΐίτοι τὴν παρὰ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πρὸς Ἰούλιον οὐ παρέλειπε. Τοῦτο δὲ σύνηθες αὐτῷ ποιεῖν. Ἐν οἷς μὲν γὰρ αἱ τῶν συνόδων ἐπιστολαὶ σιγῶσιν ἀθετοῦσι τὸ ὁμοούσιον, ταύτας σπουδαίως παρατίθεται· τὰς δὲ ἐναντίας ἑκὼν ὑπερβαίνει. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων. Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ Παῦλος ἐκ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ὑποκρινόμενος εἰς τὴν Κόρινθον ἀπαίρειν, ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰταλίαν ἀφίκετο. ῎Ἄμφω οὖν τὰ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς γνώριμα καθιστῶσι τῷ ἐκεῖ βασιλεῖ.
En toutǭ de tǭ kairǭ, kai hetera diabolē kata ᾿Athanasiou para tōn areianizontōn syrrhaptetai, prophasin epheurontōn toiautēn; Tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn ekklēsią sitēresion ēdē proteron dedōrēto ho tōn Augoustōn patēr, eis diatrophēn tōn ptōchōn. Touto ephasan exargyrizein ton ᾿Athanasion, kai eis oikeion apopheresthai kerdos. Pisteusas oun ho basileus, thanaton autǭ tēn zēmian ēpeilēsen. Ho de proaisthomenos tēs basileōs apeilēs, chrētai phygę̄, kai ēn aphanēs. Tote dē Ioulios ho tēs Rhōmēs episkopos gnous ta para tōn areianizontōn kata ᾿Athanasiou ginomena, dexamenos de kai ta Eusebiou tou teteleutēkotos grammata, kalei pros heauton ton ᾿Athanasion, pythomenos ton topon entha kekryptai. Phthanei de en tautǭ rammata, haper hoi en ᾿Antiocheią proteron synachthentes apestalcheisan. Epempeto de kai hetera grammata pros auton para tōn en Aigyptǭ episkopōn, didaschonta pseudē einai ta kata ᾿Athanasiou legomena. Houtōs enantiōn pempomenōn tōn grammatōn, ho Ioulios tois en tiocheią synachtheisin antigraphōn epemempsato, prōton men to epachthes tēs autōn epistolēs" epeita para kanonas poiountas, dioti eis tēn synodon auton ouch ekalesan, tou ekklēsiastikou kanonos keleuontos, mē dein para gnōmēn tou episkopou Rhōmēs kanonizein tas Echchlēsiax, kai hoti tēn pistin lelēthotōs paracharattousin. "Eti de hōs kai ta en Tyrǭ palai prachthenta, synarpagēs egegonei, dia to monomereias ta en tǭ Mareōtę̄ hypomnēmata peprachthai" ou mēn alla ta kata ᾿Arsenion, phanerōs sychophantia ededeikto. Tauta ta toiauta pleionōn ho Ioulios tois en ᾿Antiocheią synachtheisin egraphe. Parethemetha d' an kai tas pros Ioulion epistolas, tēn par᾽ autou, ei mē to polyepes autōn mēkos echōlnse. Sabinos mentoi ho tēs Makedoniou haireseōs, hou kai ēdē proteoon emnēmoneusamen, tas para Iouliou epistolas en tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodōn ouk ethēchen" chaïitoi tēn para tōn en ᾿Antiocheią pros Ioulion ou pareleipe. Touto de synēthes autǭ poiein. En hois men gar hai tōn synodōn epistolai sigōsin athetousi to homoousion, tautas spoudaiōs paratithetai; tas de enantias hekōn hyperbainei. Tosauta men peri toutōn. Met' ou poly de kai Paulos ek tēs Thessalonikēs hypokrinomenos eis tēn Korinthon apairein, epi tēn Italian aphiketo. ᾿Amphō oun ta kath' heautous gnōrima kathistōsi tǭ ekei basilei.
At this time the Arians stitched together another slander against Athanasius, finding a pretext of this kind. The father of the Augusti had earlier granted the church of the Alexandrians an allowance of grain for feeding the poor. They said that Athanasius was selling this and taking the proceeds for his own gain. The emperor believed it and threatened him with the penalty of death. Athanasius, learning of the emperor’s threat beforehand, fled and disappeared. Then Julius, bishop of Rome, learning what the Arians were doing against Athanasius, and having also received the letter of the late Eusebius, summoned Athanasius to himself, having found out where he was hiding. At the same time the letter arrived which those who had met earlier at Antioch had sent. Another letter was also sent to him from the bishops in Egypt, showing that what was said against Athanasius was false. Since such contradictory letters were being sent, Julius in reply rebuked those who had met at Antioch: first for the offensive tone of their letter; then for acting against the canons, because they had not called him to the synod, though the ecclesiastical canon commands that the churches must not make canons against the judgment of the bishop of Rome; and because they were secretly falsifying the faith. Further, he said that what had been done long before at Tyre had been carried by fraud, because the proceedings in the Mareotis had been drawn up on one side only; and that the affair of Arsenius had been plainly shown to be a slander. Such things and many more Julius wrote to those who had met at Antioch. We would have set down the letters to Julius and his own as well, if their great length had not prevented us. Sabinus of the heresy of Macedonius, whom we have mentioned before, did not include Julius’s letters in his collection of synods, though he did not omit the letter of those at Antioch to Julius. This is his habit: he carefully includes the letters of synods in which the homoousios is passed over in silence or rejected, but deliberately passes over those that oppose it. So much for these things. Not long afterwards Paul, pretending to leave Thessalonica for Corinth, came to Italy, and both made their situation known to the emperor there.
2.18PG 67:221–223
Ὁ δὲ τῶν Ἑσπερίων μερῶν βασιλεὺς γνοὺς τὰ καθ' ἑαυτοὺς ἰδιοπαθῆ, καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν γράμματα διαπέμπεται, δηλῶν τρεῖς ἐπισκόπους πεμφθῆναι παρ' αὐτὸν, τοὺς λόγον δώσοντας τῆς Παύλου καὶ ᾿Αθανασίου καθαιρέσεως. Καὶ πέμπονται Νάρκισσος ὁ Κίλιξ, καὶ Θεόδωρος ὁ Θρὰξ, καὶ Μάρις Χαλκηδόνος, καὶ Μάρκος ὁ Σύρος. Οἵτινες παραγενόμενοι, τοῖς μὲν περὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον οὐδαμῶς εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν • κατεδέξαντο· τὴν δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν ἀποκρυψάμενοι, ἑτέραν δὲ συγκατ τύσαντες, ἐκδεδώκασι τῷ βασιλεῖ Κώνσταντι ἐν τούς τους οὖσαν τοῖς ῥήμασιν· Ἄλλη ἔκθεσις 1. Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, κτίστην καὶ ποιητὴν τῶν πάντων, ἐξ οὗ πᾶσα πατριά ἐν οὐρανοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ γῆς ὀνομάζεται. Καὶ εἰς τὸν μονογενῆ αὐτοῦ Υἱὸν, τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χρισιον, τὸν πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς γεννηθέντα· Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ· φῶς ἐκ φωτός· δι' οὗ ( : ἐγένετο τὰ πάντα ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, τὰ τε ὁρατὰ, καὶ τὰ ἀόρατα· Λόγον ὄντα, καὶ σοφίαν, καὶ δύναμιν, καὶ ζωὴν, καὶ φῶς ἀληθινόν· τὸν ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν δι᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, καὶ γεννηθέντα ἐκ τῆς ἁγίας Παρθένου· τὸν σταυρωθέντα, καὶ ἀποθανόντα· καὶ ταφέντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα ἐκ νεκρῶν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ ἀνεληλυθότα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς· καὶ καθεσθέντα ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ ; - τουτέστι τὸ Παράκλητον· ὅπερ ἐπαγγειλάμενος τοῖς ἐρχόμενον ἐπὶ συντελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων, κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκροὺς, καὶ ἀποδοῦναι ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ· οὗ ἡ βασιλεία ἀκατάπαυστος οὖσα, διαμενεῖ εἰς τοὺς ἀπείρους αἰῶνας. Ἔσται γὰρ καθεζόμενος ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς, οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι. Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, ἀποστόλοις μετὰ τὴν εἰς οὐρανοὺς αὐτοῦ ἄνοδον, ἀπέστειλε διδάξαι καὶ ὑπομνῆσαι πάντα· δι' οὗ καὶ ἁγιασθήσονται αἱ τῶν εἰλικρινῶς εἰς αὐτὸν πεπιστευκότων ψυχαί. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων τὸν Υἱὸν, ἢ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως, καὶ μὴ ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ ἦν ποτε χρόνος ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, ἀλλοτρίους οἶδεν ἡ Καθολικὴ Ἐκκλησία. Ταῦτα ἐπιδεδωκότες τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ πολλοῖς ἑτέροις ἐκδόντες, οὐδὲν πλέον ἀνύσαντες ἀνεχώρησαν. ᾿Αδιαφόρου τοίνυν ἔτι τυγχανούσης τῆς μεταξὺ τῶν Δυτικῶν τε καὶ ᾿Ανατολικῶν κοινωνίας, ἐπεφύη ἐν Σιρμίῳ, πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν, αἵρεσις ἑτέρα. Φωτεινὸς γὰρ τῶν ἐκεῖ Ἐκκλησιῶν προεστώς, γένος τῆς μικρᾶς Γαλατίας, Μαρκέλλου τε τοῦ καθῃρημένου μαθητὴς, ἀκολουθῶν τῷ διδασκάλῳ, ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον, τὸν Υἱὸν ἐδογμάτισε. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν.
Ho de tōn Hesperiōn merōn basileus gnous ta kath' heautous idiopathē, kai pros ton adelphon grammata diapempetai, dēlōn treis episkopous pemphthēnai par' auton, tous logon dōsontas tēs Paulou kai ᾿Athanasiou kathaireseōs. Kai pempontai Narkissos ho Kilix, kai Theodōros ho Thrax, kai Maris Chalkēdonos, kai Markos ho Syros. Hoitines paragenomenoi, tois men peri ᾿Athanasion oudamōs eis logous elthein • katedexanto; tēn de en Antiocheią ektetheisan pistin apokrypsamenoi, heteran de synkat tysantes, ekdedōkasi tǭ basilei Kōnstanti en tous tous ousan tois rhēmasin; Allē ekthesis 1. Pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantokratora, ktistēn kai poiētēn tōn pantōn, ex hou pasa patria en ouranois kai epi gēs onomazetai. Kai eis ton monogenē autou Huion, ton Kyrion hēmōn Iēsoun Chrision, ton pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn ek tou Patros gennēthenta; Theon ek Theou; phōs ek phōtos; di' hou ( : egeneto ta panta en tois ouranois kai epi tēs gēs, ta te horata, kai ta aorata; Logon onta, kai sophian, kai dynamin, kai zōēn, kai phōs alēthinon; ton ep᾿ eschatōn tōn hēmerōn di᾽ hēmas enanthrōpēsanta, kai gennēthenta ek tēs hagias Parthenou; ton staurōthenta, kai apothanonta; kai taphenta, kai anastanta ek nekrōn tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą, kai anelēlythota eis tous ouranous; kai kathesthenta en dexią tou Patros, kai ? - toutesti to Paraklēton; hoper epangeilamenos tois erchomenon epi synteleią tōn aiōnōn, krinai zōntas kai nekrous, kai apodounai hekastǭ kata ta erga autou; hou hē basileia akatapaustos ousa, diamenei eis tous apeirous aiōnas. Estai gar kathezomenos en dexią tou Patros, ou monon en tǭ aiōni toutǭ, alla kai en tǭ mellonti. Kai eis to Pneuma to hagion, apostolois meta tēn eis ouranous autou anodon, apesteile didaxai kai hypomnēsai panta; di' hou kai hagiasthēsontai hai tōn eilikrinōs eis auton pepisteukotōn psychai. Tous de legontas ex ouk ontōn ton Huion, ē ex heteras hypostaseōs, kai mē ek tou Theou, kai ēn pote chronos hote ouk ēn, allotrious oiden hē Katholikē Ekklēsia. Tauta epidedōkotes tǭ basilei, kai pollois heterois ekdontes, ouden pleon anysantes anechōrēsan. ᾿Adiaphorou toinyn eti tynchanousēs tēs metaxy tōn Dytikōn te kai ᾿Anatolikōn koinōnias, epephyē en Sirmiǭ, polis de hautē tōn Illyriōn, hairesis hetera. Phōteinos gar tōn ekei Ekklēsiōn proestōs, genos tēs mikras Galatias, Markellou te tou kathę̄rēmenou mathētēs, akolouthōn tǭ didaskalǭ, psilon anthrōpon, ton Huion edogmatise. Kai peri men toutōn kata chōran eroumen.
The emperor of the western parts, learning of their personal sufferings, sent a letter to his brother asking that three bishops be sent to him to give an account of the deposition of Paul and Athanasius. Those sent were Narcissus the Cilician, Theodore the Thracian, Maris of Chalcedon, and Mark the Syrian. When they arrived, they would by no means enter into discussion with Athanasius and his party; but concealing the faith set out at Antioch, they composed another and presented it to the emperor Constans, in these words. Another statement: “We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, creator and maker of all things, from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named; and in his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten from the Father before all ages; God from God, light from light; through whom all things came to be in the heavens and on the earth, visible and invisible; who is Word, and wisdom, and power, and life, and true light; who in the last days for our sake became man and was born of the holy Virgin; who was crucified and died, was buried, and rose from the dead on the third day, ascended into the heavens, and sat down at the right hand of the Father; and is coming at the consummation of the ages to judge the living and the dead and to render to each according to his works; whose kingdom, being unceasing, will remain for the boundless ages; for he will be seated at the right hand of the Father not only in this age but also in the age to come. And in the Holy Spirit, that is, the Paraclete, whom, having promised to the apostles, he sent after his ascent into the heavens to teach them and remind them of all things; through whom also the souls of those who have sincerely believed in him will be sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from things that are not, or from another hypostasis and not from God, and that there was once a time when he was not, the catholic church knows as aliens.” Having presented this to the emperor and published it to many others, they went away having achieved nothing more.
While communion between the westerners and easterners was still unbroken, another heresy sprang up at Sirmium, a city of Illyricum. Photinus, who presided over the churches there, a native of Galatia Minor and a disciple of the deposed Marcellus, following his teacher, taught that the Son was a mere man. Of these things we shall speak in their place.
2.19PG 67:223–233
Τριετοῦς δὲ ἐν τῷ μέσῳ διαδραμόντος χρόνου, αὖθις οἱ Ἀνατολικοὶ ἐπίσκοποι συνέδριον ποιησάμενοι, καὶ ἑτέραν πίστιν συντάξαντες, τοῖς ἐν Ἰταλία ἀποστέλλουσι δι' Εὐδοξίου τοῦ τότε ἐπισκόπου Γερμανικείας, καὶ Μαρτυρίου, καὶ Μακεδονίου, ὃς Μόψου ἐστίας τῆς ἐν Κιλικίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος ἦν. Ἡ δὲ πίστις διὰ μακροτέρων γραφεῖσα, προσθήκας τε πλείστας πιρὰ τὰ προλαδόντα περιέχουσα, ἐν τούτοις ἐξετέθη τοῖς ῥήμασι" Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοχράτορα, κτίστην καὶ ποιητὴν τῶν πάντων, ἐξ οὗ πᾶσα πατριὰ ἐν οὐρανοῖς ἐπὶ γῆς ὀνομάζεται' καὶ εἰς τὸν μονογενῆ αὐτοῦ Υἱὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν, τὸν πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων γεννηϑέντα ἐχ τοῦ Πατρός" Θεὸν ἐχ Θεοῦ" φῶς ἐχ φωτός" δι᾽ οὗ ἐγένετο τὰ πάντα τὰ ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ τὰ ἀόρατα " Λόγον ὄντα, σοφίαν, δύναμιν ζωὴν, καὶ φῶς ἀληθινόν. Τὸν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτου τῶν ἡμερῶν δι' ἡμᾶς ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, καὶ γεννηθέντα τῆς ἁγίας Παρθένου τὸν σταυρωθέντα, ἀποθανόντα, καὶ ταφέντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα ἐχ νεκρῶν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, ἀναληφθέντα εἰς οὐρανὸν, καθεσθέντα δεξιῶν τοῦ Πατρός " ἐρχόμενον ἐπὶ συντελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκροὺς, καὶ ἀποδοῦναι ἐχάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ" οὗ ἡ βασιλεία ἀχατάπαύστος οὖσα, διαμένει εἰς ἀπείρους αἰώνας χαθέζεται γὰρ ἂν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς, οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι. Πιστεύομεν δὲ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, τουτέστιν εἰς τὸν Παράχλητον" ὅπερ ἐπαγγειλάμενος τοῖς ἀποστόλοις, μετὰ τὴν εἰς οὐρανὸν ἄνοδον ἀπέστειλε διδάξαι καὶ ὑπομνῆσαι αὐτοὺ: πάντα" οὗ καὶ ἁγιάζονται αἱ τῶν εἶλιχρινῶς εἰς αὐτὸν πιστευόντων ψυχαί. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων τὸν Υἱὸν, ἢ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως, μὴ τοῦ Θεοῦ, καὶ ὅτι ποτε χρόνος 7| αἰὼν ὅτε μὴ ἦν, ἀλλοτρίους οἷδεν ἡ ἁγία Καθολικὴ κλησία ὁμοίως καὶ τοὺς λέγοντας τρεῖς εἶνα: Θεοὺς, ἢ τὸν Χριστὸν μὴ εἶναι Θεὸν πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων, μήτε Χριστὸν, μήτε Υἱὸν Θεοῦ εἶναι αὐτὸν ^, ἣ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι Πατέρα καὶ Υἱὸν καὶ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, καὶ ἀγέννητον τὸν Υἱὸν, ἢ ὅτι οὐ βουλήσει, οὐδὲ θελήσει ἐγέννησεν ὁ Πατὴρ τὸν Υἱὸν, ἀναθεματίζει ἡ ἁγία Καθολικὴ Ἐκκλησία, Οὔτε γὰρ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων λέγειν τὸν Υἱὸν ἀσφαλές" ἐπεὶ μηδαμοῦ τοῦτο τῶν θεοπνεύστων Γραφῶν ἐμφέρεται περὶ αὑτοῦ. Οὔτε μὴν, ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεις παρὰ τὸν Πατέρα προῦποχειμένης, ἀλλ᾽ μόνου τοῦ Θεοῦ γνησίως αὐτὸν γεγεννῆσθαι διδασχόμεθα. γὰρ τὸ ἀγέννητον καὶ ἄναρχον, τὸν Χριστοῦ Πατέρα ὁ θεῖος διδάσκει λόγος. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸ ὧν ποτε ὅτε οὖχ ἣν ἐξ ἀγράφων ἐπισφαλῶς λέγοντας, χρονιχὸν διάστημα προενθυμητέον αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ μόνον τὸν ἀχρόνως αὐτὸν γεγεννηχότα Θεόν " καὶ χρόνοι γὰρ καὶ αἰῶνες γεγόνασι δι᾿ αὑτοῦ. Οὔτε μὴν συνάναρχον, οὔτε συναγέννητον τὸν τῷ Πατρὶ εἶναι, νομιστέον. Συνανάρχου γὰρ καὶ συναγεννήτου οὐδεὶς κυρίως Πατὴρ, Υἱὸς λεχθήσεται" ἀλλὰ τὸν Πατέρα, μόνον ἄναρχον ὄντα ἀνέφιχτον, γεγεννηκέναι ἀνεφίχτως πᾶσιν ταλήπτως οἴδαμεν" τὸν δὲ Υἱὸν γεγεννῆσθαι πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων, καὶ μηκέτι ὁμοίως τῷ Πατρὶ ἀγέννητον εἶναι καὶ αὐτὸν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρχὴν ἔχειν τὸν γεννήσαντα Πατέρα. Κεφαλὴ γὰρ Χριστοῦ, ὁ Θεός. θΘῦτε μὴν τρία ὁμολογοῦντες πράγματα τρία πρόσωπα, τοῦ Πατρὺὴὺς τοῦ Υἱοῦ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος κατὰ τὰς Γραφὰς, τρεῖς διὰ τοῦτο τοὺς θεοὺς ποιοῦμεν. Ἐπειδὴ τὸν αὐτοτελῇ καὶ ἀγέννητον, ἄναρχόν τε καὶ ἀόρατον Θεὸν, ἕνα μόνον οἴδαμεν τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ Πατέρα τοῦ Μονογενοῦς, τὸν μόνον μὲν ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ τὰ εἶναι ἔχοντα, μόνον δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις πᾶσιν ἀφθόνως τὸ εἶναι παρεχόμενον. Οὔτε μὴν ἕνα Θεὸν λέγοντες εἶνα: τὸν τοῦ Κυρίου Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ Πατέρα, τὸν μόνον ἀγέννητον, διὰ τοῦτο ἀρνούμεθα τὸν Χριστὸν Θεὸν εἶναι προαιώνιον, ὁποῖοί εἰσιν οἱ ἀπὸ Παύλου τοῦ Σαμοσατέως, ὕστερον αὐτὸν μετὰ τὴν ἐνανθρώπῃσιν ἐχ προχοπῆς τεθεοποιῆσθαι λέγοντες, τῷ τὴν φύσιν Ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον γεγονέναι. Οἴδαμεν γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸν, εἰ καὶ ὑποτέτακται τῷ Πατρὶ καὶ τῷ Θεῷ, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως γεννηθέντα ἐχ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Θεὸν κατὰ φύσιν τέλειον εἶναι καὶ ἀληθῆ, μὴ ἐξ .ἀνθρώπων μεταταῦτα Θεὸν, ἀλλ᾽ Θεοῦ ἐνανθρωπῆσαι δι᾽ ἡμᾶς, μηδὲ πώποτε ἀπολωλεχότα τὸ εἶναι Θεόν. Βδελυσσόμεθα δὲ πρὸς τούτοις ἀναθεματίζομεν, καὶ τοὺς Λόγον μὲν μόνον αὐτὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ Ψιλὸν καὶ ἀνύπαρχτον ἐπιπλάστως καλοῦντας ἐν ἑτέρῳ τὸ εἶναι 6 ἔχοντα" νῦν μὲν, ὡς τὸν προφοριχὸν λεγόμενον ὑπό τινων" νῦν δὲ, ὡς τὸν ἐνδιάθετον: Χριστὸν δὲ αὐτὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, μεσίτην, εἰκόνα τοῦ Θεοῦ, μὴ εἶναι. πρὸ αἰώνων θέλοντας" ἀλλ᾽ ἔκτοτε Χριστὸν αὐτὸν γεγονέναι καὶ Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἐξ οὗ τὴν ἡμετέραν τῆς Παρθένου σάρκα ἀνεΐίληφε, πρὸ τετραχοσίων ὅλων ἐτῶν. "Ἔχτοτε γὰρ τὸν Χριστὸν ἀρχὴν βασιλείας ἐσχηκέναι θέλουσι, τέλος ἕξειν αὐτὴν, μετὰ τὴν συντέλειαν καὶ κρίσιν. Τοιοῦτοι | δέ εἰσιν, οἱ ἀπὸ Μαρκέλλου καὶ Φωτεινοῦ 6, τῶν ᾿Αγκυρογαλατῶν· οἱ τὴν προαιώνιον ὕπαρξίν τε καὶ θεότητα τοῦ Χριστοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀτελεύτητον αὐτοῦ βασιλείαν ὁμοίως Ἰουδαίοις ἀθετοῦσιν, ἐπὶ προφάσει τοῦ συνίστασθαι δοκεῖν τὴν μοναρχίαν. Ἴσμεν γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡμεῖς, οὐχ ἁπλῶς Λόγον προφορικὸν ἢ ἐνδιάθετον τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀλλὰ ζῶντα Θεὸν Λόγον, καὶ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ὑπάρχοντα· καὶ Υἱὸν Θεοῦ καὶ Χριστόν. Καὶ οὐ προγνωστικῶς· συνόντα καὶ συνδιατρίβοντα πρὸ αἰώνων τῷ ἑαυτοῦ Πατρὶ, καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν διακονησάμενον αὐτῷ τὴν δημιουργίαν, εἴτε τῶν ὁρατῶν, εἴτε τῶν ἀοράτων· ἀλλ᾽ ἐνυπόστατον Λόγον ὄντα τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ. Οὗτος γάρ ἐστι πρὸς ὂν εἶπεν ὁ Πατὴρ, ὅτι Ποιήσωμεν ἄνθρωπον κατ' εἰκόνα υμετέραν καὶ καθ' ὁμοίωσιν· ὃς καὶ τοῖς πατράσιν αὐτοπροσώπως ὤφθη δεδωκὼς τὸν νόμον, καὶ λαλήσας διὰ τῶν προ- ; ψητῶν, καὶ τὰ τελευταῖα ἐνανθρωπήσας, καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ Πατέρα πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις φανερώσας, καὶ βασιλεύων εἰς τοὺς ἀτελευτήτους αἰῶνας. Οὐδὲν γὰρ πρόσφατον ὁ Χριστὸς προσείληφεν ἀξίωμα· ἀλλὰ ἄνωθεν τέλειον αὐτὸν, καὶ τῷ Πατρὶ κατὰ πάντα ὅμοιον πεπιστεύκαμεν. Καὶ τοὺς λέγοντας δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν εἶναι Πατέρα καὶ Υἱὸν καὶ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, καθ' ἑνὸς καὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πράγματός τε καὶ προσώπου τὰ τρία ὀνόματα ἀσεβῶς ἐκλαμβάνοντας, εἰκότως ἀποκηρύσσομεν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ὅτι τὸν ἀχώρητον καὶ ἀπαθῆ Πατέρα, χωρητὸν ἅμα καὶ παθητὸν διὰ τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως ὑποτίθενται. Τοιοῦτοι γάρ εἰσιν οἱ Ηατροπασιανοὶ ὁ παρὰ Ῥωμαίοις, Σαβελλιανοί δὲ παρ' ἡμῖν λεγόμενοι. Οἴδαμεν γὰρ ἡμεῖς, τὸν μὲν ἀποστείλαντα Πατέρα, ἐν τῷ οἰκείῳ τῆς ἀναλλοιώτου θεότητος ἤθει μεμενηκέναι· τὸν δὲ ἀποσταλέντα Χριστὸν, τὴν τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως οἰκονομίαν πεπληρωκέναι. Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοὺς οὐ βουλήσει, οὐδὲ θελήσει γεγενῆσθαι τὸν Χριστὸν εἰρηκότα, εντολαβῶς, ἀνάγκην δὲ δηλονότι ἀβούλητον οὖσαν καὶ ἀπροαίρετον περιτεθεικότας τῷ Θεῷ, ἵνα ἄκων γεννήσῃ τὸν Υἱὸνο, δυσσεβεστάτους καὶ τῆς ἀληθείας ξένους ἐπιγινώσκομεν· ὅτι τε παρὰ τὰς κοινὰς ἐννοίας περὶ Θεοῦ, καὶ δὴ παρὰ τὸ βούλημα τῆς θεοπνεύστου Γραφῆς, τοιαῦτα τετολμήκασι περὶ αὐτοῦ διορίσασθαι. Αὐτοκράτορα γὰρ ἡμεῖς τὸν Θεὸν, Κύριον αὐτὸν ἑαυτοῦ εἰδύτες, ἑκουσίως αὐτὸν καὶ θέλοντα τὸν Υἱὸν γεγεννηκέναι, - θεότητος ἀξίωμα, καὶ μίαν ἀκριβῆ τῆς βασιλείας εὐσεβῶς ὑπειλήφαμεν. Πιστεύοντες δὲ ἐμφόβως καὶ τὸ περὶ αὐτοῦ λεγόμενον, Κύριος ἔκτισέ με ἀρχὴν ὀδῶν αὐτοῦ εἰς ἔργα αὐτοῦ, οὐχ ὁμοίως αὐτὸν τοῖς δι' αὐτοῦ γενομένοις κτίσμασιν ἢ ποιήμασι γεγεν νῆσθαι νοοῦμεν. ᾿Ασεβὲς γὰρ, καὶ τῆς ἐκκλησιαστικῆς πίστεως ἀλλότριον, τὸ τὸν κτίστην τοῖς δι' αὐτοῦ ἐκτισμένοις δημιουργήμασι παραβάλλειν, καὶ τὸν αὐτὸν τῆς γενέσεως τοῖς ἀλλοτρίοις τρόπον ἔχειν καὶ αὐτὸν νομίζειν. Μόνον γὰρ καὶ μόνως τὸν μονογενῆ γνησίως τε καὶ ἀληθῶς διδάσκουσιν ἡμᾶς αἱ θεῖαι Γραφαὶ γεγεννῆσθαι. ᾿Αλλ' οὐδὲ τὸν Υἱὸν καθ' ἑαυτὸν εἶναι ἐ, ζῇν τε καὶ ὑπάρχειν ὁμοίως τῷ Πατρὶ λέγοντες, διὰ τοῦτο χωρίζομεν αὐτὸν τοῦ Πατρὸς, τόπους καὶ διαστήματά τινα μεταξὺ τῆς συναφείας Ο αὐτῶν σωματικῶς ἐπινοοῦντες. Πεπιστεύκαμεν γὰρ ἀμεσιτεύτως αὐτοὺς καὶ ἀδιαστάτως ἐπισυνῆφθαι, καὶ ἀχωρίστως ὑπάρχειν ἑαυτῶν· ὅλον μὲν τοῦ Πατρὸς ἐνεστερνισμένου τὸν Υἱόν· ὅλου δὲ τοῦ Υἱοῦ ἐξηρτημένου καὶ προσπεφυκότος τῷ Πατρὶ, και μόνο τοῖς πατρώοις κόλποις ἀναπαυόμενον διηνεκῶς. Πιστεύοντες οὖν εἰς τὴν παντέλειον Τριάδα τὴν ἁγιωτάτην, τὸν Πατέρα λέγοντες Θεὸν, καὶ τὸν Υἱὸν, οὐ δύο τούτους Θεοὺς, ἀλλ᾽ ἕνα ὁμολογοῦμεν, κατὰ τὸ τῆς τὴν συνάφειαν· πανταρχοῦντος μὲν καθόλου τοῦ Πατρὸς πάντων, καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ Υἱοῦ· τοῦ δὲ Υἱοῦ ὑποτεταγμένου τῷ Πατρὶ, ἐκτὸς δὲ αὐτοῦ, πάντων τῶν μετ' αὐτὸν βασιλεύοντος τῶν δι᾿ αὐτοῦ γενομένων, καὶ τὴν τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος χάριν, ἀφθόνως τοῖς ἁγίοις δωρουμένου πατρικῷ βουλήματι. Οὕτως γὰρ τὸν περὶ τῆς ἐν Χριστῷ μοναρχίας συνίστασθαι λόγον, παραδεδώκασιν ἡμῖν οἱ ιεροὶ λόγοι. Ταῦτα ἠναγκάσθημεν μετὰ τὴν ἐν ἐπιτομῇ ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν, πλατύτερον ἐπεξεργάσασθαι, οὐ κατὰ περιττὴν φιλοτιμίαν· ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα πᾶσαν τὴν κατὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ὑπολήψεως ἀλλοτρίαν ἀποκαθάρωμεν ὑποψίαν παρὰ τοῖς τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀγνοοῦσι· καὶ γνῶσιν οἱ κατὰ τὴν Δύσιν πάντες, ὁμοῦ μὲν τῆς συκοφαντίας τῶν ἑτεροδόξων τὴν ἀναίδειαν, ὁμοῦ δὲ τῶν ἀνατολικῶν τὸ ἐκκλησιαστικὸν ἐν Χριστῷ φρόνημα, μαρτυρούμενον ἀβιάστως ὑπὸ τῶν θεοπνεύστων Γραφῶν παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ἀδιαστρόφως.
Trietous de en tǭ mesǭ diadramontos chronou, authis hoi Anatolikoi episkopoi synedrion poiēsamenoi, kai heteran pistin syntaxantes, tois en Italia apostellousi di' Eudoxiou tou tote episkopou Germanikeias, kai Martyriou, kai Makedoniou, hos Mopsou estias tēs en Kilikią episkopos ēn. Hē de pistis dia makroterōn grapheisa, prosthēkas te pleistas pira ta proladonta periechousa, en toutois exetethē tois rhēmasi" Pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantochratora, ktistēn kai poiētēn tōn pantōn, ex hou pasa patria en ouranois epi gēs onomazetai' kai eis ton monogenē autou Huion Iēsoun Christon, ton Kyrion hēmōn, ton pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn gennēϑenta ech tou Patros" Theon ech Theou" phōs ech phōtos" di᾽ hou egeneto ta panta ta en tois ouranois ta epi tēs gēs, ta horata kai ta aorata " Logon onta, sophian, dynamin zōēn, kai phōs alēthinon. Ton ep᾽ eschatou tōn hēmerōn di' hēmas enanthrōpēsanta, kai gennēthenta tēs hagias Parthenou ton staurōthenta, apothanonta, kai taphenta, kai anastanta ech nekrōn tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą, analēphthenta eis ouranon, kathesthenta dexiōn tou Patros " erchomenon epi synteleią tōn aiōnōn krinai zōntas kai nekrous, kai apodounai echastǭ kata ta erga autou" hou hē basileia achatapaustos ousa, diamenei eis apeirous aiōnas chathezetai gar an dexią tou Patros, ou monon en tǭ aiōni toutǭ, alla en tǭ mellonti. Pisteuomen de eis to Pneuma to hagion, toutestin eis ton Parachlēton" hoper epangeilamenos tois apostolois, meta tēn eis ouranon anodon apesteile didaxai kai hypomnēsai autou: panta" hou kai hagiazontai hai tōn eilichrinōs eis auton pisteuontōn psychai. Tous de legontas ex ouch ontōn ton Huion, ē ex heteras hypostaseōs, mē tou Theou, kai hoti pote chronos 7| aiōn hote mē ēn, allotrious hoiden hē hagia Katholikē klēsia homoiōs kai tous legontas treis eina: Theous, ē ton Christon mē einai Theon pro tōn aiōnōn, mēte Christon, mēte Huion Theou einai auton ^, hē ton auton einai Patera kai Huion kai hagion Pneuma, kai agennēton ton Huion, ē hoti ou boulēsei, oude thelēsei egennēsen ho Patēr ton Huion, anathematizei hē hagia Katholikē Ekklēsia, Oute gar ex ouch ontōn legein ton Huion asphales" epei mēdamou touto tōn theopneustōn Graphōn empheretai peri hautou. Oute mēn, ex heteras hypostaseis para ton Patera proupocheimenēs, all᾽ monou tou Theou gnēsiōs auton gegennēsthai didaschometha. gar to agennēton kai anarchon, ton Christou Patera ho theios didaskei logos. ᾿All᾽ oude to hōn pote hote ouch hēn ex agraphōn episphalōs legontas, chronichon diastēma proenthymēteon autou, all᾽ ē monon ton achronōs auton gegennēchota Theon " kai chronoi gar kai aiōnes gegonasi di᾿ hautou. Oute mēn synanarchon, oute synagennēton ton tǭ Patri einai, nomisteon. Synanarchou gar kai synagennētou oudeis kyriōs Patēr, Huios lechthēsetai" alla ton Patera, monon anarchon onta anephichton, gegennēkenai anephichtōs pasin talēptōs oidamen" ton de Huion gegennēsthai pro tōn aiōnōn, kai mēketi homoiōs tǭ Patri agennēton einai kai auton, all᾽ archēn echein ton gennēsanta Patera. Kephalē gar Christou, ho Theos. thThyte mēn tria homologountes pragmata tria prosōpa, tou Patryēus tou Huiou tou hagiou Pneumatos kata tas Graphas, treis dia touto tous theous poioumen. Epeidē ton autotelę̄ kai agennēton, anarchon te kai aoraton Theon, hena monon oidamen ton Theon, kai Patera tou Monogenous, ton monon men ex heautou ta einai echonta, monon de tois allois pasin aphthonōs to einai parechomenon. Oute mēn hena Theon legontes eina: ton tou Kyriou Iēsou Christou Patera, ton monon agennēton, dia touto arnoumetha ton Christon Theon einai proaiōnion, hopoioi eisin hoi apo Paulou tou Samosateōs, hysteron auton meta tēn enanthrōpę̄sin ech prochopēs tetheopoiēsthai legontes, tǭ tēn physin Psilon anthrōpon gegonenai. Oidamen gar kai auton, ei kai hypotetaktai tǭ Patri kai tǭ Theǭ, all᾽ homōs gennēthenta ech tou Theou, Theon kata physin teleion einai kai alēthē, mē ex .anthrōpōn metatauta Theon, all᾽ Theou enanthrōpēsai di᾽ hēmas, mēde pōpote apolōlechota to einai Theon. Bdelyssometha de pros toutois anathematizomen, kai tous Logon men monon auton tou Theou Psilon kai anyparchton epiplastōs kalountas en heterǭ to einai 6 echonta" nyn men, hōs ton prophorichon legomenon hypo tinōn" nyn de, hōs ton endiatheton: Christon de auton Huion tou Theou, mesitēn, eikona tou Theou, mē einai. pro aiōnōn thelontas" all᾽ ektote Christon auton gegonenai kai Huion tou Theou, ex hou tēn hēmeteran tēs Parthenou sarka aneïilēphe, pro tetrachosiōn holōn etōn. "Echtote gar ton Christon archēn basileias eschēkenai thelousi, telos hexein autēn, meta tēn synteleian kai krisin. Toioutoi | de eisin, hoi apo Markellou kai Phōteinou 6, tōn ᾿Ankyrogalatōn; hoi tēn proaiōnion hyparxin te kai theotēta tou Christou, kai tēn ateleutēton autou basileian homoiōs Ioudaiois athetousin, epi prophasei tou synistasthai dokein tēn monarchian. Ismen gar auton hēmeis, ouch haplōs Logon prophorikon ē endiatheton tou Theou, alla zōnta Theon Logon, kai kath' heauton hyparchonta; kai Huion Theou kai Christon. Kai ou prognōstikōs; synonta kai syndiatribonta pro aiōnōn tǭ heautou Patri, kai pros pasan diakonēsamenon autǭ tēn dēmiourgian, eite tōn horatōn, eite tōn aoratōn; all᾽ enypostaton Logon onta tou Patros, kai Theon ek Theou. Houtos gar esti pros on eipen ho Patēr, hoti Poiēsōmen anthrōpon kat' eikona ymeteran kai kath' homoiōsin; hos kai tois patrasin autoprosōpōs ōphthē dedōkōs ton nomon, kai lalēsas dia tōn pro- ? psētōn, kai ta teleutaia enanthrōpēsas, kai ton heautou Patera pasin anthrōpois phanerōsas, kai basileuōn eis tous ateleutētous aiōnas. Ouden gar prosphaton ho Christos proseilēphen axiōma; alla anōthen teleion auton, kai tǭ Patri kata panta homoion pepisteukamen. Kai tous legontas de ton auton einai Patera kai Huion kai hagion Pneuma, kath' henos kai tou autou pragmatos te kai prosōpou ta tria onomata asebōs eklambanontas, eikotōs apokēryssomen tēs Ekklēsias, hoti ton achōrēton kai apathē Patera, chōrēton hama kai pathēton dia tēs enanthrōpēseōs hypotithentai. Toioutoi gar eisin hoi Ēatropasianoi ho para Rhōmaiois, Sabellianoi de par' hēmin legomenoi. Oidamen gar hēmeis, ton men aposteilanta Patera, en tǭ oikeiǭ tēs analloiōtou theotētos ēthei memenēkenai; ton de apostalenta Christon, tēn tēs enanthrōpēseōs oikonomian peplērōkenai. Homoiōs de kai tous ou boulēsei, oude thelēsei gegenēsthai ton Christon eirēkota, entolabōs, anankēn de dēlonoti aboulēton ousan kai aproaireton peritetheikotas tǭ Theǭ, hina akōn gennēsę̄ ton Huiono, dyssebestatous kai tēs alētheias xenous epiginōskomen; hoti te para tas koinas ennoias peri Theou, kai dē para to boulēma tēs theopneustou Graphēs, toiauta tetolmēkasi peri autou diorisasthai. Autokratora gar hēmeis ton Theon, Kyrion auton heautou eidytes, hekousiōs auton kai thelonta ton Huion gegennēkenai, - theotētos axiōma, kai mian akribē tēs basileias eusebōs hypeilēphamen. Pisteuontes de emphobōs kai to peri autou legomenon, Kyrios ektise me archēn odōn autou eis erga autou, ouch homoiōs auton tois di' autou genomenois ktismasin ē poiēmasi gegen nēsthai nooumen. ᾿Asebes gar, kai tēs ekklēsiastikēs pisteōs allotrion, to ton ktistēn tois di' autou ektismenois dēmiourgēmasi paraballein, kai ton auton tēs geneseōs tois allotriois tropon echein kai auton nomizein. Monon gar kai monōs ton monogenē gnēsiōs te kai alēthōs didaskousin hēmas hai theiai Graphai gegennēsthai. ᾿All' oude ton Huion kath' heauton einai e, zę̄n te kai hyparchein homoiōs tǭ Patri legontes, dia touto chōrizomen auton tou Patros, topous kai diastēmata tina metaxy tēs synapheias O autōn sōmatikōs epinoountes. Pepisteukamen gar amesiteutōs autous kai adiastatōs episynēphthai, kai achōristōs hyparchein heautōn; holon men tou Patros enesternismenou ton Huion; holou de tou Huiou exērtēmenou kai prospephykotos tǭ Patri, kai mono tois patrōois kolpois anapauomenon diēnekōs. Pisteuontes oun eis tēn panteleion Triada tēn hagiōtatēn, ton Patera legontes Theon, kai ton Huion, ou dyo toutous Theous, all᾽ hena homologoumen, kata to tēs tēn synapheian; pantarchountos men katholou tou Patros pantōn, kai autou tou Huiou; tou de Huiou hypotetagmenou tǭ Patri, ektos de autou, pantōn tōn met' auton basileuontos tōn di᾿ autou genomenōn, kai tēn tou hagiou Pneumatos charin, aphthonōs tois hagiois dōroumenou patrikǭ boulēmati. Houtōs gar ton peri tēs en Christǭ monarchias synistasthai logon, paradedōkasin hēmin hoi ieroi logoi. Tauta ēnankasthēmen meta tēn en epitomę̄ ektetheisan pistin, platyteron epexergasasthai, ou kata perittēn philotimian; all᾽ hina pasan tēn kata tēs hēmeteras hypolēpseōs allotrian apokatharōmen hypopsian para tois ta kath᾽ hēmas agnoousi; kai gnōsin hoi kata tēn Dysin pantes, homou men tēs sykophantias tōn heterodoxōn tēn anaideian, homou de tōn anatolikōn to ekklēsiastikon en Christǭ phronēma, martyroumenon abiastōs hypo tōn theopneustōn Graphōn par᾿ autois adiastrophōs.
After an interval of three years the eastern bishops again held a council, composed another creed, and sent it to the bishops in Italy by Eudoxius, then bishop of Germanicia, Martyrius, and Macedonius, who was bishop of Mopsuestia in Cilicia. This creed, written at greater length and containing very many additions to the earlier ones, was set out in these words:
“We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, creator and maker of all things, from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named; and in his only-begotten Son, Jesus Christ our Lord, begotten from the Father before all ages; God from God, light from light; through whom all things came to be in the heavens and on the earth, visible and invisible; who is Word, wisdom, power, life, and true light; who in the last days for our sake became man and was born of the holy Virgin; who was crucified, died, and was buried, and rose from the dead on the third day, was taken up into heaven, and sat down at the right hand of the Father; who is coming at the consummation of the ages to judge the living and the dead and to render to each according to his works; whose kingdom, being unceasing, remains for boundless ages; for he sits at the right hand of the Father not only in this age but also in that to come. We believe also in the Holy Spirit, that is, in the Paraclete, whom, having promised to the apostles, he sent after his ascent into heaven to teach them and remind them of all things; through whom also the souls of those who sincerely believe in him are sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from things that are not, or from another hypostasis and not from God, and that there was once a time or an age when he was not, the holy catholic church knows as aliens. Likewise those who say that there are three Gods, or that Christ is not God before the ages, or that he is neither Christ nor Son of God, or that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are the same, or that the Son is unbegotten, or that the Father did not beget the Son by choice or will, the holy catholic church anathematizes.
For neither is it safe to say that the Son is from things that are not, since this is nowhere said of him in the divinely inspired Scriptures; nor that he is from another hypostasis existing beforehand besides the Father, but we are taught that he was truly begotten from God alone. For the divine word teaches that the Father of Christ is unbegotten and without beginning. Nor, venturing on the unscriptural phrase ‘there was once when he was not’, must we imagine an interval of time before him, but only God, who begot him timelessly; for times and ages came to be through him. Nor must we think that the Son is without beginning together with the Father or unbegotten together with him; for of one who is without beginning and unbegotten together with another, no one would properly be called Father, or Son. But we know that the Father, who alone is without beginning and incomprehensible, begot incomprehensibly and in a way beyond the grasp of all; and that the Son was begotten before the ages and is not, like the Father, himself unbegotten, but has as his beginning the Father who begot him; for “the head of Christ is God.” Nor, while confessing three things and three persons, of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit according to the Scriptures, do we therefore make three Gods. For we know only one God, complete in himself, unbegotten, without beginning, and invisible, the God and Father of the Only-begotten, who alone has being from himself and alone gives being to all others ungrudgingly. Nor, while saying that the one God is the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the only unbegotten, do we therefore deny that Christ is God before the ages, like the followers of Paul of Samosata, who say that after his becoming man he was deified by progress, being by nature a mere man. For we know that, although he is subject to the Father and God, he was nevertheless begotten from God and is by nature perfect and true God; not God afterwards from being a man, but from God he became man for our sake, and never lost his being God.
We abhor, moreover, and anathematize those who call him merely the bare and unsubsisting Word of God, falsely, as having his being in another, now as the uttered word, as some call it, now as the indwelling word; and who will not have it that before the ages he was Christ, the Son of God, mediator, and image of God, but say that he became Christ and Son of God only from the time when he took our flesh from the Virgin, barely four hundred years ago. For they will have it that Christ had the beginning of his kingdom from that time, and that it will have an end after the consummation and the judgment. Such are the followers of Marcellus and Photinus, the Galatians of Ancyra, who, like the Jews, reject the pre-eternal existence and divinity of Christ and his endless kingdom, on the pretext of seeming to uphold the monarchy. For we know him not simply as the uttered or indwelling word of God, but as God the living Word, subsisting by himself, and as Son of God and Christ; not by foreknowledge, but being with his own Father and living with him before the ages, and serving him in the whole work of creation, of things visible and invisible; being the subsisting Word of the Father and God from God. For he it is to whom the Father said, ‘Let us make man in our image and likeness’; who also appeared in his own person to the fathers, gave the law, spoke through the prophets, and at last became man, made his own Father known to all men, and reigns for endless ages. For Christ has taken on no newly acquired dignity; but we have believed him to be perfect from the first and like the Father in all things.
Those who say that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit are the same, impiously taking the three names of one and the same thing and person, we rightly expel from the church, because they suppose that the Father, who cannot be contained and cannot suffer, became at the same time containable and passible through the incarnation. Such are those called Patripassians among the Romans and Sabellians among us. For we know that the Father who sent remained in the proper state of his unchangeable Godhead, while Christ who was sent fulfilled the dispensation of the incarnation. Likewise those who have said, irreverently, that Christ was begotten not by will or choice, thus attributing to God a necessity without will or choice, so that he begot the Son unwillingly, we recognize as most impious and strangers to the truth, because they have dared to lay down such things about him contrary to the common notions of God and to the purpose of the divinely inspired Scripture. For knowing that God is sovereign and Lord of himself, we have piously held that he begot the Son voluntarily and willingly. Believing reverently also what is said of him, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of his ways for his works,’ we do not understand that he was begotten like the creatures or works that came to be through him. For it is impious and foreign to the faith of the church to compare the creator with the works created through him, and to think that he has the same manner of origin as the others. For the divine Scriptures teach us that the Only-begotten alone and uniquely was truly and genuinely begotten. Nor, when we say that the Son exists, lives, and subsists by himself like the Father, do we therefore separate him from the Father, imagining in a bodily way places and intervals between them in their union. For we have believed that they are joined without medium or interval and exist inseparable from each other, the whole Father embracing the Son, and the whole Son hanging upon and clinging to the Father, and alone resting continually in the Father’s bosom. Believing, then, in the all-perfect and most holy Trinity, and calling the Father God and the Son God, we confess not two Gods but one, according to the one dignity of the Godhead and the one exact union of the kingdom; the Father ruling over all things universally, even over the Son himself, and the Son, subject to the Father, but apart from him reigning over all things after him which came to be through him, and by the Father’s will bestowing the grace of the Holy Spirit ungrudgingly on the saints. For so the sacred words have handed down to us how the doctrine of the monarchy in Christ is to be upheld.
We have been compelled to work out these things more fully after the faith set out in brief, not out of superfluous ambition, but in order to clear away every suspicion foreign to our belief among those who do not know our affairs, and so that all in the West may know both the shamelessness of the slander of the heterodox and the churchly mind in Christ of the easterners, attested without force by the divinely inspired Scriptures, which they hold without distortion.”
2.20PG 67:233–239
Ταῦτα οἱ κατὰ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἐπίσκοποι, διὰ τὸ ἀλλογλώσσους εἶναι, καὶ διὰ τὸ μὴ συνιέναι, οὐ προσεδέχοντο, ἀρκεῖν τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν Ἐπεὶ οὖν πάλιν γράψαντος τοῦ βασιλέως, ὥστε ἀποδοθῆναι Παύλῳ καὶ ᾿Αθανασίῳ τοὺς οἰκείους τόπους, οὐδὲν πλέον ἠνύετο· στάσις γὰρ μεταξὺ τοῦ πλήθους ἐγίνετο συνεχής· σύνοδον ἄλλην παρακαλοῦσι γενέσθαι οἱ περὶ Παῦλον καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον, ὥστε καὶ τὰ κατ' αὐτοὺς, καὶ τὰ τῆς πίστεως, ἐπὶ οἰκουμενικῆς συν όδου πέρας λαβεῖν, διδάσκοντες ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς πίστεως, τὰς καθαιρέσεις γίνεσθαι. Κηρύσσεται οὖν αὖθις οἰκουμενικὴ σύνοδος ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Σαρδικὴν ὅ, πόλις δὲ αὕτη Ἰλλυριῶν, γνώμῃ τῶν δυεῖν βασιλέων, τοῦ μὲν διὰ γραμμάτων αἰτήσαντος, τοῦ δὲ τῆς Έψας ἑτοίμως ὑπακούσαντος. Ενδέκατον ἔτος ἦν ἀπὸ τῆς τελευτῆς τοῦ πατρὸς τῶν δύο Αὐγούστων· ὕπατοι δὴ ἦσαν Ῥουφῖνος καὶ Εὐσέβιος, ὅτε ἡ ἐν Σαρδικῇ λέγοντες, καὶ μηδὲν περαιτέρω περιεργάζεσθαι. 104 συνεκροτήθη σύνοδος. Ἐκ μὲν οὖν τῶν ἐσπερίων μερῶν, περὶ τοὺς τριακοσίους συνῆλθον ἐπίσκοποι ὡς φησιν ᾿Αθανάσιος · ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἑῴων, ἑβδομή κοντα ἓξ μόνον ὁ Σαβϊνός φησιν, ἐν οἷς κατηριθμεῖτο καὶ Ἰσχύρας ὁ τοῦ Μαρεώτου ἐπίσκοπος, ὃν οἱ καθελόντες ᾿Αθανάσιον, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆσδε τῆς χώρας χειροτονοῦσι. Προὐβάλλοντο δὲ οἱ μὲν ἀσθέν νειαν τοῦ σώματος· ἄλλοι δὲ τὸ στενὸν τῆς προθεσμίας ἐμέμφοντο, τὴν αἰτίαν ἐπὶ Ἰούλιον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Ῥώμης ἀναφέροντες · καίτοι ἐνιαυτοῦ καὶ ἐξ μηνῶν διαγενομένων, ἀφ᾿ οὗ ἡ τε σύνοδος ἐκεκήρυκτο, καὶ οἱ περὶ ᾿Αθανάσιων ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ διέτριβον, τὴν : σύνοδον περιμένοντες. Ὡς οὖν συνῆλθον ἐν τῇ Σαρδικῇ, οἱ μὲν ἀνατολικοὶ εἰς πρόσωπον τῶν ἑσπερίων - ἐλθεῖν οὐκ ἐβούλοντο, φάσκοντες μὴ ἄλλως εἰς λόγους ἐλθεῖν, εἰ μὴ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον καὶ Παῦλον ἐξελάσωσι τοῦ συλλόγου. Ὡς δὲ Πρωτογένης ὁ Σαρδικῆς ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ Ὅσιος ὁ Κουδρούβης, πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῆς Ἱσπανίας ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται, οὐκ ἡνείχοντο μὴ παρεῖναι τοὺς περὶ Παῦλον καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον, ἀπεχώρουν εὐθέως. Καὶ γενόμενοι ἐν τῇ Φ.λίππου πόλει τῆς Θράκης, ἰδίαζον ποιοῦντες συνέδριον• καὶ φανερῶς λοιπὸν τὸ μὲν ὁμοούσιον ἀναθεματίζουσι· τὴν δὲ τοῦ ἀνομοίου δόξαν, ἐπιστολὰς συγγράψαντες, πανταχοῦ διαπέμπονται. Οἱ δὲ ἐν Σαρδικῇ, πρῶτον μὲν τούτων ἐρήμην κατεψηφίσαντο· ἔπειτα τοὺς κατηγόρους ᾿Αθανασίου τῆς ἀξίας ἀφείλοντο • τὸν ὄρον τε τῆς πίστεως τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ κρατύναντες, καὶ τὸ ἀνόμοιον ἐκβαλόντες, τὸ ὁμοούσιον φανερώτερον ἐκδιδόασι. Καὶ ἐγγράψαντές τε καὶ αὐτοὶ πανταχοῦ διαπέμπονται. Γνώμῃ μὲν οὖν ἑκάτεροι τοιάδε δικαίως πεποιηκέναι νομίσαντες, οἱ μὲν ἀνατολικοὶ, ὅτι τοὺς ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν καθαιρεθέντας οἱ ἑσπέριοι προσεδέξαντο· οἱ δὲ ἑσπέριοι, ὅτι πρὸ διαγνώσεως οἱ καθελόντες ἀπέφυγον, καὶ ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν ἐφύλαττον, ἐκεῖνοι δὲ παραχαράττειν ἐτόλμησαν. ᾿Αποδιδόασιν οὖν τὸν τόπον τοῖς περὶ Παῦλον καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον· ἔτι μὴν καὶ Μαρκέλλῳ ἱ τῷ Αγκυρας, τῆς πρὸς τῇ μικρᾷ Γαλατίᾳ· ὃς πάλαι μὲν καθήρητο, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου βιβλίῳ πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Τότε δὲ ἐν τῷ τὴν καταδίκην ἀναπαλαῖσαι ἐσπούδασε, διδάξας ὡς οὐ νοηθείη ἡ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ βιβλίῳ φράσις, καὶ διὰ τούτου ὑπόνοιαν τοῦ Σαμοσατέως λαβεῖν. Οὐκ ἀγνοητέον μέντοι ὅτι τὸ Μαρκέλλου βιβλίον ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος ἀνεσκεύασεν ἐν ὅλοις τρισὶ βιβλίοις πρὸς αὐτὸν διαλεγόμενος, ἃ πρὸς Μάρκελλον ἐπέγραψε· καὶ τίθησι μὲν τὰ ῥή: ἀνομοίου ἀνομοίου ματα Μαρκέλλου · πρὸς αὐτὰ δὲ διαγωνίζεται, ὡς ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον τὸν Κύριον, καθὰ Σαβέλλιος ὁ Λίβυς καὶ Παῦλος ὁ Σαμοσατεὺς, τοῦ Μαρκέλλου εἰσάγοντος.
Tauta hoi kata ta hesperia merē episkopoi, dia to alloglōssous einai, kai dia to mē synienai, ou prosedechonto, arkein tēn en Nikaią pistin Epei oun palin grapsantos tou basileōs, hōste apodothēnai Paulǭ kai ᾿Athanasiǭ tous oikeious topous, ouden pleon ēnyeto; stasis gar metaxy tou plēthous egineto synechēs; synodon allēn parakalousi genesthai hoi peri Paulon kai ᾿Athanasion, hōste kai ta kat' autous, kai ta tēs pisteōs, epi oikoumenikēs syn odou peras labein, didaskontes epi katalysei tēs pisteōs, tas kathaireseis ginesthai. Kēryssetai oun authis oikoumenikē synodos hōs epi tēn Sardikēn ho, polis de hautē Illyriōn, gnōmę̄ tōn dyein basileōn, tou men dia grammatōn aitēsantos, tou de tēs Epsas hetoimōs hypakousantos. Endekaton etos ēn apo tēs teleutēs tou patros tōn dyo Augoustōn; hypatoi dē ēsan Rhouphinos kai Eusebios, hote hē en Sardikę̄ legontes, kai mēden peraiterō periergazesthai. 104 synekrotēthē synodos. Ek men oun tōn esperiōn merōn, peri tous triakosious synēlthon episkopoi hōs phēsin ᾿Athanasios ; ek de tōn heǭōn, hebdomē konta hex monon ho Sabïnos phēsin, en hois katērithmeito kai Ischyras ho tou Mareōtou episkopos, hon hoi kathelontes ᾿Athanasion, eis tēn episkopēn tēsde tēs chōras cheirotonousi. Prouballonto de hoi men asthen neian tou sōmatos; alloi de to stenon tēs prothesmias ememphonto, tēn aitian epi Ioulion ton episkopon Rhōmēs anapherontes ; kaitoi eniautou kai ex mēnōn diagenomenōn, aph᾿ hou hē te synodos ekekērykto, kai hoi peri ᾿Athanasiōn en tę̄ Rhōmę̄ dietribon, tēn : synodon perimenontes. Hōs oun synēlthon en tę̄ Sardikę̄, hoi men anatolikoi eis prosōpon tōn hesperiōn - elthein ouk eboulonto, phaskontes mē allōs eis logous elthein, ei mē tous peri ᾿Athanasion kai Paulon exelasōsi tou syllogou. Hōs de Prōtogenēs ho Sardikēs episkopos, kai Hosios ho Koudroubēs, polis de hautē tēs Hispanias hōs kai proteron eirētai, ouk hēneichonto mē pareinai tous peri Paulon kai ᾿Athanasion, apechōroun eutheōs. Kai genomenoi en tę̄ Ph.lippou polei tēs Thrakēs, idiazon poiountes synedrion• kai phanerōs loipon to men homoousion anathematizousi; tēn de tou anomoiou doxan, epistolas syngrapsantes, pantachou diapempontai. Hoi de en Sardikę̄, prōton men toutōn erēmēn katepsēphisanto; epeita tous katēgorous ᾿Athanasiou tēs axias apheilonto • ton oron te tēs pisteōs tēs en Nikaią kratynantes, kai to anomoion ekbalontes, to homoousion phanerōteron ekdidoasi. Kai engrapsantes te kai autoi pantachou diapempontai. Gnōmę̄ men oun hekateroi toiade dikaiōs pepoiēkenai nomisantes, hoi men anatolikoi, hoti tous hyp᾿ autōn kathairethentas hoi hesperioi prosedexanto; hoi de hesperioi, hoti pro diagnōseōs hoi kathelontes apephygon, kai hoti autoi men tēn en Nikaią pistin ephylatton, ekeinoi de paracharattein etolmēsan. ᾿Apodidoasin oun ton topon tois peri Paulon kai ᾿Athanasion; eti mēn kai Markellǭ hi tǭ Ankyras, tēs pros tę̄ mikrą Galatią; hos palai men kathērēto, hōs en tǭ pro toutou bibliǭ pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Tote de en tǭ tēn katadikēn anapalaisai espoudase, didaxas hōs ou noētheiē hē hyp' autou en tǭ bibliǭ phrasis, kai dia toutou hyponoian tou Samosateōs labein. Ouk agnoēteon mentoi hoti to Markellou biblion ho Pamphilou Eusebios aneskeuasen en holois trisi bibliois pros auton dialegomenos, ha pros Markellon epegrapse; kai tithēsi men ta rhē: anomoiou anomoiou mata Markellou ; pros auta de diagōnizetai, hōs psilon anthrōpon ton Kyrion, katha Sabellios ho Libys kai Paulos ho Samosateus, tou Markellou eisagontos.
These the bishops of the western parts would not accept, because they were of another language and did not understand them, saying that the faith of Nicaea was enough and that nothing further should be meddled with. When the emperor wrote again that Paul and Athanasius should be given back their own places, but nothing more was achieved (for there was continual strife among the people), Paul and Athanasius asked that another synod be held, so that both their own affairs and those of the faith might be settled at an ecumenical synod, explaining that the depositions were made for the overthrow of the faith. So an ecumenical synod was again proclaimed, at Sardica, a city of Illyricum, by the decision of the two emperors, the one asking for it by letter and the emperor of the East readily agreeing. It was the eleventh year after the death of the father of the two Augusti, and the consuls were Rufinus and Eusebius, when the synod at Sardica was convened. From the western parts about three hundred bishops met, as Athanasius says; from the eastern only seventy-six, as Sabinus says, among whom was counted Ischyras of the Mareotis, whom those who deposed Athanasius ordained to the bishopric of that district. Some pleaded bodily illness, others complained of the shortness of the notice, laying the blame on Julius, bishop of Rome; although a year and six months had passed since the synod was proclaimed and Athanasius and his party had been staying at Rome waiting for the synod. When they met at Sardica, the easterners would not come face to face with the westerners, saying that they would not enter into discussion unless they expelled Athanasius and Paul from the assembly. When Protogenes, bishop of Sardica, and Hosius of Corduba (a city of Spain, as has been said before) would not consent to the absence of Paul and Athanasius, they immediately withdrew. Arriving at Philippopolis in Thrace, they held a separate council and from then on openly anathematized the homoousios; and writing letters, they sent out everywhere the opinion of the anomoios. Those at Sardica first condemned them in their absence; then they deprived the accusers of Athanasius of their rank; and confirming the definition of faith of Nicaea and rejecting the anomoios, they set out the homoousios more clearly, and they too wrote it down and sent it everywhere. Each side thought it had acted justly: the easterners, because the westerners had received those whom they had deposed; the westerners, because those who deposed them had fled before the hearing, and because they themselves kept the faith of Nicaea while the others had dared to falsify it. So they restored their places to Paul and Athanasius, and also to Marcellus of Ancyra in Galatia Minor, who had long before been deposed, as we mentioned in the previous book. He was then eager to wrestle the condemnation off, explaining that his expression in the book had not been understood and that through this he had incurred the suspicion of holding the Samosatene’s views. It should be known, however, that Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, refuted Marcellus’s book in three whole books, arguing against him, which he entitled Against Marcellus. He sets out Marcellus’s words and contends against them, on the ground that Marcellus, like Sabellius the Libyan and Paul the Samosatene, introduced the Lord as a mere man.
2.21PG 67:239–243
Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τινες ἐπεχείρησαν καὶ αὐτὸν λοιδορῆσαι, φημὶ δὴ τὸν Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιον, ὡς ἀρειανίζοντα ἐν οἷς λόγοις ἐξέδωκε, μικρὰ καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ εἰπεῖν οὐκ ἄκαιρον ἡγοῦμαι. Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ, τῇ ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδῳ τὸ ὁμοούσιον ὁριζούσῃ καὶ παρῆν καὶ συνέθετο· λέγει δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ βιβλίῳ τῷ εἰς τὸν βίον Κωνσταντίνου κατὰ λέξιν ταῦτα· Πάντας δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς ὁμόνοιαν ἐλαύνων, εἰς ὅτε ὁμογνώμονας καὶ ὁμοδόξους αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀμφισβητουμένοις ἅπασι τὸ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ κατέστησεν· ὡς ὁμόφωνον κρατῆσαῖ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν. Εἰ τοίνυν Εὐσέβιος τῆς ἐκεῖσε συνόδου μνήμην ποιούμενος, λελύσθαι μὲν τὰ τότε ἀμφισβητούμενα λέγει, πάντας δὲ ὁμοφρονῆσαι καὶ ὁμοδοξῆσαι, πῶς ἀρειανίζειν αὐτὸν τινες ὑπολαμβάνουσιν; Πλανῶνται δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρειανοὶ, φρονεῖν αὐτὸν νομίζοντες τὰ αὐτῶν. ᾿Αλλ' ἐρεῖ τις, ὡς ἐν τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ ἀρειανίζειν δοκεῖ, τῷ συνεχῶς λέ· γειν, διὰ Χριστοῦ. Πρὸς ὃν ἀποκρινούμεθα, ὅτι τῇ λέξει ταύτῃ πολλάκις καὶ οἱ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ταῖς μηνυούσαις τὴν οἰκονομίαν τῆς ἀνθρωπότητος τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν. Καὶ πρό γε ἁπάντων τούτων, ὁ ᾿Απόστολος ταῖς λέξεσι ταύταις ἐχρήσατο· καὶ οὐδὲ πώποτε ὡς κακοδοξίας διδάσκαλος ἐνομίσθη. Ἔτι μὴν καὶ ᾿Αρείου κτίσμα τὸν Υἱὸν ὡς ἓν τῶν ἄλλων τολμήσαντος εἰπεῖν, ἐπάκουσον οἷα Εὐσέβιος περὶ τούτου ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ βιβλίῳ τῷ πρὸς Μάρκελλον κατὰ λέξιν φησίν. Ὁ μονογενής Υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ μόνος αὐτὸς, καὶ οὐδὲ ἄλλος ἀνηγόρευταί το καὶ ἔστιν. Ὅθεν εἰκότως ἄν τις μέμψαιτο τοῖς κτίσμα αὐτὸν φάναι τετολμηκόσιν, ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ὅμοιον τοῖς λοιποῖς κτίσμασι γενόμενον. Καὶ πῶς γὰρ ἔτι ἔσται Υἱὸς, πῶς δὲ μονογενής τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὁ τὴν αὐτὴν τοῖς λοιποῖς κτίσμασιν ἐπιγραφόμενος φύσιν, τῶν τε πολλῶν γεννητῶν ἔσται εἷς, ἅτε τῆς ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων «τίσεως ὁμοίως αὐτοῖς μετασχὼν κοινωνίας; ᾿Αλλ' εὐχ ὧδε περὶ αὐτοῦ τὰ θεῖα παιδεύει λόγια. Εἶτα μετ᾿ ὀλίγα πάλιν ἐπιφέρει· Ὁ τοίνυν γεννητὸν ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων καὶ κτίσμα προηγούμενον ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ἔντος τὸν Υἱὸν ὀριζόμενος, λέληθε τοὔνομα μὲν αὐτῷ μόνον χαριζόμενος, τὸ δὲ ἀληθῶς, Υἱὸς εἶναι ἀρνούμενος. Ὁ γὰρ ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων γεγονώς, οὐκ ἀληθῶς γένοιτ᾽ ἂν Υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὅτι μηδὲ ἄλλο τι τῶν γεννητῶν. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ἀληθῶς Υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ ὁ ἐξ αὐτοῦ, ὡς ἄτε ἐκ Πατρὸς ἀποτεχθεὶς, εἰκότως ἂν καὶ μονογενὴς καὶ ἀγαπητὸς χρηματίσειε τοῦ Πατρός. Οὕτω δὲ, καὶ Θεὸς ἂν εἴη. Τί γὰρ ἂν καὶ Θεοῦ γέννημα, ἢ τὸ τῷ γεγεννηκότι ἀφωμοιωμένον; Κτίζει μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς πόλιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γεννᾷ πόλιν· γεννᾷν δὲ υἱὸν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ κτίζειν λέγεται. Καὶ τεχνίτης δημιουργός, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πατὴρ γένοιτ᾽ ἂν τοῦ πρὸς αὐτοῦ δημιουργουμένου. Τοῦ δὲ ἐξ αὐτοῦ φύντος υἱοῦ, οὐκ ἂν δημιουργὸς λεχθείη. Καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ τῶν ὅλων Θεὸς, τοῦ μὲν Υἱοῦ Πατὴρ, τοῦ δὲ κόσμου κτίστης ἂν εἰκότως καὶ ποιητὴς λέγοιτο. Εἰ δὲ ἅπαξ που τῆς Γραφῆς εὑρίσκοι τις εἰρημένον τὸ, Κύριος ἔκτισέ με ἀρχὴν ἐδῶν αὐτοῦ, εἰς ἔργα αὐτοῦ, τὸν νοῦν ἐπισκοπεῖν χρὴ τοῦ λόγου, ὃν μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐκθήσομαι, ἀλλὰ μὴ κατὰ Μάρκελλον ἐκ μιᾶς λέξεως, τὸ κυριώτατον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας παρασαλεύειν δόγμα. Τοιαῦτα μὲν καὶ ἕτερα πλείονα ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ λόγῳ τῷ πρὸς Μάρκελλόν φησιν. Καὶ ἐν τρίτῳ δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς, διδάσκων πῶς δεῖ τὸ κτίσμα, τὴν λέξιν ἐκδέχεσθαι, τοιάδε φησίν - Τούτων τοίνυν ὧδέ πη κατεσκευασμένων, ἀκόλουθόν ἐστι μετὰ τῶν προεκτεθέντων ἁπάντων, καὶ τὸ, Κύριος ἔκτισέ 107 κτίσμα, : με ἀρχὴν ὁδῶν αὐτοῦ εἰς ἔργα αὐτοῦ, λελέχθαι. Εἰ δὲ λέγει ἐκτίσθαι ἑαυτὸν, οὐχ ὡς ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος εἰς τὸ εἶναι παρελθὼν ταῦτα ἂν εἴποι, οὐδ᾽ ὡς τοῖς λοιποῖς κτίσμασι καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ μὴ ὄντος ὁμοίως γεγονώς, ὅ τινες οὐκ ὀρθῶς ὑπειλήφασιν. ᾿Αλλ' ὡς ὑφεστὼς μὲν καὶ ζῶν, προών τε καὶ προϋπάρχων τῆς τοῦ παντὸς κόσμου συστάσεως· ἄρχειν δὲ τῶν ὅλων ὑπὸ τοῦ Κυρίου τοῦ ἑαυτοῦ Πατρὸς κατατεταγμένος· τοῦ ἔκτισεν ἐνταῦθα, ἀντὶ τοῦ κατέταξεν ἢ κατέστησεν εἰρημένου. Διαῤῥήδην οὖν τοὺς ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἄρχοντας καὶ ἡγεμόνας, κτίσιν ὠνόμασεν ὁ εἰπὼν ἀπόστολος, Ὑποτάγητε οὖν πάσῃ ἀνθρωπίνῃ κτίσει διὰ τὸν Κύριον, εἴτε βασιλεῖ, ὡς ὑπερέχοντι, εἶτε ἡγεμόσιν, ὡς δι' αὐτοῦ πεμπομένοις. Καὶ ὁ εἰπὼν δὲ προφήτης, Ετοιμάζου τοῦ ἐπικαλεῖσθαι τὸν Θεόν σου, Ἰσραήλ· διότι ἰδοὺ στερεῶν βροrἔκτισεν, τὴν, καὶ κτίζων πνεῦμα, καὶ ἀναγγέλλων εἰς ἀνθρώπους τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτοῦ· τὸ κτίζων, οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ γεγονότος ἐξ ἀνυπαρξίας παρείληφεν. Οὐ γὰρ τότε ἔκτισεν ὁ Θεὸς τὸ πνεῦμα, ὅτε τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτοῦ πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις κατήγγειλεν · οὐδὲν γὰρ πρόσφατον ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον. Ἀλλ᾽ ἦν μὲν καὶ προϋπῆρχεν, ἀπεστέλλετο δὲ, καθ' ὂν καιρὸν ἦσαν οἱ ἀπόστολοι συνηγμένοι, ὅτε δίκην βροντῆς ἐγένετο ἦχος ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, ὥσπερ φερομένης πνοῆς βιαίας· ἐπληρώθησαν δὲ Πνεύματος ἁγίου. Καὶ οὕτως εἰς πάντας ἀνθρώπους τὸν Χριστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ κατήγγειλαν, ἀκολούθως τῇ προφητεία φησάσῃ, διότι Ἰδοὺ στερεῶν βροντὴν, καὶ κτίζων πνεῦμα, καὶ ἀπαγγέλλων εἰς ἀνθρώπους τὸν Χριστὸν αὐτοῦ, τοῦ κτίζων, ἀντὶ τοῦ καταπέμπων, ἢ κατατάσσων εἰρημένου · τῆς 33 : κτίζων, δὲ βροντῆς, καθ᾽ ἕτερον τρόπον τὸ εὐαγγελικὸν κήρυγμα δηλούσης. Καὶ ὁ λέγων δὲ, Καρδίαν καθαράν κτίσον ἐν ἐμοὶ, ὁ Θεὸς, οὐχ ὡς μὴ ἔχων καρδίαν τοῦτο ἔλεγε· καθαρὰν δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν διάνοιαν ἀποτελεσθῆναι ηὔχετο. Οὕτως εἴρηται καὶ,Ινα τοὺς δύο κτίσῃ εἰς ἕνα καινὸν ἄνθρωπον, ἀντὶ τοῦ συναγάγῃ. Ὅρα μήποτε τοιοῦτόν ἐστι καὶ τὸ, Ἐνδύσασθε τὸν καινὸν ἄνθρωπον, τὸν κατὰ Θεὸν κτισθέντα. Καὶ τὸ, Εἴ τις οὖν ἐν Χριστῷ καινὴ κτίσις· καὶ ὅσα ἄλλα εὕροι τις ἂν τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ τὴν θεόπνευστον Γραφὴν διερευνώμενος. Μὴ θαυμάσῃς εἰ μεταφορικῶς καὶ ἐν τῷ, Κύριος ἔκτισέ με ἀρχὴν ὁδῶν αὐτοῦ, τὸ ἔκτισεν ἀντὶ τοῦ κατέστησεν ἢ κατέταξε. Τοιαῦτα μὲν ὁ Εὐσέβιος ἐν τοῖς πρὸς Μάρκελλον διἐξεισιν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ αὐτὰ παρεθέμεθα, διὰ τοὺς μάτην ἐρεσχελοῦντας, καὶ βλασφημεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα ἐπιχειρήσαντας. Οὔτε γὰρ ἔχουσι δεῖξαι, ὅτι Εὐσέβιος ἀρχὴν τῆς ὑπάρξεως δίδωσι τῷ Υἱῷ τοῦ Θεοῦ, κᾶν ταῖς τῆς οἰκονομίας λέξεσιν ἱ ἐν τοῖς βιβλίοις εὑρίσκουσιν αὐτὸν καταχρώμενον· μάλιστα δὲ, ὅτι ζηλωτὴς καὶ θαυμαστὴς τῶν Ωριγένους βιβλίων ἐστὶν, ἐν οἷς πανταχοῦ τὸν Υἱὸν ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς γεννηθέντα εὑρίσκουσιν οἱ τῶν Ωριγένους βιβλίων τὸ βάθος κατανοῆσαι δυνάμενοι. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν παρεκβάσει, διὰ τοὺς λοιδορεῖν ἐπιχειρήσαντας τὸν Εὐσέβιον εἴρηται.
Epeidē de tines epecheirēsan kai auton loidorēsai, phēmi dē ton Pamphilou Eusebion, hōs areianizonta en hois logois exedōke, mikra kai peri autou eipein ouk akairon hēgoumai. Prōton men gar, tę̄ en Nikaią synodǭ to homoousion horizousę̄ kai parēn kai synetheto; legei de kai autos en tǭ tritǭ bibliǭ tǭ eis ton bion Kōnstantinou kata lexin tauta; Pantas de ho basileus eis homonoian elaunōn, eis hote homognōmonas kai homodoxous autous epi tois amphisbētoumenois hapasi to ep᾿ autǭ katestēsen; hōs homophōnon kratēsai tēn en Nikaią pistin. Ei toinyn Eusebios tēs ekeise synodou mnēmēn poioumenos, lelysthai men ta tote amphisbētoumena legei, pantas de homophronēsai kai homodoxēsai, pōs areianizein auton tines hypolambanousin? Planōntai de kai ᾿Areianoi, phronein auton nomizontes ta autōn. ᾿All' erei tis, hōs en tois logois autou areianizein dokei, tǭ synechōs le; gein, dia Christou. Pros hon apokrinoumetha, hoti tę̄ lexei tautę̄ pollakis kai hoi tēs Ekklēsias echrēsanto, kai tais allais tais mēnyousais tēn oikonomian tēs anthrōpotētos tou Sōtēros hēmōn. Kai pro ge hapantōn toutōn, ho ᾿Apostolos tais lexesi tautais echrēsato; kai oude pōpote hōs kakodoxias didaskalos enomisthē. Eti mēn kai ᾿Areiou ktisma ton Huion hōs hen tōn allōn tolmēsantos eipein, epakouson hoia Eusebios peri toutou en tǭ prōtǭ bibliǭ tǭ pros Markellon kata lexin phēsin. Ho monogenēs Huios tou Theou monos autos, kai oude allos anēgoreutai to kai estin. Hothen eikotōs an tis mempsaito tois ktisma auton phanai tetolmēkosin, ex ouk ontōn homoion tois loipois ktismasi genomenon. Kai pōs gar eti estai Huios, pōs de monogenēs tou Theou, ho tēn autēn tois loipois ktismasin epigraphomenos physin, tōn te pollōn gennētōn estai heis, hate tēs ex ouk ontōn «tiseōs homoiōs autois metaschōn koinōnias? ᾿All' euch hōde peri autou ta theia paideuei logia. Eita met᾿ oliga palin epipherei; Ho toinyn gennēton ex ouk ontōn kai ktisma proēgoumenon ek tou mē entos ton Huion orizomenos, lelēthe tounoma men autǭ monon charizomenos, to de alēthōs, Huios einai arnoumenos. Ho gar ex ouk ontōn gegonōs, ouk alēthōs genoit᾽ an Huios tou Theou, hoti mēde allo ti tōn gennētōn. ᾿All᾿ alēthōs Huios tou Theou ho ex autou, hōs ate ek Patros apotechtheis, eikotōs an kai monogenēs kai agapētos chrēmatiseie tou Patros. Houtō de, kai Theos an eiē. Ti gar an kai Theou gennēma, ē to tǭ gegennēkoti aphōmoiōmenon? Ktizei men oun basileus polin, all᾽ ou genną polin; gennąn de huion, all᾽ ou ktizein legetai. Kai technitēs dēmiourgos, all᾽ ou patēr genoit᾽ an tou pros autou dēmiourgoumenou. Tou de ex autou phyntos huiou, ouk an dēmiourgos lechtheiē. Kai dē kai ho tōn holōn Theos, tou men Huiou Patēr, tou de kosmou ktistēs an eikotōs kai poiētēs legoito. Ei de hapax pou tēs Graphēs heuriskoi tis eirēmenon to, Kyrios ektise me archēn edōn autou, eis erga autou, ton noun episkopein chrē tou logou, hon mikron hysteron ekthēsomai, alla mē kata Markellon ek mias lexeōs, to kyriōtaton tēs Ekklēsias parasaleuein dogma. Toiauta men kai hetera pleiona ho Pamphilou Eusebios en tǭ prōtǭ logǭ tǭ pros Markellon phēsin. Kai en tritǭ de ho autos, didaskōn pōs dei to ktisma, tēn lexin ekdechesthai, toiade phēsin - Toutōn toinyn hōde pē kateskeuasmenōn, akolouthon esti meta tōn proektethentōn hapantōn, kai to, Kyrios ektise 107 ktisma, : me archēn hodōn autou eis erga autou, lelechthai. Ei de legei ektisthai heauton, ouch hōs ek tou mē ontos eis to einai parelthōn tauta an eipoi, oud᾽ hōs tois loipois ktismasi kai autos ek tou mē ontos homoiōs gegonōs, ho tines ouk orthōs hypeilēphasin. ᾿All' hōs hyphestōs men kai zōn, proōn te kai proÿparchōn tēs tou pantos kosmou systaseōs; archein de tōn holōn hypo tou Kyriou tou heautou Patros katatetagmenos; tou ektisen entautha, anti tou katetaxen ē katestēsen eirēmenou. Diarrhēdēn oun tous en anthrōpois archontas kai hēgemonas, ktisin ōnomasen ho eipōn apostolos, Hypotagēte oun pasę̄ anthrōpinę̄ ktisei dia ton Kyrion, eite basilei, hōs hyperechonti, eite hēgemosin, hōs di' autou pempomenois. Kai ho eipōn de prophētēs, Etoimazou tou epikaleisthai ton Theon sou, Israēl; dioti idou stereōn brorektisen, tēn, kai ktizōn pneuma, kai anangellōn eis anthrōpous ton Christon autou; to ktizōn, ouk ek tou gegonotos ex anyparxias pareilēphen. Ou gar tote ektisen ho Theos to pneuma, hote ton Christon autou pasin anthrōpois katēngeilen ; ouden gar prosphaton hypo ton hēlion. All᾽ ēn men kai proÿpērchen, apestelleto de, kath' on kairon ēsan hoi apostoloi synēgmenoi, hote dikēn brontēs egeneto ēchos ek tou ouranou, hōsper pheromenēs pnoēs biaias; eplērōthēsan de Pneumatos hagiou. Kai houtōs eis pantas anthrōpous ton Christon tou Theou katēngeilan, akolouthōs tę̄ prophēteia phēsasę̄, dioti Idou stereōn brontēn, kai ktizōn pneuma, kai apangellōn eis anthrōpous ton Christon autou, tou ktizōn, anti tou katapempōn, ē katatassōn eirēmenou ; tēs 33 : ktizōn, de brontēs, kath᾽ heteron tropon to euangelikon kērygma dēlousēs. Kai ho legōn de, Kardian katharan ktison en emoi, ho Theos, ouch hōs mē echōn kardian touto elege; katharan de autǭ tēn dianoian apotelesthēnai ēucheto. Houtōs eirētai kai,Ina tous dyo ktisę̄ eis hena kainon anthrōpon, anti tou synagagę̄. Hora mēpote toiouton esti kai to, Endysasthe ton kainon anthrōpon, ton kata Theon ktisthenta. Kai to, Ei tis oun en Christǭ kainē ktisis; kai hosa alla heuroi tis an toioutǭ tropǭ tēn theopneuston Graphēn diereunōmenos. Mē thaumasę̄s ei metaphorikōs kai en tǭ, Kyrios ektise me archēn hodōn autou, to ektisen anti tou katestēsen ē katetaxe. Toiauta men ho Eusebios en tois pros Markellon diexeisin. Hēmeis de auta parethemetha, dia tous matēn ereschelountas, kai blasphēmein ton andra epicheirēsantas. Oute gar echousi deixai, hoti Eusebios archēn tēs hyparxeōs didōsi tǭ Huiǭ tou Theou, kan tais tēs oikonomias lexesin hi en tois bibliois heuriskousin auton katachrōmenon; malista de, hoti zēlōtēs kai thaumastēs tōn Ōrigenous bibliōn estin, en hois pantachou ton Huion ek tou Patros gennēthenta heuriskousin hoi tōn Ōrigenous bibliōn to bathos katanoēsai dynamenoi. Kai tauta men en parekbasei, dia tous loidorein epicheirēsantas ton Eusebion eirētai.
Since some have tried to revile Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, himself, as holding with Arius in the works he published, I think it not out of place to say a little about him too. First, he was present at the synod of Nicaea which defined the homoousios and agreed to it. He himself says word for word in the third book of the Life of Constantine: “Driving all to concord, the emperor brought them, as far as lay with him, to be of one mind and one opinion on all the disputed points, so that the faith of Nicaea prevailed with one voice.” If, then, Eusebius, recalling that synod, says that the disputes of that time were resolved and that all were of one mind and one opinion, how do some suppose that he held with Arius? The Arians too are mistaken in thinking that he held their views. But someone will say that in his works he seems to hold with Arius, because he often says “through Christ.” To him we will answer that the church’s writers have often used this expression, and the others that indicate the dispensation of our Saviour’s humanity; and before all of them the apostle used these expressions, and was never thought a teacher of wrong belief. Moreover, since Arius dared to call the Son a creature like one of the others, hear what Eusebius says about this word for word in the first book against Marcellus: “He alone, and no other, has been declared and is the only-begotten Son of God. So one might rightly blame those who have dared to call him a creature, come into being from things that are not, like the other creatures. For how will he still be a Son, how the only-begotten of God, if he is assigned the same nature as the other creatures and is one of the many begotten things, sharing like them in creation from things that are not? But not so do the divine oracles teach about him.” Then a little later he adds: “He, then, who defines the Son as a thing begotten from things that are not and a creature brought from non-existence, has unwittingly granted him only the name, while in truth denying that he is a Son. For he who has come into being from things that are not would not truly be a Son of God, any more than any other of the begotten things. But he who is truly the Son of God, as born from him as from a Father, would rightly be called the only-begotten and beloved of the Father; and so he would also be God. For what else is the offspring of God than that which is made like him who begot it? A king founds a city, but does not beget a city; he is said to beget a son, not to found one. And a craftsman would be the maker, not the father, of what he makes; but of a son born from him he would not be called the maker. So too the God of the universe would rightly be called Father of the Son, but creator and maker of the world. And if anywhere in Scripture one finds it said, ‘The Lord created me a beginning of his ways for his works,’ one must consider the sense of the saying, which I will set out a little later, and not, like Marcellus, shake the chief doctrine of the church from a single word.” Such things, and many more, Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, says in the first discourse against Marcellus. In the third the same author, explaining how the word “created” should be understood, says this: “These things being so established, it follows, with all that has been set out before, that ‘The Lord created me a beginning of his ways for his works’ was said too. If he says he was created, he would not say this as having passed from not being into being, nor as having himself come into being from nothing like the other creatures, as some have wrongly supposed; but as subsisting and living, existing beforehand and pre-existing before the formation of the whole world, and appointed to rule over all things by the Lord his Father; ‘created’ being said here for ‘appointed’ or ‘established’. Indeed the apostle expressly called rulers and governors among men a creation when he said, ‘Submit yourselves to every human creation for the Lord’s sake, whether to a king as supreme, or to governors as sent by him.’ And the prophet who said, ‘Prepare to call upon your God, Israel; for behold, I am he who makes the thunder firm and creates spirit and announces his Christ to men,’ did not use ‘creates’ of what came into being from non-existence. For God did not create the Spirit then, when he announced his Christ to all men, for ‘there is nothing new under the sun’; but it existed and pre-existed, and was sent at the time when the apostles were gathered, when like thunder there came a sound from heaven as of a rushing violent wind, and they were filled with the Holy Spirit. And so they announced the Christ of God to all men, in accordance with the prophecy which said, ‘Behold, I am he who makes the thunder firm and creates spirit and announces his Christ to men’; ‘creates’ being said for ‘sends down’ or ‘appoints’, while the thunder in another way signifies the preaching of the gospel. And he who says, ‘Create in me a clean heart, O God,’ did not say this as though he had no heart, but prayed that his mind might be made pure. So too it is said, ‘that he might create the two into one new man,’ for ‘unite’. See whether this is not also the sense of ‘Put on the new man, created according to God,’ and ‘If anyone is in Christ, he is a new creation,’ and whatever else one may find of this kind by searching the divinely inspired Scripture. Do not be surprised if in ‘The Lord created me a beginning of his ways’ ‘created’ is used metaphorically for ‘established’ or ‘appointed’.” This is what Eusebius sets out in the books against Marcellus. We have quoted it because of those who quibble in vain and have tried to calumniate the man. For they cannot show that Eusebius gives the Son of God a beginning of existence, even if they find him using the expressions of the dispensation in his books; especially since he is a zealous admirer of Origen’s books, in which those who can grasp the depth of Origen’s books find everywhere that the Son was begotten from the Father. This has been said in a digression, because of those who have tried to revile Eusebius.
2.22PG 67:245–247
Οἱ μέντοι ἐν Σαρδικῇ συνελθόντες, καὶ ἐν Φιλίππου πόλει τῆς Θράκης ἰδιάζοντα συνέδρια ποιησάμενοι, τὰ δοκοῦντα αὐτοῖς ἑκάτεροι πράξαντες, κατὰ πόλεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀνεχώρησαν. Διεσπᾶτο οὖν τῆς Ἀνατολῆς ἡ Δύσις· καὶ ἦν ὄρος τῆς κοινωνίας αὐτοῖς, τὸ ὄρος τὸ λεγόμενον Τισοῦκις, ὅπερ ἐστὶν Ἰλλυριῶν τε καὶ Θρᾳκῶν· καὶ ἕως μὲν τοῦ ὄρους τούτου, ἀδιάφορος ἦν ἡ κοινωνία, διαφόρου τυγχανούσης τῆς πίστεως· περαιτέρω δὲ ἀλλήλοις οὐκ ἐκοινώνουν. Τοιαύτη τις ἦν τότε τῆς περὶ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας καταστάσεως σύγχυσις. Μεταταῦτα δὲ εὐθὺς ὁ τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν βασιλεὺς κ, τὰ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Σαρδικὴν γενόμενα γνώριμα τῷ ἀδελφῷ Κωνσταντίῳ καθίστησιν, ἀποδίδοσθαί τε τοῖς περὶ Παῦλον καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον τοὺς ἰδίους τόπους παρεκελεύετο. Ὡς δὲ ὁ Κωνστάντιος παρεῖλκε πρὸς τὰ γραφόμενα, αἴρεσιν αὖθις προὐτίθει ὁ τῶν ἐσπερίων μερῶν βασιλεὺς, ἢ δέχεσθαι τοὺς περὶ Παῦλον καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον ἐν τῇ οἰκείᾳ τάξει, καὶ ἀποδιδόναι αὐτοῖς τὰς Ἐκκλησίας· ἡ μὴ ποιοῦντα τοῦτο, ἐχθρόν τε εἶναι, καὶ προσδέχεσθαι πόλεμον. Ἔστι δὲ τὰ πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν γραφέντα, τάδε · Ωδε μέν είσι παρ' ἐμοὶ ᾿Αθανάσιος καὶ Παῦλος· ἀλλὰ πυνθανόμενος διέγνων, εὐσεβείας αὐτοὺς χάριν διώκεσθαι. Εἱ μὲν οὖν ἐπαγγέλλῃ ἀποδιδόναι τούτοις τοὺς θρό νους, ἐπαμυνόμενος τοὺς μάτην αὐτοῖς προσφυομέ νους, ἀποστελῶ πρὸς σὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας. Εἰ δ᾽ ἀνανεύοις ταῦτα οὕτω ποιεῖν, εὖ ἴσθι, ὅτι αὐτὸς ἐγὼ αὐτόθε γενόμενος, καὶ ἄκοντός σου τούτοις τοὺς οἰκείους ἀποδίδωμι θρόνους.
Hoi mentoi en Sardikę̄ synelthontes, kai en Philippou polei tēs Thrakēs idiazonta synedria poiēsamenoi, ta dokounta autois hekateroi praxantes, kata poleis tas heautōn anechōrēsan. Diespato oun tēs Anatolēs hē Dysis; kai ēn oros tēs koinōnias autois, to oros to legomenon Tisoukis, hoper estin Illyriōn te kai Thrąkōn; kai heōs men tou orous toutou, adiaphoros ēn hē koinōnia, diaphorou tynchanousēs tēs pisteōs; peraiterō de allēlois ouk ekoinōnoun. Toiautē tis ēn tote tēs peri tas Ekklēsias katastaseōs synchysis. Metatauta de euthys ho tōn hesperiōn merōn basileus k, ta en tę̄ kata Sardikēn genomena gnōrima tǭ adelphǭ Kōnstantiǭ kathistēsin, apodidosthai te tois peri Paulon kai ᾿Athanasion tous idious topous parekeleueto. Hōs de ho Kōnstantios pareilke pros ta graphomena, airesin authis proutithei ho tōn esperiōn merōn basileus, ē dechesthai tous peri Paulon kai ᾿Athanasion en tę̄ oikeią taxei, kai apodidonai autois tas Ekklēsias; hē mē poiounta touto, echthron te einai, kai prosdechesthai polemon. Esti de ta pros ton adelphon graphenta, tade ; Ōde men eisi par' emoi ᾿Athanasios kai Paulos; alla pynthanomenos diegnōn, eusebeias autous charin diōkesthai. Hei men oun epangellę̄ apodidonai toutois tous thro nous, epamynomenos tous matēn autois prosphyome nous, apostelō pros se tous andras. Ei d᾽ ananeuois tauta houtō poiein, eu isthi, hoti autos egō autothe genomenos, kai akontos sou toutois tous oikeious apodidōmi thronous.
Those who had met at Sardica, and those who had held a separate council at Philippopolis in Thrace, having each done what seemed good to them, went back to their own cities. So the West was torn from the East, and the boundary of their communion was the mountain called Soucis, which lies between the Illyrians and the Thracians. As far as this mountain communion was unbroken, though the faith differed; beyond it they did not communicate with one another. Such was the confusion of the state of the churches at that time. Immediately after this the emperor of the western parts made known to his brother Constantius what had happened at Sardica, and urged that Paul and Athanasius be given back their own places. When Constantius delayed over what was written, the emperor of the western parts again offered him the choice either of receiving Paul and Athanasius in their own rank and restoring their churches to them, or, if he would not do this, of being his enemy and expecting war. What he wrote to his brother is as follows: “Athanasius and Paul are here with me; and on inquiry I have learned that they are persecuted for the sake of piety. If, then, you promise to restore their thrones to them, punishing those who have attacked them without cause, I will send the men to you. But if you refuse to do this, know well that I myself will come there and restore their own thrones to them even against your will.”
2.23PG 67:247–261
Ταῦτα γνοὺς ὁ τῆς Ἑῴας βασιλεὺς, εἰς ἀγωνίαν οὐ τὴν τυχοῦσαν κατέστη. Μεταπεμψάμενός τε εὐθὺς πλείστους τῶν ἀνατολικῶν ἐπισκόπων, τὴν τε αἵρεσιν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ προὐτίθει, καὶ περὶ τοῦ πρακτέου διεπυνθάνετο. Οἱ δὲ, κρεῖσσον ἔφασαν τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν παραχωρῆσαι τοῖς περὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον, ἢ ἐμφύλιον ἀνα δέξασθαι πόλεμον. Ὅθεν ἐπ᾿ ἀνάγκῃ καταστὰς ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἐκάλει πρὸς ἑαυτὸν τοὺς περὶ Ἀθανάσιον. Καὶ τέως μὲν παραχρῆμα τὸν Παῦλον μετὰ δυεῖν ἐπισκόπων καὶ τῆς ἄλλης τιμῆς, γράμμασί τε πάλιν τοῖς οἰκείοις ὁ τῶν ἐσπερίων βασιλεὺς, ἔτι τε καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς συνόδου κατοχυρώσας ἀποστέλλει ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν. Τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αθανασίου ἕτε ὑποστελλομένου, καὶ ἀμφιβάλλοντος ἐλθεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· ηὐλαβεῖτο γὰρ τὰς τῶν συκοφαντῶν σκευωρίας· ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Ἑῴας αὐτὸν οὐχ ἅπαξ μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ δὲς καὶ τρὶς ἐκάλει παρ' ἑαυτόν· ὡς τὰ παρ' αὐτοῦ γράμματα δεικνύει, ἅπερ ἐκ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς μεταβληθέντα γλώσσης, τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον • Ἐπιστολὴ Κωνσταντίου πρὸς Ἀθανάσιον. Κωνστάντιος, Νικητὴς, Αὔγουστος, Αθανασίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ. Ἐπὶ πολύ σε κλυδωνίζεσθαι καὶ χειμάζεσθαι τοῖς τῆς θαλάσσης ὁμοίως κύμασιν ἀγρίοις, οὐκ ἀφῆκεν ἡ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἡμερότητος φιλανθρωπία. Γυμνωθέντα σε τῆς πατρώας ἐστίας, καὶ στερηθέντα τῶν ἰδίων, καὶ πλανώμενον ἐν θηριώδεσιν ἀνοδίαις, οὐ παρεῖδεν ἡ ἀκάματος ἡμῶν εὐσέβεια. Εἰ καὶ ταμάλιστα ἐπιπολὺ ὑπερεθέμην γράψαι τὴν πρόθεσιν τῆς ἐμῆς διανοίας, προσδοκῶν αὐθαίρετόν σε παραγενέσθαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς, καὶ τῶν καμάτων αἰτεῖν θερα πείαν· ὅμως ἐπειδὴ ἴσως ὁ φόβος τὴν προαίρεσιν τῆς σῆς προθέσεως ἐνεπόδιζε, διατοῦτο δωρεᾶς πληρέστατα γράμματα πρὸς τὴν σὴν στεῤῥότητα διεπεμψάμεθα· ἵνα ἀφόβως ταῖς ἡμετέραις προσόψεσι ταχεῖαν τὴν σαυτοῦ παρουσίαν παρασχεῖν σπουδάσῃς, ὑπὲρ τοῦ τῆς σαυτοῦ ἐπιθυμίας ἀπολαύσας, καὶ πειραθεὶς ἡμῶν τῆς φιλανθρωπίας, τοῖς ἰδίοις ἀποκατασταθῇς. Τούτου γὰρ ἕνεκα καὶ τὸν δεσπότην καὶ ἀδελφόν μου Κώνσταντα τὸν Νικητὴν Αὔγουστον ὑπὲρ σοῦ παρεκάλεσα, ἵνα τοῦ ἐλθεῖν ἐξουσίαν σοι δῷ, ἐπὶ τῷ ἀμφοτέρων ἡμῶν ἐπινευσάντων, τῇ τος ἐνέχυρον. ῎Αλλη ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον. Κωνστάντιος, Νικητής, Αὔγουστος, Ἀθανασίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ. πατρίδι ἀποκατασταθῇς, ἔχων τοῦτο τῆς ἡμῶν χάρι Εἰ καὶ μάλιστα διὰ προτέρων γραμμάτων ἐδηλώσαμεν, ὅπως ἀμερίμνως εἰς τὸ ἡμέτερον κομιτάτον παραγένῃ, διὰ τὸ μάλιστα βουλεύεσθαι ἡμᾶς ἀποστεῖλαί σε εἰς τὰ ἴδια, ὅμως καὶ νῦν ταῦτα τὰ γράμματα πρὸς τὴν σὴν στεῤῥότητα δεδηλώκαμεν. Διὸ προτρεπόμεθα, χωρίς τινος ἀπιστίας καὶ φόβου ἐπιβῆναί σε δημοσίοις ὀχήμασι, καὶ σπουδάσαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἵνα ὧν ἐπιθυμεῖς, ἀπολαῦσαι δυνηθείης. ῎Ἄλλη ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς τὸν αὐτόν. Κωνστάντιος, Νικητής, Αὔγουστος, Ἀθανασίῳ ἐπισκόπῳ. Ἡνίκα ἐν τῇ Ἐδέσῃ διετρίβομεν, παρόντων τῶν σῶν πρεσβυτέρων, ἤρεσεν ὅπως ἀποσταλέντος πρεσβυτέρου πρὸς σὲ, ἐλθεῖν πρὸς τὸ ἡμέτερον κομιτάτον σπουδάσῃς, ἐπὶ τῷ ἰδόντα σε τὴν ἡμετέραν πρόσοψιν, εὐθέως εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ὁδεῦσαι. Ἀλλ᾿ ἐπειδὴ πλεῖστος χρόνος παρῆλθεν, ἀφ' οὗ γράμματα δεξάμενος παρ' ἡμῶν οὐκ ἀπήντησας, διατοῦτο καὶ νῦν ὑπομνῆσαί σε ἐσπουδάσαμεν, ἵνα καὶ νῦν τὴν σὴν παρουσίαν ταχεῖαν ποιῆσαι πρὸς ἡμᾶς σπουδάσῃς, καὶ οὕτω δυνηθῇς τῇ πατρίδι σου ἀποκατασταθῆναι, καὶ τῆς εὐχῆς σου ἐπιτυχεῖν. Πρὸς δὲ πληρεστάτην διήγησιν, Ἀχήταν τὸν διάκονον ἀπεστείλαμεν, παρ' οὖ δυνήσῃ μαθεῖν τῆς τε ἡμετέρας ψυχῆς τὴν προαίρεσιν, καὶ ὅτι τούτων ὧν εὔχῃ, τυχεῖν δυνήσῃ. Ταύτας τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ακυληίᾳ δεξάμενος ᾿Αθανάσιος· ἐκεῖ γὰρ τῆς Σαρδικῆς ἀναχωρήσας διέτριβεν· εὐθέως ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἀνέδραμεν 1. Ἐπιδείξας τὸ τὰ γράμματα τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰουλίῳ, ΩΝ ἱ ἐπ ἐν μεγίστῃ χαρᾷ τὴν Ῥωμαίων χατέστηστεν. Ἐδόκει γὰρ καὶ ὁ τῆς Ἑῴας βασιλεὺς συντίθεσθαι αὐτῶν τῇ πίστει, διὰ τοῦ καλεῖν Αθανάσιον παρ᾽ ἑαυτόν. Ἰούλιος δὲ τοῖς ᾿Αλεξανδρεία κληρικοῖς τε καὶ λαοῖς, τάδε περὶ ᾿Αθανασίου ἐπἔστειλεν" Ἐπιστοϊὴ Ἰουλίου, ἐπισκόπου Ρώμης, πρὸς | τοὺς ἐν : Ἰούλιος ἐπισκόποις καὶ πρεσδυτέροις, καὶ διακόγοις, ἰαῷ παροικοῦντι ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἀγαπητοῖς ἂδεϊφοῖς, ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Συγχαΐίρω ὑμῖν, ἀδελφοὶ ἀγαπητοὶ, ὅτι τὸν χαρπὸν τῆς ἑαυτῶν πίστεως ἐπ᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν λοιπὸν ὁρᾶτε. Τοῦτο γὰρ ἀληθῶς ἄν τις ἴδοι γενόμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ συνεπισχόπου μου ᾿Αθανασίου. διᾶ τε τὴν καθαρότητα τοῦ βίου, καὶ διὰ τὰς ὑμετέρᾶς εὐχὰς, ὁ Θεὸς ὑμῖν ἀποδίδωσιν. Ἔχ δὴ τούτου συνορᾷν ἔστιν, καθαρὰς ὑμῶν μεστὰς ἀγάπτς ἀεὶ τὰς εὐχὰς ἀνενηνοχέναι πρὸς τὸν Θεόν. γὰρ ὄντες τῶν οὐρανίων ἐπαγγελιῶν καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὑτὰς ἀγάπης, ἣν τῆς διδασκαλίας τοῦ προειρημένου ἀδελφοῦ μου ἐπαιδεύθητε, ἔγνωτε ἀληθῶς, κατὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν ὑμῖν ὀρθὴν πίστιν χατειλήφατε τοῦτο, ὡς οὐχ ἂν εἰς τέλος οὗτος ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀποσχοινισθήσεται, ὅν ἐν θεοσεθέσιν ὑμῶν ψυχαῖς ἐσχήχατε ὡς παρόντα Οὐκοῦν, οὐ πολλῶν μοι χρεία λόγων πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἐπιστέλλοντι. γὰρ ὑμῖν λέλεκται παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, ταῦτα ἡ ὑμετέρα πίατις προῦλαδς" καὶ πεπλήρωται κατὰ Χριστοῦ χάριν τὰ τῆς κοινῆς ὑμῶν πάντων εὐχῆς. Συγχαίρω τοίνυν ὑμῖν" πάλιν γὰρ ἐρῶ, ὅτι τὰς ψυχὰς ἀχαταμαχήτους ἐν τῇ πίστει τετηρήχατε. Καὶ αὐτῷ δὲ τῷ ἀδελφῷ μου ᾿Αθανασίῳ οὐχ ἔλαττον συγχαίρω, ὅτι χαΐπερ πολλὰ πάσχων λυπηρὰ, οὐδεμίαν ὥραν ἐπιλήσμων γέγονε τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀγάπης καὶ τοῦ ὑμετέρου πόθου. Εἰ γὰρ τῷ σώματι πρὸς χαιρὴν ἔδοξεν ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν ἀφελχυσθῆναι, ἀλλὰ τῷ πνεύματι διχπαντὸς, ὡς συνὼν ὑμῖν διῆγε. Καὶ ἔγωγε, ἀγαπηποὶ, τὸν γενόμενον αὐτοῦ πάντα πειρασμὸν, οὐχ ἄδοξον ἡγοῦμαι γεγενῆσθαι. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα ἡ τούτου πίστις ἐγνώσθη παρὰ πᾶσι καὶ δεδοκέμασται. Εἰ γὰρ μὴ τοσαῦτα συμθεθήχει, τίς ἂν ἐπέστευσεν, ὑμᾶς τοσαύτην κρίσιν καὶ τοσαύτην ἀγάπην περὶ τὸν τηλιχοῦτον ἐπίσκοπον ἔχειν, ἐκεῖγον τοσαύταις ἀρεταῖς περιθεθλῆσθαι, δι᾽ ἃ: καὶ τῆς ἐν οὐρανοῖς ἐλπίδος οὐχ ἀλλότριος γένοιτο; Ἐπέτυχε τοίνυν οἰῳδήποτε τρόπῳ ἐν τῷ νῦν, καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι, ὁμολογίας ἔνδοξην μαρτυ - ρίαν. Διαφόρως γὰρ κατά τε γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν πολλὰ πειρασθεὶς, τὴν σκευωρίαν πᾶσαν τῆς Αρειανῆς αἰρέσεως κατεπάτησε, καὶ πολλάκις διὰ φθόνον καὶ εἰς κίνδυνον ἐπιβουλευθεὶς, κατεφρόνησε θανάτου, φρουρούμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ παντοκράτορος Θεοῦ, καὶ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ· ἐλπίζων ἅμα καὶ τὰς ἐπιβουλὰς ἐκκλίνειν, καὶ ἀποκατασταθήσεσθαι πρὸς ὑμετέραν παράκλησιν, φέρων ὑμῖν ἅμα ἐκ τῆς ὑμετέρας συνειδήσεως μείζονα τὰ τρόπαια. Ἐν οἷς καὶ ἄχρι τερμάτων πάσης τῆς γῆς ἔνδοξος ἐγνώσθη, δοκιμασθεὶς ἐκ τοῦ βίου, παῤῥησιασάμενος μὲν τῇ προθέσει καὶ τῇ οὐρανίᾳ διδασκαλίᾳ· ἀποδειχθεὶς δὲ ἀθανάτῳ κρίσει παρ' ὑμῶν ἀγαπώμενος. Ἐπανέρχεται τοιγαροῦν πρὸς ὑμᾶς, λαμπρότερος νῦν ἢ ὅτε παρ' ὑμῶν ἀπεδήμησεν. Εἰ γὰρ καὶ τὰς τιμίας ὕλας, χρυσὸν δὴ λέγω καὶ ἄργυρον, εἰς καθαρότητα τὸ πῦρ δοκιμάζει, τἱ ἄν τις εἴποι κατ' ἀξίαν τοῦ τοσούτου ἀνδρὸς, ὃς τοσούτων θλίψεων πυρὰν, καὶ τοσούτους κινδύνους νικήσας, ἀποδίδοται νῦν ὑμῖν ἀθῶος, οὐ παρ' ἡμῶν μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρ᾿ ἀπάσης τῆς συνόδου ἀποδεχθείς; Ὑποδέξασθε τοίνυν, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδελφοὶ, μετὰ πάσης τῆς κατὰ Θεὸν δόξης τε καὶ χαρᾶς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ὑμῶν ᾿Αθανάσιον, μετὰ τούτων οἵτινες αὐτῶν κοινωνοὶ γεγόνασι. Καὶ χαίρετε, τῶν εὐχῶν ἀπολαύοντες, οἱ τὸν ποιμένα τὸν ὑμέτερον, ἵν᾿ οὕτως εἴπω, πο· θοῦντα καὶ διψῶντα τὴν ὑμετέραν θεοσέβειαν, σωτηρίοις γραφαῖς ἐθρέψατέ τε καὶ ἐποτίσατε. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ ξένης αὐτοῦ διατριβῆς, ὑμεῖς παραμυθία γεγόνατε· καὶ διωκόμενον καὶ ἐπιβουλευόμενον ἐθάλψατε ταῖς πιστοτάταις ἑαυτῶν ψυχαῖς καὶ διανοίαις. Ἐμὲ δὲ ἤδη εὐφραίνει, ἐννοούμενον καὶ προορῶντα τῷ λογισμῷ, τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ ἐπανόδῳ ἑκάστου ὑμῶν χαρὰν, καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τὰς θεοσεβεστάτας ἀπαντήσεις, καὶ τὴν ἔνδοξον τῶν συντρεχόντων ἑορτὴν, καὶ τίς ἐκείνη ἡ ἡμέρα ὑμῖν καὶ ποία ἔσται, ἐπανερχομένου μὲν τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μου· παυσαμένων δὲ τῶν προγενομένων, καὶ τῆς πολυτιμήτου κατ' εὐχὴν ἐπανόδου, εἰς εὐφροσύνην τινὰ πληρεστάτης χαρᾶς συναπτούσης τοὺς πάντας. Ἡ τοιαύτη χαρά κατὰ τὸ μέγιστον μέχρις ἡμῶν φθάνει, οἷς θεόθεν καὶ τοῦτο συγκεχωρῆσθαι συνέστηκεν, ὅπως εἰς γνῶσιν τοῦ τηλικούτου ἀνδρὸς ἐλθεῖν δυνηθῶμεν. Εἰς εὐχὴν οὖν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν τελειῶσαι καλόν. Θεὸς ὁ παντοκράτωρ καὶ τούτου Υἱὸς ὁ Κύριος καὶ Σωτὴρ ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς, διηνεκῆ τὴν χάριν τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων. Αμήν. Ἐῤῥῶσθαι ὑμᾶς ταύτην ὑμῖν παράσχοι, διδοὺς ἔπαθλον τῇ θαυμαστῇ ὑμῶν πίστει, ἣν περὶ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ὑμῶν ἐνδόξῳ μαρτυρίᾳ ἐνεδείξασθε· ἵνα ὑμῖν τε καὶ τοῖς μεθ' ὑμᾶς ἐνταῦθα, καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι τὰ βελτίονα μένοι, ἃ ὀφθαλμὸς οὐκ εἶδε, καὶ οὖς οὐκ ἤκουσε, καὶ ἐπὶ καρδίαν ἀνθρώπου οὐκ ἀνέβη · ἃ ἡτοίμασεν ὁ Θεὸς τοῖς ἀγαπῶσιν αὐτὸν, διὰ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, δι' οὗ τῷ παντοκράτορι Θεῷ ἡ δόξα εἰς εὔχομαι, ἀγαπητοὶ ἀδελφοί. Τούτοις πεπιστευκὼς τοῖς γράμμασιν τη ᾿Αθανάσιος, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ανατολήν παρεγένετο. Κωνστάντιος δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, οὐκ ἀπεχθῶς μὲν τότε ἀπεδέξατο. Σοφίζεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν ἐπεχείρει, ἐκ κατασκευῆς τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων ὑποβαλλόμενος· καί φησι πρὸς αὐτόν· Τὸν μὲν θρόνον - τὸν σαυτοῦ ψήφῳ τῆς συνόδου καὶ ἡμετέρᾳ συναινέσει ἀπείληφας. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ εἰσὶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τινὲς τοῦ λαοῦ, διακρινόμενοι τὴν πρὸς σὲ κοινωνίαν, μίαν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἐκκλησίαν ἔασον ἔχειν αὐτούς. Πρὸς τὴν πρότασιν ταύτην ᾿Αθανάσιος γοργῶς ὑπαπήντησε, καί φησι· Ὦ βασιλεῦ, ἐπ᾿ ἐξουσίας μὲν ἔχεις κελεύειν τε καὶ πράττειν ὅσα ἂν θέλῃς. Χάριν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς αὐτῶ καὶ δέομαι, δός μοι. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως δώσειν ἑτοίμως ἐπαγγειλαμένου, εὐθὺς ἐπήγαγεν ᾿Αθανάσιος, τὴν αὐτὴν ἀξιῶν χάριν λαβεῖν, ἣν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπεζήτει λαβεῖν. Μίαν γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκκλησίαν ἀπονεμηθῆναι η ἠξίου καθ' ἑκάστην πόλιν τοῖς διακρινομένοις πρὸς τὴν τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων κοινωνίαν. Τὴν ᾿Αθανασίου τοίνυν γνώμην λυσιτελῆ γνόντες οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες, ὑπερτίθεσθαι μὲν τοῦτο ἔλεγον · πράττειν δὲ τὰ δοκοῦντα τῷ βασιλεῖ παρεχώρουν. Διόπερ ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αθανασίῳ τε καὶ Παύλῳ καὶ Μαρκέλλῳ τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπεδίδου θρόνους. Ἔτι μὴν καὶ Ἀσκληπᾷ τῷ Γάζης, καὶ Λουκίῳ Αδριανουπόλεως. Καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι ὑπὸ τῆς ἐν Σαρδικῇ συνόδου ἐδέχθησαν· Ἀσκληπᾶς μὲν ὑπομνήματα ἐπιδείξας, ἐν οἷς ἐδέδεικτο Εὐσέβιος ὁ Παμφίλου ἅμα πλείοσι διαγνοὺς τὰ κατ' αὐτὸν, και ἀποδοὺς τὴν ἀξίαν αὐτοῦ. Λούκιος δὲ, ὅτι οἱ κατηγοροῦντες αὐτοῦ φυγῇ ἐχρήσαντο. Προστάγματα οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐφοίτα πόλεις, κελεύοντα ἑτοίῥιως αὐτοὺς ὑποδέχεσθαι. Ἐν μὲν οὖν ᾿Αγκύρᾳ Βασιλείου ἐξωθουμένου, καὶ ἀντεισιόντος Μαρκέλλου, ταραχὴ οὐχ ἡ τυχοῦσα ἐγένετο, ἢ πρόφασιν λοιδο ρίας παρέσχε τοῖς τὰ ἐναντία φρονοῦσιν· ᾿Ασκληπᾶν δὲ ἑτοίμως Γαζαῖοι ἐδέξαντο. Ἐν δὲ τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Μακεδόνιος Παύλῳ πρὸς ὀλίγον ὑπεξέστη, καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ἐν ἰδιαζούσῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῆς πόλεως τὰς συνόδους ποιούμενος. Ὑπὲρ μέντοι ᾿Αθανασίου, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπισκόποις τε καὶ κληρικοῖς καὶ λαοί;, περὶ τοῦ ἀσμένως αὐτὸν ἀποδεχθῆναι ἐπέστειλεν. Ἔτι μὴν καὶ τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ ἐν δικαστηρίοις πραχθέντα, δι' ἑτέρων γραμμάτων ἀφανισθῆναι ἐκέλευσε. Τὰ δὲ περὶ ἀμφοτέρων τούτων γραφέντα, ἔστι τάδε· Ἐπιστολὴ Κωνσταντίου ὑπὲρ Ἀθανασίου. Νικητὴς Κωνστάντιος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστὸς, ἐπισκόποις καὶ πρεσβυτέροις τῆς Καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Οὐκ ἀπελείφθη τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ χάριτος ὁ αἰδεσιμώτατος ἐπίσκοπος ᾿Αθανάσιος. ᾿Αλλ' εἰ καὶ ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ τῇ κατὰ ἀνθρώπους δοκιμασίᾳ ὑπεβλήθη, ὅμως τὴν ὀφειλομένην παρὰ τῆς παντεφόρου Προνοίας ἀπηνέγκατο ψῆφον· ἀπολαβὼν βουλήσει τοῦ κρείττονος, καὶ κρίσει ἡμετέρᾳ τὴν πατρίδα ὁμοῦ καὶ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, ἧς θείῳ νεύματι προστάτης ἐτύγχανε. Τούτῳ τὰ ἀκόλουθα ἔδει παρὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ὑπᾶρξαι πραότητος. "Ωστε πάντα τὰ πρὸ τούτου κατὰ τῶν αὐτῷ κεκοινωνηκότων ὡρισμένα, νῦν ἀμνηστίᾳ παραδοθῆναι, πᾶσάν τε ὑποψίαν τὴν κατ' αὐτοῦ σχολάσαι τοῦ λοιποῦ, τὴν τε ἀτέλειαν ἧς ἔτυχον πάλαι οἱ ἅμα αὐτῷ κληρικοὶ, τούτοις βεβαιωθῆναι προσηκόντως. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν καὶ τοῦτο τῇ εἰς αὐτὸν χάριτι προστεθῆναι ἐδικαιώσαμεν, ὥστε πάντας τοὺς τοῦ ἱεροῦ καταλόγου γινώσκειν, ἐνδεδόσθαι τὸ ἄφοβον πᾶσι τοῖς αὐτῷ προστεθειμένοις, εἴτε ἐπισκόποις, εἴτε κληρικοῖς. Ἱκανὸν δὲ γνώρισμα τῆς ἑκάστου ὀρθῆς προαιρέσεως ἔσται, ἡ πρὸς τοῦτον ἕνωσις. Ὅσοι γὰρ ἂν τῆς καλλίονος ὁμοῦ κρίσεως τε καὶ μοίρας γενόμενοι, τὴν τούτου ἕλωνται κοινωνίαν, τούτους πάντας ἐκελεύσαμεν, καθ' ὁμοιότητα τῆς φθανούσης Προνοίας, καὶ νῦν τῆς ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν βουλήσει τοῦ κρείττονος παρασχεθείσης χάριτος ἀπολαύειν. ῎Αλλη ἐπιστολὴ, τοῖς Ἀλεξανδρεῦσι πεμφθεῖσα. Νικητὴς Κωνστάντιος, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστὸς, τῷ λαῷ τῆς κατὰ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν Καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Σκοπὸν ποιούμενοι τὴν ὑμετέραν ἐν ἅπασιν εὐνομίαν, εἰδότες τε ὡς ἐπιπολὺ τῆς τοῦ ἐπισκοποῦντος προνοίας ἐστέρησθε, ᾿Αθανάσιον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ἄνδρα τοῖς πᾶσι διὰ τε τὴν προσοῦσαν ὀρθότητα, καὶ διὰ τὴν οἰκείαν εὐτροπίαν γνώριμον °, 115 πάλιν πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀποστείλαι ἐδικαιώσαμεν. Τοῦτον συνήθως καὶ προσηκόντως ὑποδεξάμενοι, καὶ ταῖς πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν εὐχαῖς βοηθὸν προστησάμενοι, τὴν ὑμῖν τε πρέπουσαν καὶ ἡμῖν ἀρεστὴν ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην κατὰ τὸν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας θεσμὸν διαρκή φυλάττειν σπουδάσατε. Οὐδὲ γὰρ εὔλογόν ἐστι, διχόνοιάν τινα ἢ στάσιν ἐν ὑμῖν κινηθῆναι, ὑπεναντίαν τῆς τῶν ἡμετέρων καιρῶν εὐμοιρίας. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀπεῖναι ἀφ᾽ ὑμῶν παντελῶς βουλόμεθα. Τὸ δέ γε ταῖς εὐχαῖς ὑμᾶς διαρκῶς αὐτῷ, ὡς προείρηται, προστάτῃ καὶ ἐπικούρῳ χρωμένους πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἐμμένειν, συνήθως παραινοῦμεν · ὡς ἂν τῆς τοιαύτης ὑμῶν προθέσεως εἰς τὰς ἁπάντων εὐχὰς Ρ διαβαινούσης, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐθνῶν οἱ τῇ τῶν εἰδώλων πλάνῃ ἔτι καὶ νῦν προανέχοντες 4, ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς ἱερᾶς θρησκείας ἐπίγνωσιν προθυμότατα σπεύδοιεν, ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς προσφιλέστατοι. Καὶ αὖθις οὖν παραινοῦμεν τοῖς προειρημένοις ἐμμένειν. Τὸν δὲ ἐπίσκοπον, ψήφῳ τοῦ κρείττονος καὶ ἡμετέρᾳ γνώμῃ ἀπεσταλμένον, ἡδέως δέξασθε, καὶ πάσῃ ψυχῇ καὶ γνώμῃ ἀσπαστὸν ἡγήσασθε. Τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ ὑμῖν πρέπει, καὶ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ πραότητι προσήκειν συνέστηκεν. Ὑπὲρ γὰρ τοῦ πᾶσαν ἀνασοβὴν, καὶ στάσεως πρόφασιν περιαιρεθῆναι τῶν ἐθελοκακίᾳ χρωμένων, τοῖς παρ' ὑμῖν δικασταῖς διὰ γραμμάτων προσετάξαμεν, ἅπαντας οὓς ἂν στασιώδεις καταμάθοιεν, τῇ τῶν νόμων ὑποβάλλειν ἐκδικίᾳ. Αμφότερα τοίνυν συνορῶντες, καὶ τὴν ἡμετέραν μετὰ τοῦ κρείττονος γνώμην, καὶ τὸν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν καὶ τῆς ὁμονοίας λόγον, καὶ τὴν τῶν ἀτάκτων τιμωρίαν, τὰ πρέποντα καὶ ἁρμόζοντα τῷ τῆς ἱερᾶς θρησκείας θεσμῷ διαφυλάτ τοντες, καὶ τὸν προειρημένον διὰ πάσης αἰδοῦς καὶ τιμῆς ἄγοντες, τὰς εὐχὰς ἅμα αὐτῷ ὑπέρ τε ἑαυτῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ βίου παντὸς εὐνομίας τῷ τῶν ὅλων Πατρὶ Θεῷ ἀναπέμπειν σπουδάζετε. Ἐπιστολὴ · περὶ τοῦ ἀφανισθῆναι τὰ πραχθέντα κατὰ Ἀθανασίου. Νικητής Κωνστάντιος, Αὔγουστος, Νεστορίῳ· τῷ δὲ αὐτῷ τύπῳ καὶ τοῖς ἐν Αύγουστομνίκη καὶ Θηβαΐδι καὶ Λιβύῃ ἡγεμόσιν. Εἴ ποτε πρὸ τούτου ἐπὶ βλάβῃ καὶ ὕβρει τῶν κοινωνούντων ᾿Αθανασίῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ πραχθὲν εὑρίσκεται, τοῦτο νῦν ἀπαλειφθῆναι βουλόμεθα. Καὶ γὰρ τὴν ἀλειτουργησίαν· ἣν οἱ αὐτοῦ κληρικοὶ εἶχον, τὴν αὐτὴν πάλιν θέλομεν ἔχειν. Ταύτην δὲ τὴν ἡμετέραν πρόσταξιν φυλαχθῆναι βουλόμεθα· ὥστε ἀποδοθέντος ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, τοὺς κοινωνοῦντας αὐτῷ ἔχειν ἀλειτουργησίαν ἣν ἀεὶ ἔσχον, ἣν καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ κληρικοὶ ἔχουσιν· οὕτως ἔχοντες, καὶ αὐτοὶ χαίρωσιν.
Tauta gnous ho tēs Heǭas basileus, eis agōnian ou tēn tychousan katestē. Metapempsamenos te euthys pleistous tōn anatolikōn episkopōn, tēn te hairesin tou adelphou proutithei, kai peri tou prakteou diepynthaneto. Hoi de, kreisson ephasan tōn Ekklēsiōn parachōrēsai tois peri ᾿Athanasion, ē emphylion ana dexasthai polemon. Hothen ep᾿ anankę̄ katastas ho basileus, ekalei pros heauton tous peri Athanasion. Kai teōs men parachrēma ton Paulon meta dyein episkopōn kai tēs allēs timēs, grammasi te palin tois oikeiois ho tōn esperiōn basileus, eti te kai tois apo tēs synodou katochyrōsas apostellei epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin. Tou de ᾿Athanasiou hete hypostellomenou, kai amphiballontos elthein pros auton; ēulabeito gar tas tōn sykophantōn skeuōrias; ho basileus tēs Heǭas auton ouch hapax monon, alla kai des kai tris ekalei par' heauton; hōs ta par' autou grammata deiknyei, haper ek tēs Rhōmaïkēs metablēthenta glōssēs, touton echei ton tropon • Epistolē Kōnstantiou pros Athanasion. Kōnstantios, Nikētēs, Augoustos, Athanasiǭ episkopǭ. Epi poly se klydōnizesthai kai cheimazesthai tois tēs thalassēs homoiōs kymasin agriois, ouk aphēken hē tēs hēmeteras hēmerotētos philanthrōpia. Gymnōthenta se tēs patrōas estias, kai sterēthenta tōn idiōn, kai planōmenon en thēriōdesin anodiais, ou pareiden hē akamatos hēmōn eusebeia. Ei kai tamalista epipoly hyperethemēn grapsai tēn prothesin tēs emēs dianoias, prosdokōn authaireton se paragenesthai pros hēmas, kai tōn kamatōn aitein thera peian; homōs epeidē isōs ho phobos tēn proairesin tēs sēs protheseōs enepodize, diatouto dōreas plērestata grammata pros tēn sēn sterrhotēta diepempsametha; hina aphobōs tais hēmeterais prosopsesi tacheian tēn sautou parousian paraschein spoudasę̄s, hyper tou tēs sautou epithymias apolausas, kai peiratheis hēmōn tēs philanthrōpias, tois idiois apokatastathę̄s. Toutou gar heneka kai ton despotēn kai adelphon mou Kōnstanta ton Nikētēn Augouston hyper sou parekalesa, hina tou elthein exousian soi dǭ, epi tǭ amphoterōn hēmōn epineusantōn, tę̄ tos enechyron. ᾿Allē epistolē pros ᾿Athanasion. Kōnstantios, Nikētēs, Augoustos, Athanasiǭ episkopǭ. patridi apokatastathę̄s, echōn touto tēs hēmōn chari Ei kai malista dia proterōn grammatōn edēlōsamen, hopōs amerimnōs eis to hēmeteron komitaton paragenę̄, dia to malista bouleuesthai hēmas aposteilai se eis ta idia, homōs kai nyn tauta ta grammata pros tēn sēn sterrhotēta dedēlōkamen. Dio protrepometha, chōris tinos apistias kai phobou epibēnai se dēmosiois ochēmasi, kai spoudasai pros hēmas, hina hōn epithymeis, apolausai dynētheiēs. ᾿Allē epistolē pros ton auton. Kōnstantios, Nikētēs, Augoustos, Athanasiǭ episkopǭ. Hēnika en tę̄ Edesę̄ dietribomen, parontōn tōn sōn presbyterōn, ēresen hopōs apostalentos presbyterou pros se, elthein pros to hēmeteron komitaton spoudasę̄s, epi tǭ idonta se tēn hēmeteran prosopsin, eutheōs eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian hodeusai. All᾿ epeidē pleistos chronos parēlthen, aph' hou grammata dexamenos par' hēmōn ouk apēntēsas, diatouto kai nyn hypomnēsai se espoudasamen, hina kai nyn tēn sēn parousian tacheian poiēsai pros hēmas spoudasę̄s, kai houtō dynēthę̄s tę̄ patridi sou apokatastathēnai, kai tēs euchēs sou epitychein. Pros de plērestatēn diēgēsin, Achētan ton diakonon apesteilamen, par' ou dynēsę̄ mathein tēs te hēmeteras psychēs tēn proairesin, kai hoti toutōn hōn euchę̄, tychein dynēsę̄. Tautas tas epistolas en tę̄ ᾿Akylēią dexamenos ᾿Athanasios; ekei gar tēs Sardikēs anachōrēsas dietriben; eutheōs epi tēn Rhōmēn anedramen 1. Epideixas to ta grammata tǭ episkopǭ Iouliǭ, ŌN hi ep en megistę̄ charą tēn Rhōmaiōn chatestēsten. Edokei gar kai ho tēs Heǭas basileus syntithesthai autōn tę̄ pistei, dia tou kalein Athanasion par᾽ heauton. Ioulios de tois ᾿Alexandreia klērikois te kai laois, tade peri ᾿Athanasiou epesteilen" Epistoïē Iouliou, episkopou Rōmēs, pros | tous en : Ioulios episkopois kai presdyterois, kai diakogois, iaǭ paroikounti ᾿Alexandreian, agapētois adeïphois, en Kyriǭ chairein. Synchaïirō hymin, adelphoi agapētoi, hoti ton charpon tēs heautōn pisteōs ep᾽ ophthalmōn loipon horate. Touto gar alēthōs an tis idoi genomenon epi tou adelphou synepischopou mou ᾿Athanasiou. dia te tēn katharotēta tou biou, kai dia tas hymeteras euchas, ho Theos hymin apodidōsin. Ech dē toutou synorąn estin, katharas hymōn mestas agapts aei tas euchas anenēnochenai pros ton Theon. gar ontes tōn ouraniōn epangeliōn kai tēs pros hautas agapēs, hēn tēs didaskalias tou proeirēmenou adelphou mou epaideuthēte, egnōte alēthōs, kata tēn prosousan hymin orthēn pistin chateilēphate touto, hōs ouch an eis telos houtos aph᾽ hymōn aposchoinisthēsetai, hon en theosethesin hymōn psychais eschēchate hōs paronta Oukoun, ou pollōn moi chreia logōn pros hymas epistellonti. gar hymin lelektai par᾽ emou, tauta hē hymetera piatis proulads" kai peplērōtai kata Christou charin ta tēs koinēs hymōn pantōn euchēs. Synchairō toinyn hymin" palin gar erō, hoti tas psychas achatamachētous en tę̄ pistei tetērēchate. Kai autǭ de tǭ adelphǭ mou ᾿Athanasiǭ ouch elatton synchairō, hoti chaïper polla paschōn lypēra, oudemian hōran epilēsmōn gegone tēs hymeteras agapēs kai tou hymeterou pothou. Ei gar tǭ sōmati pros chairēn edoxen aph᾽ hymōn aphelchysthēnai, alla tǭ pneumati dichpantos, hōs synōn hymin diēge. Kai egōge, agapēpoi, ton genomenon autou panta peirasmon, ouch adoxon hēgoumai gegenēsthai. Kai gar kai hē hymetera hē toutou pistis egnōsthē para pasi kai dedokemastai. Ei gar mē tosauta symthethēchei, tis an epesteusen, hymas tosautēn krisin kai tosautēn agapēn peri ton tēlichouton episkopon echein, ekeigon tosautais aretais perithethlēsthai, di᾽ ha: kai tēs en ouranois elpidos ouch allotrios genoito? Epetyche toinyn oiǭdēpote tropǭ en tǭ nyn, kai en tǭ mellonti, homologias endoxēn marty - rian. Diaphorōs gar kata te gēn kai kata thalattan polla peirastheis, tēn skeuōrian pasan tēs Areianēs aireseōs katepatēse, kai pollakis dia phthonon kai eis kindynon epibouleutheis, katephronēse thanatou, phrouroumenos hypo tou pantokratoros Theou, kai tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou; elpizōn hama kai tas epiboulas ekklinein, kai apokatastathēsesthai pros hymeteran paraklēsin, pherōn hymin hama ek tēs hymeteras syneidēseōs meizona ta tropaia. En hois kai achri termatōn pasēs tēs gēs endoxos egnōsthē, dokimastheis ek tou biou, parrhēsiasamenos men tę̄ prothesei kai tę̄ ouranią didaskalią; apodeichtheis de athanatǭ krisei par' hymōn agapōmenos. Epanerchetai toigaroun pros hymas, lamproteros nyn ē hote par' hymōn apedēmēsen. Ei gar kai tas timias hylas, chryson dē legō kai argyron, eis katharotēta to pyr dokimazei, ti an tis eipoi kat' axian tou tosoutou andros, hos tosoutōn thlipseōn pyran, kai tosoutous kindynous nikēsas, apodidotai nyn hymin athōos, ou par' hēmōn monon, alla kai par᾿ apasēs tēs synodou apodechtheis? Hypodexasthe toinyn, agapētoi adelphoi, meta pasēs tēs kata Theon doxēs te kai charas ton episkopon hymōn ᾿Athanasion, meta toutōn hoitines autōn koinōnoi gegonasi. Kai chairete, tōn euchōn apolauontes, hoi ton poimena ton hymeteron, hin᾿ houtōs eipō, po; thounta kai dipsōnta tēn hymeteran theosebeian, sōtēriois graphais ethrepsate te kai epotisate. Kai gar kai tēs epi xenēs autou diatribēs, hymeis paramythia gegonate; kai diōkomenon kai epibouleuomenon ethalpsate tais pistotatais heautōn psychais kai dianoiais. Eme de ēdē euphrainei, ennooumenon kai proorōnta tǭ logismǭ, tēn epi tę̄ epanodǭ hekastou hymōn charan, kai tou plēthous tas theosebestatas apantēseis, kai tēn endoxon tōn syntrechontōn heortēn, kai tis ekeinē hē hēmera hymin kai poia estai, epanerchomenou men tou adelphou mou; pausamenōn de tōn progenomenōn, kai tēs polytimētou kat' euchēn epanodou, eis euphrosynēn tina plērestatēs charas synaptousēs tous pantas. Hē toiautē chara kata to megiston mechris hēmōn phthanei, hois theothen kai touto synkechōrēsthai synestēken, hopōs eis gnōsin tou tēlikoutou andros elthein dynēthōmen. Eis euchēn oun tēn epistolēn teleiōsai kalon. Theos ho pantokratōr kai toutou Huios ho Kyrios kai Sōtēr hēmōn Iēsous Christos, diēnekē tēn charin tous aiōnas tōn aiōnōn. Amēn. Errhōsthai hymas tautēn hymin paraschoi, didous epathlon tę̄ thaumastę̄ hymōn pistei, hēn peri ton episkopon hymōn endoxǭ martyrią enedeixasthe; hina hymin te kai tois meth' hymas entautha, kai en tǭ mellonti ta beltiona menoi, ha ophthalmos ouk eide, kai ous ouk ēkouse, kai epi kardian anthrōpou ouk anebē ; ha hētoimasen ho Theos tois agapōsin auton, dia tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou, di' hou tǭ pantokratori Theǭ hē doxa eis euchomai, agapētoi adelphoi. Toutois pepisteukōs tois grammasin tē ᾿Athanasios, epi tēn ᾿Anatolēn paregeneto. Kōnstantios de ho basileus, ouk apechthōs men tote apedexato. Sophizesthai de auton epecheirei, ek kataskeuēs tōn areianizontōn hypoballomenos; kai phēsi pros auton; Ton men thronon - ton sautou psēphǭ tēs synodou kai hēmeterą synainesei apeilēphas. Epeidē de eisin en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią tines tou laou, diakrinomenoi tēn pros se koinōnian, mian en tę̄ polei ekklēsian eason echein autous. Pros tēn protasin tautēn ᾿Athanasios gorgōs hypapēntēse, kai phēsi; Ō basileu, ep᾿ exousias men echeis keleuein te kai prattein hosa an thelę̄s. Charin de kai autos autō kai deomai, dos moi. Tou de basileōs dōsein hetoimōs epangeilamenou, euthys epēgagen ᾿Athanasios, tēn autēn axiōn charin labein, hēn ho basileus epezētei labein. Mian gar kai autos ekklēsian aponemēthēnai ē ēxiou kath' hekastēn polin tois diakrinomenois pros tēn tōn areianizontōn koinōnian. Tēn ᾿Athanasiou toinyn gnōmēn lysitelē gnontes hoi areianizontes, hypertithesthai men touto elegon ; prattein de ta dokounta tǭ basilei parechōroun. Dioper ho basileus ᾿Athanasiǭ te kai Paulǭ kai Markellǭ tous idious apedidou thronous. Eti mēn kai Asklēpą tǭ Gazēs, kai Loukiǭ Adrianoupoleōs. Kai gar houtoi hypo tēs en Sardikę̄ synodou edechthēsan; Asklēpas men hypomnēmata epideixas, en hois ededeikto Eusebios ho Pamphilou hama pleiosi diagnous ta kat' auton, kai apodous tēn axian autou. Loukios de, hoti hoi katēgorountes autou phygę̄ echrēsanto. Prostagmata oun tou basileōs eis tas heautōn ephoita poleis, keleuonta hetoirhiōs autous hypodechesthai. En men oun ᾿Ankyrą Basileiou exōthoumenou, kai anteisiontos Markellou, tarachē ouch hē tychousa egeneto, ē prophasin loido rias paresche tois ta enantia phronousin; ᾿Asklēpan de hetoimōs Gazaioi edexanto. En de tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei Makedonios Paulǭ pros oligon hypexestē, kath᾽ heauton en idiazousę̄ ekklēsią tēs poleōs tas synodous poioumenos. Hyper mentoi ᾿Athanasiou, ho basileus episkopois te kai klērikois kai laoi?, peri tou asmenōs auton apodechthēnai epesteilen. Eti mēn kai ta kat᾿ autou en dikastēriois prachthenta, di' heterōn grammatōn aphanisthēnai ekeleuse. Ta de peri amphoterōn toutōn graphenta, esti tade; Epistolē Kōnstantiou hyper Athanasiou. Nikētēs Kōnstantios, Megistos, Sebastos, episkopois kai presbyterois tēs Katholikēs Ekklēsias. Ouk apeleiphthē tēs tou Theou charitos ho aidesimōtatos episkopos ᾿Athanasios. ᾿All' ei kai en brachei chronǭ tę̄ kata anthrōpous dokimasią hypeblēthē, homōs tēn opheilomenēn para tēs pantephorou Pronoias apēnenkato psēphon; apolabōn boulēsei tou kreittonos, kai krisei hēmeterą tēn patrida homou kai tēn Ekklēsian, hēs theiǭ neumati prostatēs etynchane. Toutǭ ta akoloutha edei para tēs hēmeteras hyparxai praotētos. "Ōste panta ta pro toutou kata tōn autǭ kekoinōnēkotōn hōrismena, nyn amnēstią paradothēnai, pasan te hypopsian tēn kat' autou scholasai tou loipou, tēn te ateleian hēs etychon palai hoi hama autǭ klērikoi, toutois bebaiōthēnai prosēkontōs. ᾿Alla mēn kai touto tę̄ eis auton chariti prostethēnai edikaiōsamen, hōste pantas tous tou hierou katalogou ginōskein, endedosthai to aphobon pasi tois autǭ prostetheimenois, eite episkopois, eite klērikois. Hikanon de gnōrisma tēs hekastou orthēs proaireseōs estai, hē pros touton henōsis. Hosoi gar an tēs kallionos homou kriseōs te kai moiras genomenoi, tēn toutou helōntai koinōnian, toutous pantas ekeleusamen, kath' homoiotēta tēs phthanousēs Pronoias, kai nyn tēs hyph᾽ hēmōn boulēsei tou kreittonos paraschetheisēs charitos apolauein. ᾿Allē epistolē, tois Alexandreusi pemphtheisa. Nikētēs Kōnstantios, Megistos, Sebastos, tǭ laǭ tēs kata Alexandreian Katholikēs Ekklēsias. Skopon poioumenoi tēn hymeteran en hapasin eunomian, eidotes te hōs epipoly tēs tou episkopountos pronoias esterēsthe, ᾿Athanasion ton episkopon, andra tois pasi dia te tēn prosousan orthotēta, kai dia tēn oikeian eutropian gnōrimon °, 115 palin pros hymas aposteilai edikaiōsamen. Touton synēthōs kai prosēkontōs hypodexamenoi, kai tais pros ton Theon euchais boēthon prostēsamenoi, tēn hymin te prepousan kai hēmin arestēn homonoian kai eirēnēn kata ton tēs Ekklēsias thesmon diarkē phylattein spoudasate. Oude gar eulogon esti, dichonoian tina ē stasin en hymin kinēthēnai, hypenantian tēs tōn hēmeterōn kairōn eumoirias. Kai touto men apeinai aph᾽ hymōn pantelōs boulometha. To de ge tais euchais hymas diarkōs autǭ, hōs proeirētai, prostatę̄ kai epikourǭ chrōmenous pros to theion emmenein, synēthōs parainoumen ; hōs an tēs toiautēs hymōn protheseōs eis tas hapantōn euchas R diabainousēs, kai ek tōn ethnōn hoi tę̄ tōn eidōlōn planę̄ eti kai nyn proanechontes 4, epi tēn tēs hieras thrēskeias epignōsin prothymotata speudoien, ᾿Alexandreis prosphilestatoi. Kai authis oun parainoumen tois proeirēmenois emmenein. Ton de episkopon, psēphǭ tou kreittonos kai hēmeterą gnōmę̄ apestalmenon, hēdeōs dexasthe, kai pasę̄ psychę̄ kai gnōmę̄ aspaston hēgēsasthe. Touto gar kai hymin prepei, kai tę̄ hēmeterą praotēti prosēkein synestēken. Hyper gar tou pasan anasobēn, kai staseōs prophasin periairethēnai tōn ethelokakią chrōmenōn, tois par' hymin dikastais dia grammatōn prosetaxamen, hapantas hous an stasiōdeis katamathoien, tę̄ tōn nomōn hypoballein ekdikią. Amphotera toinyn synorōntes, kai tēn hēmeteran meta tou kreittonos gnōmēn, kai ton hyper hymōn kai tēs homonoias logon, kai tēn tōn ataktōn timōrian, ta preponta kai harmozonta tǭ tēs hieras thrēskeias thesmǭ diaphylat tontes, kai ton proeirēmenon dia pasēs aidous kai timēs agontes, tas euchas hama autǭ hyper te heautōn kai tēs tou biou pantos eunomias tǭ tōn holōn Patri Theǭ anapempein spoudazete. Epistolē ; peri tou aphanisthēnai ta prachthenta kata Athanasiou. Nikētēs Kōnstantios, Augoustos, Nestoriǭ; tǭ de autǭ typǭ kai tois en Augoustomnikē kai Thēbaïdi kai Libyę̄ hēgemosin. Ei pote pro toutou epi blabę̄ kai hybrei tōn koinōnountōn ᾿Athanasiǭ tǭ episkopǭ prachthen heurisketai, touto nyn apaleiphthēnai boulometha. Kai gar tēn aleitourgēsian; hēn hoi autou klērikoi eichon, tēn autēn palin thelomen echein. Tautēn de tēn hēmeteran prostaxin phylachthēnai boulometha; hōste apodothentos ᾿Athanasiou tou episkopou tę̄ Ekklēsią, tous koinōnountas autǭ echein aleitourgēsian hēn aei eschon, hēn kai hoi loipoi klērikoi echousin; houtōs echontes, kai autoi chairōsin.
When the emperor of the East learned this, he was thrown into no small anxiety. He at once summoned very many of the eastern bishops, laid his brother’s choice before them, and asked what should be done. They said it was better to give up the churches to Athanasius and his party than to undertake a civil war. So the emperor, under compulsion, summoned Athanasius and his party to himself. Meanwhile the emperor of the West at once sent Paul to Constantinople with two bishops and other honour, fortifying him again with his own letters and also with those of the synod. Since Athanasius still hung back and hesitated to come to him (for he was wary of the plots of the slanderers), the emperor of the East summoned him not once only, but twice and three times, as his letters show; translated from the Latin, they read as follows.
Letter of Constantius to Athanasius: “Constantius Victor Augustus to bishop Athanasius. The kindness of our clemency has not allowed you to be long tossed and buffeted, as by the wild waves of the sea. Our tireless piety has not overlooked you, stripped of your ancestral hearth, deprived of your own, and wandering in savage wildernesses. Although I put off for a long time writing the purpose of my mind, expecting you to come to us of your own accord and ask relief from your troubles, yet since fear perhaps hindered your intention, we have therefore sent your steadfastness a letter full of bounty, so that you may hasten without fear to present yourself quickly before us, in order that, having obtained your desire and experienced our kindness, you may be restored to your own. For this reason I have also asked my lord and brother Constans Victor Augustus on your behalf to give you leave to come, so that with the assent of us both you may be restored to your homeland, having this as a pledge of our favour.”
Another letter to Athanasius: “Constantius Victor Augustus to bishop Athanasius. Although we made known in an earlier letter that you should come to our court without anxiety, since we very much wish to send you back to your own, nevertheless we have now also sent this letter to your steadfastness. We urge you, therefore, without any distrust or fear, to take the public carriages and hasten to us, so that you may obtain what you desire.”
Another letter to the same: “Constantius Victor Augustus to bishop Athanasius. When we were staying at Edessa, in the presence of your presbyters, it was decided that a presbyter should be sent to you so that you might hasten to come to our court and, after seeing our face, travel at once to Alexandria. But since a very long time has passed since you received our letter and you have not come, we have therefore been eager to remind you now too, that you may hasten to present yourself quickly to us, and so be able to be restored to your homeland and obtain your prayer. For a fuller account we have sent Achetas the deacon, from whom you can learn the purpose of our soul and that you can obtain what you pray for.”
Athanasius received these letters at Aquileia (for he was staying there after leaving Sardica) and at once hastened to Rome. He showed the letters to bishop Julius and caused the greatest joy to the church of the Romans; for the emperor of the East too seemed to agree with their faith, since he was summoning Athanasius to himself. Julius wrote as follows about Athanasius to the clergy and people of Alexandria.
Letter of Julius, bishop of Rome, to those in Alexandria: “Julius to the bishops, presbyters, and deacons, and to the people dwelling at Alexandria, beloved brothers, greeting in the Lord. I rejoice with you, beloved brothers, that you now see before your eyes the fruit of your faith. For one may truly see this come about in the case of my brother and fellow bishop Athanasius, whom God is giving back to you for the purity of his life and because of your prayers. From this one may see that you have always offered to God prayers that were pure and full of love. For, mindful of the heavenly promises and of the love for them in which you were trained by the teaching of my brother just mentioned, you knew truly, and in accordance with the right faith that is in you understood, that he would not be cut off from you for ever, whom you held in your godly souls as if present. So I have no need of many words in writing to you; for what might have been said by me your faith has anticipated, and the common prayer of you all has been fulfilled by the grace of Christ. I rejoice with you, then, and I will say it again, that you have kept your souls unconquerable in the faith. And I rejoice no less with my brother Athanasius himself, that though suffering many grievous things he has not for a single hour forgotten your love and your longing. For if in body he seemed for a time to be dragged away from you, in spirit he always lived as one present with you. And I, beloved, consider that every trial that has befallen him has not been without glory; for both your faith and his have become known to all and been proved. For if so many things had not happened, who would have believed that you had such esteem and such love for so great a bishop, or that he was adorned with such virtues, for which he will not be a stranger to the hope in heaven? He has obtained, then, in every way, both in the present and in the time to come, the glorious testimony of confession. For having been tried variously by land and sea, he trampled down every plot of the Arian heresy; and having often been plotted against through envy and put in danger, he despised death, guarded by God Almighty and our Lord Jesus Christ, hoping both to escape the plots and to be restored for your comfort, bringing back to you at the same time greater trophies from your own conscience. In these he has become known as glorious even to the ends of the whole earth, proved by his life, speaking boldly by his purpose and his heavenly teaching, and shown by an undying judgment to be loved by you. He returns to you, then, more illustrious now than when he left you. For if fire tests precious materials, I mean gold and silver, for purity, what could one say worthy of so great a man, who, having overcome the fire of so many afflictions and so many dangers, is now given back to you innocent, received not by us alone but by the whole synod? Receive, therefore, beloved brothers, with all godly glory and joy, your bishop Athanasius, with those who have shared his trials. And rejoice in obtaining your prayers, you who have fed and watered with saving words your shepherd, who, if I may say so, hungered and thirsted for your godliness. For you were his comfort during his stay abroad, and you cherished him when persecuted and plotted against with your most faithful souls and minds. It gladdens me already to think of and foresee in my mind the joy of each of you at his return, the most godly welcomes of the crowd, and the glorious festival of those running to meet him; what a day that will be for you, when my brother returns, when past troubles are ended, and when his much-prized return, as you prayed, unites all in a gladness of fullest joy. Such joy reaches even to us in the highest degree, to whom this too has been granted by God, that we have been able to come to know so great a man. It is fitting, then, to end the letter with a prayer. May God Almighty and his Son our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ grant you this grace continually, giving a reward to your wonderful faith, which you have shown towards your bishop by glorious testimony; so that for you and those after you, both here and in the age to come, the better things may remain, ‘which eye has not seen, nor ear heard, nor have they entered into the heart of man, which God has prepared for those who love him’; through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom be glory to God Almighty for ever and ever. Amen. I pray that you may be well, beloved brothers.”
Trusting in these letters, Athanasius came to the East. The emperor Constantius did not then receive him with hostility; but at the instigation of the Arians he tried to outwit him, and said to him: “You have recovered your throne by the vote of the synod and with our consent. But since there are some of the people in Alexandria who refuse communion with you, let them have one church in the city.” Athanasius met this proposal quickly and said: “O emperor, you have authority to command and do whatever you wish. But I too ask a favour of you; grant it to me.” When the emperor readily promised to grant it, Athanasius at once added that he asked to receive the same favour the emperor sought to receive: he asked that one church in each city be assigned to those who refused communion with the Arians. The Arians, recognizing that Athanasius’s proposal would work against them, said that this should be put off, and let the emperor do as he thought fit. So the emperor gave back their own thrones to Athanasius, Paul, and Marcellus, and also to Asclepas of Gaza and Lucius of Adrianople; for these too had been received by the synod at Sardica: Asclepas, because he produced records showing that Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, with several others, had examined his case and restored his rank; Lucius, because his accusers had fled. Orders of the emperor went to their cities, commanding that they be received readily. At Ancyra, when Basil was expelled and Marcellus came in, no small disturbance arose, which gave those of the opposite opinion a pretext for abuse; but the people of Gaza readily received Asclepas. At Constantinople Macedonius gave way to Paul for a short time, holding his assemblies by himself in a separate church of the city. On behalf of Athanasius the emperor wrote to bishops, clergy, and people, that he be received gladly; and by another letter he ordered the records of proceedings against him in the courts to be destroyed. What was written about both these matters is as follows.
Letter of Constantius on behalf of Athanasius: “Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the bishops and presbyters of the catholic church. The most reverend bishop Athanasius has not been abandoned by the grace of God. Although for a short time he was subjected to human trial, he has nevertheless received the verdict due from the providence that oversees all, recovering by the will of the Supreme and by our judgment both his homeland and the church over which by divine nod he presided. It was right that what follows from this should come from our clemency: that everything decided previously against those in communion with him be now consigned to oblivion, that every suspicion against him cease for the future, and that the exemption which the clergy with him formerly enjoyed be fittingly confirmed to them. Moreover we have thought it right to add this to our favour towards him, that all of the sacred roll should know that security is granted to all who adhere to him, whether bishops or clergy. Union with him will be a sufficient sign of each man’s right purpose. For all who, belonging to the better judgment and portion, choose communion with him, we have ordered, in keeping with the providence that has gone before, to enjoy now the favour granted by us by the will of the Supreme.”
Another letter, sent to the Alexandrians: “Victor Constantius, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of the catholic church at Alexandria. Making your good order in all things our aim, and knowing that you have long been deprived of the care of your bishop, we have thought it right to send back to you Athanasius the bishop, a man known to all for his uprightness and his good character. Receive him in the customary and fitting way, and, setting him up as your helper in your prayers to God, take care to keep continually, according to the law of the church, the concord and peace that befit you and please us. For it is not reasonable that any dissension or strife should be stirred up among you, contrary to the good fortune of our times; and this we wish to be wholly absent from you. We urge you, as is our custom, to continue in your prayers, using him, as has been said, as your leader and helper before God; so that, as this purpose of yours passes into the prayers of all, even those of the pagans who still hold to the error of idols may hasten most eagerly to the knowledge of the sacred religion, most beloved Alexandrians. Again, then, we urge you to keep to what has been said. Receive gladly the bishop sent by the vote of the Supreme and our decision, and regard him as welcome with all your soul and mind. For this befits you and accords with our clemency. To take away every incitement and pretext for sedition from those given to ill will, we have ordered your judges by letter to subject to the punishment of the laws all whom they find seditious. Considering, then, both our judgment together with the Supreme’s, and our concern for you and for concord, and the punishment of the disorderly, keep what is fitting and suited to the law of the sacred religion, hold the bishop named in all reverence and honour, and be eager to send up with him your prayers for yourselves and for the good order of all life to God the Father of all.”
Letter on destroying the proceedings against Athanasius: “Victor Constantius Augustus to Nestorius, and in the same form to the governors in Augustamnica, the Thebaid, and Libya. If anything is found to have been done before this to the harm and injury of those in communion with bishop Athanasius, we wish it now to be wiped out. For we wish his clergy to have again the same exemption from public duties which they had. We wish this our order to be kept, that, bishop Athanasius having been restored to the church, those in communion with him should have the exemption which they always had and which the other clergy have, so that they too may rejoice in having it.”
2.24PG 67:261–263
Ταῖς τοιαύταις ἐπιστολαῖς ὀχυρωθεὶς ᾿Αθανάσιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, διὰ τῆς Συρίας ὁρμήσας, τῆς Παλαιστίνης ἐπέβη 1. Καταλαβών τε τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα, καὶ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Μαξίμῳ καταφανῆ ποιήσας τὰ τε ὑπὸ τῆς ἐν Σαρδικῇ συνόδου γνωσθέντα, καὶ ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος τῇ ἐκείνων κρίσει ἐγένετο σύμψηφος, παρασκευάζει σύνοδον τῶν ἐκεῖ ἐπισκό πων γενέσθαι. Μάξιμός τε μηδὲν μελλήσας, μετεπέμπετο τινὰς τῶν ἀπὸ Συρίας καὶ Παλαιστίνης ἐπισκόπων· καὶ καθίσας συνέδριον, ἀποδίδωσι καὶ αὐτὸς τὴν κοινωνίαν ᾿Αθανασίῳ καὶ τὴν ἀξίαν. Γράφει τε καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ σύνοδος τοῖς τε ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Λιβύῃ ἐπισκόποις, τὰ ἐγνωσμένα καὶ ἐψηφισμένα περὶ ᾿Αθανασίου· ἐφ' ᾧ σφόδρα κατεμωκήσαντο τοῦ Μαξίμου οἱ ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς Ἀθανάσιον, ὅτι πρότερον καθελὼν αὐτὸν ", αὖθις ἐκ μεταμελείας ὡς μηδενὸς γενομένου, ψῆφον ὑπὲρ ᾿Αθανασίου ἐξήνεγκεν, τήν τε κοινωνίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν ἀξίαν παρέχουσαν. Ταῦτα γνόντες Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης, οἱ περὶ τὸ Ἀρειάνιον δόγμα πρότερον διαπύρως σπουδάζοντες, καταγνόντες τότε τῆς προλαβούσης σπουδῆς, ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην ἀνῆλθον. Βιβλίον τε μετανοίας · τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰουλίῳ ἐπιδόντες, τῷ τε ὁμοουσίῳ συνέθεντο· καὶ γράμματα πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον διαπεμψάμενοι, κοινωνεῖν αὐτῷ τοῦ λοιποῦ ὡμολόγησαν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τότε Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης τοῖς ἐπὶ ᾿Αθανασίῳ γεγονόσιν ἡττηθέντες, ὡς ἔφην, τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ συνέθεντο. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ διὰ Πηλουσίου ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἐπορεύετο· κατὰ πόλεις τε παριὼν ἐδίδασκε, τοὺς μὲν ἀρειανίζοντας ἐκτρέπεσθαι, ἀσπάζεσθαι δὲ τοὺς τὸ ὁμοούσιον ὁμολογοῦντας. Ἔν τισι δὲ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν καὶ χειροτονίας ἐποίει. Καὶ τοῦτο γέγονεν ἀρχὴ ἑτέρας μέμψεως κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ, ὅτι ἐν ταῖς ἄλλων παροικίαις χειροτονεῖν ἐπεχείρει Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ ᾿Αθανάσιον οὕτως τότε προέβαινεν.
Tais toiautais epistolais ochyrōtheis ᾿Athanasios ho episkopos, dia tēs Syrias hormēsas, tēs Palaistinēs epebē 1. Katalabōn te ta Hierosolyma, kai tǭ episkopǭ Maximǭ kataphanē poiēsas ta te hypo tēs en Sardikę̄ synodou gnōsthenta, kai hōs ho basileus Kōnstantios tę̄ ekeinōn krisei egeneto sympsēphos, paraskeuazei synodon tōn ekei episko pōn genesthai. Maximos te mēden mellēsas, metepempeto tinas tōn apo Syrias kai Palaistinēs episkopōn; kai kathisas synedrion, apodidōsi kai autos tēn koinōnian ᾿Athanasiǭ kai tēn axian. Graphei te kai autē hē synodos tois te en ᾿Alexandreią, kai pasi tois en Aigyptǭ kai Libyę̄ episkopois, ta egnōsmena kai epsēphismena peri ᾿Athanasiou; eph' hǭ sphodra katemōkēsanto tou Maximou hoi apechthōs echontes pros Athanasion, hoti proteron kathelōn auton ", authis ek metameleias hōs mēdenos genomenou, psēphon hyper ᾿Athanasiou exēnenken, tēn te koinōnian autǭ kai tēn axian parechousan. Tauta gnontes Oursakios kai Oualēs, hoi peri to Areianion dogma proteron diapyrōs spoudazontes, katagnontes tote tēs prolabousēs spoudēs, epi tēn Rhōmēn anēlthon. Biblion te metanoias ; tǭ episkopǭ Iouliǭ epidontes, tǭ te homoousiǭ synethento; kai grammata pros ᾿Athanasion diapempsamenoi, koinōnein autǭ tou loipou hōmologēsan. Houtō men oun tote Oursakios kai Oualēs tois epi ᾿Athanasiǭ gegonosin hēttēthentes, hōs ephēn, tǭ homoousiǭ synethento. ᾿Athanasios de dia Pēlousiou epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian eporeueto; kata poleis te pariōn edidaske, tous men areianizontas ektrepesthai, aspazesthai de tous to homoousion homologountas. En tisi de tōn ekklēsiōn kai cheirotonias epoiei. Kai touto gegonen archē heteras mempseōs kat᾿ autou, hoti en tais allōn paroikiais cheirotonein epecheirei Ta men oun kata ᾿Athanasion houtōs tote proebainen.
Fortified by such letters, bishop Athanasius set out through Syria and reached Palestine. Arriving at Jerusalem, he made known to bishop Maximus what had been decided by the synod at Sardica and that the emperor Constantius had concurred in their judgment, and he arranged for a synod of the bishops there to be held. Maximus without delay summoned some of the bishops from Syria and Palestine, convened a council, and he too restored to Athanasius communion and his rank. The synod itself also wrote to those at Alexandria and to all the bishops in Egypt and Libya what had been decided and voted about Athanasius. Those hostile to Athanasius mocked Maximus greatly for this, because having previously deposed him, he now, as if nothing had happened, changed his mind and gave a vote in favour of Athanasius, granting him communion and his rank. When Ursacius and Valens, who had formerly been ardent for the Arian doctrine, learned this, they condemned their former zeal and went up to Rome. They presented a statement of repentance to bishop Julius, agreed to the homoousios, and sent letters to Athanasius promising to be in communion with him from then on. So at that time Ursacius and Valens, overcome by what had happened in Athanasius’s case, as I said, agreed to the homoousios. Athanasius went on by way of Pelusium to Alexandria. Passing through the cities, he taught them to turn away from the Arians and to embrace those who confessed the homoousios. In some of the churches he also performed ordinations; and this became the beginning of another complaint against him, that he undertook to ordain in other men’s dioceses. So went the affairs of Athanasius at that time.
2.25PG 67:263–265
Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ τὰ δημόσια οὐχ ἡ τυχοῦσα ταραχή διεδέχετο. Περὶ ἧς ὅσα κεφαλαιώδη παραδράμεῖν οὐκ ἀναγκαῖον. ἀναλαβόντες βραχύ λέξομεν. Ὅτι τοῦ κτί στου τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως τελευτήσαντος, οἱ τρεῖς αὐτοῦ παῖδες τὴν βασιλείαν αὐτοῦ διεδέξαντο, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου βιβλίῳ πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Ἰστέον δὲ ὅτι συνεβασίλευσε τούτοις ἀνεψιὸς αὐτῶν, ᾧ ὄνομα Δαλμάτιος ν ὁμώνυμος τῷ ἰδίῳ πατρί. Ὃν ἐπ' ὀλίγον συμβασιλεύσαντα οἱ στρατιῶται ἀνεῖλον, οὐ κελεύοντος Κωνσταντίου τὴν σφαγὴν, ἀλλὰ μὴ κωλύοντος. Ὡς δὲ Κωνσταντίνος ὁ νέος · τοῖς τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ μέρεσιν ἐπιὼν, καὶ αὐτὸς ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν συμβαλὼν ἀνῃρέθη, ἤδη πολλάκις πρότερον εἴρηται. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου ἀναίρεσιν, ὁ Περσικός πρὸς Ῥωμαίους ἐκινήθη πόλεμος, καθ' ὃν Κωνστάν quo,τιος οὐδὲν ἔπραττεν εὐτυχῶς ε. Νυκτομαχίας γὰρ περὶ τοὺς ὄρους Ῥωμαίων Περσῶν γενομέ- 4 νης, ἐπικρατέστερα τότε τὰ Περσῶν πρὸς ὀλίγον ἔδοξε γίγνεσθαι. Καθ᾽ ὃν καιρὸν οὔτε τὰ Χριστιανῶν ἡσύχαζεν, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ᾿Αθανάσιον, καὶ τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου λέξιν περὶ τὰς ᾿χκλησίας πόλεμος ἣν. Ἐν τούτοις καθεστώτων τῶν πραγμάτων, Μαγνέντιος περὶ τὰ ἐσπέρια μέρη ἐπεφύη τύραννος" ὃ: Κώνσταντα τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν βασιλεύοντα, περὶ τὰς Γαλλίας διἄνοντα, ἐχ συσχευῆΐς ἀνεῖλε €. Οὗ γενομένου, ἐμφύλιος μέγιστος ἀνεῤῥιπίσθη πόλεμος. Μαγνέντιο: μὲν γὰρ ὁ τύραννος πάσης Ἰταλίας ἐκράτει, ᾿Αφρικὴν τε καὶ Λυιδύην ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ πεποίητο, καὶ αὑτὰς τὰς Γαλλίας ἔσχε λαθών. Ἰλλυρικοῖς δὲ, ἐν Σιρμίῳ πόλει, ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἕτερος ἐπῆρτο τύραννος" ὄνομα δὲ αὐτῷ Βετρανίων 4, Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τὴν Ῥώμην ταραχὴ κατεῖχεν" τοῦ Κωνσταντίου γὰρ ἀδελφιδοῦ. ἣν, ᾧ Νεπωτιανὸς ὄνομα, ὃς ἀντεποιεῖτο τῆς βασιλείας, χειρὶ μονομάχων δορυφορούμενος. Νεπωτιανῶν μὲν οὖν οἱ Μαγνεντίου καθεῖλον στρατηγοί. Μαγνέντιος δὲ ἐπιὼν, πάντα τὰ ἑσπέρια κατεστρέφετο.
En toutǭ de ta dēmosia ouch hē tychousa tarachē diedecheto. Peri hēs hosa kephalaiōdē paradramein ouk anankaion. analabontes brachy lexomen. Hoti tou kti stou tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs teleutēsantos, hoi treis autou paides tēn basileian autou diedexanto, hōs en tǭ pro toutou bibliǭ pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Isteon de hoti synebasileuse toutois anepsios autōn, hǭ onoma Dalmatios n homōnymos tǭ idiǭ patri. Hon ep' oligon symbasileusanta hoi stratiōtai aneilon, ou keleuontos Kōnstantiou tēn sphagēn, alla mē kōlyontos. Hōs de Kōnstantinos ho neos ; tois tou adelphou meresin epiōn, kai autos hypo tōn stratiōtōn symbalōn anę̄rethē, ēdē pollakis proteron eirētai. Meta de tēn ekeinou anairesin, ho Persikos pros Rhōmaious ekinēthē polemos, kath' hon Kōnstan quo,tios ouden epratten eutychōs e. Nyktomachias gar peri tous orous Rhōmaiōn Persōn genome- 4 nēs, epikratestera tote ta Persōn pros oligon edoxe gignesthai. Kath᾽ hon kairon oute ta Christianōn hēsychazen, alla di᾽ ᾿Athanasion, kai tēn tou homoousiou lexin peri tas ᾿chklēsias polemos hēn. En toutois kathestōtōn tōn pragmatōn, Magnentios peri ta esperia merē epephyē tyrannos" ho: Kōnstanta tōn hesperiōn merōn basileuonta, peri tas Gallias dianonta, ech syscheuēïs aneile €. Hou genomenou, emphylios megistos anerrhipisthē polemos. Magnentio: men gar ho tyrannos pasēs Italias ekratei, ᾿Aphrikēn te kai Luidyēn hyph᾽ heautǭ pepoiēto, kai hautas tas Gallias esche lathōn. Illyrikois de, en Sirmiǭ polei, hypo tōn stratiōtōn heteros epērto tyrannos" onoma de autǭ Betraniōn 4, Ou mēn alla tēn Rhōmēn tarachē kateichen" tou Kōnstantiou gar adelphidou. hēn, hǭ Nepōtianos onoma, hos antepoieito tēs basileias, cheiri monomachōn doryphoroumenos. Nepōtianōn men oun hoi Magnentiou katheilon stratēgoi. Magnentios de epiōn, panta ta hesperia katestrepheto.
Meanwhile no small disturbance succeeded in public affairs. It is not necessary to pass over its main points; we will take them up and tell them briefly. When the founder of Constantinople died, his three sons succeeded to his empire, as we mentioned in the previous book. It should be known that a cousin of theirs named Dalmatius, who bore his father’s name, also reigned with them. He reigned with them for a short time and then the soldiers killed him, Constantius not ordering the murder but not preventing it. How Constantine the Younger, invading his brother’s territories, was himself killed by the soldiers in an engagement has already been said several times. After his death the Persian war against the Romans was stirred up, in which Constantius had no success; for in a night battle on the frontier between Romans and Persians, the Persian side seemed for a short time to have the upper hand. At this time the affairs of the Christians were not quiet either, but there was war about the churches over Athanasius and the word homoousios. While things were in this state, Magnentius rose up as a tyrant in the western parts. He treacherously killed Constans, emperor of the western parts, who was staying in the Gauls. When this happened, a very great civil war was fanned into flame. Magnentius the tyrant became master of all Italy, brought Africa and Libya under himself, and secretly gained the Gauls themselves. In Illyricum, at the city of Sirmium, another tyrant was raised up by the soldiers, named Vetranio. Rome too was in turmoil; for there was a nephew of Constantine named Nepotian, who laid claim to the empire, guarded by a band of gladiators. Magnentius’s generals put down Nepotian, and Magnentius, advancing, subdued all the western parts.
2.26PG 67:265–269
Τούτων δὲ πάντων τῶν κακῶν σύῤῥοια ἐν βραχεῖ γέγονε χρόνῳ. Ἱετάρτῳ γὰρ ὕστερον ἔτε: μετὰ τὴν ἐν Σαρδικῇ σύνοδον γέγονε, κατὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Σεργίου καὶ Νιγριανοῦ. Τούτων ἀγγελθέντων, ἐδόκει μὲν εἰς Κωνστάντιον μόνον περιεληλυθέναι τὰ τῆς βασιλείας. Αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἀνατολικοῖς ἀναδειχθεὶς μέρεσι, κατὰ τῶν τυράννων παντοῖος ἦν εὐ - τρεπίζεσθαι. Καιρὸν δὲ εὔκαιρον ἱ οἱ πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον διαφερόμενοι εὑρηκέναι νομίσαντες, αὖθις κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ καὶ μηδέπω τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπιστάντος, μεγίστας διαβολὰς ἐξειργάζοντο· διδάσκουσί τε τὸν βασιλέα Κωνστάντιον, ὡς εἴη πᾶσαν ἀνατρέπων Αἴγυπτον καὶ Λιβύην. Μάλιστα δὲ τὴν διαβολὴν ηὔξησεν, τὸ χειροτονίας αὐτὸν ἐν ἀλλοτρίαις παροικίαις ποιήσασθαι. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ ἐν τοσούτῳ καταλαβὼν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάν δρειαν 5, συνόδους τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐπισκόπων συνήθροισεν· οἱ ὁμόφωνα ἐψηφίσαντο τοῖς τότε ἐν Σαρδικῇ συνελθοῦσι, καὶ τῇ παρὰ Μαξίμου ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις γενομένῃ συνόδῳ. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς, καὶ αὐτὸς πάλαι τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ κατεχόμενος δόξῃ, πάντα τὰ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν αὐτῷ δεδογμένα εἰς τουναντίον μετέστρεφε. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πό λεως τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Παῦλον ἐξόριστον γενέσθαι ἐκέλευσεν· ὅν οἱ ἀπαγαγόντες ἐν Κουκουσῷὰ τῆς Καππαδοκίας ἀπέπνιξαν. Μαρκέλλου δὲ ἐκβληθέντος, αὖθις τῆς ἐν ᾿Αγκύρᾳ Ἐκκλησίας ἐγκρατὴς Βασίλειος γέγονε. Λούκιος δὲ ὁ τῆς ᾿Αδριανουπόλεως, σιδηρο δέσμιος ἐν εἰρκτῇ διεφθάρη. Τοσοῦτο δὲ ἐπεκράτησε τὰ περὶ ᾿Αθανασίου λεγόμενα, ὡς εἰς ἄμετρον ὀργὴν ἐκπεσεῖν τὸν βασιλέα, κελεῦσαί τε ἀναιρεθῆναι αὐτὸν, ἔνθα ἂν εὑρίσκοιτο. Σὺν αὐτῷ δὲ, Θεόδουλον καὶ Ὀλύμπιον, προεστῶτας Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐν Θράκῃ. ᾿Αθανάσιον δὲ τὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ δεδογμένα οὐκ ἔλαθεν. ᾿Αλλὰ προαισθόμενος, αὖθις φυγῇ ἐχρήσατο, καὶ οὕτως τὴν ἀπειλὴν τοῦ βασιλέως διέφυγεν. Ταύτην αὐτοῦ τὴν φυγὴν διέβαλλον οἱ ἄρειανίζοντες, καὶ μάλιστα Νάρκισσος ὁ Νερωνιάδος τῆς ἐν Κιλικίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ Γεώργιος ὁ Λαοδικείας, καὶ Λεόντιος ὁ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ Εκκλησίας τότε προεστηκώς• στις ἡνίκα πρεσβύτερος ἦν, ἀφῃρέθη τῆς ἀξίας ὅτι γυναικὶ συνδιημερεύων Εὐστολίῳ ὄνομα, καὶ τὴν εἰς αὐτὴν αἰσχρὰν ὑπόνοιαν ἐπικρύψαι σπουδάσας, τῶν γεννητικῶν ἐξέτεμεν ἑαυτὸν, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ παῤῥησιέστερον τῇ γυναικὶ συνδιῆγεν, ὡς μὴ ἔχων δε᾽ ἃ εἰς αὐτὴν διεβάλλετο. Γνώμῃ δὲ καὶ σπουδῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίου, τῆς ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ Ἐκκλησίας προεβλήθη ἐπίσκοπος μετὰ Στέφανον, ὃς Πλάκιτον διεδέδεκτο πρότερον. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτου.
Toutōn de pantōn tōn kakōn syrrhoia en brachei gegone chronǭ. Hietartǭ gar hysteron ete: meta tēn en Sardikę̄ synodon gegone, kata tēn hypateian Sergiou kai Nigrianou. Toutōn angelthentōn, edokei men eis Kōnstantion monon perielēlythenai ta tēs basileias. Autokratōr de en tois anatolikois anadeichtheis meresi, kata tōn tyrannōn pantoios ēn eu - trepizesthai. Kairon de eukairon hi hoi pros ᾿Athanasion diapheromenoi heurēkenai nomisantes, authis kat᾿ autou kai mēdepō tēs ᾿Alexandreias epistantos, megistas diabolas exeirgazonto; didaskousi te ton basilea Kōnstantion, hōs eiē pasan anatrepōn Aigypton kai Libyēn. Malista de tēn diabolēn ēuxēsen, to cheirotonias auton en allotriais paroikiais poiēsasthai. ᾿Athanasios de en tosoutǭ katalabōn tēn ᾿Alexan dreian 5, synodous tōn en Aigyptǭ episkopōn synēthroisen; hoi homophōna epsēphisanto tois tote en Sardikę̄ synelthousi, kai tę̄ para Maximou en tois Hierosolymois genomenę̄ synodǭ. Ho de basileus, kai autos palai tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ katechomenos doxę̄, panta ta mikron emprosthen autǭ dedogmena eis tounantion metestrephe. Kai prōton men tēs Kōnstantinou po leōs ton episkopon Paulon exoriston genesthai ekeleusen; hon hoi apagagontes en Koukousǭa tēs Kappadokias apepnixan. Markellou de ekblēthentos, authis tēs en ᾿Ankyrą Ekklēsias enkratēs Basileios gegone. Loukios de ho tēs ᾿Adrianoupoleōs, sidēro desmios en eirktę̄ diephtharē. Tosouto de epekratēse ta peri ᾿Athanasiou legomena, hōs eis ametron orgēn ekpesein ton basilea, keleusai te anairethēnai auton, entha an heuriskoito. Syn autǭ de, Theodoulon kai Olympion, proestōtas Ekklēsiōn en Thrakę̄. ᾿Athanasion de ta tǭ basilei dedogmena ouk elathen. ᾿Alla proaisthomenos, authis phygę̄ echrēsato, kai houtōs tēn apeilēn tou basileōs diephygen. Tautēn autou tēn phygēn dieballon hoi areianizontes, kai malista Narkissos ho Nerōniados tēs en Kilikią episkopos, kai Geōrgios ho Laodikeias, kai Leontios ho tēs en ᾿Antiocheią Ekklēsias tote proestēkōs• stis hēnika presbyteros ēn, aphę̄rethē tēs axias hoti gynaiki syndiēmereuōn Eustoliǭ onoma, kai tēn eis autēn aischran hyponoian epikrypsai spoudasas, tōn gennētikōn exetemen heauton, kai tou loipou parrhēsiesteron tę̄ gynaiki syndiēgen, hōs mē echōn de᾽ ha eis autēn dieballeto. Gnōmę̄ de kai spoudę̄ tou basileōs Kōnstantiou, tēs en Antiocheią Ekklēsias proeblēthē episkopos meta Stephanon, hos Plakiton diededekto proteron. Tosauta men peri toutou.
All these evils came together in a short time; for they happened in the fourth year after the synod at Sardica, in the consulship of Sergius and Nigrinianus. When they were reported, the empire seemed to have passed to Constantius alone. Proclaimed sole ruler in the eastern parts, he made every preparation against the tyrants. Those at odds with Athanasius, thinking they had found a fitting opportunity, again contrived very great slanders against him before he had even reached Alexandria, telling the emperor Constantius that he was overturning all Egypt and Libya. What increased the slander most was that he had performed ordinations in other men’s dioceses. Athanasius meanwhile arrived at Alexandria and assembled synods of the bishops of Egypt, who voted in agreement with those who had then met at Sardica and with the synod held by Maximus at Jerusalem. But the emperor, who had long been possessed by the Arian opinion himself, turned everything he had decided a little before into its opposite. First he ordered Paul, bishop of Constantinople, to be exiled; those who led him away strangled him at Cucusus in Cappadocia. Marcellus was expelled, and Basil again became master of the church at Ancyra. Lucius of Adrianople perished in prison in iron chains. What was said about Athanasius prevailed so far that the emperor fell into boundless anger and ordered him to be put to death wherever he was found, and with him Theodulus and Olympius, who presided over churches in Thrace. What the emperor had decided did not escape Athanasius; perceiving it beforehand, he again took to flight and so escaped the emperor’s threat. The Arians found fault with this flight of his, especially Narcissus, bishop of Neronias in Cilicia, George of Laodicea, and Leontius, who then presided over the church at Antioch. Leontius, when he was a presbyter, had been deprived of his rank because, spending his days with a woman named Eustolium and eager to hide the shameful suspicion about her, he had castrated himself, and from then on lived with the woman more openly, as having nothing on account of which he could be accused regarding her. By the decision and effort of the emperor Constantius he was put forward as bishop of the church at Antioch after Stephen, who had succeeded Placitus earlier. So much about him.
2.27PG 67:269–271
Γότε δὲ καὶ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Μακεδόνιος τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐγκρατὴς γίνεται, Παύλου ἐκποδών γενομένου, καθ᾽ ἂν εἴρηται τρόπον. Παῤῥησίαν τε παρὰ βασιλεῖ μεγίστην κτησάμενος, Χριστιανικὸν ἐκίνησε πόλεμον, οὐχ ἥττονα ἢ ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἐποίουν οἱ τύραννοι. Πείσας γὰρ τὸν βασιλέα συλλαμβάνεσθαι αὐτῷ πορθοῦντι τὰς Ἐκκλησίας, παρασκευάζει νόμῳ κυροῦσθαι, ὅσα κακῶς πράττειν ἐβούλετο. Καὶ τὸ ἐντεῦθεν κατὰ πόλεις μὲν νόμος προὐτίθετο· στρατιωτικὴ δὲ χεὶρ ὑπουργεῖν κεκέλευστο τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως θεσπίσμασιν. Ἐξωθοῦντό τε οἱ φρονοῦντες τὸ ὁμοούσιον, οὐκ ἐκ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν μόνον, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ ἐκ τῶν πόλεων. Καὶ τὸ μὲν πρότερον περὶ τὸ ἐξωθεῖν μόνον ἐσχόλαζον · προβαίνοντος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ, ἐπὶ τὸ ἀναγκάζειν συγκοινωνεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐτρέποντο, μικρὰ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν φροντίσαντες. Ἧν δὲ ἡ ἀνάγκη οὐ μείων, ἧς πρότερον παρἑσχον οἱ τοῖς ἀγάλμασι προσκυνεῖν ἀναγκάσαντες. Καὶ γὰρ παντοίας αἰκίας προσέφερον ί, καὶ στρεβλώσεις ποικίλας καὶ δημεύσεις χρημάτων· ἐξορίαις τε πολλοὶ ὑπεβάλλοντο. Καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῖς βασάνοις ἐναπέθνησκον· οἱ δὲ ἐφθείροντο, κατὰ τὰς ἐξορίας ἀπαγόμενοι. Καὶ ταῦτα ἐγίνοντο κατὰ πάσας μὲν τὰς ἀνατολικὰς πόλεις, ἐξαιρέτως δὲ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν ἐμφύλιον διωγμὸν, βραχύν ὄντα πρότερον, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν παρελθὼν Μακεδόνιος ηύξησεν. Αἱ δὲ περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πόλεις καὶ Ἰλλυριοὺς καὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη, ἔμμενον ἔτι ἀσάλευτοι, τῷ συμφωνεῖν τε ἀλλήλοις, καὶ τὸν παραδοθέντα ἐκ τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδου κανόνα κρατεῖν.
Gote de kai en Kōnstantinou polei Makedonios tōn Ekklēsiōn enkratēs ginetai, Paulou ekpodōn genomenou, kath᾽ an eirētai tropon. Parrhēsian te para basilei megistēn ktēsamenos, Christianikon ekinēse polemon, ouch hēttona ē hypo ton auton chronon epoioun hoi tyrannoi. Peisas gar ton basilea syllambanesthai autǭ porthounti tas Ekklēsias, paraskeuazei nomǭ kyrousthai, hosa kakōs prattein ebouleto. Kai to enteuthen kata poleis men nomos proutitheto; stratiōtikē de cheir hypourgein kekeleusto tois tou basileōs thespismasin. Exōthounto te hoi phronountes to homoousion, ouk ek tōn ekklēsiōn monon, all᾽ ēdē kai ek tōn poleōn. Kai to men proteron peri to exōthein monon escholazon ; probainontos de tou kakou, epi to anankazein synkoinōnein autois etreponto, mikra tōn ekklēsiōn phrontisantes. Hēn de hē anankē ou meiōn, hēs proteron pareschon hoi tois agalmasi proskynein anankasantes. Kai gar pantoias aikias prosepheron i, kai streblōseis poikilas kai dēmeuseis chrēmatōn; exoriais te polloi hypeballonto. Kai hoi men tais basanois enapethnēskon; hoi de ephtheironto, kata tas exorias apagomenoi. Kai tauta eginonto kata pasas men tas anatolikas poleis, exairetōs de en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei. Touton men oun ton emphylion diōgmon, brachyn onta proteron, eis tēn episkopēn parelthōn Makedonios ēuxēsen. Hai de peri tēn Hellada poleis kai Illyrious kai ta hesperia merē, emmenon eti asaleutoi, tǭ symphōnein te allēlois, kai ton paradothenta ek tēs en Nikaią synodou kanona kratein.
Then Macedonius too became master of the churches in Constantinople, Paul having been put out of the way in the manner described. Having gained very great freedom of speech with the emperor, he stirred up a Christian war no less than what the tyrants were doing at the same time. Having persuaded the emperor to help him in ravaging the churches, he arranged for whatever wrong he wished to do to be confirmed by law. From then on a law was posted in the cities, and soldiers were ordered to assist the emperor’s decrees. Those who held the homoousios were driven out not only from the churches but now from the cities too. At first they were busy only with driving them out; but as the evil advanced, they turned to compelling them to communicate with them, caring little about the churches. The compulsion was no less than that formerly applied by those who compelled people to worship idols. For they inflicted every kind of outrage, various tortures, and confiscations of property; many were sent into exile. Some died under the tortures; others perished as they were led away into exile. These things happened in all the eastern cities, but especially in Constantinople. This civil persecution, small at first, Macedonius increased when he came into the bishopric. But the cities of Greece, Illyricum, and the western parts still remained unshaken, because they agreed with one another and held to the rule handed down from the synod of Nicaea.
2.28PG 67:271–275
Οἷα δὲ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ Γεώργιος ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον εἰργάζετο, τῆς φωνῆς ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ πεπονθότος καὶ παρόντος τοῖς γινομένοις, ἐπάκουσον. Ἐν γὰρ τῷ ᾿Απολογητικῷ περὶ τῆς φυγῆς κ ἑαυτοῦ λόγῳ, κατὰ λέξιν περὶ τῶν ἐκεῖ γεγενημένων φησί• Καὶ γὰρ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἐπεφύησαν ζητοῦντες πάλιν ἡμᾶς ἀποκτεῖναι. Καὶ γέγονε τὰ ὕστερα, χείρονα τῶν πρώτων. Στρατιῶται γὰρ ἐξαίφνης τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐκύκλωσαν, καὶ τὰ πολέμων ἀντὶ τῶν εὐχῶν ἐγίνετο. Εἶτα εἰσελθὼν τῇ Τεσσαρακοστῇ, ὁ παρ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀποσταλεὶς ἐκ Καππαδοκίας Γεώργιος, ηὔξησεν ἃ παρ' αὐτῶν μεμάθηκε κακά. Μετὰ γὰρ τὰ ἔβδομα τοῦ Πάσχα, παρθένοι εἰς δεσμωτήριον ἐβάλλοντο • ἐπίσκοποι ἤγοντο ὑπὸ στρατιωτῶν δεδεμένοι · ὀρφανῶν καὶ χηρῶν ἡρπάζοντο οἰκίαι τε καὶ ἄρτοι· ἔφοδοι κατὰ τῶν οἰκιῶν ἐγίνοντο· καὶ νυκτὸς οἱ Χριστιανοὶ κατεφέροντο. Ἐπεσφραγίσθησαν οἰκίαι· καὶ ( ἀδελφοὶ κληρικῶν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐκινδύνευον. Καὶ δεινὰ μὲν ταῦτα· δεινότερα δὲ, τὰ μετὰ ταῦτα τετολμημένα. Τῇ γὰρ ἐβδομάδι μετὰ τὴν ἁγίαν Πεντηκοστὴν, ὁ λαὸς νηστεύσας ἐξῆλθε περὶ τὸ κοιμητήριον εὔξασθαι, διὰ τὸ πάντας ἀποστρέφεσθαι τὴν πρὸς Γεώργιον κοινωνίαν. Ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μαθὼν ὁ παμπόνηρος αὐτὸς, παροξύνει τὸν στρατηλάτην Σεβαστιανὸν Μανιχαῖον ὄντα. Καὶ λοιπὸν αὐτὸς μετὰ πλήθους στρατιωτῶν, ὅπλα καὶ ξίφη γυμνὰ καὶ τόξα καὶ βέλη φερόντων, ὥρμησεν ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ Κυριακῇ κατὰ τῶν λαῶν. Καὶ ὀλίγους εὑρὼν εὐχομένους, οἱ γὰρ πλεῖστοι λοιπὸν διὰ τὴν ὥραν ἀναχωρήσαντες ἔτυχον, τοιαῦτα εἰργάσαντο, οἷα παρ' αὐτῶν ἔπρεπε πρατ χθῆναι. Πυρκαϊάν γὰρ ἅψας, καὶ στήσας παρθένους παρὰ τὸ πῦρ, ἡνάγκαζε λέγειν αὐτὰς τῆς ᾿Αρείου πίστεως εἶναι. Ὡς δὲ νικώσας αὐτὰς ἔβλεπε, καὶ μὴ φροντιζούσας τοῦ πυρὸς, γυμνώσας λοιπὸν, οὕτω και τέκοψεν αὐτὰς εἰς τὰ πρόσωπα, ὡς μετὰ χρόνον μόγις ἐπιγνωσθῆναι · ἄνδρας τε κρατήσας τεσσαράκοντα, καινοτέρῳ τρόπῳ κατέκοψε. Ράβδους γὰρ τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν φοινίκων εὐθὺς τεμὼν ἐν ἑαυταῖς ἐχούσας ἔτι τοὺς σκόλοπας, τὰ νῶτα τούτων οὕτως ἐξἐδειρεν, ὡς τινὰς μὲν πολλάκις χειρουργηθῆναι, διὰ τοὺς ἀποπαγέντας ἐν αὐτοῖς σκόλοπας · τινὰς δὲ καὶ μὴ φέροντας, ἀποθανεῖν. Πάντας μὲν οὖν τοὺς περιλειφθέντας ἀθρόως, καὶ τὴν παρθένον ἐξώρισαν εἰς τὴν μεγάλην Οασιν1. Τὰ δὲ σώματα τῶν τετελευτηκότων, οὐδὲ τοῖς ἰδίοις κατὰ ἀρχὴν ἀποδοθῆναι συνεχώρησαν· ἀλλ᾽ ἔκρυψαν ὡς ἠθέλησαν, ἄταφα βαλόντες ὑπὲρ τοῦ δοκεῖν αὐτοὺς λανθάνειν τὴν τοσαύτην ὠμότητα. Πράττουσι δὲ τοῦτο πεπλανημένοι τῇ διανοίᾳ οἱ παράφρονες. Τῶν γὰρ οἰκείων τῶν τετελευτηκότων, χαιρόντων μὲν διὰ τὴν ὁμολογίαν, θρηνούντων δὲ διὰ τὰ σώματα, μεῖζον ἐξηχεῖτο κατ' αὐτῶν ὁ τῆς ἀσεβείας καὶ ὠμότητος ἔλεγχος. Καὶ γὰρ εὐθὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Αἰγύπτου καὶ τῶν Λιβύων, ἐξώρισαν μὲν ἐπισκόπους, ᾿Αμμώνιον, Θμοῦῖν, Γάϊον, Φίλωνα, Ἑρμῆν, Πλήνιον, Ψενόσιριν, Νειλάμμωνα, Αγάθωνα, ᾿Ανάγαμφον, ᾿Αμμώνιον, Μάρκον, Δρακόντιον, ᾿Αδέλφιον, Αμμώνιον ἕτερον – καὶ ἕτερον Μάρκον, Αθηνόδωρον· καὶ πρεσβυτέρους, Ἱέρακα καὶ Διόσκορον. Καὶ οὕτω πικρῶς ἤλασαν αὐτοὺς, ὡς τινὰς μὲν αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς ὁδοῖς, τινὰς δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ ἐξορισμῷ ἀποθανεῖν. Ἑφυγάδευσαν δὲ ἐπισκόπους πλείους ἢ τριάκοντα. Σπουδὴ γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς κατὰ τὸν ᾿Αχαάβ, εἰ δυνατὸν ἐξᾶραι τὴν ἀλήθειαν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν ᾿Αθανάσιος περὶ τῶν ὑπὸ Γεωργίου κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν γενομένων, οἰκείαις διεξῆλθε φωναῖς. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα ἐστρατοπεδεύετο· ἦγε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖσε τῶν δημοσίων χρειῶν ἡ ἀνάγκη· μάλιστα δὲ ἡ Βετρανίωνος ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἀναγόρευσις. Γενόμενος δὲ ἐν Σιρμίῳ, κατὰ συνθήκας ἐντυγχάνει τῷ Βετρανίωνι, κατασκευάζει τε μεταθέσθαι τοὺς ἀνακηρύξαντας αὐτὸν στρατιώτας · οἳ καὶ μεταθέμενοι, Κωνστάντιον μόνον ἀνεφώνουν Αὔγουστον καὶ βασιλέα καὶ αὐτοκράτορα· Βετρανίωνος δὲ οὐδαμοῦ μνήμη βοώντων ἐγίνετο. Ὁ δὲ εὐθὺς αἰσθόμενος προδίδοσθαι, παρά τοὺς πόδας ἐκυλινδεῖτο τοῦ βασιλέως. Κωνστάντιος δὲ αὐτοῦ περιελὼν τὸν βασιλικὸν στέφανον καὶ τὴν ἁλουργίδα, φιλανθρωπεύεται, παραινέσας ἰδιωτικῷ σχήματι ἡσυχέστερον διάγειν · πρέπειν γὰρ τῷ προβεβηκότι τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἀπραγμονέστερον βιοῦν, ἢ ἔχειν ὄνομα φροντίδων μεστόν. Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Βετρανίωνα, τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἔκβασιν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς αὐτῷ παντοίαν δαπάνην ἐκ δημοσίων φόρων ἐκέλευσε δίδοσθαι· πολλάκις δὲ αὐτῷ ὕστερον ἐν Προύσῃ τῆς Βιθυνίας διάγοντι γράφων ἐδήλου, ὡς εἴη μεγίστων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς, ἀπαλλάξας φροντίδων, καὶ ὅσα σύνεστι τῇ βασιλείᾳ κακά, Οὐκ εὖ τε πράττειν ἔλεγεν αὐτὸν, ὅτι ὧν ἐκείνῳ παρἐσχεν, αὐτὸς οὐκ ἀπέλαυσε. Καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων λελέχθω. Τότε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, Γάλλον μὲν ἀνεψιὸν ἑαυτοῦ Καίσαρα καταστήσας, τότε οἰκεῖον θεὶς αὐτῷ ὄνημα, εἰς τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν ἔπεμψε, φρουρεῖσθαι τὰ τῆς ἑῴας μέρη δι' αὐτοῦ προνοούμενος· ὅτε καὶ ἐπιστάντος αὐτοῦ τῇ Ἀντιοχέων, τὸ τοῦ Σω τῆρος σημεῖον περὶ τὴν ᾿Ανατολὴν ἐφάνη. Στύλος γὰρ σταυροειδὴς ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ ὀφθεὶς, μέγιστον θαῦμα τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἐγένετο. Τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους αὐτοῦ στρατηγοὺς σὺν δυνάμει πολλῇ κατὰ Μαγνεντίου προϋπεμπε. Παρεϊλκέ τε ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ, προσμένων τὰ ἐκβησόμενα.
Hoia de tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią Geōrgios hypo ton auton chronon eirgazeto, tēs phōnēs ᾿Athanasiou tou peponthotos kai parontos tois ginomenois, epakouson. En gar tǭ ᾿Apologētikǭ peri tēs phygēs k heautou logǭ, kata lexin peri tōn ekei gegenēmenōn phēsi• Kai gar eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian epephyēsan zētountes palin hēmas apokteinai. Kai gegone ta hystera, cheirona tōn prōtōn. Stratiōtai gar exaiphnēs tēn ekklēsian ekyklōsan, kai ta polemōn anti tōn euchōn egineto. Eita eiselthōn tę̄ Tessarakostę̄, ho par᾿ autōn apostaleis ek Kappadokias Geōrgios, ēuxēsen ha par' autōn memathēke kaka. Meta gar ta ebdoma tou Pascha, parthenoi eis desmōtērion eballonto • episkopoi ēgonto hypo stratiōtōn dedemenoi ; orphanōn kai chērōn hērpazonto oikiai te kai artoi; ephodoi kata tōn oikiōn eginonto; kai nyktos hoi Christianoi katepheronto. Epesphragisthēsan oikiai; kai ( adelphoi klērikōn hyper tōn adelphōn ekindyneuon. Kai deina men tauta; deinotera de, ta meta tauta tetolmēmena. Tę̄ gar ebdomadi meta tēn hagian Pentēkostēn, ho laos nēsteusas exēlthe peri to koimētērion euxasthai, dia to pantas apostrephesthai tēn pros Geōrgion koinōnian. Alla touto mathōn ho pamponēros autos, paroxynei ton stratēlatēn Sebastianon Manichaion onta. Kai loipon autos meta plēthous stratiōtōn, hopla kai xiphē gymna kai toxa kai belē pherontōn, hōrmēsen en autę̄ tę̄ Kyriakę̄ kata tōn laōn. Kai oligous heurōn euchomenous, hoi gar pleistoi loipon dia tēn hōran anachōrēsantes etychon, toiauta eirgasanto, hoia par' autōn eprepe prat chthēnai. Pyrkaïan gar hapsas, kai stēsas parthenous para to pyr, hēnankaze legein autas tēs ᾿Areiou pisteōs einai. Hōs de nikōsas autas eblepe, kai mē phrontizousas tou pyros, gymnōsas loipon, houtō kai tekopsen autas eis ta prosōpa, hōs meta chronon mogis epignōsthēnai ; andras te kratēsas tessarakonta, kainoterǭ tropǭ katekopse. Rabdous gar tas apo tōn phoinikōn euthys temōn en heautais echousas eti tous skolopas, ta nōta toutōn houtōs exedeiren, hōs tinas men pollakis cheirourgēthēnai, dia tous apopagentas en autois skolopas ; tinas de kai mē pherontas, apothanein. Pantas men oun tous perileiphthentas athroōs, kai tēn parthenon exōrisan eis tēn megalēn Oasin1. Ta de sōmata tōn teteleutēkotōn, oude tois idiois kata archēn apodothēnai synechōrēsan; all᾽ ekrypsan hōs ēthelēsan, atapha balontes hyper tou dokein autous lanthanein tēn tosautēn ōmotēta. Prattousi de touto peplanēmenoi tę̄ dianoią hoi paraphrones. Tōn gar oikeiōn tōn teteleutēkotōn, chairontōn men dia tēn homologian, thrēnountōn de dia ta sōmata, meizon exēcheito kat' autōn ho tēs asebeias kai ōmotētos elenchos. Kai gar euthys apo tēs Aigyptou kai tōn Libyōn, exōrisan men episkopous, ᾿Ammōnion, Thmouin, Gaïon, Philōna, Hermēn, Plēnion, Psenosirin, Neilammōna, Agathōna, ᾿Anagamphon, ᾿Ammōnion, Markon, Drakontion, ᾿Adelphion, Ammōnion heteron – kai heteron Markon, Athēnodōron; kai presbyterous, Hieraka kai Dioskoron. Kai houtō pikrōs ēlasan autous, hōs tinas men autōn en tais hodois, tinas de en autǭ tǭ exorismǭ apothanein. Hephygadeusan de episkopous pleious ē triakonta. Spoudē gar ēn autois kata ton ᾿Achaab, ei dynaton exarai tēn alētheian. Toiauta men ᾿Athanasios peri tōn hypo Geōrgiou kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian genomenōn, oikeiais diexēlthe phōnais. Ho de basileus epi tēn Illyrida estratopedeueto; ēge gar auton ekeise tōn dēmosiōn chreiōn hē anankē; malista de hē Betraniōnos hypo tōn stratiōtōn anagoreusis. Genomenos de en Sirmiǭ, kata synthēkas entynchanei tǭ Betraniōni, kataskeuazei te metathesthai tous anakēryxantas auton stratiōtas ; hoi kai metathemenoi, Kōnstantion monon anephōnoun Augouston kai basilea kai autokratora; Betraniōnos de oudamou mnēmē boōntōn egineto. Ho de euthys aisthomenos prodidosthai, para tous podas ekylindeito tou basileōs. Kōnstantios de autou perielōn ton basilikon stephanon kai tēn halourgida, philanthrōpeuetai, parainesas idiōtikǭ schēmati hēsychesteron diagein ; prepein gar tǭ probebēkoti tēn hēlikian, apragmonesteron bioun, ē echein onoma phrontidōn meston. Ta men oun kata Betraniōna, toiautēn esche tēn ekbasin. Ho de basileus autǭ pantoian dapanēn ek dēmosiōn phorōn ekeleuse didosthai; pollakis de autǭ hysteron en Prousę̄ tēs Bithynias diagonti graphōn edēlou, hōs eiē megistōn agathōn aitios autǭ gegonōs, apallaxas phrontidōn, kai hosa synesti tę̄ basileią kaka, Ouk eu te prattein elegen auton, hoti hōn ekeinǭ pareschen, autos ouk apelause. Kai tosauta men peri toutōn lelechthō. Tote de ho basileus, Gallon men anepsion heautou Kaisara katastēsas, tote oikeion theis autǭ onēma, eis tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian epempse, phroureisthai ta tēs heǭas merē di' autou pronooumenos; hote kai epistantos autou tę̄ Antiocheōn, to tou Sō tēros sēmeion peri tēn ᾿Anatolēn ephanē. Stylos gar stauroeidēs en tǭ ouranǭ ophtheis, megiston thauma tois horōsin egeneto. Tous de allous autou stratēgous syn dynamei pollę̄ kata Magnentiou proÿpempe. Pareïlke te en tǭ Sirmiǭ, prosmenōn ta ekbēsomena.
Hear from the words of Athanasius, who suffered and was present at what happened, what George was doing at Alexandria at the same time. In his Defence of his Flight he says word for word about what took place there: “For they burst into Alexandria, seeking again to kill us; and the later events were worse than the first. For soldiers suddenly surrounded the church, and there were the deeds of war instead of prayers. Then George, sent by them from Cappadocia, came in during Lent and increased the evils he had learned from them. For after Easter week virgins were thrown into prison, bishops were led away bound by soldiers, the houses and bread of orphans and widows were plundered, attacks were made on houses, and Christians were carried off by night. Houses were sealed up, and the brothers of clergy were in danger on account of their brothers. These things were terrible, but more terrible were the things dared after them. In the week after holy Pentecost, the people, having fasted, went out to the cemetery to pray, because all turned away from communion with George. Learning this, that most wicked man stirred up the general Sebastian, a Manichaean. He then, with a crowd of soldiers carrying arms, drawn swords, bows and arrows, rushed against the people on the Lord’s day itself. Finding few praying (for most had already gone away because of the hour), they did such things as one would expect of them. He lit a fire, set virgins by the fire, and tried to force them to say that they were of the faith of Arius. When he saw them prevailing and not caring for the fire, he stripped them and beat them on their faces so that for a long time afterwards they could hardly be recognized. Seizing forty men, he flogged them in a new way: he cut rods from palm trees with the thorns still on them and flayed their backs so that some had to undergo surgery many times because of the thorns stuck in them, and some, not bearing it, died. All who were left, together with the virgin, they banished to the Great Oasis. The bodies of the dead they would not at first give to their own people, but hid them as they wished, throwing them out unburied, so that they might seem to have concealed such great cruelty. But the madmen do this with minds astray. For as the relatives of the dead rejoiced because of their confession and mourned because of their bodies, the exposure of their impiety and cruelty rang out the more loudly against them. And at once they banished from Egypt and Libya the bishops Ammonius, Thmuis, Gaius, Philo, Hermes, Plenius, Psenosiris, Nilammon, Agatho, Anagamphus, Ammonius, Mark, Dracontius, Adelphius, another Ammonius, another Mark, and Athenodorus, and the presbyters Hierax and Dioscorus. They drove them so cruelly that some died on the roads and some in exile itself. They put more than thirty bishops to flight; for their aim, like Ahab’s, was to destroy the truth if possible.” Such things Athanasius related in his own words about what George did at Alexandria.
The emperor took the field in Illyricum; for the necessity of public affairs drew him there, and above all the proclamation of Vetranio by the soldiers. Arriving at Sirmium, he met Vetranio by agreement and arranged for the soldiers who had proclaimed him to change sides. Changing sides, they acclaimed Constantius alone as Augustus, emperor, and sole ruler, and no mention of Vetranio was made in their acclamations. Perceiving at once that he was betrayed, Vetranio threw himself at the emperor’s feet. Constantius took from him the imperial crown and purple and treated him kindly, advising him to live more quietly in private dress; for it befitted a man advanced in age to live free of affairs rather than to hold a name full of cares. Such was the end of Vetranio’s affair. The emperor ordered every kind of expense to be given him from the public revenue; and later, when he was living at Prusa in Bithynia, Vetranio often wrote to the emperor that he had been the cause of the greatest blessings to him, freeing him from cares and from the evils that attend empire; and he said that the emperor was not well off, since he did not himself enjoy what he had granted to Vetranio. Let this much be said about these things. Then the emperor made his cousin Gallus Caesar, giving him his own name, and sent him to Antioch in Syria, taking care that the eastern parts be guarded by him. When he entered Antioch, the sign of the Saviour appeared in the East; for a pillar in the form of a cross was seen in the sky, a very great wonder to those who saw it. His other generals he sent ahead with a large force against Magnentius, and he himself stayed at Sirmium, waiting for the outcome.
2.29PG 67:275–277
Τότε δὴ καὶ Φωτεινὸς Ρ ὁ τῆς ἐκεῖ Εκκλησίας προ εστηκώς, τὸ παρευρεθὲν αὐτῷ δόγμα φανερώτερον ἐξεθρύλλει. Διὸταραχῆς ἐκ τούτου γενομένης, ὁ βασιλεὺς | σύνοδον ἐπισκόπων ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ γενέσθαι ἐκέλευσε. Συνῆλθαν οὖν ἐκεῖ, τῶν μὲν ἀνατολικῶν Μάρκος ὁ ᾿Αρεθούσιος, Γεώργιός τε ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, ὧν οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες ἔπεμψαν, ἀποκινήσαντες Γρηγόριον, ὡς μοι πρότερον εἴρηται, Βασίλειός τε ὁ ἐκβληθέντος Μαρκέλλου τῆς ἐν ᾿Αγκύρᾳ προεστὼς Ἐκκλησίας, Παγκράτιος Πηλουσίου, Ὑπατιανὸς Ήρακλείας. Τῶν δὲ δυτικῶν, Οὐάλης Μουρσῶν, καὶ ὁ περιβόητος τοῖς τότε ἀνθρώποις Ὅσιος ὁ τῆς ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ Κουδρούβης ἐπίσκοπος ἄκων παρῆν. Οὗτοι μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Σεργίου, καὶ Νιγριανοῦ, καθ' ὃν ἐνιαυτὸν διὰ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πολέμων θορύβους, οὐδεὶς ὕπατος τὰς συνήθεις ὑπατείας ἐπετέλεσε · συνελθόντες δὲ ἐν Σιρμίῳ, καὶ τὸν Φωτεινὸν τὸ δόγμα Σαβελλίου τοῦ Λίβυος καὶ Παύλου τοῦ Σαμοσατέως φρονοῦντα φωράσαντες, καθεῖλον εὐθύς. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ὡς καλῶς καὶ δικαίως γενόμενον, πάντες ἐπήνεσαν καὶ τότε καὶ μεταταῦτα· οἱ δὲ ἐπιμείναντες, ἔπραξαν ὅπερ οὐ πᾶσιν ἦν ἄριστον.
Tote dē kai Phōteinos R ho tēs ekei Ekklēsias pro estēkōs, to pareurethen autǭ dogma phanerōteron exethryllei. Diotarachēs ek toutou genomenēs, ho basileus | synodon episkopōn en tǭ Sirmiǭ genesthai ekeleuse. Synēlthan oun ekei, tōn men anatolikōn Markos ho ᾿Arethousios, Geōrgios te ho ᾿Alexandreias, hōn hoi areianizontes epempsan, apokinēsantes Grēgorion, hōs moi proteron eirētai, Basileios te ho ekblēthentos Markellou tēs en ᾿Ankyrą proestōs Ekklēsias, Pankratios Pēlousiou, Hypatianos Ērakleias. Tōn de dytikōn, Oualēs Moursōn, kai ho periboētos tois tote anthrōpois Hosios ho tēs en Hispanią Koudroubēs episkopos akōn parēn. Houtoi meta tēn hypateian Sergiou, kai Nigrianou, kath' hon eniauton dia tous ek tōn polemōn thorybous, oudeis hypatos tas synētheis hypateias epetelese ; synelthontes de en Sirmiǭ, kai ton Phōteinon to dogma Sabelliou tou Libyos kai Paulou tou Samosateōs phronounta phōrasantes, katheilon euthys. Kai touto men hōs kalōs kai dikaiōs genomenon, pantes epēnesan kai tote kai metatauta; hoi de epimeinantes, epraxan hoper ou pasin ēn ariston.
At that time Photinus, who presided over the church there, was publishing the doctrine he had devised more openly. As this caused disturbance, the emperor ordered a synod of bishops to be held at Sirmium. There met, of the easterners, Mark of Arethusa; George of Alexandria, whom the Arians had sent after removing Gregory, as I said before; Basil, who presided over the church of Ancyra after Marcellus was expelled; Pancratius of Pelusium; and Hypatianus of Heraclea. Of the westerners, Valens of Mursa was present, and Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain, so celebrated among the men of that time, was present against his will. They met at Sirmium after the consulship of Sergius and Nigrinianus, in the year in which, because of the disturbances of the wars, no consul held the usual consulship. Detecting that Photinus held the doctrine of Sabellius the Libyan and Paul the Samosatene, they deposed him at once. This all praised, both then and afterwards, as rightly and justly done; but those who stayed on did what was not best in the eyes of all.
2.30PG 67:279–291
Ὥσπερ γὰρ καταγινώσκοντες τῶν πάλαι αὑτοῖς περὶ τῆς πίστεως δεδογμένων, αὖθις ἑτέρας περὶ τῆς πίστεως ἐνομοθέτουν ἐκθέσεις. Μίαν μὲν ἣν Μάρκος ὁ ᾿ΑἈρεθούσιος ὑπηγόρευσεν Ἑλλάδι γλώσσῃ ἄλλας δὲ τῇ Ῥωμαίων φωνῇ, σύμφωνον οὐχ ἐχούσας οὔτε τὴν λέξιν, οὔτε τὴν σύνθεσιν, οὔτε πρὸς ἑαυτὰς, οὔτε μὴν πρὸς τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν, ἣν ὁ ᾿λρεθούἃ σιος ὑπηγόρευσε. Τὴν μὲν οὖν μίαν τῶν Ῥωμαϊκῶν ἐκθέσεων, τῇ ὑπὸ Μάρκου συντεθείσῃ συζεύξας ἐνταῦθα ὑποτάξω. Τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, ἣν ὕστερον ἐν Σιρμίῳ ἀνέγνωσαν, τῷ οἰκείῳ τάξωμεν τόπῳ, ὅτε τὰ ἐν γενόμενα ἐκτιθέμεθα. Ἰστέον δὲ, ἃ ὅτι ἀμφότεραι εἰς Ελλάδα μετεδλήθησαν γλῶτταν. : "Ἔστι δὲ ἡ ὑπὸ Μάρκου ὑπαγορευθεῖσα τῆς πίστεως 195 ἔκθεσις ἧδε" Πιστεύομεν ᾳ εἰς ἕνα Θεὼν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, τὸν κτίστην καὶ ποιητὴν τῶν πάντων " ἐξ οὗ πᾶσα πατριὰ ἐν οὐρανοῖς ἐπὶ γῆς ὀνομά: ζεται. Καὶ εἰς τὸν μονογενῇ αὑτοῦ Υἱὸν, τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων : ἐχ τοῦ Πατρὸς γεννηθέντα, Θεὸν Θεοῦ, φῶς φωτὸς, δι᾽ οὗ ἐγένετο τὰ πάντα, τὰ τοῖς οὐρανοῖς, καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς, τὰ τὰ ἀόρατα. Λόγον ὄντα σοφίαν, καὶ φῶς ἀληθινὸν, ζωήν. Τὸν ἐπ᾿ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν δι᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, γεννηθέντα τῆς ἁγίας Παρθένου, σταυρω^ θέντα ἀποθανόντα ταφέντα, ἀναστάντα.' μὲ, 15. νεκρῶν τῇ τρέτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, ἀναληφθέντα εἰς οὐρανὸν, καθίσαντα δεξιῶν τοῦ Πατρὸς, ἐρχόμενον ἐπὶ συντελείᾳ τοῦ αἰῶνος κρῖναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκροὺς, ἀπηδοῦναι ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ" οὗ ἡ βασιλεία ἀκατάπαυστος οὖσα διαμένει εἰς τοὺς ἀπείρους αἰῶνας" ἔσται γὰρ καθεζόμενος ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς, οὐ μόνον ἐν τῷ αἰῶνι τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ μέλλοντι. Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, τουτέστι τὸν 11αράκλητον" ὅπερ ἐπαγγειλάμενος τοῖς ἀποστόλοις μετὰ τὴν εἰς οὐρανοὺς ἄνοδον ἀποστεῖλαι διδάξαι ὑπομνῆσαι αὐτοὺς πάντα, ἔπεμψεν. οὗ καὶ ἀγιάζονται αἱ τῶν εἰλικρινῶς εἰς αὐτὸν πεπιστευκότων Ψυχαί. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων τὸν Υἱὸν, ἣ ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως, μὴ τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὅτι χρόνος ἢ αἰὼν ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, ἀλλοτρίους οἶδεν ἡ ἁγία Καθολικὴ Ἐκκλησία. Πάλιν οὖν ἐροῦμεν, εἴ τις τὸν Πατέρα καὶ τὸν Υἱὸν δύο λέγει Θεοὺς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Καὶ εἴ τις λέγων Θεὸν τὸν Χριστὸν πρὸ αἰώνων Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὑπουργηκότα τῷ Πατρὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν ὅλων δημεουργίαν μὴ ὁμολογοίη, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸν ἀγέννητον, ἢ μέρος αὐτοῦ, ἐχ Μαρίας λέγειν γεγεννῆσθαι τολμᾷ, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις κατὰ πρόγνωσιν τὸν ἐχ Μαρίας λέγοι υἱὸν εἶναι, καὶ μὴ πρὸ αἰώνων τοῦ Πατρὸς γεγεννημένον πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν εἶναι, καὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ γεγενῆσθαι τὰ πάντα, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. τις τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ πλατύνεσθαι, ἣ συστέλλεσθαι φάσχοι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις πλατυνομένην τὴν οὐσίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸν Υἱὸν λέγοι ποιεῖν, ἣ τὸν πλατυσμὸν τῆς οὐσίας αὐτοῦ Υἱὸν ὀνομάξεν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴτις ἐνδιάθετον προφοριχὼν λόγον λέγοι τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴτις ἄνθρωπον μόνον λέγοι τὸν Υἱὸν τὸν Μαρίας, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις Θεὸν καὶ ἄνθρωπον τὸν ἐκ Μαρίας λέγων, Θεὸν τὸν ἀγέννητον αὐτὸν ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸ, ᾿Εγὼ Θεὸς πρῶτος, καὶ ἐγὼ μεταταῦτα, καὶ πιὴν ἐμοῦ οὖχ ἔστι Θεὸς, τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀναιρέσει εἰδώλων τῶν μὴ ὄντων θεῶν εἰρημένον, ἐπ᾽ ἀναιρέσει τοῦ μονογενοῦς πρὸ τῶν αἰώνων Θεοῦ Ἰουδαϊκῶς ἐχλαμθάνοι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸ, Αὐγος σὰρξ ἐγένετο ἀκούων, τὸν Λόγον εἰς σάρκα μεταθδεθλῃσθαι νομίζοι, Ὦ τροπὴν ὑπομεμενηχότα ἀνειληφέναι τὴν ἀνάϑεμα ἔστω. Ἐ τις τὸν μονογενῆ Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐσταυρωμένον ἀκούων, φθορὰν ἢ πάθος, 3) τροπὴν, ἢ μείωσιν, ἢ ἀναίρεσιν ὑπομεμενηχένλι λέγοι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω, Εἴ τις τὸ, Ποιήσωμεν ἄνθρωπον, μὴ τὸν Πατέρα πρὸς τὸν Υἱὸν λέγειν, ἀλλὰ αὐτὸν πρὸς ἑαυτὸν λέγοι τὸν Θεὸν εἰρηκέναι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις μὴ τὸν Υἱὼν λέγοι τῷ ἑωρᾶσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀγέννητον θεὸν ἣ μέρος αὐτοῦ, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴτις τῷ 4: 65; 12. Ὁ 1, 14. 4 Ἰαχὼσ μὴ τὸν Υἱὸν ὡς ἄνθρωπον πεπαλαιχέναι, ἀλλὰ τὸν ἀγέννητον Θεὸν, ἢ μέρος αὐτοῦ λέγοι, θεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸ, "Εὔρεξε Κύριος παρὰ Κυμὴ ἐπὶ τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ ἐχλαμθάνοι, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸν παρ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ λέγοι βεδρεχέναι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. "Ἔθρεξε γὰρ Κύριος ὁ Υἱὸς, παρὰ Κυρίου τοῦ Πατρός. Εἴ τις ἀκούων Κύριον τὸν Πατέρα, καὶ τὸν Υἱὸν Κύριον, καὶ Κύριον τὸν Πατέρα καὶ τὸν Υἱὸν εἴποι, καὶ Κύριος ἐχ Κυρίου λέγων, δύο λέγοι Θεοὺς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. γὰρ συντάσσομεν τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ, ἀλλ' ὑποτεταγμένον τῷ Ηατρί. γὰρ κατῆλθεν εἰς σῶμα τἄἄνευ βουλῆς τοῦ οὐδὲ ἔῤρεξεν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλὰ παρὰ Κυρίου αὐθεντοῦντος, δηλαδὴ τοῦ Πατρός. Οὔτε χάθηται δεξιῶν ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκούει τοῦ Πατρὸς λέγοντος" Κάθου ἐκ βοάοι η ἃ δεξιῶν μου, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴτις τὸν Πατέρα καὶ τὸν τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα ἕν πρόσωπον λέγοι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον Παράχλητὸν λέγων, τὸν ἀγέννητον λέγοι Θεὸν, ἀνάθεμα ἕστω. Εἴτις ὡς ἐδίδαξεν ἡμᾶς, μὴ ἄλλον λέγει τὸ Παράχλητον παρὰ τὸν Υἱόν εἴρηκε γὰρ,"Α.1.1ογν' πέμψει ὑμῖν ὁ Πατὴρ, ὃν ἐγὼ ἐρωτήσω, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις τὸ Πνεῦμα μέρος λέγοι τοῦ Πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ, ἀνάθεμα ἕστω. Εἴ τις τὸν Πατέρα τὸν Υἱὸν καὶ τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα τρεῖς λέγοι Θεοὺς, ἄνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴτις βουλήσει τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὡς ἕν τῶν χτισμάτων γεγονέναι λέγοι τὸν ΥἹὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις μὴ θελήσαντος τοῦ Πατρὸς γεγεννῆσθαι τὸν Υἱὸν λέγοι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Οὐ γὰρ βιασθεὶς ὁ Πατὴρ ὑπὸ ἀνάγκης φυσιχῇς, αὖθις ὡς οὐχ Ἦθεγεν ἐγέννησε τὸν Υἱόν ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα τε ἐδουλήθη, ἀχρόνως καὶ ἀπαθῶς ἐξ ἑαυτοῦ αὐτὸν γεννήσας ἀπέδειξεν, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Εἴ τις ἀγέννητον καὶ ἄναρλέγοι τὸν Υἱόν, ὡς δύο ἄναρχα δύο ἀγέννητα λέγων, καὶ δύο ποιῶν θεοὺς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω. Κεφαλή 127 γὰρ ἐστι καὶ ἀρχὴ πάντων ὁ Υἱός· κεφαλὴ δὲ ἐστι τοῦ Χριστοῦ ὁ Θεός. Οὕτω γὰρ εἰς μίαν ἄναρχον τῶν ὅλων ἀρχὴν δι' Υἱοῦ εὐσεβῶς τὰ πάντα ἀνάγομεν. Καὶ πάλιν οὖν διακριβοῦντες τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ τὴν ἔννοιαν, λέγομεν ὅτι εἴ τις Χριστὸν Ἰησοῦν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ πρὸ αἰώνων ὄντα, ὑπουργηκότα τῷ Πατρὶ εἰς τὴν τῶν ὅλων δημιουργίαν μὴ λέγοι, ἀλλ' ἐξ οὗ ἐγεννήθη ἐκ Μαρίας, ἔκτοτε καὶ Υἱὸν καὶ Χριστὸν κεκλῆσθαι, καὶ ἀρχὴν εἰληφέναι τοῦ Θεὸς εἶναι, ἀνάθεμα ἔστω ὡς ὁ Σαμοσατεύς, Πίστις ἐκτεθεῖσα ἑτέρως ἐν Σιρμίῳν ῾Ρωμαϊστὶ, καὶ ἑρμηνευθεῖσα. Ἐπειδὴ περὶ πίστεως ἔδοξε τινὰ διάσκεψιν γεγενῆσθαι, πάντα ἀσφαλῶς ἐζητήθη καὶ διηρευνήθη ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ Οὐάλεντος, καὶ Οὐρσακίου, καὶ Γερμινίου, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν· συνέστηκεν, ἕνα 128 Θεὸν εἶναι Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, καθὼς ἐν πάσῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ καταγγέλλεται· καὶ ἕνα μονογενῆ αὐτοῦ οὐσία Υἱὸν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν Κύριον καὶ Θεὸν καὶ Σωτῆρα ἡμῶν, ἐξ αὐτοῦ πρὸ αἰώνων γεννηθέντα. Δύο δὲ Θεοὺς μὴ χρῆναι λέγειν, ἐπειδὴ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Κύριος εἴρηκεν, Πορεύομαι πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα μου καὶ Πατέρα ὑμῶν, καὶ Θεόν μου καὶ Θεον ὑμῶν. Διὰ τοῦτο καὶ πάντων Θεός ἐστι, καθὼς καὶ ὁ ᾿Απόστολος ἐδίδαξεν, Ἢ Ἰουδαίων ὁ Θεὸς μόνον, οὐχὶ δὲ καὶ ἐθνῶν; ναὶ, καὶ ἐθνῶν. Ἐπείπερ εἷς Θεὸς, ὃς δικαιώσει - περιτομὴν ἐκ πίστεως. Καὶ τὰ μὲν λοιπὰ πάντα συμφωνεί, ῾καὶ οὐδεμίαν ἀμφιβολίαν ἔχει. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλούς τινας κινεῖ περὶ τῆς λεγομένης Ῥωμαῖστὶ μὲν σουβετανίας 5, Ἑλληνιστὶ δὲ λεγομένης οὐσίας, τουτέστιν, ἵνα ἀκριβέστερον γνωσθῇ τὸ ὁμοούσιον, ἤτοι λεγόμενον ὁμοιούσιον, οὐ χρὴ τινα τούτων παντελῶς μνήμην γενέσθαι, οὐδὲ περὶ τούτων ἐξηγεῖσθαι τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ διὰ τοῦτον τὸν λογισμὸν, ὅτι ἐν ταῖς θείαις Γραφαῖς οὐ γέγραπται περὶ τούτων, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ὑπὲρ τὴν τῶν ἀνθρώπων γνῶσιν καὶ τὸν ἀνθρώπινον νοῦν ἐστιν· καὶ ὅτι οὐδεὶς δύναται τὴν γενεὰν τοῦ Υἱοῦ διηγήσασθαι, καθὼς γέγραπται, Τὴν δὲ γενεὰν αὐτοῦ τὶς διηγήσεται; μόνον γὰρ εἰδέναι τὸν Πατέρα φανερόν ἐστι, πῶς τὸν Υἱὸν ἐγέννησε· καὶ πάλιν τὸν Υἱὸν, πῶς αὐτὸς γεγέννηται ἀπὸ τοῦ Πατρός. Οὐδενὶ δὲ ἀμφίβο λόν ἐστι, μείζονα εἶναι τὸν Πατέρα τιμῇ καὶ ἀξίᾳ καὶ θεότητι, καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ ὀνόματι τῷ πατρικῷ μείζονα εἶναι διαμαρτυρομένου αὐτοῦ τοῦ Υἱοῦ, ῾Ὁ ἐμὲ πέμψας Πατήρ μείζων μου ἐστί. Καὶ τοῦτο δὲ καθολικὸν εἶναι Ο οὐδεὶς ἀγνοεῖ, δύο πρόσωπα εἶναι Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ· καὶ τὸν μὲν Πατέρα μείζονα, τὸν δὲ Υἱὸν ὑποτεταγμένον μετὰ πάντων ὧν αὐτῷ ὁ Πατὴρ ὑπέταξεν. Τὸν δὲ Πατέρα ἀρχὴν μὴ ἔχειν, καὶ ἀόρατον εἶναι, καὶ ἀθάνατον εἶναι, καὶ ἀπαθῆ εἶναι· τὸν δὲ Υἱὸν, γεγεννῆσθαι ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, φῶς ἐκ φωτός· καὶ τούτου τὴν γένεσιν, καθὼς προείρηται, μηδένα γινώσκειν, εἰ μὴ μόνον τὸν Πατέρα. Αὐτὸν δὲ τὸν Υἱὸν τὸν Κύριον καὶ Θεὸν ἡμῶν, σάρκα ἤτοι σῶμα, τουτέστιν ἄνθρωπον, εἰληφέναι ε, καθάπερ καὶ ὁ ἄγγελος εὐηγγελίσατο· καθὼς δὲ καὶ πᾶσαι αἱ Γραφαὶ διδάσκουσι, καὶ μάλιστα αὐτὸς ᾿Απόστολος, ὁ διδάσκαλος τῶν ἐθνῶν, ἄνθρωπον ἀνέλαβεν ὁ Χριστὸς ἀπὸ Μαρίας τῆς Παρθένου, δι' οὗ πέπονθεν. Τὸ δὲ κεφάλαιον πάσης τῆς πίστεως καὶ ἡ βεβαιότης ἐστὶν, ἕνα Τριὰς ἀεὶ φυλάττηται, καθὼς ἀνέγνωμεν ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ. Πορευθέντες μαθητεύσατε πάντα τὰ ἔθνη, βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρὸς, καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ, καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος. ᾿Ακέραιος δὲ καὶ τέλειός ἐστιν ὁ ἀριθμὸς τῆς Τριάδος. Ὁ δὲ Παράκλητος τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον δι' Υἱοῦ ἀποσταλὲν, ἦλθε κατὰ τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν, ἵνα τοὺς ἀποστόλους, καὶ πάντας τοὺς πιστεύοντας ἁγιάσῃ καὶ ἀναδείξῃ. Τούτοις τὸν Φωτεινὸν, καὶ μετὰ καθαίρεσιν συνθέσθαι καὶ συνυπογράψαι συμπείθειν ἐπειρῶντο, ἐπαγγειλάμενοι ἀποδώσειν αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, ἐὰν ἐκ μετανοίας ἀναθεματίσῃ μὲν τὸ παρευρεθὲν αὐτῷ δόγμα, συνθῆται δὲ τῇ αὐτῶν γνώμῃ. δὲ, τὴν μὲν πρότασιν οὐκ ἐδέξατο· προεκαλεῖτο δὲ αὐτοὺς εἰς διάλεξιν. Ὁρισθείσης δὲ ἡμέρας, γνώμῃ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως, συνῆλθον οἵ τε παρόντες ἐπίσκοποι καὶ τῶν συγκλητικῶν οὐκ ὀλίγοι, οὓς ἐκέλευσε παρεῖναι τῇ διαλέξει ὁ βασιλεύς. Ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἀντικατέστη τῷ Φωτεινῷ Βασίλειος ὁ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αγκύρᾳ τότε προεστὼς Ἐκκλησίας, ὀξυγράφων τε τὰς φωνὰς αὐτῶν γραφόντων. Μεγίστη δὲ μάχη μεταξὺ τῶν παρ' ἑκατέρου λόγων ἐγένετο. Ἐν οἷς ὁ Φωτεινὸς ἡττηθεὶς, κατεκρίθη. Ἐν φυγῇ τε διάγων τοῦ λοιποῦ, λόγον συνέγραψεν δ' ἀμφοτέραις γλώσσαις, ἐπεὶ μηδὲ τῆς Ῥωμαϊκῆς ἦν ἄμοιρος. Ἔγραφε δὲ κατὰ πασῶν αἱρέσεων, τὸ οἰκεῖον μόνον δόγμα παρατιθέμενος. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Φωτεινοῦ τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Ἰστέον μέντοι ὅτι οἱ ἐν Σιρμίῳ συνελθόντες ἐπίσκοποι, μετέγνωσαν ἐπὶ τῇ Ῥωμαϊκῇ τῆς πίστεως ἐκδόσει. Πολλὰ γὰρ μετὰ τὴν ἔκδοσιν ἐναντία ἔχειν αὐτοῖς κατεφαίνετο. Διὸ σπουδὴν ἐτίθεντο παρὰ τῶν ἐγγραψαμένων ἀναλαμβάνειν αὐτήν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ πολλοὶ ἀπέκρυπτον, ὁ βασιλεὺς διατάγμασιν ἐκέλευσε ζητεῖσθαι τὴν ἔκδοσιν, τιμωρίαν ἀπειλήσας εἴ τις φωραθείη κρύπτων αὐτήν. Ἀλλ᾿ οὐδ᾽ αἱ ἀπειλαὶ τὴν ἅπαξ ἐκδοθεῖσαν ἀφανίσαι δεδύνηνται, τῷ φθάσαι εἰς πλείονας ἐμπεσεῖν. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτου λελέχθω.
Hōsper gar kataginōskontes tōn palai hautois peri tēs pisteōs dedogmenōn, authis heteras peri tēs pisteōs enomothetoun ektheseis. Mian men hēn Markos ho ᾿AArethousios hypēgoreusen Helladi glōssę̄ allas de tę̄ Rhōmaiōn phōnę̄, symphōnon ouch echousas oute tēn lexin, oute tēn synthesin, oute pros heautas, oute mēn pros tēn Hellēnikēn, hēn ho ᾿lrethoua sios hypēgoreuse. Tēn men oun mian tōn Rhōmaïkōn ektheseōn, tę̄ hypo Markou syntetheisę̄ syzeuxas entautha hypotaxō. Tēn de deuteran, hēn hysteron en Sirmiǭ anegnōsan, tǭ oikeiǭ taxōmen topǭ, hote ta en genomena ektithemetha. Isteon de, ha hoti amphoterai eis Ellada metedlēthēsan glōttan. : "Esti de hē hypo Markou hypagoreutheisa tēs pisteōs 195 ekthesis hēde" Pisteuomen ą eis hena Theōn Patera pantokratora, ton ktistēn kai poiētēn tōn pantōn " ex hou pasa patria en ouranois epi gēs onoma: zetai. Kai eis ton monogenę̄ hautou Huion, ton Kyrion hēmōn Iēsoun Christon, ton pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn : ech tou Patros gennēthenta, Theon Theou, phōs phōtos, di᾽ hou egeneto ta panta, ta tois ouranois, kai ta epi tēs gēs, ta ta aorata. Logon onta sophian, kai phōs alēthinon, zōēn. Ton ep᾿ eschatōn tōn hēmerōn di᾽ hēmas enanthrōpēsanta, gennēthenta tēs hagias Parthenou, staurō^ thenta apothanonta taphenta, anastanta.' me, 15. nekrōn tę̄ tretę̄ hēmerą, analēphthenta eis ouranon, kathisanta dexiōn tou Patros, erchomenon epi synteleią tou aiōnos krinai zōntas kai nekrous, apēdounai hekastǭ kata ta erga autou" hou hē basileia akatapaustos ousa diamenei eis tous apeirous aiōnas" estai gar kathezomenos en dexią tou Patros, ou monon en tǭ aiōni toutǭ, alla kai en tǭ mellonti. Kai eis to Pneuma to hagion, toutesti ton 11araklēton" hoper epangeilamenos tois apostolois meta tēn eis ouranous anodon aposteilai didaxai hypomnēsai autous panta, epempsen. hou kai agiazontai hai tōn eilikrinōs eis auton pepisteukotōn Psychai. Tous de legontas ex ouch ontōn ton Huion, hē ex heteras hypostaseōs, mē tou Theou, hoti chronos ē aiōn hote ouk ēn, allotrious oiden hē hagia Katholikē Ekklēsia. Palin oun eroumen, ei tis ton Patera kai ton Huion dyo legei Theous, anathema estō. Kai ei tis legōn Theon ton Christon pro aiōnōn Huion tou Theou, hypourgēkota tǭ Patri eis tēn tōn holōn dēmeourgian mē homologoiē, anathema estō. Ei tis ton agennēton, ē meros autou, ech Marias legein gegennēsthai tolmą, anathema estō. Ei tis kata prognōsin ton ech Marias legoi huion einai, kai mē pro aiōnōn tou Patros gegennēmenon pros ton Theon einai, kai di᾽ autou gegenēsthai ta panta, anathema estō. tis tēn ousian tou Theou platynesthai, hē systellesthai phaschoi, anathema estō. Ei tis platynomenēn tēn ousian tou Theou ton Huion legoi poiein, hē ton platysmon tēs ousias autou Huion onomaxen, anathema estō. Eitis endiatheton prophorichōn logon legoi ton Huion tou Theou, anathema estō. Eitis anthrōpon monon legoi ton Huion ton Marias, anathema estō. Ei tis Theon kai anthrōpon ton ek Marias legōn, Theon ton agennēton auton anathema estō. Ei tis to, ᾿Egō Theos prōtos, kai egō metatauta, kai piēn emou ouch esti Theos, to ep᾽ anairesei eidōlōn tōn mē ontōn theōn eirēmenon, ep᾽ anairesei tou monogenous pro tōn aiōnōn Theou Ioudaïkōs echlamthanoi, anathema estō. Ei tis to, Augos sarx egeneto akouōn, ton Logon eis sarka metathdethlę̄sthai nomizoi, Ō tropēn hypomemenēchota aneilēphenai tēn anaϑema estō. E tis ton monogenē Huion tou Theou estaurōmenon akouōn, phthoran ē pathos, 3) tropēn, ē meiōsin, ē anairesin hypomemenēchenli legoi, anathema estō, Ei tis to, Poiēsōmen anthrōpon, mē ton Patera pros ton Huion legein, alla auton pros heauton legoi ton Theon eirēkenai, anathema estō. Ei tis mē ton Huiōn legoi tǭ heōrasthai, alla ton agennēton theon hē meros autou, anathema estō. Eitis tǭ 4: 65? 12. Ho 1, 14. 4 Iachōs mē ton Huion hōs anthrōpon pepalaichenai, alla ton agennēton Theon, ē meros autou legoi, thema estō. Ei tis to, "Eurexe Kyrios para Kymē epi tou Patros kai tou Huiou echlamthanoi, all᾽ auton par᾽ heautou legoi bedrechenai, anathema estō. "Ethrexe gar Kyrios ho Huios, para Kyriou tou Patros. Ei tis akouōn Kyrion ton Patera, kai ton Huion Kyrion, kai Kyrion ton Patera kai ton Huion eipoi, kai Kyrios ech Kyriou legōn, dyo legoi Theous, anathema estō. gar syntassomen ton Huion tǭ Patri, all' hypotetagmenon tǭ Ēatri. gar katēlthen eis sōma taaneu boulēs tou oude errexen aph᾽ heautou, alla para Kyriou authentountos, dēladē tou Patros. Oute chathētai dexiōn aph᾽ heautou, all᾽ akouei tou Patros legontos" Kathou ek boaoi ē ha dexiōn mou, anathema estō. Eitis ton Patera kai ton to hagion Pneuma hen prosōpon legoi, anathema estō. Ei tis to Pneuma to hagion Parachlēton legōn, ton agennēton legoi Theon, anathema hestō. Eitis hōs edidaxen hēmas, mē allon legei to Parachlēton para ton Huion eirēke gar,"A.1.1ogn' pempsei hymin ho Patēr, hon egō erōtēsō, anathema estō. Ei tis to Pneuma meros legoi tou Patros kai tou Huiou, anathema hestō. Ei tis ton Patera ton Huion kai to hagion Pneuma treis legoi Theous, anathema estō. Eitis boulēsei tou Theou, hōs hen tōn chtismatōn gegonenai legoi ton HuIon tou Theou, anathema estō. Ei tis mē thelēsantos tou Patros gegennēsthai ton Huion legoi, anathema estō. Ou gar biastheis ho Patēr hypo anankēs physichę̄s, authis hōs ouch Ēthegen egennēse ton Huion all᾽ hama te edoulēthē, achronōs kai apathōs ex heautou auton gennēsas apedeixen, anathema estō. Ei tis agennēton kai anarlegoi ton Huion, hōs dyo anarcha dyo agennēta legōn, kai dyo poiōn theous, anathema estō. Kephalē 127 gar esti kai archē pantōn ho Huios; kephalē de esti tou Christou ho Theos. Houtō gar eis mian anarchon tōn holōn archēn di' Huiou eusebōs ta panta anagomen. Kai palin oun diakribountes tou Christianismou tēn ennoian, legomen hoti ei tis Christon Iēsoun Huion tou Theou pro aiōnōn onta, hypourgēkota tǭ Patri eis tēn tōn holōn dēmiourgian mē legoi, all' ex hou egennēthē ek Marias, ektote kai Huion kai Christon keklēsthai, kai archēn eilēphenai tou Theos einai, anathema estō hōs ho Samosateus, Pistis ektetheisa heterōs en Sirmiǭn ῾Rōmaïsti, kai hermēneutheisa. Epeidē peri pisteōs edoxe tina diaskepsin gegenēsthai, panta asphalōs ezētēthē kai diēreunēthē en tǭ Sirmiǭ epi parousią Oualentos, kai Oursakiou, kai Germiniou, kai tōn loipōn; synestēken, hena 128 Theon einai Patera pantokratora, kathōs en pasę̄ tę̄ oikoumenę̄ katangelletai; kai hena monogenē autou ousia Huion Iēsoun Christon, ton Kyrion kai Theon kai Sōtēra hēmōn, ex autou pro aiōnōn gennēthenta. Dyo de Theous mē chrēnai legein, epeidē kai autos ho Kyrios eirēken, Poreuomai pros ton Patera mou kai Patera hymōn, kai Theon mou kai Theon hymōn. Dia touto kai pantōn Theos esti, kathōs kai ho ᾿Apostolos edidaxen, Ē Ioudaiōn ho Theos monon, ouchi de kai ethnōn? nai, kai ethnōn. Epeiper heis Theos, hos dikaiōsei - peritomēn ek pisteōs. Kai ta men loipa panta symphōnei, ῾kai oudemian amphibolian echei. Epei de pollous tinas kinei peri tēs legomenēs Rhōmaisti men soubetanias 5, Hellēnisti de legomenēs ousias, toutestin, hina akribesteron gnōsthę̄ to homoousion, ētoi legomenon homoiousion, ou chrē tina toutōn pantelōs mnēmēn genesthai, oude peri toutōn exēgeisthai tę̄ Ekklēsią, dia tautēn tēn aitian kai dia touton ton logismon, hoti en tais theiais Graphais ou gegraptai peri toutōn, kai hoti tauta hyper tēn tōn anthrōpōn gnōsin kai ton anthrōpinon noun estin; kai hoti oudeis dynatai tēn genean tou Huiou diēgēsasthai, kathōs gegraptai, Tēn de genean autou tis diēgēsetai? monon gar eidenai ton Patera phaneron esti, pōs ton Huion egennēse; kai palin ton Huion, pōs autos gegennētai apo tou Patros. Oudeni de amphibo lon esti, meizona einai ton Patera timę̄ kai axią kai theotēti, kai autǭ tǭ onomati tǭ patrikǭ meizona einai diamartyromenou autou tou Huiou, ῾Ho eme pempsas Patēr meizōn mou esti. Kai touto de katholikon einai O oudeis agnoei, dyo prosōpa einai Patros kai Huiou; kai ton men Patera meizona, ton de Huion hypotetagmenon meta pantōn hōn autǭ ho Patēr hypetaxen. Ton de Patera archēn mē echein, kai aoraton einai, kai athanaton einai, kai apathē einai; ton de Huion, gegennēsthai ek tou Patros, Theon ek Theou, phōs ek phōtos; kai toutou tēn genesin, kathōs proeirētai, mēdena ginōskein, ei mē monon ton Patera. Auton de ton Huion ton Kyrion kai Theon hēmōn, sarka ētoi sōma, toutestin anthrōpon, eilēphenai e, kathaper kai ho angelos euēngelisato; kathōs de kai pasai hai Graphai didaskousi, kai malista autos ᾿Apostolos, ho didaskalos tōn ethnōn, anthrōpon anelaben ho Christos apo Marias tēs Parthenou, di' hou peponthen. To de kephalaion pasēs tēs pisteōs kai hē bebaiotēs estin, hena Trias aei phylattētai, kathōs anegnōmen en tǭ Euangeliǭ. Poreuthentes mathēteusate panta ta ethnē, baptizontes autous eis to onoma tou Patros, kai tou Huiou, kai tou hagiou Pneumatos. ᾿Akeraios de kai teleios estin ho arithmos tēs Triados. Ho de Paraklētos to Pneuma to hagion di' Huiou apostalen, ēlthe kata tēn epangelian, hina tous apostolous, kai pantas tous pisteuontas hagiasę̄ kai anadeixę̄. Toutois ton Phōteinon, kai meta kathairesin synthesthai kai synypograpsai sympeithein epeirōnto, epangeilamenoi apodōsein autǭ tēn episkopēn, ean ek metanoias anathematisę̄ men to pareurethen autǭ dogma, synthētai de tę̄ autōn gnōmę̄. de, tēn men protasin ouk edexato; proekaleito de autous eis dialexin. Horistheisēs de hēmeras, gnōmę̄ kai tou basileōs, synēlthon hoi te parontes episkopoi kai tōn synklētikōn ouk oligoi, hous ekeleuse pareinai tę̄ dialexei ho basileus. Eph᾽ hōn antikatestē tǭ Phōteinǭ Basileios ho tēs en ᾿Ankyrą tote proestōs Ekklēsias, oxygraphōn te tas phōnas autōn graphontōn. Megistē de machē metaxy tōn par' hekaterou logōn egeneto. En hois ho Phōteinos hēttētheis, katekrithē. En phygę̄ te diagōn tou loipou, logon synegrapsen d' amphoterais glōssais, epei mēde tēs Rhōmaïkēs ēn amoiros. Egraphe de kata pasōn haireseōn, to oikeion monon dogma paratithemenos. Peri men oun Phōteinou tosauta eirēsthō. Isteon mentoi hoti hoi en Sirmiǭ synelthontes episkopoi, metegnōsan epi tę̄ Rhōmaïkę̄ tēs pisteōs ekdosei. Polla gar meta tēn ekdosin enantia echein autois katephaineto. Dio spoudēn etithento para tōn engrapsamenōn analambanein autēn. Epeidē de polloi apekrypton, ho basileus diatagmasin ekeleuse zēteisthai tēn ekdosin, timōrian apeilēsas ei tis phōratheiē kryptōn autēn. All᾿ oud᾽ hai apeilai tēn hapax ekdotheisan aphanisai dedynēntai, tǭ phthasai eis pleionas empesein. Tosauta men peri toutou lelechthō.
For as though condemning what they had previously decided about the faith, they again laid down other statements of faith: one which Mark of Arethusa dictated in Greek, and others in Latin, agreeing neither in wording nor in arrangement, either among themselves or with the Greek one that Mark of Arethusa dictated. One of the Latin statements I will set down here, joined with that composed by Mark; the second, which they later read at Sirmium, we shall place in its proper place, when we set out what happened at Ariminum. It should be known that both were translated into Greek. The statement of faith dictated by Mark is this:
“We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, the creator and maker of all things, from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named; and in his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, begotten from the Father before all ages, God from God, light from light, through whom all things came to be, things in the heavens and things on earth, visible and invisible; who is Word and wisdom and true light and life; who in the last days for our sake became man and was born of the holy Virgin, was crucified, died, was buried, rose from the dead on the third day, was taken up into heaven, sat down at the right hand of the Father, and is coming at the consummation of the age to judge the living and the dead and to render to each according to his works; whose kingdom, being unceasing, remains for the boundless ages; for he will be seated at the right hand of the Father not only in this age but also in that to come. And in the Holy Spirit, that is, the Paraclete, whom, having promised to the apostles after his ascent into the heavens to send him to teach and remind them of all things, he sent; through whom also the souls of those who have sincerely believed in him are sanctified. But those who say that the Son is from things that are not, or from another hypostasis and not from God, or that there was a time or an age when he was not, the holy catholic church knows as aliens.
We say again, then: if anyone says that the Father and the Son are two Gods, let him be anathema. If anyone, while calling Christ God, Son of God before the ages, does not confess that he served the Father in the creation of the universe, let him be anathema. If anyone dares to say that the unbegotten, or part of him, was born of Mary, let him be anathema. If anyone says that he who was born of Mary is Son by foreknowledge, and not that he was begotten of the Father before the ages and was with God, and that all things came to be through him, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the essence of God expands or contracts, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the essence of God, expanding, makes the Son, or calls the expansion of his essence the Son, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Son of God is the indwelling or uttered word, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Son of Mary is only a man, let him be anathema. If anyone, calling him who was born of Mary God and man, means the unbegotten God himself, let him be anathema. If anyone takes ‘I am the first God and I am after these, and besides me there is no God’, which was said to do away with idols, gods that are not, in the Jewish manner to do away with the Only-begotten, God before the ages, let him be anathema. If anyone, hearing ‘The Word became flesh’, thinks that the Word was changed into flesh, or says that he underwent change in taking the flesh, let him be anathema. If anyone, hearing that the only-begotten Son of God was crucified, says that his divinity underwent corruption or suffering or change or diminution or destruction, let him be anathema. If anyone says that ‘Let us make man’ was said not by the Father to the Son, but by God to himself, let him be anathema. If anyone says that it was not the Son who was seen by Abraham, but the unbegotten God or part of him, let him be anathema. If anyone says that it was not the Son, as a man, who wrestled with Jacob, but the unbegotten God or part of him, let him be anathema. If anyone does not take ‘The Lord rained from the Lord’ of the Father and the Son, but says that he rained from himself, let him be anathema; for the Lord the Son rained from the Lord the Father. If anyone, hearing that the Father is Lord and the Son is Lord, and calling the Father and the Son Lord, and saying ‘Lord from Lord’, says there are two Gods, let him be anathema. For we do not rank the Son with the Father, but as subject to the Father. For he did not come down to Sodom without the Father’s will, nor did he rain from himself, but from the Lord who has authority, that is, the Father; nor does he sit at the right hand of himself, but he hears the Father saying, ‘Sit at my right hand.’ If anyone says that the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit are one person, let him be anathema. If anyone, calling the Holy Spirit the Paraclete, means the unbegotten God, let him be anathema. If anyone does not say, as the Lord taught us, that the Paraclete is other than the Son, for he said, ‘The Father will send you another Paraclete, whom I will ask’, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Spirit is part of the Father and of the Son, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit are three Gods, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Son of God came into being by the will of God like one of the creatures, let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Son was begotten without the Father willing it, let him be anathema. For the Father, not compelled by natural necessity, did not beget the Son as if unwilling; but as soon as he willed, he begot him from himself timelessly and impassibly and brought him forth; let him be anathema. If anyone says that the Son is unbegotten and without beginning, as speaking of two without beginning and two unbegotten and making two Gods, let him be anathema. For the Son is the head and beginning of all things, and the head of Christ is God. For so we piously refer all things through the Son to the one beginning of the universe, which is without beginning. And again, defining the meaning of Christianity more exactly, we say that if anyone does not say that Christ Jesus, Son of God before the ages, served the Father in the creation of the universe, but that only from the time he was born of Mary was he called Son and Christ and received the beginning of being God, let him be anathema, as the Samosatene.”
The faith set out otherwise at Sirmium in Latin and translated: “Since there seemed to be some discussion about the faith, everything was carefully examined and investigated at Sirmium in the presence of Valens, Ursacius, Germinius, and the rest. It is agreed that there is one God, the Father Almighty, as is proclaimed in all the world; and his one only-begotten Son Jesus Christ, our Lord, God, and Saviour, begotten from him before the ages. But one must not speak of two Gods, since the Lord himself said, ‘I go to my Father and your Father, and to my God and your God.’ For this reason he is God of all, as the apostle also taught: ‘Or is he the God of the Jews only? Is he not also of the Gentiles? Yes, of the Gentiles also, since God is one, who will justify the circumcision by faith.’ All the rest agrees and has no ambiguity. But since some or many are troubled about what is called in Latin substantia and in Greek ousia, that is, so that it may be understood more exactly, the homoousion, or what is called the homoiousion, there ought to be no mention of these at all, nor should the church expound them, for this cause and this reason: that they are not written of in the divine Scriptures, and that these things are beyond human knowledge and the human mind; and that no one can declare the generation of the Son, as it is written, ‘Who will declare his generation?’ For it is clear that only the Father knows how he begot the Son, and again the Son how he was begotten from the Father. No one doubts that the Father is greater in honour, dignity, and divinity, and in the very name of Father, the Son himself bearing witness, ‘The Father who sent me is greater than I.’ And no one is unaware that this is catholic: that there are two persons of Father and Son, and that the Father is greater, while the Son is subject together with all the things that the Father has subjected to him; that the Father has no beginning and is invisible, immortal, and impassible; and that the Son was begotten from the Father, God from God, light from light, and that no one knows his generation, as was said before, except the Father alone. And that the Son himself, our Lord and God, took flesh or a body, that is, a man, as the angel announced; and as all the Scriptures teach, and especially the apostle himself, the teacher of the Gentiles, Christ took a man from the Virgin Mary, through whom he suffered. The sum and the security of the whole faith is that the Trinity always be kept, as we have read in the Gospel: ‘Go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them into the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit.’ The number of the Trinity is entire and perfect. The Paraclete, the Holy Spirit, sent through the Son, came according to the promise, to sanctify and make manifest the apostles and all who believe.”
They tried to persuade Photinus, even after his deposition, to agree to these and sign them, promising to give him back his bishopric if he would repent, anathematize the doctrine he had devised, and agree to their opinion. He did not accept the proposal, but challenged them to a debate. A day was fixed, with the emperor’s consent, and the bishops present and not a few senators, whom the emperor ordered to attend the debate, came together. Before them Basil, then presiding over the church at Ancyra, was set against Photinus, while shorthand writers took down their words. There was a very great battle between the arguments on each side, in which Photinus was defeated and condemned. Living in exile thereafter, he wrote a treatise in both languages, for he was not unacquainted with Latin either. He wrote against all heresies, setting out only his own doctrine. Let this much be said about Photinus. It should be known, however, that the bishops who met at Sirmium repented of the Latin edition of the faith; for after its publication it appeared to them to contain many contradictions. So they took pains to recover it from those who had copied it. But since many hid it, the emperor ordered by edicts that the edition be searched for, threatening punishment if anyone were found hiding it. But not even the threats could destroy what had once been published, because it had already fallen into many hands. Let this much be said about this.
2.31PG 67:291
Ἐπειδὴ δὲ περὶ Ὁσίου τοῦ Ἱσπανοῦ μνήμην ὡς ἀκουσίως παρόντος πεποιήμεθα, βραχέα καὶ περὶ τούτου λεκτέον. Μικρὸν γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν οὗτος ἐκ συν σκευῆς τῶν ἀρειανιζόντων εἰς ἐξορίαν ἀπέσταλτο. Τότε δὲ σπουδῇ τῶν ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ συνελθόντων ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν μετεπέμψατο, βουλόμενος ἢ πειθοῖ, ἢ ἀνάγκῃ τοῖς παροῦσιν ὁμοφωνῆσαι. Τούτου γὰρ γενο μένου, μέγιστον ἐδόκει μαρτύριον ὑπάρχειν τῆς ἐκείνων πίστεως. Διαταῦτα οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἐξ ἀνάγκης ἄκων παρῆν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτὸς παρῃτεῖτο συντίθεσθαι. πληγάς τε καὶ στρεβλώσεις τῷ πρεσβύτῃ προσέφερον. Διὸ καὶ ἐξ ἀνάγκης, ταῖς τότε δοθείσαις ὑπαγορεύσεσι καὶ συνέθετο καὶ ὑπέγραψε ς. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν Σιρμίῳ τότε γενόμενα τοιοῦτον ἔχει τὸ τέλος. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος παρεῖλκεν ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ, περιμένων τοῦ πρὸς Μαγνέντιον πολέμου τὴν ἔκβασιν.
Epeidē de peri Hosiou tou Hispanou mnēmēn hōs akousiōs parontos pepoiēmetha, brachea kai peri toutou lekteon. Mikron gar emprosthen houtos ek syn skeuēs tōn areianizontōn eis exorian apestalto. Tote de spoudę̄ tōn en tǭ Sirmiǭ synelthontōn ho basileus auton metepempsato, boulomenos ē peithoi, ē anankę̄ tois parousin homophōnēsai. Toutou gar geno menou, megiston edokei martyrion hyparchein tēs ekeinōn pisteōs. Diatauta oun, hōs ephēn, ex anankēs akōn parēn. Epei de autos parę̄teito syntithesthai. plēgas te kai streblōseis tǭ presbytę̄ prosepheron. Dio kai ex anankēs, tais tote dotheisais hypagoreusesi kai synetheto kai hypegrapse s. Kai ta men en Sirmiǭ tote genomena toiouton echei to telos. Ho mentoi basileus Kōnstantios pareilken en tǭ Sirmiǭ, perimenōn tou pros Magnention polemou tēn ekbasin.
Since we have mentioned Hosius the Spaniard as present against his will, a little must be said about him too. A short time before he had been sent into exile through a plot of the Arians. At this time, at the urging of those who met at Sirmium, the emperor sent for him, wishing him by persuasion or compulsion to agree with those present; for if this happened, it seemed to be the greatest testimony to their faith. For this reason, as I said, he was present under compulsion and against his will. When he refused to agree, they inflicted blows and tortures on the old man. So under compulsion he agreed to the statements then put forward and signed them. Such was the end of what took place at Sirmium at that time. The emperor Constantius stayed at Sirmium, waiting for the outcome of the war against Magnentius.
2.32PG 67:293–295
Μαγνέντιος μὲν οὖν τὴν βασιλεύουσαν Ῥώμην καταλαβών, πολλοὺς μὲν τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς ἀνῄρει, πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ τοῦ δήμου ἀπώλλυεν. Ὡς δὲ οἱ στρατηγοί Κωνσταντίου τὴν Ῥωμαϊκὴν δύναμιν συγκροτήσαντες ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐχώρουν, ἀναχωρήσας τῆς Ῥώμης, τὰς Γαλλίας κατέλαβεν. Ἔνθα συμβολαὶ συνεχεῖς ἐγίνοντο· καὶ ποτὲ μὲν τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ποτὲ δὲ θάτερον ἐκράτει. Τέλος δὲ περὶ Μούρσαν, φρούριον δὲ τοῦτο τῶν Γαλλιῶν 4, ὁ Μαγνέντιος ἡττηθεὶς • συνεκλείσθη. Ἐν ᾧ φρουρίῳ λέγεται τοιόνδε θαῦμα συμβῆναι· Ὁ Μαγνέντιος ὑπὸ τῆς ἥττης καταπεπτω κότας τους ἑαυτοῦ στρατιώτας ἀναῤῥῶσαι σπουδάζων, ὑψηλοῦ βήματος ἐπέβη. Οἱ δὲ, τὴν συνήθη τοῖς βασιλεῦσιν εὐφημίαν ἐπιβοῆσαι βουλόμενοι, παρὰ γνώμην ἐπὶ τὸν Κωνστάντιον ταύτην μεταφέρουσιν. Οὐ γὰρ Μαγνέντιον, ἀλλὰ Κωνστάντιον Αὔγουστον κοινῇ πάντες ἐβόησαν. Τοῦτο σύμβολον καθ' ἑαυτοῦ ὁ Μαγνέντιος ἡγησάμενος, ἐκ τοῦ φρουρίου εὐθὺς ἀπανἐσταται ῾, φυγῇ ἐπὶ τὰ περαιτέρω τῆς Γαλλίας χωρῶν. Ἐπέκειντο δὲ οἱ τοῦ Κωνσταντίου στρατηγοί διώκοντες, αὖθίς τε γίνεται συμβολὴ περὶ τόπον, ᾧ ὄνομα Μιλτοσέλευκος· ἐν ᾧ κατακράτος ἡττηθεὶς ὁ Μαγνέντιος, φεύγει μόνος εἰς Λουγδοῦνον πόλεν τῆς Γαλλίας, εἰς ἦν ἀπὸ Μούρσων ἐστὶ τοῦ φρουρίου, τριῶν ἡμερῶν ὁδός. Ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ Λουγδούνῳ γενόμενος ὁ. Μαγνέντιος, ἀναιρεῖ μὲν τὴν ἑαυτοῦ μητέρα· ἀνελὼν δὲ καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν, ὃν Καίσαρα ἑαυτῷ πεποιήκει, τέλος ἐπικατέσφαξεν ἑαυτόν. Τοῦτο ; ἐπράχθη ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Κωνσταντίου τὸ ἕκτον, καὶ Κωνσταντίου τοῦ Γάλλου τὸ δεύτερον, περὶ τὴν πεντεκαιδεκάτην τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνός. Οὐκ εἰς μακράν δὲ, καὶ ὁ ἕτερος τοῦ Μαγνεντίου ἀδελφὸς, Δεκένιος ὄνομα αὐτῷ, τοῦ βίου ἐξήγαγεν ἑαυτὸν, ἀγχόνῃ χρησάμενος. Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ Μαγνέντιον, τέλος τοιοῦτο ἐδέξατο. Τὰ δὲ δημόσια τελέως οὐχ ἡσύχαζεν. Μεταταῦτα γὰρ εὐθὺς ἕτερος ἐπανέστη τύραννος, ᾧ ὄνομα Σιλουανός Καὶ τοῦτον δὲ οἱ Κωνσταντίου στρατηγοὶ περὶ τὴν Γαλλίαν ταράττοντα τάχεως καθεῖλον.
Magnentios men oun tēn basileuousan Rhōmēn katalabōn, pollous men tēs synklētou boulēs anę̄rei, pollous de kai tou dēmou apōllyen. Hōs de hoi stratēgoi Kōnstantiou tēn Rhōmaïkēn dynamin synkrotēsantes ep᾿ auton echōroun, anachōrēsas tēs Rhōmēs, tas Gallias katelaben. Entha symbolai synecheis eginonto; kai pote men touto to meros, pote de thateron ekratei. Telos de peri Moursan, phrourion de touto tōn Galliōn 4, ho Magnentios hēttētheis • synekleisthē. En hǭ phrouriǭ legetai toionde thauma symbēnai; Ho Magnentios hypo tēs hēttēs katapeptō kotas tous heautou stratiōtas anarrhōsai spoudazōn, hypsēlou bēmatos epebē. Hoi de, tēn synēthē tois basileusin euphēmian epiboēsai boulomenoi, para gnōmēn epi ton Kōnstantion tautēn metapherousin. Ou gar Magnention, alla Kōnstantion Augouston koinę̄ pantes eboēsan. Touto symbolon kath' heautou ho Magnentios hēgēsamenos, ek tou phrouriou euthys apanestatai ῾, phygę̄ epi ta peraiterō tēs Gallias chōrōn. Epekeinto de hoi tou Kōnstantiou stratēgoi diōkontes, authis te ginetai symbolē peri topon, hǭ onoma Miltoseleukos; en hǭ katakratos hēttētheis ho Magnentios, pheugei monos eis Lougdounon polen tēs Gallias, eis ēn apo Moursōn esti tou phrouriou, triōn hēmerōn hodos. En tautę̄ tę̄ Lougdounǭ genomenos ho. Magnentios, anairei men tēn heautou mētera; anelōn de kai ton adelphon, hon Kaisara heautǭ pepoiēkei, telos epikatesphaxen heauton. Touto ? eprachthē en hypateią Kōnstantiou to hekton, kai Kōnstantiou tou Gallou to deuteron, peri tēn pentekaidekatēn tou Augoustou mēnos. Ouk eis makran de, kai ho heteros tou Magnentiou adelphos, Dekenios onoma autǭ, tou biou exēgagen heauton, anchonę̄ chrēsamenos. Ta men oun kata Magnention, telos toiouto edexato. Ta de dēmosia teleōs ouch hēsychazen. Metatauta gar euthys heteros epanestē tyrannos, hǭ onoma Silouanos Kai touton de hoi Kōnstantiou stratēgoi peri tēn Gallian tarattonta tacheōs katheilon.
Magnentius, having seized imperial Rome, put many of the senate to death and destroyed many of the people too. But when Constantius’s generals assembled the Roman forces and advanced against him, he withdrew from Rome and occupied the Gauls. There continual engagements took place, now one side prevailing, now the other. Finally Magnentius was defeated near Mursa, a fortress of the Gauls, and shut up there. In this fortress a wonder of this kind is said to have happened. Magnentius, eager to raise the spirits of his soldiers, who were dejected by their defeat, mounted a high platform. They, wishing to shout the acclamation customary for emperors, turned it against their will to Constantius; for they all cried together, not Magnentius, but Constantius Augustus. Magnentius, taking this as an omen against himself, at once left the fortress and fled to the farther parts of Gaul. Constantius’s generals pressed on in pursuit, and another engagement took place near a place called Mons Seleucus, where Magnentius was utterly defeated and fled alone to Lyons, a city of Gaul three days’ journey from the fortress of Mursa. Arriving at Lyons, Magnentius killed his own mother, and having killed also his brother, whom he had made Caesar, finally slew himself. This was done in the consulship of Constantius for the sixth time and Constantius Gallus for the second, about the fifteenth of August. Not long afterwards Magnentius’s other brother, named Decentius, ended his life by hanging. Such was the end of Magnentius’s affair. But public affairs were not entirely at peace; for immediately afterwards another tyrant rose up, named Silvanus; and Constantius’s generals quickly put him down too, as he was making trouble in Gaul.
2.33PG 67:295
Ἐπισυνήχθη δὲ τοῖς γινομένοις καὶ περὶ τὴν ἀνατολὴν ἕτερος ἐγχώριος πόλεμος. Οἱ γὰρ ἐν Διοκαισα ρείᾳ τῆς Παλαιστίνης Ἰουδαῖοι κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα ἀντῆραν, καὶ περὶ τοὺς τόπους ἐκείνους κατέτρεχον. ᾿Αλλὰ τούτους μὲν Γάλλος ὁ καὶ Κωνστάντιος, ὃν Καίσαρα καταστήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν ἐψαν ἐξαπέστειλεν, δύναμιν ἀποστείλας κατηγωνίσατοι· καὶ τὴν πόλιν αὐτῶν Διοκαισάρειαν εἰς ἔδαφος κατενεχθῆναι ἐκέλευσεν.
Episynēchthē de tois ginomenois kai peri tēn anatolēn heteros enchōrios polemos. Hoi gar en Diokaisa reią tēs Palaistinēs Ioudaioi kata Rhōmaiōn hopla antēran, kai peri tous topous ekeinous katetrechon. ᾿Alla toutous men Gallos ho kai Kōnstantios, hon Kaisara katastēsas ho basileus eis tēn epsan exapesteilen, dynamin aposteilas katēgōnisatoi; kai tēn polin autōn Diokaisareian eis edaphos katenechthēnai ekeleusen.
Another local war in the East was added to these events. The Jews of Diocaesarea in Palestine took up arms against the Romans and overran the regions round about. But Gallus, also called Constantius, whom the emperor had made Caesar and sent to the East, sent a force and defeated them, and ordered their city of Diocaesarea to be razed to the ground.
2.34PG 67:295–297
Ταῦτα πράξας ὁ Γάλλος, τὴν εὐτυχίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκεν. ᾿Αλλ' εὐθὺς νεωτερίζειν κατὰ τοῦ προχειρισαμένου αὐτὸν ἐπεχείρησεν, τυραννεῖν τε καὶ αὐτὸς ἐβούλετο. Ὥστε οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ὁ σκοπὸς αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ Κωνσταν τίου κατάφωρος ἐγένετο. Δομετιανὸν γὰρ τὸν τότε ἔπαρχον τῆς ἑῴας, καὶ Μάγνον κυαίστωρα αὐθεν τήσας ἀνεῖλε, μηνύσαντας τῷ βασιλεῖ τὸν σκοπὸν αὐτοῦ. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κινηθεὶς ὁ Κωνστάντιος, μετάπεμπτον ἐκάλει τὸν Γάλλον πρὸς ἑαυτόν. Ὁ δὲ, περίφοβος γενόμενος, ἄκων ἐπορεύετο. Καταλαβόντα δὲ αὐτὸν τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη, καὶ περὶ Φλάνωνα τὴν νῆσον ἐ γενόμενον, ὁ Κωνστάντιος ἀναιρεθῆναι ἐκέλευσεν 1. Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ Ἰουλιανὸν τοῦ Γάλλου ἀδελφὸν Καί– σαρα καταστήσας κ, ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν Γαλλίᾳ βαρβάρους ἀπέστειλεν. Γάλλος μὲν οὖν, ὁ καὶ Κωνστάντιος, ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίου ὑπατείᾳ ἐ ἐν ῃρέθη, καθ᾿ ἣν καὶ αὐτὸς ὕπατος ἦν τὸ τρίτον. Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ τῇ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ ᾿Αρβιτίωνος καὶ Λολλιανοῦ, κατέστη Καῖσαρ, τῇ ἔκτῃ τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνός. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Ἰουλιανοῦ, ἐν τῷ μετὰ τοῦτο βιβλίῳ ποιησόμεθα μνήμην. Κωνστάντιος δὲ ἐκ τῶν ἐν ποσὶ κακῶν ἡσυχάσας, ἐπὶ τὸν ἐκκλησιαστικὸν αὖθις πόλεμον τὴν οἰκείαν ἔτρεπε γνώμην. Ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ Σιρμίου ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλεύουσαν πόλιν Ῥώμην ἀπιὼν, σύνοδον ἐπισκόπων αὖθις ἐχήῤνυξεν, τινας τῶν ἀνατολικῶν , ἐπισκόπων ἐπὶ τὴν Γαλλίαν σπεύδειν ἐκέλευσεν" ἐν ταυτῷ δὲ ἱέναι τοὺς τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν παρεσκεύαζεν. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ τούτων ἐπὶ τὴν Ἶταλίαν παρασκευαζομένων πορεύεσθαι, τάδε ἐπισυνέβη γενέσθαι" Ἰούλιος μὲν ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσχοπο; λεύτησε πέντε πρὸς τοῖς δέκα ἐνιαυτοὺς τῆς ἐν αὐτῇ προστάς " Λιβέριος δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν διαδέχεται.
Tauta praxas ho Gallos, tēn eutychian ouk ēnenken. ᾿All' euthys neōterizein kata tou procheirisamenou auton epecheirēsen, tyrannein te kai autos ebouleto. Hōste ouk eis makran ho skopos autou hypo Kōnstan tiou kataphōros egeneto. Dometianon gar ton tote eparchon tēs heǭas, kai Magnon kyaistōra authen tēsas aneile, mēnysantas tǭ basilei ton skopon autou. Eph᾽ hǭ kinētheis ho Kōnstantios, metapempton ekalei ton Gallon pros heauton. Ho de, periphobos genomenos, akōn eporeueto. Katalabonta de auton ta hesperia merē, kai peri Phlanōna tēn nēson e genomenon, ho Kōnstantios anairethēnai ekeleusen 1. Met' ou poly de Ioulianon tou Gallou adelphon Kai– sara katastēsas k, epi tous en Gallią barbarous apesteilen. Gallos men oun, ho kai Kōnstantios, en tę̄ hebdomę̄ tou basileōs Kōnstantiou hypateią e en ę̄rethē, kath᾿ hēn kai autos hypatos ēn to triton. Ioulianos de tę̄ hexēs hypateią ᾿Arbitiōnos kai Lollianou, katestē Kaisar, tę̄ ektę̄ tou Noembriou mēnos. Peri men oun Ioulianou, en tǭ meta touto bibliǭ poiēsometha mnēmēn. Kōnstantios de ek tōn en posi kakōn hēsychasas, epi ton ekklēsiastikon authis polemon tēn oikeian etrepe gnōmēn. Ek gar tou Sirmiou epi tēn basileuousan polin Rhōmēn apiōn, synodon episkopōn authis echērnyxen, tinas tōn anatolikōn , episkopōn epi tēn Gallian speudein ekeleusen" en tautǭ de hienai tous tōn hesperiōn merōn pareskeuazen. En tosoutǭ de toutōn epi tēn Italian paraskeuazomenōn poreuesthai, tade episynebē genesthai" Ioulios men ho tēs Rhōmēs epischopo? leutēse pente pros tois deka eniautous tēs en autę̄ prostas " Liberios de autou tēn episkopēn diadechetai.
Having done this, Gallus could not bear his good fortune, but at once attempted to revolt against him who had promoted him, and wished to be a tyrant himself. So his purpose was soon detected by Constantius. For he took it upon himself to kill Domitian, then prefect of the East, and Magnus the quaestor, who had informed the emperor of his purpose. Moved by this, Constantius summoned Gallus to himself. He, greatly afraid, went unwillingly. When he reached the western parts and came to the island of Flanona, Constantius ordered him to be killed. Not long afterwards he made Julian, Gallus’s brother, Caesar and sent him against the barbarians in Gaul. Gallus, also called Constantius, was killed in the seventh consulship of the emperor Constantius, in which he himself was consul for the third time. Julian was made Caesar in the following consulship, of Arbetio and Lollianus, on the sixth of November. Of Julian we shall make mention in the next book. Constantius, freed from the evils at hand, turned his mind again to the ecclesiastical war. Going from Sirmium to imperial Rome, he again proclaimed a synod of bishops, ordered some of the eastern bishops to hasten to Gaul, and arranged for those of the western parts to come at the same time. While they were preparing to go to Italy, this happened: Julius, bishop of Rome, died, having presided there fifteen years, and Liberius succeeded to his bishopric.
2.35PG 67:297–299
Ἔν δὲ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τῆς Συρίας ἕτερος ἐπεφύη ρεσιάρχης ᾿Αέτιος 5, ὁ ἐπικληθεὶς Λθεος. Οὗτος τὰ αὑτὰ ἐφρόνει ᾿Αρείῳ, τὴν αὐτὴν συνεκρότει δόξαν. Πρὸς δὲ ᾿Αρειανίζοντας διεκρίνετο, διότι εἰς κοινωνίαν ἐδέξαντο. Ἄρειος γὰρ, ὡς πρότερον ἔφην, ἕτερα κατὰ διάνοιαν φρονῶν, ἕτερα τῇ φωνῇ ὡμολόγῆσεν, ὅτε τὸν ἐν Νικαίᾳ τῆς συνόδου τύπον δεχόμεγος καθυπέγραψε, τὸν τότε βασιλέα πλανῶν. Διατοῦτο μὲν οὖν ᾿Αέτιος πρὸς ᾿Αρειανοὺς διεκρίνετο. δὲ καὶ πρότερον ᾿Λέτιος αἱρετικὸς ἄνθρωπος, καὶ τῷ ᾿Αρείου δόγματι συνηγορεῖν διαπύρως ἔσπευδεν. Ἔν γὰρ τῇ ᾿Αλεξαυδρείᾳ μικρὰ παιδευθεὶς, ἀναξεύγνυσι" καταλαβὼν τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ ᾿Αντιόχειαν, ἐντεῦθεν γὰρ ἦν, ὑπὸ Λεοντίου τοῦ τότε τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας σχόποῦυ χειροτονεῖται διάκονος. Εὐθὺς οὖν ἐξενοφώνει: τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίει, ταῖς κατηγορίαις ᾿Αριστοτέλους πιστεύων" βιβλίον δὲ οὕτως ἐστὶν ἐπιγεγραμμένον αὐτῷ" ἐξ αὐτῶν τε διαλεγόμενος, ἑαυτῷ σόφισμα ποιῶν οὐχ σθετο, οὐδὲ παρὰ τῶν ἐπιστημόνων ἔμαθε τὸν ᾿Αριστοτέλους σχοπόν. Ἐκεῖνος γὰρ διὰ τοὺς σοφιστὰς τὴν φιλοσοφίαν τότε χλενάζοντας, γυμνασίαν ταύτην συγγράψας τοῖς νέοις, τὴν διαλεκτικὴν τοῖς σοφισταῖς διὰ τῶν σοφισμάτων ἀντέθηχεν. Οἱ γοῦν ἐφεχτιχοὶ τῶν φιλοελέγχουσι τὰ τεχνικῶ; παρὰ ᾿Αριστοτέλους λεγόμενα. ᾿Αλλὰ ᾿Αέτιος ἐφεκτικοῦ μὴ τυχών διδασκάλου, τοῖς ἐκ τῶν κατηγοριῶν σοφίσμασι συνεπέμεινε. Διὸ οὔτε νοῆσαι δεδύνηται, πῶς ἐστιν ἀγέννητος γέννησις, καὶ ὅπως τὸ γενόμενον συναΐδιόν ἐστι τῷ γεννήσαντι. Οὕτω δὲ ἦν ὀλιγομαθὴς ὁ ᾿Αέτιος, καὶ τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων ἀμύητος, τὸ ἐριστικὸν δὲ κατωρθώκει μό νον, ὅπερ ἂν καὶ ἄγροικός τις ποιήσειεν, ὡς μήτε τοὺς ἀρχαίους τοὺς τὰ Χριστιανικὰ λόγια ἑρμηνεύσαντας ἀσκηθῆναι, πολλὰ χαίρειν φράσας τοῖς περὶ Κλήσόφων τὰ Πλάτωνος καὶ Πλωτίνου ἐκτιθέμενοι, ἐξ μεντα, καὶ ᾿Αφρικανὸν, καὶ Ὠριγένην, ἄνδρας πάσης σοφίας ἐπιστήμονας. Ἐπιστολάς τε συνεκάττυε πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Κωνστάντιον, καὶ πρὸς ἑτέρους τινὰς, ἐρεσχελίας συμπλέκων καὶ σοφίσματα μελετῶν. Διὸ ' καὶ ἐπεκαλεῖτο ὁ Ἄθεος. ᾿Αλλὰ εἰ καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ τοῖς ἄθεος ᾿Αρειανίζουσιν ἔλεγεν, ὅμως ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων οὐ δυ ναμένων συνιέναι τὸ περισκελὲς τῶν συλλογισμῶν, ὡς αἱρετικὸς ὁ ὁμόφρων αὐτοῖς ἐνομίζετο. Καὶ διατοῦτο ἐξελαθεὶς τῆς αὐτῶν Ἑκκλησίας, ἔδοξεν αὐτὸς μὴ βούλεσθαι κοινωνεῖν αὐτοῖς. Καὶ νῦν εἰσιν ἐξ ἐκείνου, οἱ τότε μὲν ᾿Αετιανοὶ, νῦν δὲ Εὐνομιανοὶ προσαγορευόμενοι· χρόνῳ γὰρ ὕστερον Εὐνόμιος, ταχυγράφος ὢν ἐκείνου, καὶ ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ παιδευθεὶς τὴν αἱρετικὴν λέξιν, τοῦ στίφους τούτου προέστη. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Εὐνομίου κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν.
En de ᾿Antiocheią tēs Syrias heteros epephyē resiarchēs ᾿Aetios 5, ho epiklētheis Ltheos. Houtos ta hauta ephronei ᾿Areiǭ, tēn autēn synekrotei doxan. Pros de ᾿Areianizontas diekrineto, dioti eis koinōnian edexanto. Areios gar, hōs proteron ephēn, hetera kata dianoian phronōn, hetera tę̄ phōnę̄ hōmologēsen, hote ton en Nikaią tēs synodou typon dechomegos kathypegrapse, ton tote basilea planōn. Diatouto men oun ᾿Aetios pros ᾿Areianous diekrineto. de kai proteron ᾿Letios hairetikos anthrōpos, kai tǭ ᾿Areiou dogmati synēgorein diapyrōs espeuden. En gar tę̄ ᾿Alexaudreią mikra paideutheis, anaxeugnysi" katalabōn tēn en Syrią ᾿Antiocheian, enteuthen gar ēn, hypo Leontiou tou tote tēs ᾿Antiocheias schopouy cheirotoneitai diakonos. Euthys oun exenophōnei: tous entynchanontas. Touto de epoiei, tais katēgoriais ᾿Aristotelous pisteuōn" biblion de houtōs estin epigegrammenon autǭ" ex autōn te dialegomenos, heautǭ sophisma poiōn ouch stheto, oude para tōn epistēmonōn emathe ton ᾿Aristotelous schopon. Ekeinos gar dia tous sophistas tēn philosophian tote chlenazontas, gymnasian tautēn syngrapsas tois neois, tēn dialektikēn tois sophistais dia tōn sophismatōn antethēchen. Hoi goun ephechtichoi tōn philoelenchousi ta technikō? para ᾿Aristotelous legomena. ᾿Alla ᾿Aetios ephektikou mē tychōn didaskalou, tois ek tōn katēgoriōn sophismasi synepemeine. Dio oute noēsai dedynētai, pōs estin agennētos gennēsis, kai hopōs to genomenon synaïdion esti tǭ gennēsanti. Houtō de ēn oligomathēs ho ᾿Aetios, kai tōn hierōn Grammatōn amyētos, to eristikon de katōrthōkei mo non, hoper an kai agroikos tis poiēseien, hōs mēte tous archaious tous ta Christianika logia hermēneusantas askēthēnai, polla chairein phrasas tois peri Klēsophōn ta Platōnos kai Plōtinou ektithemenoi, ex menta, kai ᾿Aphrikanon, kai Ōrigenēn, andras pasēs sophias epistēmonas. Epistolas te synekattye pros ton basilea Kōnstantion, kai pros heterous tinas, ereschelias symplekōn kai sophismata meletōn. Dio ' kai epekaleito ho Atheos. ᾿Alla ei kai ta auta tois atheos ᾿Areianizousin elegen, homōs hypo tōn oikeiōn ou dy namenōn synienai to periskeles tōn syllogismōn, hōs hairetikos ho homophrōn autois enomizeto. Kai diatouto exelatheis tēs autōn Hekklēsias, edoxen autos mē boulesthai koinōnein autois. Kai nyn eisin ex ekeinou, hoi tote men ᾿Aetianoi, nyn de Eunomianoi prosagoreuomenoi; chronǭ gar hysteron Eunomios, tachygraphos ōn ekeinou, kai hyp᾿ autǭ paideutheis tēn hairetikēn lexin, tou stiphous toutou proestē. Peri men oun Eunomiou kata chōran eroumen.
At Antioch in Syria another heresiarch sprang up, Aetius, surnamed the Godless. He held the same views as Arius and upheld the same opinion; but he separated himself from the Arians because they had received Arius into communion. For Arius, as I said before, thinking one thing in his mind, confessed another with his voice when, deceiving the emperor of the time, he accepted and signed the formula of the synod of Nicaea. For this reason Aetius separated himself from the Arians. Aetius had been a heretic before, and was ardently eager to defend the doctrine of Arius. Having been educated a little at Alexandria, he set out, arrived at Antioch in Syria, where he came from, and was ordained deacon by Leontius, then bishop of Antioch. At once he began to astonish those who met him with strange talk. He did this trusting in the Categories of Aristotle (a book is so entitled by him); disputing from them, he made sophisms for himself and did not perceive, nor learn from the experts, Aristotle’s purpose. For Aristotle wrote this as an exercise for the young, because the sophists of his time were mocking philosophy, and set dialectic against the sophists by means of sophisms. The Sceptics among the philosophers, setting out the views of Plato and Plotinus, refute what Aristotle says technically. But Aetius, not having had a Sceptic teacher, held to the sophisms drawn from the Categories. So he could not understand how there is an unbegotten begetting, and how what has been begotten is coeternal with the one who begot. Aetius was so little learned and so uninitiated in the sacred writings, and had mastered only contentiousness, which even a rustic might do, that he had not even studied the ancients who interpreted the Christian oracles, bidding a long farewell to Clement, Africanus, and Origen, men skilled in all wisdom. He stitched together letters to the emperor Constantius and to some others, weaving quibbles and practising sophisms. For this reason he was called the Godless. Although he said the same things as the Arians, yet by his own party, who could not understand the subtlety of his syllogisms, he was thought a heretic, though he agreed with them; and so, expelled from their church, he seemed himself not to wish to communicate with them. From him come those who were then called Aetians and are now called Eunomians; for later Eunomius, who was his shorthand writer and had been taught the heretical phrasing under him, became head of this band. Of Eunomius we shall speak in its place.
2.36PG 67:299–301
Τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ Ιταλίᾳ συνῆλθον ἐπίσκοποι, τῶν μὲν ἀνατολικῶν οὐ σφόδρα πολλοί· ἐπεὶ τοὺς πλείους αὐτῶν τὸ τῆς ἡλικίας γῆρας. καὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ διάστημα παρεῖναι ἐκώλυσεν. Τῶν δὲ ἑσπερίων, ὑπὲρ τοὺς τριακοσίους ἀπήντησαν. Πρόσταγμα δὲ ἦν τοῦ βασιλέως, ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ ο πόλει ποιεῖσθαι τὴν σύνοδον. Καθ' ἦν συνελθόντων, οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀνατολῆς πρὸ πάντων ψῆφον κοινὴν κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου ἐκφέρειν ἠξίουν· ὅπως ἂν τούτου γενομένου, τελέως ἄβατος ἐκείνῳ ἡ ᾿Αλεξάνδρεια γένηται. Ως δὲ ᾔσθοντο Παυλίνος, ὁ τῆς ἐν Γαλλίᾳ Τριβέρεως ἐπίσκοπος, Διονύσιός τε καὶ Εὐσέβιος, ὧν ὁ μὲν "Αλβας τῆς Ἰταλῶν μητροπόλεως ἐπίσκοπος ἦν, Εὐσέβιος δὲ Βρεκέλλων, πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ Λιγύων, ὡς ἐπὶ καθαιρέσει τῆς πίστεως τοὺς ἀνατολικοὺς σπεύδειν κυρῶσαι τὸ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου ψήφισμα, ἀναστάντες ἐβόων μακρὰ, δόλον ὑπομένειν καὶ ἀπάτην διὰ τῶν γινομένων τὸν Χριστιανισμόν. Οὐ γὰρ ἀληθῆ τὴν κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου μέμψιν ἔλεγον εἶναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ παρατροπῇ τῆς πίστεως ταῦτα αὐτοὺς ἐπινοεῖν. Τοιαῦτα κεκραγότων, διαλύεται μὲν τότε τῶν ἐπισκόπων ὁ σύλλογος.
Tote de en tę̄ Italią synēlthon episkopoi, tōn men anatolikōn ou sphodra polloi; epei tous pleious autōn to tēs hēlikias gēras. kai tēs hodou to diastēma pareinai ekōlysen. Tōn de hesperiōn, hyper tous triakosious apēntēsan. Prostagma de ēn tou basileōs, en Mediolanǭ o polei poieisthai tēn synodon. Kath' ēn synelthontōn, hoi ek tēs anatolēs pro pantōn psēphon koinēn kata ᾿Athanasiou ekpherein ēxioun; hopōs an toutou genomenou, teleōs abatos ekeinǭ hē ᾿Alexandreia genētai. Ōs de ę̄sthonto Paulinos, ho tēs en Gallią Tribereōs episkopos, Dionysios te kai Eusebios, hōn ho men "Albas tēs Italōn mētropoleōs episkopos ēn, Eusebios de Brekellōn, polis de hautē tōn en Italią Ligyōn, hōs epi kathairesei tēs pisteōs tous anatolikous speudein kyrōsai to kata ᾿Athanasiou psēphisma, anastantes eboōn makra, dolon hypomenein kai apatēn dia tōn ginomenōn ton Christianismon. Ou gar alēthē tēn kata ᾿Athanasiou mempsin elegon einai, all᾽ epi paratropę̄ tēs pisteōs tauta autous epinoein. Toiauta kekragotōn, dialyetai men tote tōn episkopōn ho syllogos.
At that time bishops met in Italy: not very many of the easterners, since old age and the length of the journey kept most of them from attending, but more than three hundred of the westerners. The emperor’s order was that the synod be held in the city of Milan. When they met, those from the East asked above all for a common vote against Athanasius, so that once this was done Alexandria might be wholly closed to him. When Paulinus, bishop of Treves in Gaul, and Dionysius and Eusebius (Dionysius was bishop of Alba, a metropolis of Italy, and Eusebius of Vercelli, a city of the Ligurians in Italy) perceived that the easterners were eager to ratify the decree against Athanasius for the overthrow of the faith, they rose up and cried aloud that Christianity was suffering fraud and deceit through what was being done. For they said that the charge against Athanasius was not true, but that these men were devising it to pervert the faith. When they had cried out such things, the assembly of bishops was dissolved for that time.
2.37PG 67:301–323
Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, τοὺς μὲν ἐκποδὼν δι' ἐξορίας ποιεῖ· οἰκουμηνικὴν δὲ σύνοδον συγκροτεῖν ἐβούλετο, ὅπως ἂν πάντας τοὺς τῆς ἀνατολῆς ἐπισκόπους εἰς τὴν δύσιν ἑλκύσας, ὁμοδόξους, εἰ δύναιτο, τοὺς πάντας ποιήσειεν. Ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ ταῦτα σκεπτομένῳ, χαλεπὰ τὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ κατεφαίνετο, διμερῆ γενέσθαι τὴν σύνοδον αὐτοῖς προσέταξεν. Ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ μὲν τῆς Ἰταλίας, τοὺς τότε παρόντας συνελθεῖν ἐπιτρέψας· τοὺς δὲ ἐν ἀνατολῇ, διὰ γραμμάτων ἐν Νικομηδείᾳ τῆς Βιθυνίας ἀπαντῆσαι ἐκέλευσε. Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ βασιλεὺς σκοπῷ τῆς ὁμοφωνίας ἐκέλευσεν. Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ ὁ σκοπὸς χρηστὴν ἔσχεν Εκβασιν· οὐδετέρα γὰρ τῶν συνόδων ἑαυτῇ συνεφώνησεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἑκατέρα διῃρέθη. Οὔτε γὰρ οἱ ἐν Ἀριμίνῳ συνελθόντες, ὁμοφωνῆσαι δεδύνηνται· καὶ οἱ τῆς ἀνατολῆς συνελθόντες ἐν Σελευκείᾳ Ρ τῆς Ἰσαυρίας, ἕτερον σχίσμα εἰργάσαντο. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν ἕκαστα τούτων ἐγένετο, προϊόντες δηλώσομεν, πρότερον περὶ Εὐδοξίου μικρὰ μνημονεύσαντες. Περὶ γὰρ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον Λεοντίου τελευτήσαντος, ὃς τὸν αἱρετικὸν ᾿Αέτιον εἰς τὴν διακονίαν προβέβλητο, Εὐδόξιος • Γερμανικείας ἐπίσκοπος ὧν, Συρίας δὲ καὶ ἤδε ἡ πόλις, κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην τότε παρῶν, ἐπείγεσθαι σκέπτεται. Καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ δολίως διαλέγεται, ὡς χρηζούσης τῆς Γερμανικέων πόλεως παραμυθίας καὶ φυλακῆς, συγχωρηθῆναι αὐτῷ ταχεῖαν ἐπάνοδον. Οὐδὲν δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς προειδόμενος, ἀφίησιν αὐτόν. Ὁ δὲ τοὺς τοῦ κοιτῶνος κρατοῦντας ἔχων συνεργοὺς, τὴν ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπισκοπὴν ὑπορύξας, τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν ἀπέλιπε. Καὶ τὸν ᾿Αέτιον συγκροτεῖν ἐπειρᾶτο, σπουδήν τε ἐτίθετο συνέδριον ἐπισκόπων καθίσαι, καὶ ἀποδοῦναι αὐτῷ τῆς διακονίας τὴν ἀξίαν. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν οὐδαμῶς ἐγένετο, διότι ἐπικρατέστερον ἦν τὸ κατὰ ᾿Αετίου μίσος τῆς Εὐδοξίου σπουδῆς. Τοσαῦτα καὶ περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω. Τῶν δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀριμίνῳ συνελθόντων, οἱ μὲν ἀνατολικοὶ, σιγῇ τὰ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου παραπέμψαντες συνεληλυθέναι ἔφασκον. Συνελαμβάνοντο δὲ τῇ τούτων σπουδῇ Οὐρσάκιος καὶ Οὐάλης, οἱ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν τὸ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου συγκροτήσαντες δόγμα, ἐν τῷ μέσῳ δὲ τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ συνθέμενοι, διὰ τοῦ ἐπιδοθέντος βιβλίου τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῆς Ῥώμης, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Οὗτοι γὰρ ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπικρατοῦντας ἐπέκλινον. Συνελαμβάνοντο δὲ τούτοις Γερμάνιος καὶ Αὐξέντιος, Δημόφιλός τε καὶ Γάϊος. Ὡς οὖν ἐν τῷ συλλόγῳ τῶν παρόντων ἄλλος ἄλλο τι προβάλλεσθαι παρετάττοντο, τηνικαῦτα οἱ περὶ Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐάλεντα πάντα ἔλεγον τὰ περὶ τῆς πίστεως ὑπαγορευθέντα μένειν – ἀργά· δέχεσθαι δὲ νεωτέραν ἔκθεσιν, ἣν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐν Σιρμίῳ συνελθόντες ἐξέθεντο. Ταῦτα ἔλεγον, καὶ χάρτην μετὰ χεῖρας ἔχοντες, ἀναγινώσκεσθαι πεποιήκασιν. ῎Αλλην δὲ ἔκθεσιν πίστεως, ἣν ἐν Σιρμίῳ προτυπώσαντες, ἐκεῖ μὲν, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ἔφην, ἐταμιεύσαντο· τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αριμίνῳ φανερόν τε πεποιήκασιν. Ἦτις ἐκ Ῥωμαϊκοῦ μὲν ἡρμηνεύθη· ἔστι δὲ ἐν τούτοις τοῖς ῥήμασιν· Ἐξετέθη πίστις ἡ καθολικὴ ἐπὶ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ δεσπότου ἡμῶν Κωνσταντίου, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Φλαβίου Εὐσεβίου καὶ Ὑπατίου· τῶν λαμπροτάτων, ἐν Σιρμίῳ τῇ προένδεκα καλανδῶν Ἰουνίων. Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα τὸν μόνον καὶ ἀληθινὸν Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, κτίστην καὶ δημιουργὸν τῶν πάντων· καὶ εἰς ἕνα μονογενῆ Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, τὸν πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων, καὶ πρὸ πάσης ἀρχῆς, καὶ πρὸ παντὸς ἐπινοουμένου χρόνου, καὶ πρὸ πάσης καταληπτῆς ἐπινοίας, γεγεννημένον ἀπαθῶς ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ, δι' οὗ οἵ τε αἰῶνες κατηρτίσθησαν, καὶ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο· γεγεννημένον δὲ μονογενῆ, μόνον ἐκ μόνου ὑπὸ τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, ὅμοιον τῷ γεννήσαντι αὐτὸν Πατρὶ κατὰ τὰς Γραφάς· οὗ τὴν γέννησιν οὐδεὶς ἐπίσταται, ἢ μόνος ὁ γεννήσας αὐτὸν Πατήρ. Τοῦτον ἴσμεν τὸν μονογενῆ αὐτοῦ Υἱὸν, νεύματι πατρικῷ παραγενόμενον ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν εἰς ἀθέτησιν τῆς ἁμαρτίας· καὶ γεννηθέντα ἐκ Μαρίας τῆς Παρθένου, καὶ ἀναστραφέντα μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκονομίαν πληρώσαντα κατὰ τὴν πατρικὴν βούλησιν· σταυρωθέντα καὶ ἀποθανόντα, καὶ εἰς τὰ καταχθόνια κατελθόντα, καὶ τὰ ἐκεῖσε οἰκονομήσαντα · ὃν πυλωροὶ ἄδου ἰδόντες ἔφριξαν· καὶ ἀναστάντα τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ καὶ ἀναστραφέντα μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν. Καὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν πληρουμένων, ἀναληφθέντα εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, καὶ καθεζόμενον ἐκ δεξιῶν τοῦ Πατρός · καὶ ἐλευσόμενον τῇ ἐσχάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ δόξῃ τῇ πατρικῇ, ἀποδιδόντα ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ. Καὶ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, ὁ αὐτὸς ὁ μονογενὴς τοῦ Θεοῦ Υἱὸς Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς ἐπηγγείλατο πέμψαι τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὸν παράκλητον, κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον· Ἀπέρχομαι πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα μου· καὶ, Παρακαλέσω τὸν Πατέρα μου, καὶ ἄλλον παράκλητον πέμψει ὑμῖν, τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας. Ἐκεῖνος ἐκ τοῦ ἐμοῦ λήψεται, καὶ διδάξει καὶ ὑπομνήσει ὑμᾶς πάντα. Τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τῆς οὐσίας διὰ τὸ ἀπλούστερον ὑπὸ τῶν Πατέρων τεθεῖσθαι, ἀγνιούμενον δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν λαῶν, σκάνδαλον φέρειν, διὰ τὸ μήτε τὰς Γραφὰς τοῦτο περιέχειν, ἤρεσε τοῦτο περιαιρεθῆναι καὶ παντελῶς μηδεμίαν μνήμην οὐσίας ἐπὶ Θεοῦ εἶναι τοῦ λοιποῦ, διὰ τὸ τὰς θείας Γραφάς μηδαμοῦ περὶ Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ οὐσίας μεμνῆσθαι. Ὅμοιον δὲ λέγομεν τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ κατὰ πάντα, ὡς αἱ ἅγιαι Γραφαὶ λέγουσίν τε καὶ διδάσκουσιν. Τούτων ἀναγνωσθέντων, διαναστάντες οἷς ταῦτα οὐκ ἤρεσκεν ἔφασαν· « Οὐ δεόμενοι πίστεως ἐνταῦθα συνεληλύθαμεν · ὑγιῆ γὰρ φυλάττομεν, ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς παρειλήφαμεν· ἀλλ᾽ ἴνα, εἴ τις περὶ ταύτην καινοτομία γένοιτο, ταύτην κωλύσωμεν. Εἰ οὖν τὰ ἀναγνωσθέντα μηδὲν καινοτομεῖ, φανερῶς ἤδη τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν αἵρεσιν ἀναθεματίσατε, καθ' ὃν τρόπον καὶ τὰς ἄλλας αἱρέσεις ὁ παλαιὸς κανὼν τῆς Εκκλησίας ὡς βλασφήμους ἐξέβαλεν. Ὅτι γὰρ τὸ βλάσφημον ᾿Αρείου δόγμα τοὺς θορύβους τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καὶ τὰς ἄχρι νῦν γινομένας ἐκίνησε ταραχάς, τοῦτο τῇ οἰκουμένῃ δῆλον καθέστηκεν. » Αὕτη ἡ πρότασις ἡ ὑπὸ τῶν περὶ Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐάλεντα, Γερμάνιόν τε καὶ Αὐξέντιον, καὶ Δημόφιλον καὶ Γάῖον μὴ δεχθεῖσα, τελέως τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν διέσπασεν. Οὗτοι μὲν γὰρ τοῖς τότε κατὰ τὴν ἐν Ἀριμίνῳ ἀναγνωσθεῖσι προσέθεντο · οἱ δὲ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ αὖθις ἐκύρωσαν. Κατεγέλασαν δὲ καὶ τῆς προγραφῆς τῶν ἀναγνωσθέντων· μάλιστα δὲ ᾿Αθανάσιος, δι' ὧν πρὸς τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ γνωρίμους ἐπιστέλλων, τοιάδε κατὰ λέξιν φησίν· « Τί γὰρ ἔλειπε διδασκαλίας εἰς εὐσέβειαν τῇ καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἵνα νῦν περὶ πίστεως ζητῶσι, καὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν τῶν παρόντων χρόνων προτάσσωσι τῶν παρ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐκτιθεμένων ῥημάτων δῆθεν περὶ πίστεως; Οὐρσάκιος γὰρ καὶ Οὐάλης καὶ Γερμάνιος • πεποιήκασιν, ὃ μήτε γέγονεν, μήτε ἠκούσθη ποτὲ παρὰ Χριστιανοῖς. Γράψαντες γὰρ ὡς ἤθελον αὐτοὶ πιστεύειν, προέταξαν τὴν ὑπατείαν, καὶ τὸν μῆνα, καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν τοῦ παρόντος χρόνου, ἵνα δείξωσι πᾶσι τοῖς φρονίμοις, ὅτι μὴ πρότερον, ἀλλὰ νῦν, ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου, ἀρχὴν ἔχει τούτων ἡ πίστις. Πάντες γὰρ πρὸς τὴν ἰδίαν αἵρεσιν βλέποντες ἔγραφον. Πρὸς τούτοις περὶ τοῦ Κυρίου προσποιούμενοι γράφειν, ἄλλον δεσπότην ἑαυτῶν ὀνομάζουσι Κωνστάντιον. Αὐτὸς γὰρ ἦν ὁ τὴν δυναστείαν τῆς ἀσεβείας αὐτοῖς παρέχων. Καὶ αἰώνιον δὲ αὐτὸν βασιλέα εἰρήκασιν, οἱ τὸν Υἱὸν ἀΐδιον ἀρνούμενοι · οὕτως εἰσὶ πρὸς ἀσέβειαν χριστομάχοι. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἴσως ἐστὶν αὐτοῖς πρόφασις τῆς ὑπατείας, ἡ τῶν ἁγίων προφητῶν χρονογραφία. Ἀλλὰ κἂν τοῦτο τολμήσωσιν εἰπεῖν, πολὺ τὴν ἀμαθίαν ἑαυτῶν ἐξαγγέλλουσιν. Αἱ μὲν γὰρ τῶν ἁγίων προφητεῖαι χρόνων ἔχουσι μνήμην. Καὶ Ἡσαΐας μὲν καὶ Ὠσηὲ ἐν ἡμέραις Ὀζίου καὶ Ἰωάθαμ καὶ ῎Αχαζ καὶ Ἐζεκίου γεγόνασιν· Ιερεμίας δὲ, ἐν ἡμέραις Ἰωσίου· Ἰεζεκιὴλ δὲ καὶ Δανιὴλ, ἐπὶ Κύρου καὶ Δαρείου. Καὶ ἄλλοι ἐν ἄλλοις χρόνοις ἐπροφήτευσαν, οὐ τῆς θεοσεβείας ἀρχὴν καταβαλλόμενοι. Ἧν γὰρ καὶ πρὸ αὐτῶν, καὶ ἀεὶ, καὶ πρὸ καταβολῆς κόσμου, ταύτην ἡμῖν ὁ Θεὸς ἐν Χριστῷ προητοίμασεν. Οὐδὲ τῆς αὐτῶν πίστεως τοὺς χρόνους ἐσήμαινον· ἦσαν γὰρ καὶ πρὸ τούτων τῶν χρόνων αὐτοὶ πιστοί· ἀλλὰ τῆς δι᾿ αὐτῶν ἐπαγγελίας ἦσαν οἱ χρόνοι. Ἡ δὲ ἐπαγγελία προηγουμένως μὲν περὶ τῆς ἐπιδημίας τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἡμῶν. Ἐπακολούθημα δὲ περὶ τῶν ἐσομένων τῷ Ἰσραὴλ καὶ τοῖς ἔθνεσι · καὶ ἦσαν οἱ χρόνοι σημαινόμενοι, οὐκ ἀρχὴ πίστεως, καθὰ προεῖπον, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν προφητῶν, καθ' οὓς αὐτοὶ γενόμενοι, ταῦτα προεφήτευον. Οὗτοι δὲ οἱ νῦν σοφοὶ, οὐχ ἱστορίας ἐξηγούμενοι, οὐδὲ τὰ μέλλοντα προλέγοντες, ἀλλὰ γράψαντες, Ἐξετέθη ἡ πίστις ἡ καθολική, εὐθὺς προσέθηκαν καὶ τὴν ὑπατείαν καὶ τὸν μῆνα καὶ τὴν ἡμέραν. Ωσπερ οἱ ἅγιοι τῶν ἱστοριῶν καὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν διακονίας τοὺς χρόνους ἔγραφον, οὕτως οὗτοι τῆς ἑαυτῶν πίστεως τὸν χρόνον σημαίνουσι. εἴθε περὶ τῆς ἑαυτῶν ἔγραφον· νῦν γὰρ ἤρξαντο καὶ μὴ ὡς περὶ τῆς καθολικῆς ἐπεχείρουν· οὐ γὰρ ἔγραψαν, Οὕτω πιστεύομεν, ἀλλ' ὅτι᾿ Εξετέθη ἡ καθολικὴ πίστις. Τὸ μὲν οὖν τολμηρὸν τῆς προαιρέσεως ἐλέγχει τὴν ἀθεΐαν · αὐτῶν. Τὸ δὲ καινὸν ἐπινόημα τῆς γραφῆς ἴσον ἐστὶ τῆς Ἀρειανῆς αἰρέσεως. Οὕτω γὰρ γράψαντες ἐδίδαξαν, πότε μὲν ἤρξαντο πιστεύειν αὐτοί. ᾿Απὸ δὲ τοῦ νῦν βούλονται τὴν πίστιν αὐτῶν καταγγέλλεσθαι. Καὶ ὥσπερ κατὰ τὸν εὐαγγελιστὴν Λουκᾶν, ἐτέθη δόγμα περὶ τῆς ἀπογραφῆς, πρότερον μὲν οὐκ ἦν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν ἡμερῶν ἐκείνων ἤρξατο εἶναι, καὶ ἐτέθη παρὰ τοῦ γράψαντος · οὕτω καὶ οὗτοι γράψαντες, Ἐξετέθη νῦν ἡ πίστις, ἔδειξαν ὅτι νεώτερον τὸ τῆς αἱρέσεως Οὕτως εἰσὶν ἀμαθεῖς, μόνον εἰδόντες πλάττειν προαὐτῶν ἐστι φρόνημα, καὶ οὐκ ἦν πρότερον. Εἱ δὲ προστιθέασι τῆς Καθολικῆς, ἔλαθον ἑαυτοὺς πεσόντες εἰς τὴν παρανομίαν τῶν ἀπὸ Φρυγίας · ὥστε καὶ αὐτοὺς κατ' ἐκείνους εἰπεῖν, « Ἡμῖν πρῶτον ἀπεκαλύφθη καὶ ἀφ᾿ ἡμῶν ἡ πίστις ἄρχεται τῶν Χριστιανῶν › · καὶ ὥσπερ ἐκεῖνοι Μαξίμιλλαν καὶ Μοντανὸν, οὕτως οὗτοι ἀντὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, δεσπότην Κωνστάντιον ἐπιγράφονται. Εἰ δὲ κατ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς νῦν ὑπατείας ἀρχὴν ἡ πίστις ἔχει, τί ποιήσουσιν οἱ Πατέρες, καὶ οἱ μακάριοι μάρτυρες; Τί δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ποιήσουσι τοὺς παρ' αὐτῶν κατηχηθέντας, καὶ πρὸ τῆς ὑπατείας ταύτης κοιμηθέντας; Πῶς αὐτοὺς ἐγείρουσιν, ἵνα ἃ μὲν ἔδοξαν δεδιδαχέναι, τούτους ἀπαλείψωσιν· ὁ δὲ νῦν ὡς ἐφευρόντες ἔγραψαν, ἐπισπείρωσιν αὐτοῖς; φάσεις, καὶ ταύτας ἀπρεπεῖς καὶ ἀπιθάνους, ἐχούσας εὐθὺς τὸν ἔλεγχον. » Τοιαῦτα μὲν ᾿Αθανάσιος τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ γνωρίμοις ἐπέστελλεν. Ἐξέστω δὲ τοῖς φιλομαθέσιν ἀναζητήσασι τὴν ἐπιστολὴν, γνῶναι τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ δυνατῶς εἰρημένα. Ἡμεῖς γὰρ μέρος αὐτῆς ἐνταῦθα παρατεθείκαμεν, τὸ μῆκος παραιτησάμενοι. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι ἡ σύνοδος καθεῖλε τοὺς περὶ Οὐάλεντα καὶ Οὐρσάκιον, Αὐξέντιόν τε καὶ Γερμάνιον καὶ Γαῖον καὶ Δημόφιλον, ὅτι τὴν Ἀρειάνιον δόξαν ἀναθεματίσαι οὐ κατεδέξαντο. Διὸ οὗτοι μὲν, ἀγανακτοῦντες ἐπὶ τῇ καθαιρέσει, πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ταχέως ἀνέδραμον, ἐπικομιζόμενοι τὴν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ τῆς πίστεως ἔκδοσιν· ἡ σύνοδος δὲ δι' ἐπιστολῆς γνώριμα τὰ ὑπ᾿ αὐτῆς γνωσθέντα καθίστη τῷ βασιλεῖ. Ἧς ἐκ Ῥωμαϊκῶν μεταβληθείσης, ἤδε ἔστιν ἡ διάνοια · Ἐπιστολὴ - τῆς ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ συνόδου πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Κωνστάντιον. Ἕκ τε τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ κελεύσεως, καὶ τῆς σῆς εὐσεβείας προστάγματος, τὰ πάλαι δογματισθέντα γεγενῆσθαι πιστεύομεν· εἰς γὰρ Ἀρίμινον ἐκ πασῶν τῶν πρὸς δύσιν πόλεων, εἰς τὸ αὐτὸ πάντες ἐπίσκοποι συνήλθομεν · ἵνα καὶ ἡ πίστις τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας γνωρισθῇ α, καὶ οἱ τἀναντία φρονοῦντες ἔκδηλοι γένωνται. Ὡς γὰρ ἐπὶ πλεῖστον διασκοποῦντες εὐρήκαμεν, ἀρεστὸν ἐφάνη, τὴν πίστιν τὴν ἔκπαλαι διαμένουσαν, ἣν καὶ οἱ προφῆται καὶ τὰ Εὐαγγέλια, καὶ οἱ ἀπόστολοι διὰ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ ἐκήρυξαν, τοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς βασιλείας φρουροῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς ῥώσεως προστάτου· ἵνα ταύτην κατασχόντες φυλάξωμεν, καὶ φυλάττοντες μέχρι τέλους διατηρῶμεν. "Ατοπον γὰρ καὶ ἀθέμιτον ἐφάνη, τῶν ὀρθῶς καὶ δικαίως ὡρισμένων τι μεταλλάσσειν, καὶ τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ κοινῇ μετὰ τοῦ ἐνδοξοτάτου σου πατρὸς καὶ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου ἐσκεμμένων, ὧν ἡ διδασκαλία τε καὶ τὸ φρόνημα διῆλθέ τε καὶ ἐκηρύχθη εἰς πάσας ἀνθρώπων ἀκοάς τε καὶ διανοίας· ἥτις ἀντίπαλος μόνη καὶ ὀλετὴρ τῆς ᾿Αρείου αἱρέσεως ὑπῆρξε. Δι' ἧς οὐ μόνον αὐτὴ, ἀλλὰ καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ αἱρέσεις καθῃρέθησαν. Ἐν ᾗ ὄντως καὶ τὸ προσθεῖναί τι σφαλερὸν, καὶ τὸ ἀφελέσθαι ἐπικίνδυνον ὑπάρχει. Ὡς εἴπερ καὶ θάτερον γένοιτο, ἔσται τοῖς ἐχθροῖς ἄδεια τοῦ ποιεῖν ἅπερ βούλοιντο. Ὅθεν Οὐρσάκιός τε καὶ Οὐάλης, ἐπειδὴ ἔκπαλαι μέτοχοί τε καὶ σύμφρονες τοῦ ᾿Αρειανικοῦ δόγματος ἦσαν καθεστηκότες, καὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας κοινωνίας χωρισθέντες ἀπεφάνθησαν· ἧς ἵνα μετάσχωσιν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἑαυτοῖς συνεγνώκεισαν πλημμελήσαντες, μετανοίας τε καὶ συγγνώμης ἠξίουν τυχεῖν, ὡς καὶ τὰ ἔγγραφα τὰ ὑπ᾿ ἐκείνων γεγενημένα μαρτυρεῖ· δι᾽ ὧν ἁπάντων φειδώ γεγένηται, καὶ τῶν ἐγκλημάτων συγγνώμη. Ἦν δὲ ὁ καιρὸς καθ' ὃν ταῦτα ἐπράττετο, ὅτε ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ τὸ συνέδριον τῆς συνόδου συνεκροτείτο, συμπαρὀντων δὲ καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τῆς Ῥωμαίων Ἐκκλησίας. Ἐγνωκότες δὲ ἅμα καὶ τὸν μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἄξιον μνήμης Κωνσταντῖνον, μετὰ πάσης ἀκριβείας καὶ ἐξετασεως τὴν συγγραφεῖσαν πίστιν ἐκτεθεικότα· ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὡς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἐγένετο βαπτισθεὶς, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὀφειλομένην εἰρήνην ἀνεχώρησεν, ἄτοπον ἐνομίσαμεν εἶναι μετ᾿ ἐκεῖνόν τι καινοτομεῖν, καὶ τοσούτους ἁγίους ὁμολογητὰς καὶ μάρτυρας, τοὺς καὶ τοῦδε τοῦ δόγματος συγγραφεῖς τε καὶ εὑρετὰς ὑπεριδεῖν· οἵτινες κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας θεσμὸν, ἅπαντα φρονοῦντες διαμεμενήκασιν. Ὧν ὁ Θεὸς τὴν πίστιν καὶ εἰς τοὺς σοὺς χρόνους τῆς βασιλείας μετέδωκε, διὰ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, δι' οὗ σοι καὶ τὸ βασιλεύειν οὕτως ὑπῆρξεν, ὡς καὶ τῆς καθ' ἡμᾶς οἰκουμένης κρατεῖν. Πάλιν γοῦν οἱ ἐλεεινοὶ ὁ καὶ οἰκτροὶ τῷ φρονήματι, ἀθεμίτῳ τολμήματι τῆς δυσσεβοῦς φρονήσεως κήρυκας ἑαυτοὺς ἀνήγγειλαν, καὶ ἐπιχειροῦσιν ἀνατρέπειν πᾶν τὸ τῆς ἀληθείας σύνταγμα. Ὡς γὰρ κατὰ τὸ σὸν πρόσταγμα τὸ συνέδριον τῆς συνόδου συνεκροτεῖτο, κἀκεῖνοι τῆς ἰδίας ἀπάτης ἐγύμνουν τὴν σκέψιν, ἐπειρῶντο γὰρ πανουργίᾳ τινὶ καὶ ταραχῇ προσφέροντές τι καινοτομεῖν, τῆς τοιαύτης ἑτεροίας τοὺς συναλισκομένους εὑρόντες Γερμάνιον, Αὐξέντιον καὶ Γάϊον, τοὺς τὴν ἔριν καὶ διχοστασίαν ἐμποιοῦντας. Ὧν ἡ διδασκαλία μία μὲν οὖσας, πᾶν πλῆθος βλασφημιῶν ὑπερβέβηκεν· ὡς δὲ συνεῖδον οὐχὶ τῆς αὐτῆς προαιρέσεως ὄντας, οὔτε ὁμογνωμονοῦντας ἐφ᾽ οἷς κακῶς ἐφρόνουν, εἰς τὸ συμβούλιον ἡμῶν μετήγαγον ἑαυτοὺς, ὡς δοκεῖν ἕτερον γράφειν. Ἦν δὲ ὁ καιρὸς βραχὺς, ὁ καὶ τὰς γνώμας αὐτῶν ἐξελέγχων. Ἵνα μὴ οὖν τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἀεὶ τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας περιπίπτῃ, καὶ ταραχὴ καὶ θόρυβος κυλινδούμενος ἅπαντα συγχέῃ, βέβαιον ἐφάνη, τὰ πάλαι ὡρισμένα, ἔμμονα καὶ ἀμετακίνητα διαφυλάττειν · τοὺς δὲ προειρημένους ἀπὸ τῆς ἡμετέρας κοινωνίας ἀποκεχωρίσθαι. Δι' ἣν αἰτίαν, τοὺς ἀναδιδάξαντας πρέσβεις πρὸς τὴν σὴν ἐπιείκειαν ἀπεστάλκαμεν, τὴν γνώμην τοῦ συνεδρίου διὰ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς μηνύσοντας· τοῖς γε πρεσβεύουσι πρό γε πάντων τοῦτο παρεκελευσάμεθα, τῷ τὴν ἀλήθειαν πιστώσασθαι 4, ἐκ τῶν πάλαι ἀρχαίων καὶ δικαίων ὀρμωμένους. Οἱ καὶ τὴν σὴν ἀναδιδάξουσιν ὁσιότητα, ὅτι οὐχ ὥσπερ ἔφησαν Οὐρσάκιός τε καὶ Οὐάλης, ἔσται εἰρήνη, εἴπερ τι τῶν δικαίων ἀνατραπείη. Πῶς γὰρ εἰρήνην οἷόν τε ἄγειν, τοὺς τὴν εἰρήνην καταλύοντας ; Μᾶλλον γὰρ ἔρις καὶ ταραχὴ ἐκ τούτων σὺν ταῖς λοιπαῖς πόλεσι, καὶ τῇ τῶν Ῥωμαίων Ἐκκλησίᾳ γενήσεται. Διὸ δὴ καὶ ἱκετεύομεν τὴν σὴν ἐπιείκειαν, ἵνα προσηνέσιν ἀκοαῖς καὶ γαληναίῳ βλέμματι, τὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας πρεσβείας ἀθρήσειας, μήτε πρὸς ὕβριν τῶν τετελευτηκότων καινόν τι μεταλλάττειν ἐπιτρέψειας· ἀλλ᾽ ἐάσῃς ἡμᾶς ἐμμένειν τοῖς παρὰ τῶν προγόνων ὁρισθεῖσί τε καὶ νενομοθετημένοις· οὓς ἅπαντας μετὰ ἀγχινοίας τε καὶ φρονήσεως καὶ Πνεύματος ἁγίου πεποιηκεναι φήσαιμεν ἄν. Τὰ γὰρ νῦν παρ' ἐκείνων καινοτομούμενα τοῖς μὲν πιστεύσασιν ἀπιστίαν ἐμποιεῖ· τοῖς δὲ ἀπιστήσασιν, ὠμότητα. Ἱκετεύομεν δὲ ἔτι, ἵνα κελεύσῃς τοὺς ἐπισκόπους τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἀλλοδαπαῖς διατρίβοντας, οὓς καὶ τὸ τῆς ἡλικίας ἐπίπονον, καὶ τὸ τῆς πενίας ἐνδεὲς τρύχει, τὴν εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἀνακομιδὴν ῥᾳδίαν ποιήσασθαι, ἵνα μὴ ἔρημοι τῶν ἐπισκόπων αἱ Ἐκκλησίαι διαμένωσιν. Ἔτι δὲ πρὸς ἅπασι καὶ τοῦτο δεόμεθα, ἵνα μήτε ἐλλείπῃ τι τῶν προϋπαρξάντων, μήτε πλεονάζῃ· ἀλλὰ πάντα ἄῤῥηκτα διαμένῃ ἐκ τῆς τοῦ σοῦ πατρὸς εὐσεβείας, καὶ εἰς τὸν νῦν χρόνον διαφυλαττόμενα. Μήτε λοιπὸν ἡμᾶς μοχθεῖν, καὶ ἐκτὸς τῶν ἰδίων · παροικιῶν ἐπιτρέψειας γενέσθαι· ἀλλ᾽ ἵνα οἱ ἐπίσκοποι σὺν τοῖς ἰδίοις λαοῖς μετ' εἰρήνης εἰς εὐχάς τε καὶ λατρείας σχολὴν ἄγοιεν, ἱκετεύοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς σωτηρίας καὶ βασιλείας καὶ εἰρήνης, ἣν ἡ Θειότης σοι εἰς τὸ διηνεκὲς χαριεῖται. Οἱ δὲ ἡμέτεροι πρέσβεις τὰς ὑπογραφὰς, καὶ τὰς τῶν ἐπισκόπων προσηγορίας κομίζουσιν · οἵτινες καὶ ἐξ αὐτῶν τῶν θείων Γραφῶν τὴν σὴν ἀναδιδάξουσι θειότητα. · Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἡ σύνοδος ἔγραψε, καὶ δι' ἐπισκόπων ἀπέστειλεν. Οἱ μέντοι περὶ Οὐρσάκιον καὶ Οὐάλεντα φθάσαντες τὴν τούτων ἄφιξιν, προδιαβάλλουσι μὲν τὴν σύνοδον, ἐπιδείξαντες ἣν ἐπεκομίζοντο πίστεως ἔκδοσιν. Ὁ βασιλεὺς δὲ ἐκ προλήψεως τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ προσκείμενος, ἠγανάκτει μὲν κατὰ τῆς συνόδου· τοὺς δὲ περὶ Οὐάλεντα καὶ Οὐρσάκιον διὰ τιμῆς ἦγε πολλῆς. Διὸ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς συνόδου πεμφθέντες ἐχρόνιζον, ἀποκρίσεως οὐ τυγχάνοντες. Ὑψὲ δὲ ποτε τοιάδε πρὸς τὴν σύνοδον διὰ τῶν παρόντων ἀντέγραψεν ὁ βασιλεύς Κωνστάντιος, νικητὴς καὶ θριαμβευτής, Αὔγουστος, πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ ἐπισκόποις συνελθοῦσιν. ᾿Αεὶ μὲν προηγουμένην ἔχειν ἡμᾶς φροντίδα περὶ τοῦ θείου καὶ προσκυνητοῦ νόμου, οὐδὲ ἡ ὑμετέρα χρηστότης ἀγνοεῖ. ᾿Αλλὰ νῦν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς συνέσεως ὑμῶν ἀποσταλέντας εἴκοσι ἐπισκόπους ἀναδεξαμένους τὴν παρ᾿ ὑμῶν πρεσβείαν, τέως οὐκ ἠδυνήθημεν ἰδεῖν. ᾿Αναγκαία γὰρ ἡμῖν ἡ πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους ὁδός. Καὶ ὡς οἴδατε, πρέπει τὴν ψυχὴν καθαρὰν οὖσαν ἀπὸ πάσης φροντίδος, τὰ περὶ τοῦ θείου νόμου γυμνάζειν. Τοιγαροῦν τοὺς ἐπισκόπους ἐκελεύσαμεν ἐν τῇ Αδριανουπόλει ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν ἡμετέραν ἐπάνοδον, ἵν᾽ ἐπειδὰν πάντα καλῶς διατεθῇ τὰ δημόσια, τότε λοιπὸν ἅπερ ὑποθάλλουσιν, ἀκοῦσαι δοχιμάσαι δυνηθῶμεν. ἢ μέντοι στεῤῥότητι ὑμῶν μὴ βαρὺ φαινέσθω, ὥστε ἐκδέξασθαι. τὴν αὐτῶν ἐπάνοδον, ἵν' ἐπειδὰν ἐπανέλθωσι χομίζοντες ὑμῖν τὰς ἡμετέρας ἀποκρίσεις, δυνηθῆτε εἰς πέρας ἀγαγεῖν τὰ πρὸς τὴν λυσιτέλειαν ἀνήκοντα τῇ καθολικῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, Ταῦτα δεξάμενοι τὰ γράμματα οἱ ἐπίσκοποι αὖθις τοιαῦτα ἀντέγραψαν " « Τὰ γράμματα τῆς σῆς φιλανθρωπίας ἐδεξάμεθα, χύριε θεοφιλέστατε βασιλεῦ, τὰ περιέχοντα διὰ τὴν τῶν δημοσίων ἀνάγκην, τέως μὴ δεδννῇσθαί σε τοὺς ἡμετέρους πρέσβεις θεωρῆσαι" ἡμᾶς δὲ χελεύεις ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν αὐτῶν ἐπάνοδον, ἕως ἂν τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὁρισθέντα ἀκολούθως τοῖς προγόνοις ἡμῶν ἐπιγνῷ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἡ σὴ εὐλάδεια. ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ νῦν διὰ τούτων τῶν γραμμάτων ὁμολογοῦμεν διαθδεδαιούμεθα, μηδαμῶς ἡμᾶς ἀναχωρεῖν τῆς ἡμετέρας προθέσεως. Τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τοῖς πρέσβεσιν ἡμῶν ἐνετειλάμεθα. ᾿Αξιοῦμεν τοίνυν, ὅπως γαληναίᾳ τῇ προσόψει τά τε νῦν γράμματα τῆς ἡμετέρας μετριότητος κελεύσῃς ἀναγνωσθῆναι. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ κἀχεῖνα ἃ διὰ τῶν πρέσδεων ἡμῶν ἐνετειλάμεθα, ἡδέως ὑποδέξῃ. Ἐκεῖνο μέντοι συνορᾷ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ ἢ σὴ ἡμερότης, ὅση νῦν ἐστι λύπη κατήφεια, ὅτι ἐν τοῖς σοῖς μακαριωτάτοις καιροῖς τοσαῦται Ἐκκλησίαι χωρὶς ἐπισκόπων εἰσί. Καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πάλιν τὴν σὴν φιλανθρωπίαν ἀξιοῦμεν, χύριε θεοφιλέστατε βασιλεῦ, ὅπως πρὸ τῆς τραχύτητος τῶν χειμώνων, εἴπερ ἀρέσειε τῇ σῇ εὐσεδείᾳ, χελεύσεις ἡμᾶς εἰς τὰς ἡμετέρας Ἐκκλησίας ἐπανελθεῖν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ δύνασθαι ἡμᾶς τῷ παντοχράτορε θεῷ, καὶ τῷ Δεσπότῃ καὶ Σωτῆρι ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστῷ, τῷ ΥἹῷ αὐτοῦ τῷ μονογενεῖ, ὑπὲρ τῆς σῆς βασιλείας τὰς ἐθίμους εὐχὰς μετὰ τῶν λαῶν ἀποπληροῦν, καθὼς καὶ ἀεὶ ἐπετελέσαμεν νῦν ποιοῦμεν εὐχόμενοι. » Ταῦτα γράψαντες, μικρὸν ἐπιμείναντες χρόνον, ὡς οὐχ ἠξίου αὐτοὺς ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀποκρίσεως, . κατὰ πόλεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀνεχώρησαν. Ὁ βασιλεὺς δὲ καὶ ἤδη μὲν πρότερον ἐσχόπει τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν δόξαν ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις ἐγχατασπεῖραι " ταύτην τε κρατήσειν ἐσπουδαχὼς, πρόφασιν ὕδρεως τὴν ἐκείνων ποιεῖται ἀναχώρησιν, χαταπεφρονῆσθαι λέγων, ὅτι παρὰ γνώμην αὐτοῦ διελύθησαν. Διὸ τοῖς μὲν περὶ Οὐρσάκιον, ὅσα αὐτοῖς ἐδόκει σὺν παῤῥησίᾳ κατὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν πράττειν ἐπέτρεψε. Τὴν δὲ ἔκδοσιν τῆς ἀναγνωσθείσης ἐν ᾿Αριμίνῳ πίστεως ἐκέλευσεν εἰς τὰς περὶ Ἰταλίαν ᾿Εκκλησίας ἐχπέμπεσθαι, προστάξας τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους ὑπογράφειν αὑτῇ ἐξεῶσθαι τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν, καὶ εἰς τοὺς τόπους αὐτῶν ἑτέρους ἀντιχαθίστασθαι. Καὶ πρῶτος μὲν Λιβέριος 5 ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος παραιτησάμενος ἐκείνῃ τῇ πίστει συνθέσθαι, ἐξόριστος γίνεται, τῶν περὶ Ούρσάκιον εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ καταστησάντων Φίληκα, ὃς διάκονος ὢν τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας, καὶ τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ προστεθεὶς, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προεβλήθη. Εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ λέγοντες, ὅτι οὐ προσέθετο μὲν τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ, βίᾳ δὲ καὶ ἀνάγκῃ κεχειροτόνητο. Πάντα μὲν οὖν τότε τὰ κατὰ τὴν δύσιν καινοτομούμενα ταραχὴν εἶχε, τῶν μὲν ἐξωθουμένων καὶ ἀποστελλομένων εἰς ἐξορίαν· τῶν δὲ εἰς τόπον τῶν αὐτῶν ἀντικαθισταμένων. Καὶ ταῦτα ἐγίνετο βίᾳ καὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν προσταγμάτων, ἅπερ καὶ εἰς τὰ ἐῷα μέρη ἀπέσταλτο. Ὁ Λιβέριος μὲν οὖν μικρὸν ὕστερον τῆς ἐξορίας ἀνακληθεὶς, τὸν οἰκεῖον θρόνον ἀπέλαβε ἰ, τοῦ ἐν Ῥώμῃ λαοῦ στασιάσαντος, καὶ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκβάλλοντος τὸν Φίληκα· ὅ τε βασιλεὺς καὶ παρὰ γνώμην τούτοις ἐγένετο σύμψηφος. Οἱ δὲ περὶ Οὐρσάκιον τῆς Ἰταλίας ἀναχωρήσαντες, καὶ ἐπὶ τὰ ἀνατολικὰ διαβαίνοντες μέρη, πόλιν τῆς Θράκης, ὄνομα Νίκην, καταλαμβάνουσι· μικρὸν δὲ ἐπιμείναντες ἐν αὐτῇ χρόνον, ἕτερον ποιοῦνται ἐν αὐτῇ συνέδριον · καὶ τὴν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἐν Ἀριμίνῳ τῆς πίστεως ἔκδοσιν εἰς Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ἑρμηνεύσαντες, καθ᾽ ἂν ἀνωτέρω γέγραπται τρόπον, εἶτα δημοσιεύ Καὶ τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ ἅμα δέ. σαντες ἐβεβαίωσαν, ἐπιφημίσαντες ὑπὸ τῆς οἰκου - μενικῆς συνόδου καὶ ὑπηγορεῦσθαι τὴν πίστιν τῇ ἐν Νίκῃ 1, τῷ παρομοίῳ τοῦ ὀνόματος συναρπάζειν τοὺς ἁπλουστέρους βουλόμενοι· τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ γὰρ τῆς Βιθυνίας πίστιν εἶναι ἐνόμιζον. ᾿Αλλ᾿ οὐδὲν αὐτοὺς ὤνησε τὸ σόφισμα· μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ γὰρ ἐξηλέγχθη· διετέλουν γὰρ γελώμενοι. Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν κατὰ τὰ ἑσπέρια γενομένων μέρη, τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Μετιτέον δὲ ἐπὶ διήγησιν τῶν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολὴν γεγενημένων. ᾿Αρκτέον δὲ ἐντεῦθεν.
Gnous de ho basileus, tous men ekpodōn di' exorias poiei; oikoumēnikēn de synodon synkrotein ebouleto, hopōs an pantas tous tēs anatolēs episkopous eis tēn dysin helkysas, homodoxous, ei dynaito, tous pantas poiēseien. Hōs de autǭ tauta skeptomenǭ, chalepa ta tēs hodou katephaineto, dimerē genesthai tēn synodon autois prosetaxen. En ᾿Ariminǭ men tēs Italias, tous tote parontas synelthein epitrepsas; tous de en anatolę̄, dia grammatōn en Nikomēdeią tēs Bithynias apantēsai ekeleuse. Tauta men ho basileus skopǭ tēs homophōnias ekeleusen. Ou mēn autǭ ho skopos chrēstēn eschen Ekbasin; oudetera gar tōn synodōn heautę̄ synephōnēsen, all᾽ hekatera dię̄rethē. Oute gar hoi en Ariminǭ synelthontes, homophōnēsai dedynēntai; kai hoi tēs anatolēs synelthontes en Seleukeią R tēs Isaurias, heteron schisma eirgasanto. Hopōs men oun hekasta toutōn egeneto, proïontes dēlōsomen, proteron peri Eudoxiou mikra mnēmoneusantes. Peri gar tonde ton chronon Leontiou teleutēsantos, hos ton hairetikon ᾿Aetion eis tēn diakonian probeblēto, Eudoxios • Germanikeias episkopos hōn, Syrias de kai ēde hē polis, kata tēn Rhōmēn tote parōn, epeigesthai skeptetai. Kai tǭ basilei doliōs dialegetai, hōs chrēzousēs tēs Germanikeōn poleōs paramythias kai phylakēs, synchōrēthēnai autǭ tacheian epanodon. Ouden de ho basileus proeidomenos, aphiēsin auton. Ho de tous tou koitōnos kratountas echōn synergous, tēn ᾿Antiocheias episkopēn hyporyxas, tēn heautou polin apelipe. Kai ton ᾿Aetion synkrotein epeirato, spoudēn te etitheto synedrion episkopōn kathisai, kai apodounai autǭ tēs diakonias tēn axian. Touto men oun oudamōs egeneto, dioti epikratesteron ēn to kata ᾿Aetiou misos tēs Eudoxiou spoudēs. Tosauta kai peri toutōn eirēsthō. Tōn de en tę̄ Ariminǭ synelthontōn, hoi men anatolikoi, sigę̄ ta kata ᾿Athanasiou parapempsantes synelēlythenai ephaskon. Synelambanonto de tę̄ toutōn spoudę̄ Oursakios kai Oualēs, hoi ex archēs men to tou ᾿Areiou synkrotēsantes dogma, en tǭ mesǭ de tǭ homoousiǭ synthemenoi, dia tou epidothentos bibliou tǭ episkopǭ tēs Rhōmēs, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Houtoi gar aei pros tous epikratountas epeklinon. Synelambanonto de toutois Germanios kai Auxentios, Dēmophilos te kai Gaïos. Hōs oun en tǭ syllogǭ tōn parontōn allos allo ti proballesthai paretattonto, tēnikauta hoi peri Oursakion kai Oualenta panta elegon ta peri tēs pisteōs hypagoreuthenta menein – arga; dechesthai de neōteran ekthesin, hēn mikron emprosthen en Sirmiǭ synelthontes exethento. Tauta elegon, kai chartēn meta cheiras echontes, anaginōskesthai pepoiēkasin. ᾿Allēn de ekthesin pisteōs, hēn en Sirmiǭ protypōsantes, ekei men, hōs kai proteron ephēn, etamieusanto; tote de en tę̄ ᾿Ariminǭ phaneron te pepoiēkasin. Ētis ek Rhōmaïkou men hērmēneuthē; esti de en toutois tois rhēmasin; Exetethē pistis hē katholikē epi parousią tou despotou hēmōn Kōnstantiou, en hypateią Phlabiou Eusebiou kai Hypatiou; tōn lamprotatōn, en Sirmiǭ tę̄ proendeka kalandōn Iouniōn. Pisteuomen eis hena ton monon kai alēthinon Theon, Patera pantokratora, ktistēn kai dēmiourgon tōn pantōn; kai eis hena monogenē Huion tou Theou, ton pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn, kai pro pasēs archēs, kai pro pantos epinooumenou chronou, kai pro pasēs katalēptēs epinoias, gegennēmenon apathōs ek tou Theou, di' hou hoi te aiōnes katērtisthēsan, kai ta panta egeneto; gegennēmenon de monogenē, monon ek monou hypo tou Patros, Theon ek Theou, homoion tǭ gennēsanti auton Patri kata tas Graphas; hou tēn gennēsin oudeis epistatai, ē monos ho gennēsas auton Patēr. Touton ismen ton monogenē autou Huion, neumati patrikǭ paragenomenon ek tōn ouranōn eis athetēsin tēs hamartias; kai gennēthenta ek Marias tēs Parthenou, kai anastraphenta meta tōn mathētōn, kai pasan tēn oikonomian plērōsanta kata tēn patrikēn boulēsin; staurōthenta kai apothanonta, kai eis ta katachthonia katelthonta, kai ta ekeise oikonomēsanta ; hon pylōroi adou idontes ephrixan; kai anastanta tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą kai anastraphenta meta tōn mathētōn. Kai tessarakonta hēmerōn plēroumenōn, analēphthenta eis tous ouranous, kai kathezomenon ek dexiōn tou Patros ; kai eleusomenon tę̄ eschatę̄ hēmerą tę̄ doxę̄ tę̄ patrikę̄, apodidonta hekastǭ kata ta erga autou. Kai eis to hagion Pneuma, ho autos ho monogenēs tou Theou Huios Iēsous Christos epēngeilato pempsai tǭ genei tōn anthrōpōn, ton paraklēton, kata to gegrammenon; Aperchomai pros ton Patera mou; kai, Parakalesō ton Patera mou, kai allon paraklēton pempsei hymin, to Pneuma tēs alētheias. Ekeinos ek tou emou lēpsetai, kai didaxei kai hypomnēsei hymas panta. To de onoma tēs ousias dia to aplousteron hypo tōn Paterōn tetheisthai, agnioumenon de hypo tōn laōn, skandalon pherein, dia to mēte tas Graphas touto periechein, ērese touto periairethēnai kai pantelōs mēdemian mnēmēn ousias epi Theou einai tou loipou, dia to tas theias Graphas mēdamou peri Patros kai Huiou ousias memnēsthai. Homoion de legomen ton Huion tǭ Patri kata panta, hōs hai hagiai Graphai legousin te kai didaskousin. Toutōn anagnōsthentōn, dianastantes hois tauta ouk ēresken ephasan; « Ou deomenoi pisteōs entautha synelēlythamen ; hygiē gar phylattomen, hēn ex archēs pareilēphamen; all᾽ ina, ei tis peri tautēn kainotomia genoito, tautēn kōlysōmen. Ei oun ta anagnōsthenta mēden kainotomei, phanerōs ēdē tēn ᾿Areianēn hairesin anathematisate, kath' hon tropon kai tas allas haireseis ho palaios kanōn tēs Ekklēsias hōs blasphēmous exebalen. Hoti gar to blasphēmon ᾿Areiou dogma tous thorybous tēs Ekklēsias kai tas achri nyn ginomenas ekinēse tarachas, touto tę̄ oikoumenę̄ dēlon kathestēken. » Hautē hē protasis hē hypo tōn peri Oursakion kai Oualenta, Germanion te kai Auxention, kai Dēmophilon kai Gaion mē dechtheisa, teleōs tēn Ekklēsian diespasen. Houtoi men gar tois tote kata tēn en Ariminǭ anagnōstheisi prosethento ; hoi de tēn en Nikaią authis ekyrōsan. Kategelasan de kai tēs prographēs tōn anagnōsthentōn; malista de ᾿Athanasios, di' hōn pros tous heautou gnōrimous epistellōn, toiade kata lexin phēsin; « Ti gar eleipe didaskalias eis eusebeian tę̄ katholikę̄ Ekklēsią, hina nyn peri pisteōs zētōsi, kai tēn hypateian tōn parontōn chronōn protassōsi tōn par᾿ autōn ektithemenōn rhēmatōn dēthen peri pisteōs? Oursakios gar kai Oualēs kai Germanios • pepoiēkasin, ho mēte gegonen, mēte ēkousthē pote para Christianois. Grapsantes gar hōs ēthelon autoi pisteuein, proetaxan tēn hypateian, kai ton mēna, kai tēn hēmeran tou parontos chronou, hina deixōsi pasi tois phronimois, hoti mē proteron, alla nyn, epi Kōnstantiou, archēn echei toutōn hē pistis. Pantes gar pros tēn idian hairesin blepontes egraphon. Pros toutois peri tou Kyriou prospoioumenoi graphein, allon despotēn heautōn onomazousi Kōnstantion. Autos gar ēn ho tēn dynasteian tēs asebeias autois parechōn. Kai aiōnion de auton basilea eirēkasin, hoi ton Huion aïdion arnoumenoi ; houtōs eisi pros asebeian christomachoi. ᾿All᾽ isōs estin autois prophasis tēs hypateias, hē tōn hagiōn prophētōn chronographia. Alla kan touto tolmēsōsin eipein, poly tēn amathian heautōn exangellousin. Hai men gar tōn hagiōn prophēteiai chronōn echousi mnēmēn. Kai Hēsaïas men kai Ōsēe en hēmerais Oziou kai Iōatham kai ᾿Achaz kai Ezekiou gegonasin; Ieremias de, en hēmerais Iōsiou; Iezekiēl de kai Daniēl, epi Kyrou kai Dareiou. Kai alloi en allois chronois eprophēteusan, ou tēs theosebeias archēn kataballomenoi. Hēn gar kai pro autōn, kai aei, kai pro katabolēs kosmou, tautēn hēmin ho Theos en Christǭ proētoimasen. Oude tēs autōn pisteōs tous chronous esēmainon; ēsan gar kai pro toutōn tōn chronōn autoi pistoi; alla tēs di᾿ autōn epangelias ēsan hoi chronoi. Hē de epangelia proēgoumenōs men peri tēs epidēmias tou Sōtēros hēmōn. Epakolouthēma de peri tōn esomenōn tǭ Israēl kai tois ethnesi ; kai ēsan hoi chronoi sēmainomenoi, ouk archē pisteōs, katha proeipon, all᾽ autōn tōn prophētōn, kath' hous autoi genomenoi, tauta proephēteuon. Houtoi de hoi nyn sophoi, ouch historias exēgoumenoi, oude ta mellonta prolegontes, alla grapsantes, Exetethē hē pistis hē katholikē, euthys prosethēkan kai tēn hypateian kai ton mēna kai tēn hēmeran. Ōsper hoi hagioi tōn historiōn kai tēs heautōn diakonias tous chronous egraphon, houtōs houtoi tēs heautōn pisteōs ton chronon sēmainousi. eithe peri tēs heautōn egraphon; nyn gar ērxanto kai mē hōs peri tēs katholikēs epecheiroun; ou gar egrapsan, Houtō pisteuomen, all' hoti᾿ Exetethē hē katholikē pistis. To men oun tolmēron tēs proaireseōs elenchei tēn atheïan ; autōn. To de kainon epinoēma tēs graphēs ison esti tēs Areianēs aireseōs. Houtō gar grapsantes edidaxan, pote men ērxanto pisteuein autoi. ᾿Apo de tou nyn boulontai tēn pistin autōn katangellesthai. Kai hōsper kata ton euangelistēn Loukan, etethē dogma peri tēs apographēs, proteron men ouk ēn, apo de tōn hēmerōn ekeinōn ērxato einai, kai etethē para tou grapsantos ; houtō kai houtoi grapsantes, Exetethē nyn hē pistis, edeixan hoti neōteron to tēs haireseōs Houtōs eisin amatheis, monon eidontes plattein proautōn esti phronēma, kai ouk ēn proteron. Hei de prostitheasi tēs Katholikēs, elathon heautous pesontes eis tēn paranomian tōn apo Phrygias ; hōste kai autous kat' ekeinous eipein, « Hēmin prōton apekalyphthē kai aph᾿ hēmōn hē pistis archetai tōn Christianōn › ; kai hōsper ekeinoi Maximillan kai Montanon, houtōs houtoi anti tou Christou, despotēn Kōnstantion epigraphontai. Ei de kat᾿ autous apo tēs nyn hypateias archēn hē pistis echei, ti poiēsousin hoi Pateres, kai hoi makarioi martyres? Ti de kai autoi poiēsousi tous par' autōn katēchēthentas, kai pro tēs hypateias tautēs koimēthentas? Pōs autous egeirousin, hina ha men edoxan dedidachenai, toutous apaleipsōsin; ho de nyn hōs epheurontes egrapsan, epispeirōsin autois? phaseis, kai tautas aprepeis kai apithanous, echousas euthys ton elenchon. » Toiauta men ᾿Athanasios tois heautou gnōrimois epestellen. Exestō de tois philomathesin anazētēsasi tēn epistolēn, gnōnai ta en autę̄ dynatōs eirēmena. Hēmeis gar meros autēs entautha paratetheikamen, to mēkos paraitēsamenoi. Isteon de, hoti hē synodos katheile tous peri Oualenta kai Oursakion, Auxention te kai Germanion kai Gaion kai Dēmophilon, hoti tēn Areianion doxan anathematisai ou katedexanto. Dio houtoi men, aganaktountes epi tę̄ kathairesei, pros ton basilea tacheōs anedramon, epikomizomenoi tēn anagnōstheisan en tę̄ synodǭ tēs pisteōs ekdosin; hē synodos de di' epistolēs gnōrima ta hyp᾿ autēs gnōsthenta kathistē tǭ basilei. Hēs ek Rhōmaïkōn metablētheisēs, ēde estin hē dianoia ; Epistolē - tēs en ᾿Ariminǭ synodou pros ton basilea Kōnstantion. Hek te tēs tou Theou keleuseōs, kai tēs sēs eusebeias prostagmatos, ta palai dogmatisthenta gegenēsthai pisteuomen; eis gar Ariminon ek pasōn tōn pros dysin poleōn, eis to auto pantes episkopoi synēlthomen ; hina kai hē pistis tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias gnōristhę̄ a, kai hoi tanantia phronountes ekdēloi genōntai. Hōs gar epi pleiston diaskopountes eurēkamen, areston ephanē, tēn pistin tēn ekpalai diamenousan, hēn kai hoi prophētai kai ta Euangelia, kai hoi apostoloi dia tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou ekēryxan, tou kai tēs sēs basileias phrourou kai tēs sēs rhōseōs prostatou; hina tautēn kataschontes phylaxōmen, kai phylattontes mechri telous diatērōmen. "Atopon gar kai athemiton ephanē, tōn orthōs kai dikaiōs hōrismenōn ti metallassein, kai tōn en Nikaią koinę̄ meta tou endoxotatou sou patros kai basileōs Kōnstantinou eskemmenōn, hōn hē didaskalia te kai to phronēma diēlthe te kai ekērychthē eis pasas anthrōpōn akoas te kai dianoias; hētis antipalos monē kai oletēr tēs ᾿Areiou haireseōs hypērxe. Di' hēs ou monon autē, alla kai hai loipai haireseis kathę̄rethēsan. En hę̄ ontōs kai to prostheinai ti sphaleron, kai to aphelesthai epikindynon hyparchei. Hōs eiper kai thateron genoito, estai tois echthrois adeia tou poiein haper boulointo. Hothen Oursakios te kai Oualēs, epeidē ekpalai metochoi te kai symphrones tou ᾿Areianikou dogmatos ēsan kathestēkotes, kai tēs hēmeteras koinōnias chōristhentes apephanthēsan; hēs hina metaschōsin, eph᾽ hois heautois synegnōkeisan plēmmelēsantes, metanoias te kai syngnōmēs ēxioun tychein, hōs kai ta engrapha ta hyp᾿ ekeinōn gegenēmena martyrei; di᾽ hōn hapantōn pheidō gegenētai, kai tōn enklēmatōn syngnōmē. Ēn de ho kairos kath' hon tauta epratteto, hote en Mediolanǭ to synedrion tēs synodou synekroteito, symparontōn de kai tōn presbyterōn tēs Rhōmaiōn Ekklēsias. Egnōkotes de hama kai ton meta tēn teleutēn axion mnēmēs Kōnstantinon, meta pasēs akribeias kai exetaseōs tēn syngrapheisan pistin ektetheikota; epeidē de hōs ex anthrōpōn egeneto baptistheis, kai pros tēn opheilomenēn eirēnēn anechōrēsen, atopon enomisamen einai met᾿ ekeinon ti kainotomein, kai tosoutous hagious homologētas kai martyras, tous kai toude tou dogmatos syngrapheis te kai heuretas hyperidein; hoitines kata ton palaion tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias thesmon, hapanta phronountes diamemenēkasin. Hōn ho Theos tēn pistin kai eis tous sous chronous tēs basileias metedōke, dia tou Kyriou hēmōn Iēsou Christou, di' hou soi kai to basileuein houtōs hypērxen, hōs kai tēs kath' hēmas oikoumenēs kratein. Palin goun hoi eleeinoi ho kai oiktroi tǭ phronēmati, athemitǭ tolmēmati tēs dyssebous phronēseōs kērykas heautous anēngeilan, kai epicheirousin anatrepein pan to tēs alētheias syntagma. Hōs gar kata to son prostagma to synedrion tēs synodou synekroteito, kakeinoi tēs idias apatēs egymnoun tēn skepsin, epeirōnto gar panourgią tini kai tarachę̄ prospherontes ti kainotomein, tēs toiautēs heteroias tous synaliskomenous heurontes Germanion, Auxention kai Gaïon, tous tēn erin kai dichostasian empoiountas. Hōn hē didaskalia mia men ousas, pan plēthos blasphēmiōn hyperbebēken; hōs de syneidon ouchi tēs autēs proaireseōs ontas, oute homognōmonountas eph᾽ hois kakōs ephronoun, eis to symboulion hēmōn metēgagon heautous, hōs dokein heteron graphein. Ēn de ho kairos brachys, ho kai tas gnōmas autōn exelenchōn. Hina mē oun tois autois aei ta tēs Ekklēsias peripiptę̄, kai tarachē kai thorybos kylindoumenos hapanta syncheę̄, bebaion ephanē, ta palai hōrismena, emmona kai ametakinēta diaphylattein ; tous de proeirēmenous apo tēs hēmeteras koinōnias apokechōristhai. Di' hēn aitian, tous anadidaxantas presbeis pros tēn sēn epieikeian apestalkamen, tēn gnōmēn tou synedriou dia tēs epistolēs mēnysontas; tois ge presbeuousi pro ge pantōn touto parekeleusametha, tǭ tēn alētheian pistōsasthai 4, ek tōn palai archaiōn kai dikaiōn ormōmenous. Hoi kai tēn sēn anadidaxousin hosiotēta, hoti ouch hōsper ephēsan Oursakios te kai Oualēs, estai eirēnē, eiper ti tōn dikaiōn anatrapeiē. Pōs gar eirēnēn hoion te agein, tous tēn eirēnēn katalyontas ? Mallon gar eris kai tarachē ek toutōn syn tais loipais polesi, kai tę̄ tōn Rhōmaiōn Ekklēsią genēsetai. Dio dē kai hiketeuomen tēn sēn epieikeian, hina prosēnesin akoais kai galēnaiǭ blemmati, ta tēs hēmeteras presbeias athrēseias, mēte pros hybrin tōn teteleutēkotōn kainon ti metallattein epitrepseias; all᾽ easę̄s hēmas emmenein tois para tōn progonōn horistheisi te kai nenomothetēmenois; hous hapantas meta anchinoias te kai phronēseōs kai Pneumatos hagiou pepoiēkenai phēsaimen an. Ta gar nyn par' ekeinōn kainotomoumena tois men pisteusasin apistian empoiei; tois de apistēsasin, ōmotēta. Hiketeuomen de eti, hina keleusę̄s tous episkopous tous en tais allodapais diatribontas, hous kai to tēs hēlikias epiponon, kai to tēs penias endees trychei, tēn eis ta oikeia anakomidēn rhądian poiēsasthai, hina mē erēmoi tōn episkopōn hai Ekklēsiai diamenōsin. Eti de pros hapasi kai touto deometha, hina mēte elleipę̄ ti tōn proÿparxantōn, mēte pleonazę̄; alla panta arrhēkta diamenę̄ ek tēs tou sou patros eusebeias, kai eis ton nyn chronon diaphylattomena. Mēte loipon hēmas mochthein, kai ektos tōn idiōn ; paroikiōn epitrepseias genesthai; all᾽ hina hoi episkopoi syn tois idiois laois met' eirēnēs eis euchas te kai latreias scholēn agoien, hiketeuontes hyper tēs sēs sōtērias kai basileias kai eirēnēs, hēn hē Theiotēs soi eis to diēnekes charieitai. Hoi de hēmeteroi presbeis tas hypographas, kai tas tōn episkopōn prosēgorias komizousin ; hoitines kai ex autōn tōn theiōn Graphōn tēn sēn anadidaxousi theiotēta. ; Tauta men oun hē synodos egrapse, kai di' episkopōn apesteilen. Hoi mentoi peri Oursakion kai Oualenta phthasantes tēn toutōn aphixin, prodiaballousi men tēn synodon, epideixantes hēn epekomizonto pisteōs ekdosin. Ho basileus de ek prolēpseōs tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄ proskeimenos, ēganaktei men kata tēs synodou; tous de peri Oualenta kai Oursakion dia timēs ēge pollēs. Dio hoi apo tēs synodou pemphthentes echronizon, apokriseōs ou tynchanontes. Hypse de pote toiade pros tēn synodon dia tōn parontōn antegrapsen ho basileus Kōnstantios, nikētēs kai thriambeutēs, Augoustos, pasi tois en ᾿Ariminǭ episkopois synelthousin. ᾿Aei men proēgoumenēn echein hēmas phrontida peri tou theiou kai proskynētou nomou, oude hē hymetera chrēstotēs agnoei. ᾿Alla nyn tous apo tēs syneseōs hymōn apostalentas eikosi episkopous anadexamenous tēn par᾿ hymōn presbeian, teōs ouk ēdynēthēmen idein. ᾿Anankaia gar hēmin hē pros tous barbarous hodos. Kai hōs oidate, prepei tēn psychēn katharan ousan apo pasēs phrontidos, ta peri tou theiou nomou gymnazein. Toigaroun tous episkopous ekeleusamen en tę̄ Adrianoupolei ekdexasthai tēn hēmeteran epanodon, hin᾽ epeidan panta kalōs diatethę̄ ta dēmosia, tote loipon haper hypothallousin, akousai dochimasai dynēthōmen. ē mentoi sterrhotēti hymōn mē bary phainesthō, hōste ekdexasthai. tēn autōn epanodon, hin' epeidan epanelthōsi chomizontes hymin tas hēmeteras apokriseis, dynēthēte eis peras agagein ta pros tēn lysiteleian anēkonta tę̄ katholikę̄ Ekklēsią, Tauta dexamenoi ta grammata hoi episkopoi authis toiauta antegrapsan " « Ta grammata tēs sēs philanthrōpias edexametha, chyrie theophilestate basileu, ta periechonta dia tēn tōn dēmosiōn anankēn, teōs mē dednnę̄sthai se tous hēmeterous presbeis theōrēsai" hēmas de cheleueis ekdexasthai tēn autōn epanodon, heōs an ta par᾽ hēmōn horisthenta akolouthōs tois progonois hēmōn epignǭ par᾽ autōn hē sē euladeia. ᾿Alla kai nyn dia toutōn tōn grammatōn homologoumen diathdedaioumetha, mēdamōs hēmas anachōrein tēs hēmeteras protheseōs. Touto gar kai tois presbesin hēmōn eneteilametha. ᾿Axioumen toinyn, hopōs galēnaią tę̄ prosopsei ta te nyn grammata tēs hēmeteras metriotētos keleusę̄s anagnōsthēnai. ᾿Alla gar kacheina ha dia tōn presdeōn hēmōn eneteilametha, hēdeōs hypodexę̄. Ekeino mentoi synorą meth᾽ hēmōn kai ē sē hēmerotēs, hosē nyn esti lypē katēpheia, hoti en tois sois makariōtatois kairois tosautai Ekklēsiai chōris episkopōn eisi. Kai dia touto palin tēn sēn philanthrōpian axioumen, chyrie theophilestate basileu, hopōs pro tēs trachytētos tōn cheimōnōn, eiper areseie tę̄ sę̄ eusedeią, cheleuseis hēmas eis tas hēmeteras Ekklēsias epanelthein, hyper tou dynasthai hēmas tǭ pantochratore theǭ, kai tǭ Despotę̄ kai Sōtēri hēmōn Iēsou Christǭ, tǭ HuIǭ autou tǭ monogenei, hyper tēs sēs basileias tas ethimous euchas meta tōn laōn apoplēroun, kathōs kai aei epetelesamen nyn poioumen euchomenoi. » Tauta grapsantes, mikron epimeinantes chronon, hōs ouch ēxiou autous ho basileus apokriseōs, . kata poleis tas heautōn anechōrēsan. Ho basileus de kai ēdē men proteron eschopei tēn ᾿Areianēn doxan tais Ekklēsiais enchataspeirai " tautēn te kratēsein espoudachōs, prophasin hydreōs tēn ekeinōn poieitai anachōrēsin, chatapephronēsthai legōn, hoti para gnōmēn autou dielythēsan. Dio tois men peri Oursakion, hosa autois edokei syn parrhēsią kata tōn Ekklēsiōn prattein epetrepse. Tēn de ekdosin tēs anagnōstheisēs en ᾿Ariminǭ pisteōs ekeleusen eis tas peri Italian ᾿Ekklēsias echpempesthai, prostaxas tous mē boulomenous hypographein hautę̄ exeōsthai tōn Ekklēsiōn, kai eis tous topous autōn heterous antichathistasthai. Kai prōtos men Liberios 5 ho tēs Rhōmēs episkopos paraitēsamenos ekeinę̄ tę̄ pistei synthesthai, exoristos ginetai, tōn peri Oursakion eis ton topon autou katastēsantōn Philēka, hos diakonos ōn tēs en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias, kai tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄ prostetheis, eis tēn episkopēn proeblēthē. Eisi de hoi legontes, hoti ou prosetheto men tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄, bią de kai anankę̄ kecheirotonēto. Panta men oun tote ta kata tēn dysin kainotomoumena tarachēn eiche, tōn men exōthoumenōn kai apostellomenōn eis exorian; tōn de eis topon tōn autōn antikathistamenōn. Kai tauta egineto bią kai tōn basilikōn prostagmatōn, haper kai eis ta eǭa merē apestalto. Ho Liberios men oun mikron hysteron tēs exorias anaklētheis, ton oikeion thronon apelabe i, tou en Rhōmę̄ laou stasiasantos, kai tēs Ekklēsias ekballontos ton Philēka; ho te basileus kai para gnōmēn toutois egeneto sympsēphos. Hoi de peri Oursakion tēs Italias anachōrēsantes, kai epi ta anatolika diabainontes merē, polin tēs Thrakēs, onoma Nikēn, katalambanousi; mikron de epimeinantes en autę̄ chronon, heteron poiountai en autę̄ synedrion ; kai tēn anagnōstheisan en Ariminǭ tēs pisteōs ekdosin eis Hellada glōssan hermēneusantes, kath᾽ an anōterō gegraptai tropon, eita dēmosieu Kai tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄ hama de. santes ebebaiōsan, epiphēmisantes hypo tēs oikou - menikēs synodou kai hypēgoreusthai tēn pistin tę̄ en Nikę̄ 1, tǭ paromoiǭ tou onomatos synarpazein tous haplousterous boulomenoi; tēn en Nikaią gar tēs Bithynias pistin einai enomizon. ᾿All᾿ ouden autous ōnēse to sophisma; met᾿ ou poly gar exēlenchthē; dieteloun gar gelōmenoi. Peri men oun tōn kata ta hesperia genomenōn merē, tosauta eirēsthō. Metiteon de epi diēgēsin tōn kata ton auton chronon kata tēn anatolēn gegenēmenōn. ᾿Arkteon de enteuthen.
When the emperor learned this, he put these men out of the way by exile, and wished to convene an ecumenical synod, so that by drawing all the bishops of the East to the West he might, if possible, make them all of one opinion. But as he considered this, the difficulties of the journey became clear to him, and he ordered the synod to be held in two parts: he directed those then present to meet at Ariminum in Italy, and by letter ordered those in the East to gather at Nicomedia in Bithynia. The emperor ordered this with the aim of agreement; but his aim had no good outcome. For neither synod agreed with itself, but each was divided: neither could those who met at Ariminum agree, and the easterners, meeting at Seleucia in Isauria, made another schism. How each of these things happened we shall show as we go on, after first saying a little about Eudoxius.
About this time Leontius died, who had promoted the heretic Aetius to the diaconate. Eudoxius, bishop of Germanicia (this city too is in Syria), who was then at Rome, resolved to hasten back. He spoke deceitfully to the emperor, saying that the city of Germanicia needed encouragement and protection, and asking to be allowed a speedy return. The emperor, foreseeing nothing, let him go. With the help of the masters of the bedchamber he undermined the bishopric of Antioch and left his own city. He tried to support Aetius, and was eager to convene a council of bishops and restore to him the rank of deacon. But this never happened, because hatred of Aetius was stronger than Eudoxius’s zeal. Let this much be said about these things too.
Of those who met at Ariminum, the easterners said that they had come together passing over the case of Athanasius in silence. Ursacius and Valens supported their effort; these had at first upheld the doctrine of Arius, but in the meantime had agreed to the homoousios through the statement handed to the bishop of Rome, as I said before. For they always leaned towards those in power. Germinius, Auxentius, Demophilus, and Gaius also supported them. When in the assembly of those present one proposed one thing and another another, Ursacius and Valens said that all the earlier statements of faith should be set aside and a newer statement accepted, which they had set out a little before when meeting at Sirmium. They said this, and having a paper in their hands, they had it read. It was another statement of faith which they had drafted at Sirmium and, as I said before, kept back there, and then made public at Ariminum. It was translated from the Latin and is in these words:
“The catholic faith was set forth in the presence of our lord Constantius, in the consulship of the most illustrious Flavius Eusebius and Hypatius, at Sirmium, on the eleventh day before the Kalends of June. We believe in one only and true God, the Father Almighty, creator and maker of all things; and in one only-begotten Son of God, begotten impassibly from God before all ages, before every beginning, before all conceivable time, and before all comprehensible thought, through whom the ages were framed and all things came to be; begotten as only-begotten, only from the only Father, God from God, like the Father who begot him according to the Scriptures; whose generation no one knows except only the Father who begot him. We know this his only-begotten Son, who at the Father’s bidding came from the heavens for the putting away of sin, was born of the Virgin Mary, lived with the disciples, and fulfilled the whole dispensation according to the Father’s will; was crucified and died, descended to the regions below the earth and set things in order there, whom the gatekeepers of Hades saw and shuddered; and rose on the third day and lived with the disciples; and when forty days were fulfilled, was taken up into the heavens, sits at the right hand of the Father, and will come on the last day in the Father’s glory, rendering to each according to his works. And in the Holy Spirit, whom the only-begotten Son of God himself, Jesus Christ, promised to send to the human race, the Paraclete, according to what is written: ‘I go to my Father,’ and, ‘I will ask my Father, and he will send you another Paraclete, the Spirit of truth. He will take of what is mine, and will teach you and remind you of all things.’ As for the name ‘essence’, since it was used by the fathers rather simply and, being unknown to the people, causes offence, because the Scriptures do not contain it, it has seemed good that it be removed and that there be no mention at all of essence in reference to God from now on, because the divine Scriptures nowhere mention the essence of the Father and the Son. But we say that the Son is like the Father in all things, as the holy Scriptures say and teach.”
When this had been read, those who were not pleased by it rose up and said: “We have not come together here because we need a faith; for we keep sound the faith we received from the beginning. We have come so that if any innovation is made concerning it, we may prevent it. If, then, what has been read makes no innovation, anathematize the Arian heresy openly now, as the ancient rule of the church cast out the other heresies as blasphemous. For it is plain to the whole world that the blasphemous doctrine of Arius has stirred up the disturbances of the church and the troubles that continue until now.” This proposal, not being accepted by Ursacius and Valens, Germinius and Auxentius, Demophilus and Gaius, tore the church apart completely. For these attached themselves to what was then read at Ariminum, while the others confirmed again the faith of Nicaea. They also ridiculed the heading of what had been read; and especially Athanasius, who, writing to his acquaintances, says word for word:
“What was lacking to the catholic church in teaching for piety, that they should now inquire about the faith and put the consulship of the present time at the head of the phrases they set out, supposedly about the faith? For Ursacius, Valens, and Germinius have done what has never happened nor been heard of among Christians. Writing what they themselves wished to believe, they prefixed the consulship, the month, and the day of the present time, to show all sensible people that their faith had its beginning not earlier, but now, under Constantius. For they all wrote looking to their own heresy. Besides, while pretending to write about the Lord, they name another as their master, Constantius; for it was he who gave them the power of impiety. And they have called him eternal emperor, they who deny that the Son is eternal: so much are they enemies of Christ in their impiety. But perhaps they have as an excuse for the consulship the dating used by the holy prophets. But if they dare to say this, they proclaim their ignorance all the more. For the prophecies of the saints do mention times: Isaiah and Hosea lived in the days of Uzziah, Jotham, Ahaz, and Hezekiah; Jeremiah in the days of Josiah; Ezekiel and Daniel under Cyrus and Darius; and others prophesied at other times, not laying the foundation of godliness. For it existed before them, and always, and God prepared it for us in Christ before the foundation of the world. Nor did they mark the times of their own faith, for they were themselves believers before those times; but the times were those of the promise given through them. The promise was first of all about the coming of our Saviour, and following from this about what would happen to Israel and the nations. The times marked were not the beginning of faith, as I said before, but those of the prophets themselves, in which they lived and prophesied these things. But these wise men of today, not recounting histories nor foretelling the future, but writing ‘The catholic faith was set forth’, at once added the consulship, the month, and the day. As the saints wrote the times of their histories and of their own ministry, so these mark the time of their own faith. Would that they had written about their own faith, for it began only now, and had not set themselves to write about the catholic faith! For they did not write, ‘So we believe’, but ‘The catholic faith was set forth.’ The boldness of their purpose exposes their godlessness; and the novel device of the writing is on a level with the Arian heresy. For by writing so they have shown when they themselves began to believe, and that from now on they wish their faith to be proclaimed. And as, according to the evangelist Luke, a decree went out concerning the census, which did not exist before but began to exist from those days and was set forth by its writer, so these, by writing ‘The faith was now set forth’, have shown that the thinking of their heresy is new and did not exist before. And if they add ‘catholic’, they have unwittingly fallen into the lawlessness of the Phrygians, so that they too say like them, ‘To us first it was revealed, and from us the faith of Christians begins’; and as those inscribe Maximilla and Montanus, so these inscribe as master Constantius instead of Christ. But if, as they say, the faith has its beginning from the present consulship, what will the fathers and the blessed martyrs do? And what will they themselves do with those whom they instructed and who fell asleep before this consulship? How will they raise them, to wipe out what they seemed to have taught them and sow in them instead what they have now invented and written? So ignorant are they, knowing only how to invent pretexts, and those unseemly and unconvincing, which carry their refutation with them at once.”
Such things Athanasius wrote to his acquaintances. Those who love learning may seek out the letter and learn what is powerfully said in it; we have set down only part of it here, avoiding its length. It should be known that the synod deposed Valens, Ursacius, Auxentius, Germinius, Gaius, and Demophilus, because they would not consent to anathematize the Arian opinion. So they, indignant at their deposition, hurried to the emperor, taking with them the statement of faith read at the synod; while the synod made known to the emperor by letter what it had decided. Translated from the Latin, its sense is this.
Letter of the synod at Ariminum to the emperor Constantius: “By the command of God and the order of your piety we believe that what was decreed long ago has been done; for all of us bishops have come together at Ariminum from all the cities of the West, so that the faith of the catholic church might be made known and those who think the opposite be exposed. After the most careful consideration we have found it right to hold to the faith that has remained from of old, which the prophets, the Gospels, and the apostles preached through our Lord Jesus Christ, the guardian of your reign and the protector of your strength; to hold it fast and, keeping it, to preserve it to the end. For it seemed absurd and unlawful to change anything of what was rightly and justly defined and considered in common at Nicaea with your most glorious father the emperor Constantine, whose teaching and mind have gone out and been proclaimed into all the ears and minds of men, and which alone has been the opponent and destroyer of the Arian heresy. By it not only that heresy but the other heresies too were overthrown. In it, truly, both to add anything is hazardous and to take anything away is dangerous; for if either were done, the enemies would have freedom to do what they wish. So Ursacius and Valens, since they had long been partakers and sharers of the Arian doctrine, were declared separated from our communion; and to share in it again they asked for repentance and pardon for the faults of which they were conscious, as the documents written by them testify, through which mercy was shown and pardon for the charges granted. The time when this was done was when the council of the synod was held at Milan, the presbyters of the church of Rome also being present. Knowing at the same time that Constantine, worthy of remembrance after his death, set forth the faith that was written with all exactness and examination, and that when he was baptized and departed this life he went to his due rest, we thought it absurd to innovate anything after him and to overlook so many holy confessors and martyrs, who were also writers and discoverers of this doctrine and who have continued to think everything according to the ancient law of the catholic church. Their faith God has handed on also to the times of your reign, through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom it has been given you to reign so as to rule our world. Yet again these pitiable men, wretched in mind, have proclaimed themselves heralds of an impious way of thinking by a lawless act of daring, and are attempting to overthrow the whole system of truth. For when by your order the council of the synod was convened, they too laid bare the design of their own deceit; for they tried by some cunning and disturbance to introduce an innovation, finding as accomplices in this heterodoxy Germinius, Auxentius, and Gaius, who cause strife and dissension. Their teaching, though one, has surpassed every mass of blasphemies. And when they saw that they were not of the same purpose, nor of one mind in the wrong things they thought, they brought themselves over to our counsel, so as to seem to write something different. But the time was short which exposed their opinions. So that the affairs of the church may not always fall into the same troubles, and disturbance and tumult rolling on may not confound everything, it seemed sure to keep what was defined long ago firm and unmoved, and to separate the men named from our communion. For this reason we have sent envoys to your clemency to inform you, who will make known the decision of the council by the letter; and we have charged the envoys above all to confirm the truth, setting out from the ancient and righteous decisions. They will inform your holiness that it is not as Ursacius and Valens said, that there will be peace if something of what is right is overturned. For how can those who destroy peace keep peace? Rather, strife and disturbance will come from them for the other cities and for the church of the Romans. Therefore we entreat your clemency to look on our embassy with gentle ears and a calm gaze, and not to allow anything new to be altered, to the insult of the dead, but to let us remain in what was defined and enacted by our forefathers, whom we would say acted with shrewdness, wisdom, and the Holy Spirit. For what they are now innovating brings unbelief to those who have believed and harshness to those who have not believed. We entreat you further to order that the bishops staying abroad, who are worn down by the toil of age and the want of poverty, be given an easy return to their own homes, so that the churches may not remain bereft of their bishops. Besides all this we ask also that nothing be lacking from what existed before, nor anything be added, but that everything remain unbroken, kept from your father’s piety until the present time; and that you not allow us to toil any longer and to be away from our own dioceses, but that the bishops with their own peoples may have leisure in peace for prayers and worship, praying for your safety, your reign, and your peace, which the Godhead will grant you for ever. Our envoys bring the signatures and the names of the bishops; they will also instruct your divinity from the divine Scriptures themselves.”
This the synod wrote and sent by bishops. But Ursacius, Valens, and their party, anticipating their arrival, slandered the synod in advance, showing the statement of faith they had brought. The emperor, prejudiced in favour of the Arian opinion, was angry with the synod and held Valens, Ursacius, and their party in great honour. So the envoys sent from the synod were kept waiting a long time without receiving an answer. At last the emperor wrote back to the synod through those present as follows: “Constantius, victor and triumphant, Augustus, to all the bishops assembled at Ariminum. That we always have foremost concern for the divine and venerable law your goodness is well aware. But we have not yet been able to see the twenty bishops sent by your understanding, who undertook your embassy; for a journey against the barbarians is necessary for us, and, as you know, it is fitting that the soul be free of every care when it deals with the divine law. We have therefore ordered the bishops to await our return at Adrianople, so that when all public affairs have been well arranged we may then hear and examine what they put forward. Meanwhile let it not seem burdensome to your steadfastness to await their return, so that when they come back bringing you our answers you may be able to bring to completion what concerns the benefit of the catholic church.” On receiving this letter the bishops wrote back again as follows: “We have received the letter of your kindness, lord most God-loving emperor, which says that because of the necessity of public affairs you have not yet been able to see our envoys, and orders us to await their return until your piety has learned from them what we have defined in accordance with our forefathers. But now also by this letter we confess and affirm that we will by no means depart from our purpose; for this too we charged our envoys. We ask, therefore, that you order this letter of our modesty to be read with a calm countenance, and that you receive kindly also what we charged our envoys with. Your clemency sees with us how much grief and dejection there is now, that in your most blessed times so many churches are without bishops. And for this reason we again ask your kindness, lord most God-loving emperor, that before the harshness of winter, if it please your piety, you order us to return to our churches, so that we may be able to offer with the peoples the customary prayers for your reign to God Almighty and to our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, his only-begotten Son, as we have always done and are now doing in prayer.”
Having written this and waited a short time, since the emperor did not see fit to answer them, they departed to their own cities. The emperor, who had long since been planning to sow the Arian opinion in the churches and was eager for it to prevail, made their departure a pretext for insult, saying that he had been despised because they had dispersed against his will. So he allowed Ursacius and his party to do freely whatever they pleased against the churches, and ordered the statement of the faith read at Ariminum to be sent to the churches of Italy, commanding that those unwilling to sign it be driven from the churches and others be appointed in their places. First Liberius, bishop of Rome, refusing to agree to that faith, was exiled, Ursacius and his party appointing Felix in his place, who was a deacon of the church at Rome and, having attached himself to the Arian opinion, was promoted to the bishopric. Some say that he did not attach himself to the Arian opinion, but was ordained by force and compulsion. All the innovations in the West were then full of turmoil, some being driven out and sent into exile, others being appointed in their places. And this was done by force and by imperial orders, which were sent to the eastern parts as well. Liberius, recalled from exile a little later, recovered his own throne, the people of Rome rioting and driving Felix out of the church; and the emperor agreed with them even against his will. Ursacius and his party, leaving Italy and crossing to the eastern parts, came to a city of Thrace named Nice. Staying there a short time, they held another council in it, and having translated into Greek the statement of faith read at Ariminum, in the way written above, they published it and confirmed it, giving out that the faith had been dictated by the ecumenical synod at Nice, wishing by the likeness of the name to deceive the simpler sort into thinking it was the faith of Nicaea in Bithynia. But the sophism did them no good; for it was soon exposed, and they continued to be laughed at. Let this much be said about what happened in the western parts. We must pass to the account of what happened in the East at the same time; and from here we must begin.
2.38PG 67:323–331
Οἱ τοῦ ᾿Αρειανοῦ μέρους ἐπίσκοποι μείζον ἐκ τῶν βασιλικῶν προσταγμάτων προσελάμβανον θράσος. Καὶ ὅπως τὴν μὲν σύγοδον παρεσκευάζοντο συγκροτεῖν, μικρὸν ὕστερον λέξω. Τὰ δὲ πρὸ τῆς συνόδου ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν γενόμενα πρότερον ἐπιδράμωμεν. ᾿Ακάκιος μὲν γὰρ καὶ Πατρόφιλος, Μάξιμον τὸν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐξωθήσαντες, Κύριλλον ἀντικατέστησαν. Μακεδόνιος δὲ τὰς γειτνιαζούσας ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐπαρχίας τε καὶ πόλεις ἀνέτρεπεν, ὑπουργοὺς τοῦ οἰκείου σκοποῦ κατὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν προβαλλόμενος. Καὶ τῆς μὲν Κυζίκου Ἐλεύσιον ἐπίσκοπον ἀναδεικνύς· τῆς δὲ Νικομηδείας Μαραθώνιον· ὃς πρότερον μὲν διάκονος ἦν, ὑπὸ Μακεδονίῳ ταττόμενος, σπουδαῖος δὲ περὶ τὸ συστήσασθαι ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ γυναικῶν μοναστήρια. Ὅπως δὲ Μακεδόνιος τὰς περὶ Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐπαρχίας καὶ πόλεις ἀνέτρεπεν, ἤδη λεκτέον. Οὗτος γὰρ, ὡς καὶ φθάσας εἶπον, δραξάμενος τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, μυρία κακὰ ποιεῖ τοῖς μὴ αἱρουμένοις τὰ αὐτοῦ φρονεῖν · καὶ οὐ μόνον γε τοὺς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας διακρινομένους 1 συνήλαυνεν, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ Ναυατιανοὺς, εἰδὼς καὶ αὐτοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον. Συνηλαύνοντο οὖν οὗτοι, τὰ ἀνήκεστα πάσχοντες. Καὶ φεύγει μὲν αὐτῶν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, ᾿Αγέλιος ὄνομα αὐτῷ. Πολλοὶ δὲ τῶν ἐπισήμων ἐπ᾽ εὐλαθδείᾳ συλληφθέντες ἠχέζοντο, ἐπεὶ μὴ ἑδούλοντο μετέχειν τῆς κοινωνίας αὐτοῦ. Μετὰ δὲ τοὺς αἰκισμοὺς, βίᾳ τῶν μυστηρίων μετέχει" τοὺς ἄνδρας ἠνάγκαζον. Ξύλῳ γὰρ διαιροῦντες τὰ στόματα τῶν ἀνθρώπων, τὰ μυστήρια ἐνετίθεσαν. Οἱ δὲ ὑπομένοντες τοῦτο, μείζονα τῶν ἄλλων τιμωριῶν ταύτην ἐνόμιζον. Γύναιά τε καὶ παιδία συναρπάζοντες, μυεῖσθαι ἠνάγκαζον. Εἰ δέ τις παραιτοῖτο, 7) ἄλλως ἀντέλεγεν, εὐθὺς ἐπηκολούθουν πληγαὶ, καὶ μετὰ τὰς πληγὰς δεσμοί τε καὶ δεσμωτήρια, τὰ ἄλλα δεινά. Ὧν ἑνὸς δυοῖν ἐπιμνησθεὶς, φανερὰν τὴν ἀπήνειαν καὶ ὠμότητα Μακεδονίου καὶ τῶν τότε ἀκμασάντων ἀνθρώπων, ἀκούουσι χαταστήσω. Γυναιχῶν γὰρ τῶν μὴ , ἀνασχομένων μετασχεῖν τῶν. μυστηρίων, τοὺς στοὺς ἐν χιδωτῷ βαλόντες ἀπέπριον. Λλλων τε γυναιχῶν τὰ αὐτὰ μόρια, τοῦτο μὲν σιδήρῳ, τοῦτο δὲ ὠοῖς εἰς ἄκρον πυρὶ θερμανθεῖσι, προφέροντες ἔχαιον. Ξένη τε καὶ παρὰ τὰς Ἑλλήνων τιμωρίας, αὕτη ἡ ὑπὸ τῶν Χριστιανίζειν λεγόντων ἐγίνετο. Ταῦτα δὲ ἐγὼ παρὰ τοῦ μαχροχρονιωτάτου Αὐξάνοντος ἤκουσα, οὗ κἂν τῷ πρώτῳ μνήμην πεποίτπμαι. Ὃς πρεσβύτερος μὲν ἣν τῆς τῶν Νανατιαγῶν Ἐκκλησίας. Πεπονθέναι δὲ ἔλεγε καὶ αὐτὸς οὐχ ὀλίγα παρὰ τῶν ᾿Ἀρειανιζόντων κακὰ, οὕπω την:καῦτα τῆς τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου ἀξίας λαχών. δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ Παφλαγόνι συνασχοῦντι αὐτῷ, εἷς τε εἰρκτὴν βεδλῇσθαι, καὶ πληγὰς ὑπομεῖναι πολλὰς, ἐνεγκεῖν μὲν τὰς βασάνους αὐτὸς ἔλεγεν" ᾿Αλέξανδρον δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν πληγῶν ἐν τῇ εἰρκτῇ τελευτῆσαι. Ὃς τέθαπται νῦν ἐν δεξιᾷ εἰσπλεύσαντι τὸν Βυζάντιον χόλπον, ὃς καλεῖται Κέρας, πλησίον τῶν ποτα. μῶν" οὗ ἐκκλησία ἐστὶ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν, ᾿Αλεξἀνδρου ἐπώνυμος. Καθήρουν μὲν οὖν οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες, Μακεδονίου κελεύοντος, ἄλλας τε πόλλας κατὰ πόλεις ἐκκλησίας, καὶ δὴ καὶ Νανατιανῶν τὴν πλησίον τοῦ Πελαργοῦ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει χειμένην. Ὅτου χάριν δὲ ταύτην ἰδιχῶς ἐμνημόνευσα, λέξων ἔρχομαι, ὅσα παρὰ τοῦ γεραιτάτον Αὐξάνοντος ἤκουσα. Ὁ βασιλέως νόμος, ἡ Μακεδονίου βία, καθαιρεῖσθαι τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐχέλενον. Ἕλχει δὴ τὸ θέσπισμα ΠΡΟ καὶ ἡ βία κατα τῆσδε τῆς ἐκκλησίας, και ἤπειγον οἱ προστεταγμένοι τοῦτο ποιεῖν. Θαυμάσαι οὖν μοι ἔπεισι, τόν τε Ναυατιανῶν λαὸν ὁπόσον εἶχον ζῆλον καὶ σπουδὴν περὶ τὴν ἑαυτῶν ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν ἣν εἶχον περὶ αὐτοὺς οἱ τότε μὲν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἐκβληθέντες, νῦν δὲ ἐν εἰρήνῃ τὰς ἐκκλησίας κατέχοντες. Ὡς δὲ ἤπειγον καθαιρεῖσθαι καὶ τήνδε τὴν ἐκκλησίαν οἷς τοῦτο προσετέτακτο, συνήγοντο πλεῖστος ὅμιλος ἀνθρώπων Ναυατιανῶν τε καὶ τινες τῶν ὁμοφρονούντων αὐτοῖς. Καὶ καθελόντες τὴν ἐκκλησίαν αὐτῶν, εἰς ἄλλον τόπον μετέθεσαν. Ὁ δὲ τόπος οὗτος ἀντιπέραθεν μὲν κεῖται τῆς πόλεως· Συκαὶ δὲ ὀνομάζονται, καί ἐστι τρισκαιδέκατον τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως κλίμα. Ταχεῖα δὲ ἐγένετο ἡ τῆς ἐκκλη; σίας μετάθεσις, λαοῦ πολλοῦ σὺν προθυμία μεγίστη μεταφερόντων αὐτήν. Ὁ μὲν γάρ τις ἔφερε κέραμον· ὁ δὲ λίθον· ἕτερος δὲ ξύλον· καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλο λαμβάνων, ἐπὶ τὰς Συκὰς ἀπεκόμιζεν. Συνεπελαμβάνοντο δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες, καὶ ἡ μικρὰ ἡλικία, εὐχὴν ἡγούμενοι πληροῦν, καὶ μέγα κέρδος λαμβάνειν, τῶν ἀφιερωθέντων τῷ Θεῷ φύλακες ἀκέραιοι γενέσθαι ἠξιωμένοι. Οὕτως μὲν οὖν τότε ἡ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησία εἰς τὰς Συκὰς μετενήνεκτο. Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν Κωνσταντίου, ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἰουλιανὸς τὸν τε τόπον ἀποδοθῆναι ἐκέλευσε, καὶ ἀνοικοδομεῖν ἐπέτρεψεν. Αὖθίς τε ὁ λαὸς τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, ἀντιμετενεγκόντες τὰς ὕλας, τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εἰς τὸν ἐξ ἀρχῆς ᾠκοδόμησαν τόπον. Καὶ βελτιώσαντες, ᾿Αναστασίαν τη καλεῖσθαι φερωνύμως ἠξίωσαν. Ἡ μὲν οὖν ἐκκλησία ὕστερον, ὡς ἔφην, ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ ἀνέστη. Τότε δὲ ἄμφω, οἴτε τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καὶ οἱ Ναυατιανοὶ, ὁμοίως ἡλαύνοντο. Διὸ καὶ οἱ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐβδελύττοντο ἐν τοῖς εὐκτηρίοις ἔχεσθαι τόποις, ἐν οἷς οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ συνήγοντο. Εἰς δὲ τὰς ἄλλας τρεῖς, τοσαύτας γὰρ ἐντὸς τῆς πόλεως ἔχουσιν οἱ τῶν Ναυατιανῶνἐκκλησίας, συνερχόμενοι ἀλλήλοις συνηύχοντο· μικροῦ τε ἐδέησεν ἑνωθῆναι αὐτοὺς, εἰ μὴ Ναυατιανοὶ, φυλάττοντες ἀρχαῖον παράγγελμα, παρητήσαντο. Ὅμως δὲ τὴν ἄλλην εὔνοιαν εἰς ἀλλήλους προθυμότερον ἐφύλαττον, ὑπεραποθνήσκειν ἀλλήλων αἱρούμενοι. Συνηλαύνοντο οὖν ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπαρχίας τε καὶ πόλεις. Αὐτίκα γοῦν ἐν Κυζίκῳ Ἐλεύσιος η ὁ τῆσδε ἐπίσκοπος, ὁμοίως ἅμα Μακεδονίῳ κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐποίει, πανταχόθεν ἐλαύνων καὶ διαστρέφων αὐτοὺς. Τὴν τε ἐν Κυζίκῳ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίαν καθεῖλεν εἰς ἔδαφος. Μακεδόνιος δὲ τὸν κόλοφῶνα τῶν κακῶν οἷς ἔδρασεν ἐπιτίθησι· πυθόμενος γὰρ κατὰ τὸ Παφλαγόνων ἔθνος πλείστους εἶναι τῆς Ναυατιανῆς θρησκείας, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ τὸ Μαντίνιον, συνιδών τε ὡς οὐχ οἷόν τε τοσοῦτον πλῆθος δι' ἐκκλησιαστικῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐλαύνεσθαι, τέσσαρας ἀριθμοὺς ὁ στρατιωτῶν γνώμῃ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπὶ τὴν Παφλαγονίαν πεμφθῆναι πεποίηκεν, ὅπως φόβῳ τῶν ὁπλιτῶν, τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν δόξαν προσδέξωνται. Οἱ δὲ οἰκοῦντες τὸ Μαντίνιον, ζήλῳ τῆς θρησκείας, ἀπονοίᾳ κατὰ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐχρήσαντο· γενόμενοί τε ἅμα πολλοὶ, δρέπανά τε μακρὰ καὶ ἀξίνας λαβόντες, καὶ παντὶ τῷ παρατυχόντι ὅπλῳ χρώμενοι, ἀπήντων τοῖς στρατιώταις. Καὶ γενομένης συμβολῆς, πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν Παφλαγόνων ἀπέθανον. τῶν δὲ στρατιωτῶν, πλὴν ὀλίγων, οἱ πάντες. Ταῦτα ἐγὼ παρὰ ἀγροίκου Παφλαγόνος ἔμαθον, ὃς ἔλεγε παρεῖναι τῇ μάχῃ. Λέγουσι δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλο: Παφλαγόνων πολλοί. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν τὰ Μακεδονίου ὑπὲρ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ κατορθώματα, φόνοι, καὶ μάχαι, καὶ ἀνδραποδισμοὶ, καὶ ἐμφύλιοι πόλεμοι. Αὕτη μέντοι ἡ πρᾶξις, οὐ μόνον παρὰ τῶν ἠδικημένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ παρὰ τῶν οἰκείως πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχόντων, δίκαιον κατ' αὐτοῦ μῖσος εἰργάσατο. Προσέκρουσε τε καὶ αὐτῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ διά τε τοῦτο, καὶ δι᾽ ἑτέραν αἰτίαν τον άνδε· Ὁ οἶκος ἔνθα ἡ λάρναξ ἐν ᾗ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου ἀπέκειτο, πτῶσιν ἠπείλει. Ἦσαν οὖν διὰ τοῦτο οἵ τε εἰσπορευόμενοι καὶ οἱ προσεδρεύοντες καὶ εὐχόμενοι ἐν φόβῳ πολλῷ. Ὁ οὖν Μακεδόνιος ἐβουλεύσατο μεταφέρειν τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀστᾶ, ὅπως ἂν μὴ συληθῇ ἡ θήκη ὑπὸ τοῦ πτώματος. Τοῦτο γνόντες οἱ λαοὶ, διακωλύειν ἐπεχείρουν, φάσκοντες μὴ δεῖν τοῦ βασιλέως τὰ ὀστᾶ μεταφέρεσθαι· ἴσον γὰρ εἶναι τὸ ἀνορύττεσθαι. Διῃροῦντό τε εὐθὺς οἱ λαοὶ εἰς δύο τμήματα· καὶ οἱ μὲν, μηδὲν βλάπτεσθαι τὸ μεταφέρεσθαι τὸν νεκρόν ἔφασκον· οἱ δὲ, ἀνόσιον ἔλεγον τὸ γιγνόμενον. Συνήρχοντό τε καὶ οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φρονήματος, τῷ γιγνο μένῳ ἀντέχοντες. Ὁ δὲ Μακεδόνιος μικρὰ τῶν αὐτῷ ἀντιλεγόντων φροντίσας, μεταφέρει τὸ σῶμα τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐν ᾗ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ μάρ· : τυρος ᾿Ακακίου ἀπόκειται. Τούτου γενομένου, συνδρομὴ τῶν διχονοούντων τοῦ πλήθους εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν ἐκκλησίαν σύντονος γίνεται. ᾿Ανθίστατό τε ἀλλήλοις τὰ μέρη· καὶ μὴ μελλήσαντες χερσὶν ἡμύναντο. Καὶ γίνεται φόνος ἀνθρώπων πολλῶν· ὥστε τὴν αὐλὴν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐκείνης αἵματος πλήρη γενέσθαι, καὶ τὸ ἐν αὐτῇ φρέαρ ὑπερβλύσαι τοῦ αἵματος, ἐκρεῖν δὲ τοῦτο καὶ εἰς τὴν ἐχομένην στοὰν, ἄχρι τῆς πλατείας αὐτῆς. Τοῦτο τὸ ἀτύχημα πυθόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, ὀργίζεται κατὰ τοῦ Μακεδονίου, καὶ διὰ τοὺς ἀπολωλότας, καὶ ὅτι τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα παρακινῆσαι παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ γνώμην ἐτόλμησε. Καταλιπών οὖν τῶν ἐσπερίων μερῶν φροντίζειν τὸν Καίσαρα Ἰουλιανὸν, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑῴαν ἐπορεύετο. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν Μακεδόνιος μικρὸν ὕστερον καθῃρέθη, βραχεῖαν ἀντὶ τηλικούτων κακῶν ταύτην δεδωκὼς δίκην, ὀλίγον ὕστερον λέξω.
Hoi tou ᾿Areianou merous episkopoi meizon ek tōn basilikōn prostagmatōn proselambanon thrasos. Kai hopōs tēn men sygodon pareskeuazonto synkrotein, mikron hysteron lexō. Ta de pro tēs synodou hyp᾿ autōn genomena proteron epidramōmen. ᾿Akakios men gar kai Patrophilos, Maximon ton Hierosolymōn exōthēsantes, Kyrillon antikatestēsan. Makedonios de tas geitniazousas en Kōnstantinou polei eparchias te kai poleis anetrepen, hypourgous tou oikeiou skopou kata tōn Ekklēsiōn proballomenos. Kai tēs men Kyzikou Eleusion episkopon anadeiknys; tēs de Nikomēdeias Marathōnion; hos proteron men diakonos ēn, hypo Makedoniǭ tattomenos, spoudaios de peri to systēsasthai andrōn te kai gynaikōn monastēria. Hopōs de Makedonios tas peri Kōnstantinou polin eparchias kai poleis anetrepen, ēdē lekteon. Houtos gar, hōs kai phthasas eipon, draxamenos tēs episkopēs, myria kaka poiei tois mē hairoumenois ta autou phronein ; kai ou monon ge tous tēs Ekklēsias diakrinomenous 1 synēlaunen, alla gar kai Nauatianous, eidōs kai autous phronountas to homoousion. Synēlaunonto oun houtoi, ta anēkesta paschontes. Kai pheugei men autōn ho episkopos, ᾿Agelios onoma autǭ. Polloi de tōn episēmōn ep᾽ eulathdeią syllēphthentes ēchezonto, epei mē hedoulonto metechein tēs koinōnias autou. Meta de tous aikismous, bią tōn mystēriōn metechei" tous andras ēnankazon. Xylǭ gar diairountes ta stomata tōn anthrōpōn, ta mystēria enetithesan. Hoi de hypomenontes touto, meizona tōn allōn timōriōn tautēn enomizon. Gynaia te kai paidia synarpazontes, myeisthai ēnankazon. Ei de tis paraitoito, 7) allōs antelegen, euthys epēkolouthoun plēgai, kai meta tas plēgas desmoi te kai desmōtēria, ta alla deina. Hōn henos dyoin epimnēstheis, phaneran tēn apēneian kai ōmotēta Makedoniou kai tōn tote akmasantōn anthrōpōn, akouousi chatastēsō. Gynaichōn gar tōn mē , anaschomenōn metaschein tōn. mystēriōn, tous stous en chidōtǭ balontes apeprion. Lllōn te gynaichōn ta auta moria, touto men sidērǭ, touto de ōois eis akron pyri thermantheisi, propherontes echaion. Xenē te kai para tas Hellēnōn timōrias, hautē hē hypo tōn Christianizein legontōn egineto. Tauta de egō para tou machrochroniōtatou Auxanontos ēkousa, hou kan tǭ prōtǭ mnēmēn pepoitpmai. Hos presbyteros men hēn tēs tōn Nanatiagōn Ekklēsias. Peponthenai de elege kai autos ouch oliga para tōn ᾿Areianizontōn kaka, houpō tēn:kauta tēs tou presbyterou axias lachōn. de ᾿Alexandrǭ Paphlagoni synaschounti autǭ, heis te eirktēn bedlę̄sthai, kai plēgas hypomeinai pollas, enenkein men tas basanous autos elegen" ᾿Alexandron de hypo tōn plēgōn en tę̄ eirktę̄ teleutēsai. Hos tethaptai nyn en dexią eispleusanti ton Byzantion cholpon, hos kaleitai Keras, plēsion tōn pota. mōn" hou ekklēsia esti tōn Nauatianōn, ᾿Alexandrou epōnymos. Kathēroun men oun hoi ᾿Areianizontes, Makedoniou keleuontos, allas te pollas kata poleis ekklēsias, kai dē kai Nanatianōn tēn plēsion tou Pelargou en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei cheimenēn. Hotou charin de tautēn idichōs emnēmoneusa, lexōn erchomai, hosa para tou geraitaton Auxanontos ēkousa. Ho basileōs nomos, hē Makedoniou bia, kathaireisthai tōn to homoousion phronountōn tas ekklēsias echelenon. Helchei dē to thespisma PRO kai hē bia kata tēsde tēs ekklēsias, kai ēpeigon hoi prostetagmenoi touto poiein. Thaumasai oun moi epeisi, ton te Nauatianōn laon hoposon eichon zēlon kai spoudēn peri tēn heautōn ekklēsian, kai tēn eunoian hēn eichon peri autous hoi tote men tēs ekklēsias hypo tōn ᾿Areianōn ekblēthentes, nyn de en eirēnę̄ tas ekklēsias katechontes. Hōs de ēpeigon kathaireisthai kai tēnde tēn ekklēsian hois touto prosetetakto, synēgonto pleistos homilos anthrōpōn Nauatianōn te kai tines tōn homophronountōn autois. Kai kathelontes tēn ekklēsian autōn, eis allon topon metethesan. Ho de topos houtos antiperathen men keitai tēs poleōs; Sykai de onomazontai, kai esti triskaidekaton tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs klima. Tacheia de egeneto hē tēs ekklē? sias metathesis, laou pollou syn prothymia megistē metapherontōn autēn. Ho men gar tis ephere keramon; ho de lithon; heteros de xylon; kai allos allo lambanōn, epi tas Sykas apekomizen. Synepelambanonto de kai gynaikes, kai hē mikra hēlikia, euchēn hēgoumenoi plēroun, kai mega kerdos lambanein, tōn aphierōthentōn tǭ Theǭ phylakes akeraioi genesthai ēxiōmenoi. Houtōs men oun tote hē tōn Nauatianōn ekklēsia eis tas Sykas metenēnekto. Chronǭ de hysteron meta tēn teleutēn Kōnstantiou, ho basileus Ioulianos ton te topon apodothēnai ekeleuse, kai anoikodomein epetrepsen. Authis te ho laos ton auton tropon, antimetenenkontes tas hylas, tēn ekklēsian eis ton ex archēs ǭkodomēsan topon. Kai beltiōsantes, ᾿Anastasian tē kaleisthai pherōnymōs ēxiōsan. Hē men oun ekklēsia hysteron, hōs ephēn, epi Ioulianou anestē. Tote de amphō, oite tēs Ekklēsias kai hoi Nauatianoi, homoiōs hēlaunonto. Dio kai hoi tēs Ekklēsias ebdelyttonto en tois euktēriois echesthai topois, en hois hoi ᾿Areianoi synēgonto. Eis de tas allas treis, tosautas gar entos tēs poleōs echousin hoi tōn Nauatianōnekklēsias, synerchomenoi allēlois synēuchonto; mikrou te edeēsen henōthēnai autous, ei mē Nauatianoi, phylattontes archaion parangelma, parētēsanto. Homōs de tēn allēn eunoian eis allēlous prothymoteron ephylatton, hyperapothnēskein allēlōn hairoumenoi. Synēlaunonto oun en tę̄ autę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, kai kata tas allas eparchias te kai poleis. Autika goun en Kyzikǭ Eleusios ē ho tēsde episkopos, homoiōs hama Makedoniǭ kata tōn Christianōn epoiei, pantachothen elaunōn kai diastrephōn autous. Tēn te en Kyzikǭ tōn Nauatianōn ekklēsian katheilen eis edaphos. Makedonios de ton kolophōna tōn kakōn hois edrasen epitithēsi; pythomenos gar kata to Paphlagonōn ethnos pleistous einai tēs Nauatianēs thrēskeias, kai malista kata to Mantinion, synidōn te hōs ouch hoion te tosouton plēthos di' ekklēsiastikōn anthrōpōn elaunesthai, tessaras arithmous ho stratiōtōn gnōmę̄ tou basileōs epi tēn Paphlagonian pemphthēnai pepoiēken, hopōs phobǭ tōn hoplitōn, tēn ᾿Areianēn doxan prosdexōntai. Hoi de oikountes to Mantinion, zēlǭ tēs thrēskeias, aponoią kata tōn stratiōtōn echrēsanto; genomenoi te hama polloi, drepana te makra kai axinas labontes, kai panti tǭ paratychonti hoplǭ chrōmenoi, apēntōn tois stratiōtais. Kai genomenēs symbolēs, polloi men tōn Paphlagonōn apethanon. tōn de stratiōtōn, plēn oligōn, hoi pantes. Tauta egō para agroikou Paphlagonos emathon, hos elege pareinai tę̄ machę̄. Legousi de tauta kai allo: Paphlagonōn polloi. Toiauta men oun ta Makedoniou hyper tou Christianismou katorthōmata, phonoi, kai machai, kai andrapodismoi, kai emphylioi polemoi. Hautē mentoi hē praxis, ou monon para tōn ēdikēmenōn, alla kai para tōn oikeiōs pros auton echontōn, dikaion kat' autou misos eirgasato. Prosekrouse te kai autǭ tǭ basilei dia te touto, kai di᾽ heteran aitian ton ande; Ho oikos entha hē larnax en hę̄ to sōma tou basileōs Kōnstantinou apekeito, ptōsin ēpeilei. Ēsan oun dia touto hoi te eisporeuomenoi kai hoi prosedreuontes kai euchomenoi en phobǭ pollǭ. Ho oun Makedonios ebouleusato metapherein ta tou basileōs osta, hopōs an mē sylēthę̄ hē thēkē hypo tou ptōmatos. Touto gnontes hoi laoi, diakōlyein epecheiroun, phaskontes mē dein tou basileōs ta osta metapheresthai; ison gar einai to anoryttesthai. Dię̄rounto te euthys hoi laoi eis dyo tmēmata; kai hoi men, mēden blaptesthai to metapheresthai ton nekron ephaskon; hoi de, anosion elegon to gignomenon. Synērchonto te kai hoi tou homoousiou phronēmatos, tǭ gigno menǭ antechontes. Ho de Makedonios mikra tōn autǭ antilegontōn phrontisas, metapherei to sōma tou basileōs eis tēn ekklēsian, en hę̄ to sōma tou mar; : tyros ᾿Akakiou apokeitai. Toutou genomenou, syndromē tōn dichonoountōn tou plēthous eis ekeinēn tēn ekklēsian syntonos ginetai. ᾿Anthistato te allēlois ta merē; kai mē mellēsantes chersin hēmynanto. Kai ginetai phonos anthrōpōn pollōn; hōste tēn aulēn tēs ekklēsias ekeinēs haimatos plērē genesthai, kai to en autę̄ phrear hyperblysai tou haimatos, ekrein de touto kai eis tēn echomenēn stoan, achri tēs plateias autēs. Touto to atychēma pythomenos ho basileus, orgizetai kata tou Makedoniou, kai dia tous apolōlotas, kai hoti tou patros autou to sōma parakinēsai para tēn autou gnōmēn etolmēse. Katalipōn oun tōn esperiōn merōn phrontizein ton Kaisara Ioulianon, autos epi tēn Heǭan eporeueto. Hopōs men oun Makedonios mikron hysteron kathę̄rethē, bracheian anti tēlikoutōn kakōn tautēn dedōkōs dikēn, oligon hysteron lexō.
The bishops of the Arian party gained greater boldness from the imperial orders. How they prepared to convene the synod I will tell a little later; let us first run over what they did before the synod. Acacius and Patrophilus drove out Maximus of Jerusalem and put Cyril in his place. Macedonius was overturning the provinces and cities neighbouring Constantinople, putting forward agents of his own design against the churches: he appointed Eleusius bishop of Cyzicus, and Marathonius bishop of Nicomedia, who had formerly been a deacon under Macedonius and was zealous in founding monasteries of men and women. How Macedonius overturned the provinces and cities around Constantinople must now be told.
Having seized the bishopric, as I said before, he did countless evils to those who would not choose to think as he did. He persecuted not only those of the church, but also the Novatianists, knowing that they too held the homoousios. These were persecuted and suffered irreparable harm. Their bishop, named Agelius, fled. Many of those distinguished for piety were seized and tortured because they would not share in his communion. After the tortures they forced the men by violence to partake of the mysteries: prying open their mouths with a piece of wood, they put the mysteries in. Those who endured this thought it a greater punishment than the others. They seized women and children and forced them to be initiated. If anyone refused or otherwise objected, blows followed at once, and after the blows chains and prisons and other terrible things. By mentioning one or two of these I will make plain to my hearers the harshness and cruelty of Macedonius and of the men then in power. Of women who would not consent to partake of the mysteries, they put their breasts in a box and sawed them off; the same parts of other women they burned, applying now iron, now eggs heated in the fire to the utmost. This strange punishment, beyond even the punishments of the pagans, was inflicted by those who claimed to be Christians. I heard these things from the very long-lived Auxanon, whom I mentioned in the first book. He was a presbyter of the Novatianist church. He said that he himself, when he had not yet attained the rank of presbyter, suffered not a few evils from the Arians: that he was thrown into prison with Alexander the Paphlagonian, who lived the ascetic life with him, and endured many blows; that he himself bore the tortures, but Alexander died in prison from the blows. He is buried now on the right as one sails into the bay of Byzantium called the Horn, near the rivers, where there is a church of the Novatianists named after Alexander.
At Macedonius’s command the Arians pulled down many other churches in the cities, and in particular the church of the Novatianists near the Pelargus in Constantinople. Why I have mentioned this one in particular I now come to tell, from what I heard from the aged Auxanon. The emperor’s law and Macedonius’s violence ordered the churches of those who held the homoousios to be pulled down. The decree and the violence came also upon this church, and those charged with doing it pressed on. I am moved to admire the zeal and earnestness the Novatianist people had for their own church, and the goodwill shown them by those who were then driven from the church by the Arians but now hold the churches in peace. When those so ordered pressed on to pull this church down too, a very great crowd of Novatianists and some of those who agreed with them gathered, took down their church, and moved it to another place. This place lies opposite the city; it is called Sycae and is the thirteenth district of Constantinople. The moving of the church was swift, a great people carrying it with the greatest eagerness: one carried tiles, another stones, another timber, and each taking something carried it to Sycae. Women and young children helped too, thinking they were fulfilling a vow and gaining great profit by being counted worthy to be faithful guardians of what was dedicated to God. So at that time the church of the Novatianists was moved to Sycae. Later, after the death of Constantius, the emperor Julian ordered the site to be restored and allowed them to rebuild. The people again, in the same way, carried the materials back and rebuilt the church on its original site; having improved it, they thought it right that it be called Anastasia, a fitting name. The church, then, was rebuilt later under Julian, as I said. At that time both those of the church and the Novatianists were alike persecuted. So those of the church loathed the houses of prayer in which the Arians gathered, and coming together into the other three churches of the Novatianists (for so many do they have within the city), they prayed with them. They very nearly united, had not the Novatianists, keeping an ancient precept, declined. Nevertheless they kept their goodwill towards one another the more eagerly in other respects, being ready to die for one another.
They were persecuted, then, in Constantinople itself and in the other provinces and cities. At Cyzicus, for instance, Eleusius, its bishop, acted against the Christians as Macedonius did, persecuting and harassing them everywhere; and he razed the church of the Novatianists at Cyzicus to the ground. But Macedonius crowned the evils he did. Learning that in the province of Paphlagonia, and especially at Mantinium, there were very many of the Novatianist religion, and seeing that so great a multitude could not be driven out by churchmen, he had four companies of soldiers sent to Paphlagonia by the emperor’s decision, so that through fear of the troops they might accept the Arian opinion. The people of Mantinium, out of zeal for their religion, acted desperately against the soldiers: gathering in great numbers and taking long sickles and axes and whatever weapon came to hand, they went out to meet the soldiers. In the clash many of the Paphlagonians died, and of the soldiers all but a few. I learned this from a Paphlagonian peasant who said he was present at the battle, and many other Paphlagonians tell it too. Such were Macedonius’s achievements on behalf of Christianity: murders, battles, enslavements, and civil wars.
This deed earned him just hatred, not only from those he had wronged but also from those close to him. He offended the emperor himself too, both for this and for another reason. The building where the coffin containing the body of the emperor Constantine lay threatened to collapse, so that those who went in, and those who attended and prayed there, were in great fear. Macedonius therefore decided to move the emperor’s bones, so that the tomb might not be damaged by the collapse. When the people learned this, they tried to prevent it, saying that the emperor’s bones must not be moved, for that was the same as digging them up. The people at once divided into two parties: some said that moving the body did no harm, others that what was being done was impious. Those of the homoousian mind joined in, opposing what was done. Macedonius, caring little for those who opposed him, moved the emperor’s body to the church in which the body of the martyr Acacius lies. When this was done, the divided people ran together in force to that church. The parties opposed each other and without delay came to blows. Many people were killed, so that the courtyard of that church was full of blood, and the well in it overflowed with blood, which ran out into the adjoining colonnade as far as the street itself. When the emperor learned of this misfortune, he was angry with Macedonius, both for those who had perished and because he had dared to disturb his father’s body without his consent. Leaving the Caesar Julian to look after the western parts, he himself set out for the East. How Macedonius was deposed a little later, paying this brief penalty for such great evils, I shall tell shortly.
2.39PG 67:331–335
Περὶ δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας συνόδου, ἣν ἀντίμιμον τῆς ἐν Αριμίνῳ συνόδου κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ανατολὴν γενέσθαι τὸ βασιλέως ἐκέλευε πρόσταγμα, νῦν διηγήσομαι. Ἐδέδοκτο πρότερον, ἐν Νικομηδείᾳ τῆς Βιθυνίας τοὺς ἐπισκόπους συνάγεσθαι. Ἐνέκοψε δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν ἐκεῖσε συνέλευσιν, σεισμὸς ἐπιγενόμενος μέγιστος, ἀφ᾿ οὗ συνέβη τὴν Νικομηδέων πόλιν πεσεῖν Ρ. Τοῦτο δὲ γέγονεν ὑπατευόντων Τατιανοῦ καὶ Κερεαλίου, περὶ τὴν ὀγδόην εἰκάδα τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνός. Έβουλεύοντο οὖν μεταθεῖναι τὴν σύνοδον εἰς τὴν γειτνιάζουσαν αὐτῇ Νίκαιαν. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν αὖθις μετέδοξεν εἰς Ταρσὸν δὲ τῆς Κιλικίας ἐδόκει συνέρχεσθαι. Οὔτε δὲ τούτου ἀρέσαντος, εἰς Σελεύκειαν 4 τῆς Ἰσαυρίας, τὴν ἐπικαλουμένην Τράχεῖαν, συνεληλύθασι. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ ἐνιαυτῷ πεποιήκασιν, ὑπατευόντων Εὐσεβίου καὶ Ὑπατίου. Ἡσαν δὲ οἱ συνελθόντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἑκατὸν ἐξήκοντα. Συμπαρῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς εἷς τῶν ἐν τοῖς βασιλικοῖς ἐκφανῶν, ὅνομα Λεωνᾶς, ἐφ᾿ οὗ προθεῖναι τὸ περ! τῆς πίστεως ζήτημα, τὸ βασιλέως ἐκέλενε πρόσταγμα. Προστέτακτο παρεῖναι καὶ Λαυρίκιος ὁ τῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἰσαυρίαν στρατιωτῶν ἡγούμενος, ὑπουργήσων εἰ δεήσοι τοῖς ἐπισκόποις. Ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ συνελθόντες τῇ ἑβδόμῃ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου μηνὸς, ἐπὶ δημοσίων ὑπομνημάτων διελέγοντο. Παρἦσαν γὰρ δὴ καὶ ὀξυγράφοι, τὰ παρ' ἑκάστου λεγόμενα σημειούμενοι. ὧν τὰ μὲν καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ Σαβίνου ζητήτωσαν οἱ φιλομαθεῖς, διὰ μακροτέρων ἐγκείμενα. Ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰ κεφαλαιώδη μόνον ἐπιτρέχοντες ἐκθησόμεθα. Ἐν δὲ τῇ πρώτῃ ἡμέρᾳ συνελθόντων, ὁ Λεωνᾶς τὰ ἑκάστῳ δοκοῦντα προθεῖναι ἐκέλευσεν. Οἱ δὲ παρόντες οὐ πρότερον ἔφασάν τινα κινῆσαι ζήτησιν, πρὶν ἂν οἱ ἀπολειφθέντες συνέλθωσι. Καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν ἀπολειφθέντες ἐπίσκοποι, Μακεδόνιος ὁ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, σίλειος Αγκύρας, καὶ ἄλλοι τινὲς, κατηγορίας ὑφορώμενοι. Μακεδόνιος μὲν οὖν νοσεῖν εἰπὼν ἀπολέλειπτο. Πατρόφιλος δὲ ὀφθαλμιᾷν ἔλεγε· καὶ διατοῦτο ἐν προαστείῳ τῆς Σελευκείας, ἀνάγκην ἔχοιεν διάγειν· καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δὲ ἕκαστος πρόφασιν τινα τῆς ἀπολείψεως προεβάλλοντο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Λεωνᾶς καὶ τούτων μὴ παρόντων δεῖν προτιθέναι τὰ τῆς ζητήσεως ἔλεγεν, οἱ παρόντες αὖθις ἐπῆγον, ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἤντινα κινήσωσι ζήτησιν, εἰ μὴ πρότερον τῶν κατηγορουμένων οἱ βίοι ἐξετασθῶσι. Κατηγόρηντο γὰρ ἤδη πρότερον Κύριλλος Ἱεροσολύμων, Εὐστάθιος Σεβαστίας τῆς ἐν ᾿Αρμενίᾳ, καὶ ἄλλοι τινές. Ἐκ τούτου φιλονεικία εἰς τοὺς παρόντας ἐνέπεσεν. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς βίους τῶν κατηγορουμένων πρότερον ἐρευνᾶσθαι ἔλεγον· οἱ δὲ πρὸ τῆς πίστεως μὴ προτιθέναι ζήτημα. Ἐκίνει δὲ τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἡ διάφορος τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμη. Γράμματα γὰρ αὐτοῦ προσεφέρετο, νῦν μὲν πρότερον τοῦτο ζητεῖσθαι κελεύοντα, νῦν δὲ τὸ ἕτερον. Περὶ τούτου οὖν τῆς φιλονεικίας γινομένης, σχίσμα εἰς τοὺς παρόντας ἐχώρησε. Καὶ αὕτη γέγονε προφάσεως ἀρχὴ, τοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σελευκείᾳ εἰς δύο μέρη διαιρεθῆναι σύνοδον. Ἡγοῦντο δὲ τοῦ μὲν ἑνὸς μέρους ᾿Ακάκιος ὁ τῆς ἐν Παλαιστίνῃ Καισαρείας, Γεώργιος ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, Οὐράνιος Τύρου, Εὐδόξιος, ᾿Αντιοχείας · οἷς τριάκοντα δύο μόνον συνῄνουν ἄλλοι. Τοῦ δὲ ἑτέρου, Γεώργιος. Λαοδικείας τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ, Σωφρόνιος Πομπηϊουπόλεως τῆς ἐν Παφλαγονίᾳ, Ἐλεύσιος Κυ Βοζίκου, οἷς ἠκολούθουν οἱ πλείονες. Ὡς οὖν ἐπεκράτει τὸ πρότερον ζητεῖσθαι περὶ τῆς πίστεως, οἱ μὲν τοῦ μέρους 'Ακακίου, τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν φανεμῶς ἠθέτησαν, ἄλλην τε πίστιν ὑπαγορεύειν ἠνίττοντο. Οἱ δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους οἱ τῷ ἀριθμῷ πλεονάζοντες, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδου ἀπεδέχοντο· μόνην δὲ τὴν ὁμοουσίου λέξιν ἐμέμφοντο. Πολλὰ οὖν ἄχρι δείλης ὀψίας πρὸς ἀλλήλους φιλονεικούντων, τέλος Σιλβανὸς τῆς Ταρσοῦ προἐστὼς Ἐκκλησίας μέγα ἀνέκραγε, λέγων μὴ χρῆναι καινὴν ὑπαγορεύειν πίστεως ἔκδοσιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἤδὴ πρότερον ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τοῖς ἐγκαινίοις ὑπαγορευθεῖσαν ὀφείλειν κρατεῖν." Τούτου λεχθέντος, οἱ μὲν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ὑπεξῆλθον · οἱ δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους, προεκόμισαν τὴν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ πίστιν, καὶ ἀναγνόντες, διέλυσαν ἐν ἐκείνῃ τῇ ἡμέρᾳ τὸν σύλλογον. Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς εἰς τὸν ἐν Σελευ κείᾳ εὐκτήριον συνελθόντες οἶκον, καὶ τὰς θύρας ἀποκλείσαντες, τὴν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν πίστιν ὑπογράφοντες ἐκύρουν. Ὑπέγραφον δὲ ὑπὲρ ἀπολειφθέντων τινῶν παρόντες ἀναγνῶσται καὶ διάκονοι, δι' ὧν στέρξειν τὸν ὅρον οἱ ἀπολειφθέντες ὡμολόγησαν.
Peri de tēs heteras synodou, hēn antimimon tēs en Ariminǭ synodou kata tēn ᾿Anatolēn genesthai to basileōs ekeleue prostagma, nyn diēgēsomai. Ededokto proteron, en Nikomēdeią tēs Bithynias tous episkopous synagesthai. Enekopse de autōn tēn ekeise syneleusin, seismos epigenomenos megistos, aph᾿ hou synebē tēn Nikomēdeōn polin pesein R. Touto de gegonen hypateuontōn Tatianou kai Kerealiou, peri tēn ogdoēn eikada tou Augoustou mēnos. Ebouleuonto oun metatheinai tēn synodon eis tēn geitniazousan autę̄ Nikaian. Kai touto men authis metedoxen eis Tarson de tēs Kilikias edokei synerchesthai. Oute de toutou aresantos, eis Seleukeian 4 tēs Isaurias, tēn epikaloumenēn Tracheian, synelēlythasi. Touto de en tǭ autǭ eniautǭ pepoiēkasin, hypateuontōn Eusebiou kai Hypatiou. Hēsan de hoi synelthontes ton arithmon hekaton exēkonta. Symparēn de autois heis tōn en tois basilikois ekphanōn, honoma Leōnas, eph᾿ hou protheinai to per! tēs pisteōs zētēma, to basileōs ekelene prostagma. Prostetakto pareinai kai Laurikios ho tōn kata tēn Isaurian stratiōtōn hēgoumenos, hypourgēsōn ei deēsoi tois episkopois. Epi touton dē synelthontes tę̄ hebdomę̄ kai eikadi tou Septembriou mēnos, epi dēmosiōn hypomnēmatōn dielegonto. Parēsan gar dē kai oxygraphoi, ta par' hekastou legomena sēmeioumenoi. hōn ta men kath᾽ hekaston en tę̄ synagōgę̄ Sabinou zētētōsan hoi philomatheis, dia makroterōn enkeimena. Hēmeis de ta kephalaiōdē monon epitrechontes ekthēsometha. En de tę̄ prōtę̄ hēmerą synelthontōn, ho Leōnas ta hekastǭ dokounta protheinai ekeleusen. Hoi de parontes ou proteron ephasan tina kinēsai zētēsin, prin an hoi apoleiphthentes synelthōsi. Kai gar ēsan apoleiphthentes episkopoi, Makedonios ho Kōnstantinoupoleōs, sileios Ankyras, kai alloi tines, katēgorias hyphorōmenoi. Makedonios men oun nosein eipōn apoleleipto. Patrophilos de ophthalmiąn elege; kai diatouto en proasteiǭ tēs Seleukeias, anankēn echoien diagein; kai tōn allōn de hekastos prophasin tina tēs apoleipseōs proeballonto. Epei de ho Leōnas kai toutōn mē parontōn dein protithenai ta tēs zētēseōs elegen, hoi parontes authis epēgon, hōs oud᾽ ēntina kinēsōsi zētēsin, ei mē proteron tōn katēgoroumenōn hoi bioi exetasthōsi. Katēgorēnto gar ēdē proteron Kyrillos Hierosolymōn, Eustathios Sebastias tēs en ᾿Armenią, kai alloi tines. Ek toutou philoneikia eis tous parontas enepesen. Hoi men gar tous bious tōn katēgoroumenōn proteron ereunasthai elegon; hoi de pro tēs pisteōs mē protithenai zētēma. Ekinei de tēn philoneikian hē diaphoros tou basileōs gnōmē. Grammata gar autou prosephereto, nyn men proteron touto zēteisthai keleuonta, nyn de to heteron. Peri toutou oun tēs philoneikias ginomenēs, schisma eis tous parontas echōrēse. Kai hautē gegone prophaseōs archē, tou kai tēn en Seleukeią eis dyo merē diairethēnai synodon. Hēgounto de tou men henos merous ᾿Akakios ho tēs en Palaistinę̄ Kaisareias, Geōrgios ᾿Alexandreias, Ouranios Tyrou, Eudoxios, ᾿Antiocheias ; hois triakonta dyo monon synę̄noun alloi. Tou de heterou, Geōrgios. Laodikeias tēs en Syrią, Sōphronios Pompēïoupoleōs tēs en Paphlagonią, Eleusios Ky Bozikou, hois ēkolouthoun hoi pleiones. Hōs oun epekratei to proteron zēteisthai peri tēs pisteōs, hoi men tou merous 'Akakiou, tēn en Nikaią pistin phanemōs ēthetēsan, allēn te pistin hypagoreuein ēnittonto. Hoi de tou heterou merous hoi tǭ arithmǭ pleonazontes, ta men alla panta tēs en Nikaią synodou apedechonto; monēn de tēn homoousiou lexin ememphonto. Polla oun achri deilēs opsias pros allēlous philoneikountōn, telos Silbanos tēs Tarsou proestōs Ekklēsias mega anekrage, legōn mē chrēnai kainēn hypagoreuein pisteōs ekdosin, alla tēn ēdē proteron en ᾿Antiocheią tois enkainiois hypagoreutheisan opheilein kratein." Toutou lechthentos, hoi men peri ᾿Akakion hypexēlthon ; hoi de tou heterou merous, proekomisan tēn en Antiocheią pistin, kai anagnontes, dielysan en ekeinę̄ tę̄ hēmerą ton syllogon. Tę̄ de hexēs eis ton en Seleu keią euktērion synelthontes oikon, kai tas thyras apokleisantes, tēn anagnōstheisan pistin hypographontes ekyroun. Hypegraphon de hyper apoleiphthentōn tinōn parontes anagnōstai kai diakonoi, di' hōn sterxein ton horon hoi apoleiphthentes hōmologēsan.
I will now tell about the other synod, which the emperor’s order directed to be held in the East as a counterpart to the synod at Ariminum. It had at first been decided that the bishops should gather at Nicomedia in Bithynia. But a very great earthquake prevented their meeting there, by which the city of Nicomedia was destroyed. This happened in the consulship of Tatian and Cerealis, about the twenty-eighth of August. They then considered moving the synod to neighbouring Nicaea; but that decision was changed again, and it was decided to meet at Tarsus in Cilicia. When this too did not please, they met at Seleucia in Isauria, called Trachea. They did this in the same year, in the consulship of Eusebius and Hypatius. Those who met numbered one hundred and sixty. With them was one of the eminent officials of the palace, named Leonas, before whom the emperor’s order directed that the question of the faith be put. Lauricius, the commander of the soldiers in Isauria, had also been ordered to be present, to assist the bishops if needed. Meeting before him on the twenty-seventh of September, they debated with public minutes taken; for shorthand writers were present, noting what each said. Those who love learning may seek the details in Sabinus’s collection, where they are set out at greater length; we shall run over the main points only.
When they met on the first day, Leonas ordered each to put forward what he thought. Those present said they would not raise any question before those who were absent had arrived. For some bishops were absent: Macedonius of Constantinople, Basil of Ancyra, and some others, who feared accusations. Macedonius stayed away saying he was ill; Patrophilus said he had an eye disease and therefore had to stay in a suburb of Seleucia; and each of the others put forward some excuse for his absence. When Leonas said that the question must be put even though they were not present, those present answered again that they would raise no question before the lives of the accused had been examined. For Cyril of Jerusalem, Eustathius of Sebastia in Armenia, and some others had already been accused. From this a contention fell upon those present: some said that the lives of the accused must be investigated first, others that no question should be put before that of the faith. The emperor’s differing judgment stirred up the contention; for letters of his were produced, now ordering this to be inquired into first, now the other. As the contention went on about this, a schism came upon those present; and this became the beginning of the division of the synod at Seleucia into two parts. Of one part the leaders were Acacius of Caesarea in Palestine, George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre, and Eudoxius of Antioch, with whom only thirty-two others agreed. Of the other part the leaders were George of Laodicea in Syria, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, and Eleusius of Cyzicus, whom the majority followed. When the view prevailed that the faith should be examined first, Acacius’s party openly rejected the faith of Nicaea and hinted that they would dictate another; while those of the other part, who were more numerous, accepted everything else of the synod of Nicaea and found fault only with the word homoousios. After they had argued much with one another until late in the evening, Silvanus, who presided over the church of Tarsus, cried out loudly that no new statement of faith should be dictated, but that the one already dictated at Antioch at the dedication should prevail. When this was said, Acacius’s party withdrew, while those of the other part brought forward the creed of Antioch, read it, and dissolved the assembly for that day. On the next day they met in the house of prayer at Seleucia, shut the doors, and confirmed the creed that had been read by signing it. Readers and deacons who were present signed on behalf of some who were absent, through whom the absent declared that they would accept the definition.
2.40PG 67:335–345
Ἀκάκιος δὲ καὶ οἱ τοῦ μέρους αὐτοῦ, τὰ γινόμενα διεμέμφοντο, διότι τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἀποκλείσαντες καθυπέγραφον. Τὰ γὰρ ἐν παραβύστῳ, φησὶ, γινόμενα, ἀδόκιμα καὶ ὑποψίας ἐντός. Ταῦτα ἔλεγε, βουλόμενος ἑτέραν ἔκδοσιν πίστεως ἀντεισενεγκεῖν, ἔχων εὐτρε: Ο πισμένην, ἣν ἀνεγνώκει μὲν τοῖς ἄρχουσι Λαυρικίῳ καὶ Λεωνᾷ· μόνην δὲ αὐτὴν κρατήσειν ἐσπούδαζε. Τούτων μὲν οὖν πλέον οὐδὲν κατὰ τὴν δευτέραν ἡμέραν ἐγίνετο. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν τρίτην ὁ Λεωνᾶς αὖθις τὰ μέρη συναγαγεῖν ἐσπούδαζε· καθ᾿ ἣν οὐκ ἀπελείφθη καὶ Μακεδόνιος ὁ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως, οὐδὲ μὴν ὁ ᾿Αγκύρας Βασίλειος. Ἐπεὶ οὖν ἀμφότεροι εἰς ταὐτὸ μέρος συνεληλύθησαν, αὖθις οἱ περὶ Ἀκάκιον ἀπαντᾷν οὐκ ἐβούλοντο, φάσκοντες δεῖν πρότερον ἐκβάλλεσθαι τοῦ συλλόγου τους τε ἤδη πρότερον καθαιρεθέντας Γ, καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῷ παρόντι κατηγορουμένους. Ἐπεὶ δὲ φιλονεικησάντων, τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἐκράτησεν, ὑπεξῄεσαν μὲν οἱ ἐν αἰτιάσει τυγχάνοντες· ἀντεισἦλθον δὲ οἱ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον. Τότε δὲ ὁ Λεωνᾶς ἔφη βιβλίον δεδόσθαι αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν περὶ Ἀκάκιον, ἀποκρύψας ὡς εἴη δόγματος ὑπαγόρευσις, τοῦτο μὲν λεληθότως, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ φανερῶς μαχομένου τοῖς προλαβοῦσιν. Ὡς δὲ οἱ παρόντες ἡσύχασαν, ἄλλο τι μᾶλλον ἢ πίστεως ἔκδοσιν περιέχειν τὸ βιβλίον νομίσαντες, τηνικαῦτα καὶ Ἀκακίου τῆς πίστεως σύνταγμα σὺν τῷ προοιμίῳ ἀνεγνώσθη, τοῦτον ἔχον τὸν τρόπον· Ἡμεῖς συνελθόντες ἐν Σελευκείᾳ τῆς Ἰσαυρίας κατὰ τὸ βασιλικὸν βούλημα, τῇ χθὲς ἡμέρᾳ, ἥτις ἦν πρὸ πέντε Καλανδῶν Ὀκτωβρίων, πᾶσαν σπουδὴν ἐθέμεθα, μετὰ πάσης εὐταξίας τὴν εἰρήνην τῇ ᾿Εκκλησίᾳ φυλάξαι, καὶ περὶ τῆς πίστεως εὐσταθῶς διαλαβεῖν, ὡς προσέταξεν ταξεν ὁ θεοφιλέστατος βασιλεὺς ἡμῶν Κωνστάντιος, κατὰ τὰς προφητικὰς καὶ εὐαγγελικὰς φωνάς, καὶ μηδὲν παρὰ τὰς θείας Γραφὰς εἰσενέγκαι τῇ Ἐκκλησιαστικῇ πίστει. Ἐπειδὴ δέ τινες ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ, τοὺς μὲν ἡμῶν ὕβρισαν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπεστόμισαν, οὐ συγχωροῦντες λαλεῖν· τοὺς δὲ ἀπέκλεισαν ἄκοντας · καὶ τοὺς καθῃρημένους δὲ ἐκ διαφόρων ἐπαρχιῶν εἶχον μεθ' ἑαυτῶν· καὶ τοὺς παρὰ κανόνα καταστάντας ἦγον μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν· ὡς πανταχόθεν θορύβου πλήρη γενέσθαι τὴν σύνοδον, καθὼς καὶ ὁ λαμπρότατος ἡγούμενος τῆς ἐπαρχίας Λαυρίκιος, καὶ ὁ λαμπρότατος κόμης Λεωνᾶς αὐτοψίᾳ παρέλαβον, τούτου ἕνεκεν διαλαλοῦμεν ταῦτα· Ὡς οὐ φεύγομεν· τὴν ἐκτεθεῖσαν αὐθεντικὴν πίστιν ἐν τοῖς ἐγκαινίοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν, προκομίζοντες αὐτὴν, εἰ καὶ ταμάλιστα οἱ πατέρες ἡμῶν κατ᾿ ἐκεῖνο τοῦ καιροῦ πρὸς τὸ ὑποκείμενον τῆς ζητήσεως συνἐδραμον. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πολλοὺς ἐθορύβησεν τὸ ὁμοούσιον καὶ τὸ ὁμοιούσιον ἐν τοῖς παρελθοῦσι χρόνοις, καὶ μέχρι νῦν· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀρτίως λέγεται καινοτομεῖσθαι ὑπό τινων τὸ ἀνόμοιον τοῦ Υἱοῦ πρὸς Πατέρα· τούτου χάριν τὸ μὲν ὁμοούσιον καὶ τὸ ὁμοιούσιον ἐκβάλλομεν, ὡς ἀλλότριον τῶν Γραφῶν, τὸ δὲ ἀνόμοιον ἀναθεματίζομεν · καὶ πάντας ὅσοι τοιοῦτοι τυγχάνουσιν, ἀλλοτρίους ἡγούμεθα τῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Τὸ δὲ ὅμοιον τοῦ Υἱοῦ πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα σαφῶς ὁμολογοῦμεν 1, κατὰ ὁμοούσιον εἰ ὁμοιούσιον τὸ ἀνόμοιον, τὸν ᾿Απόστολον τὸν λέγοντα τοῦ Υἱοῦ, ἐστιν ὅδ. τοῦ Θεοῦ τοῦ ἀοράτου. ὍὋμολογοῦμεν δὲ πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοχράτορᾳ " ποιητὴν οὐρανῶν γῆς, ὁρατῶν ἀοράτων. Π:στεύομεν δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸν Κύριον ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν τὸν Υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, τὸν ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεννηθέντα ἀπαθῶς πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων, Θεὸν Λόγον Θεοῦ μονογενῆ, φῶς, ζωὴν, ἀλήθειαν, σοφίαν" δι᾿ οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τά τε ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς, καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς εἴτε ὁρατὰ εἴτε ἀόρατα. Τοῦτον πιστεύομεν ἐπὶ συν. τελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων, εἰς ἀθέτησιν ἁμαρτίας σάρκα εἰληφέναι ἐχ τῆς ἁγίας Παρθένου Μαρίας " ἔνανθρωπήσαντα, παθόντα ὑπὲρ τῶν ἁμαρτιῶν ἡμῶν, καὶ ἀναστάντα, ἀναληφθέντα εἰς οὐρανοὺς, καθἐζεσθαι ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρός " καὶ πάλιν ἐρχόμενον : ἐν δόξῃ κρῖναι ζῶντας νεκρούς. Πιστεύομεν εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, ὃ Παράκλητον ὠνόμασεν 4 Σωτὴρ ὁ Κύριος ἡμῶν, ἐπαγγειλάμενος μετὰ τὸ ἀπελθεῖν αὐτὸν, πέμψαι τοῦτο τοῖς μαθηταῖς, ὅ ἀπέστειλε " δι᾽ οὗ ἁγιάζει τοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ πιστεύοντας, καὶ βαπτιζομένους ἐν ὀνόματι τοῦ Πατρὴς καὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου Πνεύματος, Τοὺς δὲ παρὰ ταύτην τὴν πίστιν ἄλλο τι χηρύττοντας, ἀλλοτρίους εἶναι τῆς καθολικῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Αὕτη μὲν ἡ ᾿Ακακίου, περὶ τῆς αὐτοῦ πίστεως ἔχδοσις" ἦσαν δὲ αὐτῇ χαθυπογράψαντες, αὐτὸς ᾿Ακάχίος καὶ οἱ τὰ αὐτοῦ φρονοῦντες, τοσοῦτοι ὄντες τὸν ἀριθμὼν, ὅσον μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐμνημονεύσαμεν. ᾿Αναγνωσθείσης δὲ αὐτῆς, Σωφρόνιος Πομπτηουπόλεως τῆς ἐν Παφλαγονίχ τοιαῦτα αὐταῖς λέξεσιν ἀνεβόησεν" Εἰ τὸ ἐχάστην ἡμέραν ἰδίαν θεσθαι βούλησιν, πίστεως ὑπάρχει ἔκθεσις, ἐπιλείψει ἡμᾶς ἡ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀχρίδεια, Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Σωφρόνιος ἔφησεν. Ἐγὼ δέ φημι, ὡς εἰ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοιαῦτα περὶ τῆς ἐν Νιχαΐᾳ πίστεως, τε πρὸ αὖτῶν καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκείνους διενοήθησαν, πέπαυτο ἂν πᾶσα φιλόνειχος ζέτησις, καὶ οὐχ ἂν τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἄλογος ἐκράτησε ταραχή. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅπως μὲν ἔχει ταῦτα, χρινάτωσαν οἱ κατανοεῖν δυνάμενοι. Τότε δὲ πολλὰ πρὸς ἀλλήλους περί τε τούτου, τῶν χατηγορουμένων, εἰπόντες καὶ ἄκούσαντες, διελύθησαν. Τῇ δὲ τετάρτῃ αὖθις ἡμέρᾳ συνῆλθον ἅπαντες εἰς ταὐτὸ, καὶ αὖθις ἀνεκίνουν μετὰ ἐρεσχελίας τοὺς λόγους. Ἐν οἷς Ἀκάκιος τοιάνδε κατὰ λέξιν εἰσηγήσατο γνώμην· Εἰ ἅπαξ ἡ ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστις μετεποίηθη καὶ μεταταῦτα πολλάκις, οὐδὲν κωλύει καὶ νῦν ἑτέραν ὑπαγορευθῆναι πίστιν. Πρὸςταῦτα Ἐλεύσιος ὁ Κυζίκου τοιάδε εἶπεν· Ἡ σύνοδος συνεκροτήθη ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος, οὐχ ἵνα μάθῃ ὁ μὴ μεμάθηκεν, οὔθ᾿ ἕνα πίστιν δέξηται, ἣν μὴ κέκτηται· ἀλλὰ τῇ τῶν πατέρων πίστει στοιχοῦσα, ταύτης μέχρι ζωῆς καὶ θανάτου οὐκ ἐξίσταται. Τοιούτοις καὶ ὁ Ἐλεύσιος πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ακακίου γνώμην ἀπήντησε, πίστιν πατέρων τὴν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν καλῶν. ᾿Απαντήσει δ' ἄν τις καὶ πρὸς τοῦτον · Πῶς τοὺς ἐν Αντιοχείᾳ συνελθόντας πατέρας ὀνομάζεις, Ἑλεύσιε, τοὺς ἐκείνων πατέρας ἀρνούμενος; Οἱ γὰρ ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνελθόντες, καὶ τὸ ὁμοούσιον τῇ πίστει συμφωνήσαντες, κυριώτερον ἂν πατέρες λέγοιντο, τῷ καὶ προαναβεβηκέναι τοῖς χρόνοις, καὶ ὅτι οἱ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ γενόμενοι, ὑπ᾿ ἐκείνων εἰς τὴν ἱερωσύνην προβέβληντο. Εἰ δὲ οἱ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τοὺς ἰδίους πατέρας ἠθέτησαν, λελήθασιν ἑαυτοὺς οἱ μεταταῦτα τοῖς πατραλοίαις ἑπόμενοι. Πῶς δὲ καὶ ὧν ἐκεῖνοι τὴν πίστιν ὡς ἀδόκιμον ἠθέτησαν, τὴν χειροτονίαν ὡς δοκίμην ἐδέξαντο ; Εἰ δὲ ἐκεῖνοι οὐκ εἶχον τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον, ὁ διὰ τῆς χειροτονίας ἐπέρχεται, οὐδὲ οὗτοι τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἔλαβον. Πῶς γὰρ ἐλάμβανον παρὰ τῶν οὐκ ἐχόντων τὸ διδόμενον; Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἀντιθήσει τις πρὸς τὰ ὑπὸ Ἐλευσίου λεχθέντα. Τότε δὲ αὖθις ἐπὶ ἑτέραν ἐχώρησαν ζήτησιν. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ περὶ Ἀκάκιον ἐν τῇ ἀναγνωσθείσῃ πίστει ὅμοιον ἔφασαν τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ, διεπυνθάνοντο ἀλλήλων, κατὰ τί ὅμοιός ἐστιν ὁ Υἱὸς τῷ Πατρί. Καὶ μὲν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, ἔλεγον κατὰ τὴν βούλησιν μόνον, οὐ μὴν κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν ὅμοιον τῷ Πατρὶ εἶναι τὸν Υἱόν. Οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι σύμπαντες, καὶ κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν ἀπεφήναντο. Περὶ τούτου δὲ τοῦ ζητήματος φιλονεικοῦντες ἐνδιημέρευον, καὶ τὸν ᾿Ἀκάκιον ἐξήλεγχον, ὡς εἴη ἐν τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ, οὓς συγγράψας ἐξέδωκεν, ὅμοιον κατὰ πάντα εἰπὼν τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρί. Καὶ πῶς νῦν, ἔφασαν, ἀρνῇ τὴν κατ᾿ οὐσίαν τοῦ Υἱοῦ πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα ὁμοιότητα; Ὁ δὲ, ᾿Απὸ συγγραμμάτων, ἔφη, οὔτε νέος τις οὔτε ἀρχαῖος ἐκρίθη. Πολλὰ δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους περὶ τοῦ ζητήματος τούτου ἀκριβολογουμένων, καὶ μηδαμῶς συμφωνούντων, ὁ Λεωνᾶς ἀναστὰς διέλυσε τὸν σύλλογον. Καὶ τοῦτο τέλος ἔσχεν ἡ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ γενομένη σύνοδος. Τῇ γὰρ ἐξῆς παρακαλούμενος οὐκέτι εἰς ταὐτὸν συνελθεῖν αὐτοῖς ἡϑέλησε, φήσας ἀπεστάλθαι" παρὰ τοῦ βασι; ἡ λέως ἐπὶ τὸ παρεῖναι τῇ συνόδῳ ὁμοφωνούσῃ. ᾿Ἐπειξῇὴ δέ τινες διέστησαν, οὐ δύναμαι, ἔφη, παραγενέσθαι. ᾿Απέλθετε οὖν, ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ φλυαρεῖτε. Τούτου γενομένου, οἱ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ἕρμαιον ἡγησάμενοι, οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ ἀπαντῆσαι ἠθέλησαν. Οἱ δὲ τοῦ ἄλλον μέρονς διακριθέντες, καὶ συνελῆόντες κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ἐκάλουν τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, ἐπὶ τῷ ναι τὰ κατὰ Κύριλλον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Ἱεροσολύμων. Ἰστέον γὰρ ὅτι Κύριλλος ἤδη πρότερον χατηγόρητο καὶ διὰ τί μὲν, οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι υ, Καθῃρέθη δὲ, ὅτι πολλάκις ἐπὶ τὸ κριθῆναι καλούμενος ἐφεξῆς δύο ἐνιαντῶν διέφυγε, τὰς κατηγορίας εὐλαθούμενο:. Καθαιρεθεὶς δ᾽ οὖν ὅμως ἐχχλήτου βιβλίον τοῖς χαῦελοῦσι διαπεμψάμενος, μεῖζον ἐπεχαλέσατο διχαστή - " οὗ τῇ ἐκχλήτῳ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος ἐγεγόνει σύμψηφος. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν, μόνος καὶ πρῶτος παρὰ τὸ σύνηθες τῷ ἐκκλησιαστικῷ κανόνι Κύριλλος ἐποίησεν, ἐχχλήτοις ὡς ἐν δημοσίῳ δικαστηρίῳ χρησάμενος. Τότε δὲ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ παρῆν χριθησόμενος. Καὶ διατοῦτο οἱ ἐπίσκοποι τοὺς κ. ᾿Ακάκιον ἐκάλουν, ὡς μικρῷ ἔμπροσθεν ἐμνημονεύσαμεν, ὅπως ἂν περὶ τῶν κατηγορουμένων διαγνόντες κοινὴν ἐξενέγχωσι ψῆφον. Ἐχάλουν γὰρ δὴ χαί τινας ἄλλους τῶν κατηγορουμένων, οἵ τοῖς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον προσπεφεύγασιν. Ἐπεὶ οὖν πολλάκις χα - λούμενοι οὐχ ἀπήντησαν, καθεῖλον αὐτόν τε ᾿Ακάκιον, Γεώργιον ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, Οὐρσάκιον Τύρου, Θεόδουλον Χα:ρετάπων τῆς Φρυγίας, Θεοδόσιον Φιλαδελφίας τῆς ἐν Λυδίᾳ, Εὐάγριον Μιτυλήνης τῆς νήσον, Λεόντιον Τριπόλεως τῆς Λυδίας, καὶ Εὐδόζιον τὸν πρότερον μὲν Γερμανικείας, μεταταῦτα δὲ ᾿Αντιοχείας τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ὑποδύντα. Καθεῖλον δὲ καὶ Πατρόφιλον, ὅτι αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Δωροθέου πρεσβυτέρου κατηγορούμενος, κληθεὶς οὐχ ὑπήκουσε. Τούτους μὲν οὖν καθεῖλον · ἀκοινωνήτους δὲ πεποιήκασιν ᾿Αστέριον, Εὐσέβιον, ῎Αβγαρον, Βασιλικὸν, Φοῖβον, Φιδήλιον, Εὐτύχιον, Μάγνον καὶ Εὐστάθιον, ὁρίσαντες οὕτω μένειν αὐτοὺς, ἕως ἂν ἀπολογησάμενοι τὰς κατηγορίας ἀποδύσωνται. Ταῦτα πράξαντες, διὰ γραμμάτων τε τὰ περὶ τῶν καθαιρε. θέντων ταῖς ἐκείνων παροικίαις γνωρίσαντες, καθιστῶσιν, εἰς τὸν τόπον Εὐδοξίου, τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπον, ᾿Ανιανὸν τοῦνομα. Ὃν συλλαβόντες οἱ περὶ Ἀκάκιον, Λεωνᾷ καὶ Λαυρικίῳ παρέδοσαν · οἱ δὲ, αὐτὸν ἐξόριστον πεποιήκασι. Τούτου γενομένου, οἱ ἐπίσκοποι οἱ προβεβλημένοι τὸν ᾿Ανιανὸν, διὰ μαρτυρίας ἐχρῶντο κατὰ τῶν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον πρὸς τὸν Λεωνᾶν καὶ Λαυρίκιον, δι᾽ ὧν ἀδικεῖσθαι τῆς συνόδου τὴν κρίσιν ἐμήνυον. Ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν πλέον ἠνύετο, ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ὥρμησαν, ἐπὶ τὸ διδάξαι τὸν βασιλέα τὰ κριθέντα αὐτοῖς.
Akakios de kai hoi tou merous autou, ta ginomena diememphonto, dioti tēn Ekklēsian apokleisantes kathypegraphon. Ta gar en parabystǭ, phēsi, ginomena, adokima kai hypopsias entos. Tauta elege, boulomenos heteran ekdosin pisteōs anteisenenkein, echōn eutre: O pismenēn, hēn anegnōkei men tois archousi Laurikiǭ kai Leōną; monēn de autēn kratēsein espoudaze. Toutōn men oun pleon ouden kata tēn deuteran hēmeran egineto. Kata de tēn tritēn ho Leōnas authis ta merē synagagein espoudaze; kath᾿ hēn ouk apeleiphthē kai Makedonios ho Kōnstantinoupoleōs, oude mēn ho ᾿Ankyras Basileios. Epei oun amphoteroi eis tauto meros synelēlythēsan, authis hoi peri Akakion apantąn ouk eboulonto, phaskontes dein proteron ekballesthai tou syllogou tous te ēdē proteron kathairethentas G, kai tous en tǭ paronti katēgoroumenous. Epei de philoneikēsantōn, touto mallon ekratēsen, hypexę̄esan men hoi en aitiasei tynchanontes; anteisēlthon de hoi peri ᾿Akakion. Tote de ho Leōnas ephē biblion dedosthai autǭ para tōn peri Akakion, apokrypsas hōs eiē dogmatos hypagoreusis, touto men lelēthotōs, touto de kai phanerōs machomenou tois prolabousin. Hōs de hoi parontes hēsychasan, allo ti mallon ē pisteōs ekdosin periechein to biblion nomisantes, tēnikauta kai Akakiou tēs pisteōs syntagma syn tǭ prooimiǭ anegnōsthē, touton echon ton tropon; Hēmeis synelthontes en Seleukeią tēs Isaurias kata to basilikon boulēma, tę̄ chthes hēmerą, hētis ēn pro pente Kalandōn Oktōbriōn, pasan spoudēn ethemetha, meta pasēs eutaxias tēn eirēnēn tę̄ ᾿Ekklēsią phylaxai, kai peri tēs pisteōs eustathōs dialabein, hōs prosetaxen taxen ho theophilestatos basileus hēmōn Kōnstantios, kata tas prophētikas kai euangelikas phōnas, kai mēden para tas theias Graphas eisenenkai tę̄ Ekklēsiastikę̄ pistei. Epeidē de tines en tę̄ synodǭ, tous men hēmōn hybrisan, tous de epestomisan, ou synchōrountes lalein; tous de apekleisan akontas ; kai tous kathę̄rēmenous de ek diaphorōn eparchiōn eichon meth' heautōn; kai tous para kanona katastantas ēgon meth᾽ heautōn; hōs pantachothen thorybou plērē genesthai tēn synodon, kathōs kai ho lamprotatos hēgoumenos tēs eparchias Laurikios, kai ho lamprotatos komēs Leōnas autopsią parelabon, toutou heneken dialaloumen tauta; Hōs ou pheugomen; tēn ektetheisan authentikēn pistin en tois enkainiois tois kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian, prokomizontes autēn, ei kai tamalista hoi pateres hēmōn kat᾿ ekeino tou kairou pros to hypokeimenon tēs zētēseōs synedramon. Epei de pollous ethorybēsen to homoousion kai to homoiousion en tois parelthousi chronois, kai mechri nyn; alla kai artiōs legetai kainotomeisthai hypo tinōn to anomoion tou Huiou pros Patera; toutou charin to men homoousion kai to homoiousion ekballomen, hōs allotrion tōn Graphōn, to de anomoion anathematizomen ; kai pantas hosoi toioutoi tynchanousin, allotrious hēgoumetha tēs Ekklēsias. To de homoion tou Huiou pros ton Patera saphōs homologoumen 1, kata homoousion ei homoiousion to anomoion, ton ᾿Apostolon ton legonta tou Huiou, estin hod. tou Theou tou aoratou. HoOmologoumen de pisteuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantochratorą " poiētēn ouranōn gēs, horatōn aoratōn. P:steuomen de kai eis ton Kyrion hēmōn Iēsoun Christon ton Huion autou, ton ex autou gennēthenta apathōs pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn, Theon Logon Theou monogenē, phōs, zōēn, alētheian, sophian" di᾿ hou ta panta egeneto, ta te en tois ouranois, kai ta epi tēs gēs eite horata eite aorata. Touton pisteuomen epi syn. teleią tōn aiōnōn, eis athetēsin hamartias sarka eilēphenai ech tēs hagias Parthenou Marias " enanthrōpēsanta, pathonta hyper tōn hamartiōn hēmōn, kai anastanta, analēphthenta eis ouranous, kathezesthai en dexią tou Patros " kai palin erchomenon : en doxę̄ krinai zōntas nekrous. Pisteuomen eis to hagion Pneuma, ho Paraklēton ōnomasen 4 Sōtēr ho Kyrios hēmōn, epangeilamenos meta to apelthein auton, pempsai touto tois mathētais, ho apesteile " di᾽ hou hagiazei tous en tę̄ Ekklēsią pisteuontas, kai baptizomenous en onomati tou Patrēs kai tou Huiou kai tou hagiou Pneumatos, Tous de para tautēn tēn pistin allo ti chēryttontas, allotrious einai tēs katholikēs Ekklēsias. Hautē men hē ᾿Akakiou, peri tēs autou pisteōs echdosis" ēsan de autę̄ chathypograpsantes, autos ᾿Akachios kai hoi ta autou phronountes, tosoutoi ontes ton arithmōn, hoson mikron emprosthen emnēmoneusamen. ᾿Anagnōstheisēs de autēs, Sōphronios Pomptēoupoleōs tēs en Paphlagonich toiauta autais lexesin aneboēsen" Ei to echastēn hēmeran idian thesthai boulēsin, pisteōs hyparchei ekthesis, epileipsei hēmas hē tēs alētheias achrideia, Tauta men ho Sōphronios ephēsen. Egō de phēmi, hōs ei ex archēs toiauta peri tēs en Nichaïą pisteōs, te pro autōn kai hoi met᾽ ekeinous dienoēthēsan, pepauto an pasa philoneichos zetēsis, kai ouch an tōn Ekklēsiōn alogos ekratēse tarachē. ᾿All᾽ hopōs men echei tauta, chrinatōsan hoi katanoein dynamenoi. Tote de polla pros allēlous peri te toutou, tōn chatēgoroumenōn, eipontes kai akousantes, dielythēsan. Tę̄ de tetartę̄ authis hēmerą synēlthon hapantes eis tauto, kai authis anekinoun meta ereschelias tous logous. En hois Akakios toiande kata lexin eisēgēsato gnōmēn; Ei hapax hē en Nikaią pistis metepoiēthē kai metatauta pollakis, ouden kōlyei kai nyn heteran hypagoreuthēnai pistin. Prostauta Eleusios ho Kyzikou toiade eipen; Hē synodos synekrotēthē epi tou parontos, ouch hina mathę̄ ho mē memathēken, outh᾿ hena pistin dexētai, hēn mē kektētai; alla tę̄ tōn paterōn pistei stoichousa, tautēs mechri zōēs kai thanatou ouk existatai. Toioutois kai ho Eleusios pros tēn ᾿Akakiou gnōmēn apēntēse, pistin paterōn tēn en ᾿Antiocheią ektetheisan pistin kalōn. ᾿Apantēsei d' an tis kai pros touton ; Pōs tous en Antiocheią synelthontas pateras onomazeis, Heleusie, tous ekeinōn pateras arnoumenos? Hoi gar en Nikaią synelthontes, kai to homoousion tę̄ pistei symphōnēsantes, kyriōteron an pateres legointo, tǭ kai proanabebēkenai tois chronois, kai hoti hoi en ᾿Antiocheią genomenoi, hyp᾿ ekeinōn eis tēn hierōsynēn probeblēnto. Ei de hoi en ᾿Antiocheią tous idious pateras ēthetēsan, lelēthasin heautous hoi metatauta tois patraloiais hepomenoi. Pōs de kai hōn ekeinoi tēn pistin hōs adokimon ēthetēsan, tēn cheirotonian hōs dokimēn edexanto ? Ei de ekeinoi ouk eichon to Pneuma to hagion, ho dia tēs cheirotonias eperchetai, oude houtoi tēn hierōsynēn elabon. Pōs gar elambanon para tōn ouk echontōn to didomenon? Tauta men oun antithēsei tis pros ta hypo Eleusiou lechthenta. Tote de authis epi heteran echōrēsan zētēsin. Epei gar kai hoi peri Akakion en tę̄ anagnōstheisę̄ pistei homoion ephasan ton Huion tǭ Patri, diepynthanonto allēlōn, kata ti homoios estin ho Huios tǭ Patri. Kai men peri ᾿Akakion, elegon kata tēn boulēsin monon, ou mēn kata tēn ousian homoion tǭ Patri einai ton Huion. Hoi de alloi sympantes, kai kata tēn ousian apephēnanto. Peri toutou de tou zētēmatos philoneikountes endiēmereuon, kai ton ᾿Akakion exēlenchon, hōs eiē en tois logois autou, hous syngrapsas exedōken, homoion kata panta eipōn ton Huion tǭ Patri. Kai pōs nyn, ephasan, arnę̄ tēn kat᾿ ousian tou Huiou pros ton Patera homoiotēta? Ho de, ᾿Apo syngrammatōn, ephē, oute neos tis oute archaios ekrithē. Polla de pros allēlous peri tou zētēmatos toutou akribologoumenōn, kai mēdamōs symphōnountōn, ho Leōnas anastas dielyse ton syllogon. Kai touto telos eschen hē en Seleukeią genomenē synodos. Tę̄ gar exēs parakaloumenos ouketi eis tauton synelthein autois hēϑelēse, phēsas apestalthai" para tou basi? hē leōs epi to pareinai tę̄ synodǭ homophōnousę̄. ᾿Epeixę̄ē de tines diestēsan, ou dynamai, ephē, paragenesthai. ᾿Apelthete oun, en tę̄ ekklēsią phlyareite. Toutou genomenou, hoi peri ᾿Akakion hermaion hēgēsamenoi, oude autoi apantēsai ēthelēsan. Hoi de tou allon merons diakrithentes, kai synelēontes kata tēn ekklēsian, ekaloun tous peri ᾿Akakion, epi tǭ nai ta kata Kyrillon ton episkopon Hierosolymōn. Isteon gar hoti Kyrillos ēdē proteron chatēgorēto kai dia ti men, ouk echō phrasai y, Kathę̄rethē de, hoti pollakis epi to krithēnai kaloumenos ephexēs dyo eniantōn diephyge, tas katēgorias eulathoumeno:. Kathairetheis d᾽ oun homōs echchlētou biblion tois chauelousi diapempsamenos, meizon epechalesato dichastē - " hou tę̄ ekchlētǭ kai ho basileus Kōnstantios egegonei sympsēphos. Touto men oun, monos kai prōtos para to synēthes tǭ ekklēsiastikǭ kanoni Kyrillos epoiēsen, echchlētois hōs en dēmosiǭ dikastēriǭ chrēsamenos. Tote de en tę̄ Seleukeią parēn chrithēsomenos. Kai diatouto hoi episkopoi tous k. ᾿Akakion ekaloun, hōs mikrǭ emprosthen emnēmoneusamen, hopōs an peri tōn katēgoroumenōn diagnontes koinēn exenenchōsi psēphon. Echaloun gar dē chai tinas allous tōn katēgoroumenōn, hoi tois peri ᾿Akakion prospepheugasin. Epei oun pollakis cha - loumenoi ouch apēntēsan, katheilon auton te ᾿Akakion, Geōrgion ᾿Alexandreias, Oursakion Tyrou, Theodoulon Cha:retapōn tēs Phrygias, Theodosion Philadelphias tēs en Lydią, Euagrion Mitylēnēs tēs nēson, Leontion Tripoleōs tēs Lydias, kai Eudozion ton proteron men Germanikeias, metatauta de ᾿Antiocheias tēs en Syrią tēn episkopēn hypodynta. Katheilon de kai Patrophilon, hoti autos hypo Dōrotheou presbyterou katēgoroumenos, klētheis ouch hypēkouse. Toutous men oun katheilon ; akoinōnētous de pepoiēkasin ᾿Asterion, Eusebion, ᾿Abgaron, Basilikon, Phoibon, Phidēlion, Eutychion, Magnon kai Eustathion, horisantes houtō menein autous, heōs an apologēsamenoi tas katēgorias apodysōntai. Tauta praxantes, dia grammatōn te ta peri tōn kathaire. thentōn tais ekeinōn paroikiais gnōrisantes, kathistōsin, eis ton topon Eudoxiou, tēs ᾿Antiocheias episkopon, ᾿Anianon tounoma. Hon syllabontes hoi peri Akakion, Leōną kai Laurikiǭ paredosan ; hoi de, auton exoriston pepoiēkasi. Toutou genomenou, hoi episkopoi hoi probeblēmenoi ton ᾿Anianon, dia martyrias echrōnto kata tōn peri ᾿Akakion pros ton Leōnan kai Laurikion, di᾽ hōn adikeisthai tēs synodou tēn krisin emēnyon. Hōs de ouden pleon ēnyeto, epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin hōrmēsan, epi to didaxai ton basilea ta krithenta autois.
Acacius and his party found fault with what was done, because they signed with the church shut. “What is done in a corner,” he said, “is spurious and open to suspicion.” He said this wishing to bring in another statement of faith in opposition, which he had ready, and which he had read to the officials Lauricius and Leonas; and he was eager that it alone should prevail. Nothing more was done on the second day. On the third Leonas again set himself to bring the parties together; on this day Macedonius of Constantinople and Basil of Ancyra did not stay away. When both had come over to the same side, Acacius’s party again would not attend, saying that those already deposed and those now accused must first be expelled from the assembly. When, after contention, this view prevailed, those under accusation withdrew and Acacius’s party came in. Then Leonas said that a document had been given him by Acacius’s party, concealing that it was a dictated creed which in part secretly and in part openly contradicted the earlier ones. When those present kept quiet, thinking the document contained something other than a statement of faith, the composition of Acacius’s creed was read with its preface, as follows:
“We, having met at Seleucia in Isauria according to the imperial will, yesterday, which was the fifth day before the Kalends of October, made every effort to keep peace in the church with all good order and to deal steadily with the faith, as our most God-loving emperor Constantius commanded, according to the prophetic and evangelical words, and to bring nothing into the faith of the church contrary to the divine Scriptures. But since some in the synod insulted some of us, silenced others by not allowing them to speak, and shut out others against their will; and had with them those deposed from various provinces, and brought with them those appointed contrary to the canon, so that the synod was full of disturbance on every side, as the most illustrious governor of the province Lauricius and the most illustrious count Leonas saw for themselves; for this reason we declare as follows. We do not shun the authentic faith set forth at the dedication at Antioch, and we bring it forward, although our fathers at that time met for the subject then under inquiry. But since the homoousion and the homoiousion have troubled many in past times and until now, and since the anomoion of the Son to the Father is now also said to be newly introduced by some, for this reason we reject the homoousion and the homoiousion as foreign to the Scriptures, and we anathematize the anomoion, and we consider all who are such to be aliens from the church. We clearly confess the likeness of the Son to the Father, according to the apostle, who says of the Son, ‘who is the image of the invisible God.’ We confess and believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, of things visible and invisible. We believe also in our Lord Jesus Christ his Son, begotten from him impassibly before all ages, God the Word, only-begotten of God, light, life, truth, wisdom, through whom all things came to be, things in the heavens and things on earth, whether visible or invisible. We believe that at the consummation of the ages he took flesh from the holy Virgin Mary for the putting away of sin, became man, suffered for our sins, rose, was taken up into the heavens, sits at the right hand of the Father, and is coming again in glory to judge the living and the dead. We believe in the Holy Spirit, whom our Saviour the Lord named the Paraclete, promising after his departure to send him to the disciples, and whom he sent; through whom he sanctifies those in the church who believe and are baptized in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. Those who preach anything else contrary to this faith are aliens from the catholic church.”
This is Acacius’s statement of his faith. Those who signed it were Acacius himself and those who thought as he did, as many in number as we mentioned a little before. When it had been read, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia cried out in these very words: “If to set out a private will every day is a statement of faith, the exactness of the truth will fail us.” So said Sophronius. But I say that if those before them and those after them had from the beginning thought in this way about the faith of Nicaea, all contentious inquiry would have ceased, and unreasoning disturbance would not have prevailed over the churches. But how these things stand, let those judge who can understand. Then, having said and heard much from one another about this and about the accused, they dispersed.
On the fourth day they all met again in the same place and again stirred up the arguments with wrangling. In them Acacius put forward this opinion, word for word: “If the faith of Nicaea was altered once and many times afterwards, nothing prevents another faith from being dictated now too.” To this Eleusius of Cyzicus said: “The synod has been convened at present not to learn what it has not learned, nor to receive a faith it does not possess, but, walking in the faith of the fathers, it does not depart from it in life or in death.” So Eleusius answered Acacius’s opinion, calling the faith set out at Antioch the faith of the fathers. But one might answer him too: “How do you call those who met at Antioch fathers, Eleusius, while denying their fathers? For those who met at Nicaea and agreed in the faith on the homoousios would more properly be called fathers, both because they came earlier in time and because those at Antioch had been promoted to the priesthood by them. If those at Antioch rejected their own fathers, those who followed them afterwards have unwittingly followed parricides. And how did they accept as valid the ordination of those whose faith they rejected as spurious? If those men did not have the Holy Spirit, who comes through ordination, neither did these receive the priesthood; for how could they receive from those who did not have what was given?” Such things one would set against what Eleusius said.
Then they went on to another question. Since Acacius’s party, in the creed that had been read, said that the Son is like the Father, they asked one another in what respect the Son is like the Father. Acacius’s party said that the Son is like the Father in will only, not in essence; all the others declared that he is like in essence too. They spent the day contending over this question and convicted Acacius of having said, in the works he had written and published, that the Son is like the Father in all things. “How then,” they said, “do you now deny the likeness of the Son to the Father in essence?” He said, “No one, either new or old, has been judged from his writings.” When they had argued minutely with one another about this question and in no way agreed, Leonas rose and dissolved the assembly. This was the end of the synod held at Seleucia. For on the next day, when asked, he would no longer meet with them, saying that he had been sent by the emperor to be present at a synod that was of one mind. “But since some have disagreed,” he said, “I cannot be present. Go, then, and talk nonsense in the church.” When this happened, Acacius’s party, counting it a godsend, would not attend either. Those of the other part, having separated, met in the church and called Acacius’s party to judge the case of Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem. For it should be known that Cyril had been accused before; for what, I cannot say. He had been deposed because, though often summoned to be tried, he avoided it for two years in succession, fearing the accusations. Deposed nonetheless, he sent a written appeal to those who had deposed him and appealed to a higher tribunal; and the emperor Constantius agreed to his appeal. Cyril did this alone and first, contrary to the custom of the ecclesiastical canon, using appeals as in a public court. At that time he was present at Seleucia to be tried. For this reason the bishops called Acacius’s party, as we mentioned a little before, so that having examined the matters in which there were accusations they might give a common vote; for they were also calling some others of the accused who had taken refuge with Acacius’s party. When, though often summoned, they did not come, they deposed Acacius himself, George of Alexandria, Uranius of Tyre, Theodulus of Chaeretapa in Phrygia, Theodosius of Philadelphia in Lydia, Evagrius of the island of Mitylene, Leontius of Tripolis in Lydia, and Eudoxius, formerly of Germanicia, who afterwards took over the bishopric of Antioch in Syria. They also deposed Patrophilus, because, being accused by the presbyter Dorotheus and summoned, he did not obey. These they deposed; and they excommunicated Asterius, Eusebius, Abgarus, Basilicus, Phoebus, Fidelius, Eutychius, Magnus, and Eustathius, ruling that they should remain so until they cleared themselves of the accusations by making a defence. Having done this, and having made known by letter to their dioceses what concerned those deposed, they appointed as bishop of Antioch in place of Eudoxius one Anianus. Acacius’s party seized him and handed him over to Leonas and Lauricius, who sent him into exile. When this happened, the bishops who had appointed Anianus made protestations to Leonas and Lauricius against Acacius’s party, declaring that the judgment of the synod was being wronged. When nothing more was achieved, they set out for Constantinople to inform the emperor of their decisions.
2.41PG 67:345–349
Καὶ γὰρ παρὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν ἀναστρέψας ὁ βασιλεύς · καὶ τότε τὸν ἔπαρχον τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως κατέστησεν, Ονωράτον ὄνομα, τὴν ἀνθυπάτων παύσας ἀρχήν. Φθάσαντες δὲ οἱ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, προδιαβάλλουσιν αὐτοὺς βασιλεῖ, διδάξαντες μὴ δέχεσθαι τὴν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν. Διόπερ ἀγανακτήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἑπενόησε διασπείραι αὐτοὺς, νόμῳ κελεύσας, τοὺς ὑποκειμένους αὐτῶν δημοσίοις λειτουργήμασι, τῇ ἰδίᾳ τύχῃ ἀποδίδοσθαι. Καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν τινὲς ἐξ αὐτῶν λειτουργίαις ὑποκείμενοι, οἱ μὲν βουλευτηρίων, οἱ δὲ τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐπαρχίαις τάξεων. Τούτων δὴ οὕτως ταραττομέ νων, οἱ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ἐπιμείναντες τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, συνέδριον ἕτερον πεποιήκασι, τοὺς ἀπὸ Βιθυνίας ἐπισκόπους μεταπεμψάμενοι. Γενόμενοι οὖν οἱ πάντες τὸν ἀριθμὸν πεντήκοντα, οἷς κατηρίθμητο Μάρις ὁ Χαλκηδόνος, βεβαιοῦσι τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ μετὰ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν πίστιν. Ην περιττὸν ἦν ἂν ἐνταῦθα προκεῖσθαι, εἰ μηδὲν αὐτῇ προστεθείκασιν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τινα αὐτῇ προστεθείκασι ῥήματα, ἀναγκαῖον καὶ αὖθις αὐτὴν ἐνταῦθα παραγράψαι. Ἔστι δὲ ἐν τοῖς ῥήμασι τούτοις · Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα μόνον Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, ἐξ οὗ τὰ πάντα· καὶ εἰς τὸν μονογενῆ Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, πρὸ πάντων τῶν αἰώνων καὶ πρὸ πάσης ἀρχῆς γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ· δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τὰ ὁρατὰ καὶ τὰ ἀόρατα · γεννηθέντα δὲ μονογενῆ, μόνον ἐκ μόνου τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, ὅμοιον τῷ γεννήσαντι αὐτὸν Πατρὶ κατὰ τὰς Γραφάς · οὗ τὴν γέννησιν οὐδεὶς γινώσκει, εἰ μὴ μόνος ὁ γεννήσας αὐτὸν Πατήρ. Τοῦτον οἴδαμεν μονογενῆ τοῦ Θεοῦ Γίὸν, πέμποντος τοῦ Πατρὸς παραγενέσθαι ἐκ τῶν οὐραvῶν, ὡς γέγραπται, ἐπὶ καταλύσει τῆς ἁμαρτίας καὶ τοῦ θανάτου. Καὶ γεννηθέντα ἐκ Πνεύματος ἁγίου, καὶ Μαρίας Παρθένου τὸ κατὰ σάρκα, ὡς γέγραπται, καὶ ἀναστραφέντα μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν· καὶ πάσης τῆς οἰκονομίας πληρωθείσης κατὰ τὴν Πατρικὴν βούλησιν, σταυρωθέντα καὶ ἀποθανόντα, καὶ ταφέντα, καὶ εἰς τὰ καταχθόνια κατεληλυθότα· ὅντινα καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ ἄδης ἔπτηξεν. Ὅστις καὶ ἀνέστη ἀπὸ τῶν νεκρῶν τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ διέτριψε μετὰ τῶν μαθητῶν· καὶ πληρωθεισῶν τῶν τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν, ἀνελήφθη εἰς τοὺς οὐρανοὺς, καὶ καθέζεται ἐν δεξιᾷ τοῦ Πατρὸς, ἐλευσόμενος ἐν τῇ ἐσχάτῃ ἡμέρᾳ τῆς ἀναστάσεως ἐν τῇ Πατρικῇ δόξῃ, ἵνα ἀποδώσῃ ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ. Καὶ εἰς τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα, ὅπερ αὐτὸς ὁ Μονογενὴς τοῦ Θεοῦ ὁ Χριστὸς, ὁ Κύριος καὶ Θεὸς ἡμῶν ἐπηγγείλατο πέμπειν τῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων Παράκλητον, καθάπερ γέγραπται, τὸ Πνεῦμα τῆς ἀληθείας· ὅπερ αὐτοῖς ἔπεμψεν, ὅτε ἀνελήφθη εἰς τοὺς οὐρανούς. Τὸ δὲ ὄνομα τῆς οὐσίας, ἁπλούστερον ὑπὸ τῶν πατέρων ἐτέθη, ἀγνοούμενον δὲ τοῖς λαοῖς, σκάνδαλον ἔφερε, διότι μηδὲ αἱ Γραφαὶ τοῦτο περιέχουσιν, ἤρεσε περιαιρεθῆναι, καὶ παντελῶς μηδεμίαν μνήμην τοῦ λοιποῦ γενέσθαι, ἐπειδήπερ καὶ αἱ θεῖαι Γραφαὶ οὐδαμοῦ ἐμνημόνευσαν περὶ οὐσίας Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ. Καὶ γὰρ οὐκ ὀφείλει ὑπόστασις περὶ Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου Πνεύματος ὀνομάζεσθαι. Ὅμοιον δὲ λέγομεν τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ, ὡς λέγουσιν αἱ θεῖαι Γραφαὶ καὶ διδάσκουσι. Πᾶσαι δὲ αἱρέσεις, αἵ τε ἤδη πρότερον κατεκρίθησαν, καὶ αἶτινες ἐὰν καινότεραι γένωνται, ἐναντίαι τυγχάνουσαι τῆς ἐκτεθείσης ταύτης γραφῆς, ἀνάθεμα ἔστωσαν. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τότε ἀνεγνώσθησαν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ τὸν λαβύρινθον τῶν ἐκθέσεων ὀψε ποτε διανύσαντες, τὴν ἀπαρίθμησιν αὐτῶν συναγάγωμεν. Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν, ὕστερον ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τοῖς ἐγκαινίοις δισσὰς ἐκθέσεις ὑπο ηγόρευσαν. Τρίτη δὲ ἐστιν, ἡ ἐπιδοθεῖσα παρὰ τῶν περὶ Νάρκισσον ἐν ταῖς Γαλλίαις τῷ βασιλεῖ Κών σταντι · τετάρτη δὲ, ἡ δι' Εὐδοξίου τοῖς ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ πεμφθεῖσα · ἔν τε Σιρμίῳ τρεῖς ὑπηγορεύθησαν, ὧν ἡ μία ἐν Ἀριμήνῳ μετὰ τῆς ὑπατείας ἀνεγνώσθη. Ογδόη δὲ ἐστιν, ἡ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ, ἣν οἱ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ἀνεγνώκεισαν. Τελευταία δὲ, ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει μετὰ τῆς προσθήκης ἐκδέδοται. Πρόσκειται γὰρ αὐτῇ, μήτε οὐσίαν, μήτε ὑπόστασιν ἐπὶ Θεοῦ λέγειν. Ταύτῃ καὶ Οὐλφίλας ὁ τῶν Γότθων ἐπίσκοπος τότε πρῶτον συνέθετο. Τὸν γὰρ ἔμπροσθεν χρόνον, τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν ἡσπάζετο, ἑπόμενος Θεοφίλῳ, ὃς τῶν Γότθων ἐπίσκοπος ὢν τῇ ἐν Νικαίᾳ συνόδῳ παρὼν καθυπέγραψε. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω.
Kai gar parēn apo tōn hesperiōn merōn anastrepsas ho basileus ; kai tote ton eparchon tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs katestēsen, Onōraton onoma, tēn anthypatōn pausas archēn. Phthasantes de hoi peri ᾿Akakion, prodiaballousin autous basilei, didaxantes mē dechesthai tēn hyp᾿ autōn ektetheisan pistin. Dioper aganaktēsas ho basileus, hepenoēse diaspeirai autous, nomǭ keleusas, tous hypokeimenous autōn dēmosiois leitourgēmasi, tę̄ idią tychę̄ apodidosthai. Kai gar ēsan tines ex autōn leitourgiais hypokeimenoi, hoi men bouleutēriōn, hoi de tōn en tais eparchiais taxeōn. Toutōn dē houtōs tarattome nōn, hoi peri ᾿Akakion epimeinantes tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, synedrion heteron pepoiēkasi, tous apo Bithynias episkopous metapempsamenoi. Genomenoi oun hoi pantes ton arithmon pentēkonta, hois katērithmēto Maris ho Chalkēdonos, bebaiousi tēn en ᾿Arimēnǭ meta tēs hypateias anagnōstheisan pistin. Ēn peritton ēn an entautha prokeisthai, ei mēden autę̄ prostetheikasin. Epeidē de tina autę̄ prostetheikasi rhēmata, anankaion kai authis autēn entautha paragrapsai. Esti de en tois rhēmasi toutois ; Pisteuomen eis hena monon Theon, Patera pantokratora, ex hou ta panta; kai eis ton monogenē Huion tou Theou, pro pantōn tōn aiōnōn kai pro pasēs archēs gennēthenta ek tou Theou; di' hou ta panta egeneto, ta horata kai ta aorata ; gennēthenta de monogenē, monon ek monou tou Patros, Theon ek Theou, homoion tǭ gennēsanti auton Patri kata tas Graphas ; hou tēn gennēsin oudeis ginōskei, ei mē monos ho gennēsas auton Patēr. Touton oidamen monogenē tou Theou Gion, pempontos tou Patros paragenesthai ek tōn ouravōn, hōs gegraptai, epi katalysei tēs hamartias kai tou thanatou. Kai gennēthenta ek Pneumatos hagiou, kai Marias Parthenou to kata sarka, hōs gegraptai, kai anastraphenta meta tōn mathētōn; kai pasēs tēs oikonomias plērōtheisēs kata tēn Patrikēn boulēsin, staurōthenta kai apothanonta, kai taphenta, kai eis ta katachthonia katelēlythota; hontina kai autos ho adēs eptēxen. Hostis kai anestē apo tōn nekrōn tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą, kai dietripse meta tōn mathētōn; kai plērōtheisōn tōn tessarakonta hēmerōn, anelēphthē eis tous ouranous, kai kathezetai en dexią tou Patros, eleusomenos en tę̄ eschatę̄ hēmerą tēs anastaseōs en tę̄ Patrikę̄ doxę̄, hina apodōsę̄ hekastǭ kata ta erga autou. Kai eis to hagion Pneuma, hoper autos ho Monogenēs tou Theou ho Christos, ho Kyrios kai Theos hēmōn epēngeilato pempein tǭ genei tōn anthrōpōn Paraklēton, kathaper gegraptai, to Pneuma tēs alētheias; hoper autois epempsen, hote anelēphthē eis tous ouranous. To de onoma tēs ousias, haplousteron hypo tōn paterōn etethē, agnooumenon de tois laois, skandalon ephere, dioti mēde hai Graphai touto periechousin, ērese periairethēnai, kai pantelōs mēdemian mnēmēn tou loipou genesthai, epeidēper kai hai theiai Graphai oudamou emnēmoneusan peri ousias Patros kai Huiou. Kai gar ouk opheilei hypostasis peri Patros kai Huiou kai hagiou Pneumatos onomazesthai. Homoion de legomen ton Huion tǭ Patri, hōs legousin hai theiai Graphai kai didaskousi. Pasai de haireseis, hai te ēdē proteron katekrithēsan, kai aitines ean kainoterai genōntai, enantiai tynchanousai tēs ektetheisēs tautēs graphēs, anathema estōsan. Tauta men en Kōnstantinou polei tote anegnōsthēsan. Hēmeis de ton labyrinthon tōn ektheseōn opse pote dianysantes, tēn aparithmēsin autōn synagagōmen. Meta gar tēn en Nikaią pistin, hysteron en Antiocheią tois enkainiois dissas ektheseis hypo ēgoreusan. Tritē de estin, hē epidotheisa para tōn peri Narkisson en tais Galliais tǭ basilei Kōn stanti ; tetartē de, hē di' Eudoxiou tois en Italią pemphtheisa ; en te Sirmiǭ treis hypēgoreuthēsan, hōn hē mia en Arimēnǭ meta tēs hypateias anegnōsthē. Ogdoē de estin, hē en Seleukeią, hēn hoi peri ᾿Akakion anegnōkeisan. Teleutaia de, en Kōnstantinou polei meta tēs prosthēkēs ekdedotai. Proskeitai gar autę̄, mēte ousian, mēte hypostasin epi Theou legein. Tautę̄ kai Oulphilas ho tōn Gotthōn episkopos tote prōton synetheto. Ton gar emprosthen chronon, tēn en Nikaią pistin hēspazeto, hepomenos Theophilǭ, hos tōn Gotthōn episkopos ōn tę̄ en Nikaią synodǭ parōn kathypegrapse. Tosauta men peri toutōn eirēsthō.
For the emperor had returned from the western parts and was present; and he had then appointed a prefect of Constantinople named Honoratus, abolishing the government by proconsuls. But Acacius and his party arrived first and slandered them to the emperor beforehand, telling him not to accept the faith they had set out. So the emperor, indignant, devised a way of scattering them: he ordered by law that those of them who were liable to public duties be returned to their own condition. For some of them were liable to public service, some to the town councils, others to the official staffs in the provinces. While they were thus troubled, Acacius and his party stayed on at Constantinople and held another council, sending for the bishops of Bithynia. All together they numbered fifty, among whom was counted Maris of Chalcedon, and they confirmed the faith read at Ariminum with the consulship. It would be superfluous to set it down here had they added nothing to it; but since they added some words to it, it is necessary to write it out here again. It is in these words:
“We believe in one only God, the Father Almighty, from whom are all things; and in the only-begotten Son of God, begotten from God before all ages and before every beginning, through whom all things came to be, visible and invisible; begotten as only-begotten, only from the only Father, God from God, like the Father who begot him according to the Scriptures; whose generation no one knows except only the Father who begot him. We know him as the only-begotten Son of God, who at the Father’s sending came from the heavens, as it is written, for the destruction of sin and death; and was born of the Holy Spirit and of the Virgin Mary according to the flesh, as it is written, and lived with the disciples; and when the whole dispensation was fulfilled according to the Father’s will, was crucified and died and was buried, and descended to the regions below the earth, before whom Hades itself cowered; who also rose from the dead on the third day and stayed with the disciples, and when forty days were fulfilled was taken up into the heavens, and sits at the right hand of the Father, and will come on the last day of the resurrection in the Father’s glory, to render to each according to his works. And in the Holy Spirit, whom the only-begotten of God himself, Christ, our Lord and God, promised to send to the human race as Paraclete, as it is written, the Spirit of truth; whom he sent to them when he was taken up into the heavens. As for the name ‘essence’, which was used rather simply by the fathers and, being unknown to the people, caused offence because the Scriptures do not contain it, it has seemed good that it be removed and that no mention at all be made of it from now on, since the divine Scriptures nowhere mention the essence of the Father and the Son. Nor ought ‘hypostasis’ to be named of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. We say that the Son is like the Father, as the divine Scriptures say and teach. Let all heresies, both those already condemned before and any newer ones that arise contrary to this statement, be anathema.”
This was read at Constantinople at that time. Having at last got through the labyrinth of statements, let us bring together their count. After the faith of Nicaea, they later dictated two statements at Antioch at the dedication. The third is the one presented by Narcissus and his colleagues in Gaul to the emperor Constans; the fourth, that sent by Eudoxius to those in Italy. Three were dictated at Sirmium, one of which was read at Ariminum with the consulship. The eighth is the one at Seleucia, which Acacius’s party read. The last was published at Constantinople with the addition; for it is added to it that neither ‘essence’ nor ‘hypostasis’ should be said of God. To this Ulfilas, bishop of the Goths, then agreed for the first time; for previously he had embraced the faith of Nicaea, following Theophilus, who as bishop of the Goths was present at the synod of Nicaea and signed it. Let this much be said about these things.
2.42PG 67:349–351
Οἱ δὲ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον καὶ Εὐδόξιον, ἐν τῇ Κωνσταν τίνου πόλει περὶ τὸ ἀντικαθαιρεῖν καὶ αὐτοί τινας τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους, ἀγῶνα ἐτίθεντο. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι οὐδέτεροι διὰ θρησκείαν, ἀλλὰ δι᾽ ἑτέρας προφάσεις, τὰς καθαιρέσεις πεποίηνται. Διακρινόμενοι γὰρ περὶ πίστεως, ἐν τῷ καθαιρεῖν ἀλλήλους, τὴν ἀλλήλων πίστιν οὐ διεμέμφοντο, Συγχρώμενοι δὲ οἱ περὶ ᾿Ἀκάκιον τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργῇ, ἣν κατά τε τῶν ἄλλων, καὶ μάλιστα κατὰ Μακεδονίου φυλάττων ἐκτελέσαι ἐσπούδαζεν, καθαιροῦσι πρῶτον μὲν Μακεδ6ὡς αἴτιον πολλῶν φόνων γενόμενον, καὶ ὅτι διάκονον ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ ἁλόντα ἐδέξατο εἰς κοινωνίαν δὲ τὸν Κυζίκου, διότι Ἢ ράχλειόν τινα ἱερέα τοῦ ἐν Τύρῳ Ἡρακλέους, ἐπὶ γοητείᾳ ληφθέντα βαπτίσας, εἰς διάκονον προεβάλλετο. Βασίλειον δὲ, τὸν καὶ Βασιλᾶν, καὶ γὰρ οὕτως ὠνομάζετο, τὸν ἐν ᾿Αγκύρᾳ εἰς τὸν τόπον Μαρκέλλου προχειρισθέντα, ὡς ἀδίκως τινὰ βασανίσαντα, καὶ σιδηροδέσμοις φυλακαῖς χαταχλείσαντα " καὶ ὅτι συκοφαντίας τισὶν ἔῤῥαψεν" ἔτι μὴν ὅτι δι᾽ ἐπιστολῶν τὰς ἐν ᾿Αφρικῇ Ἐκκλησίας ἐτάραξεν" Δρακόντιον δὲ, ὅτι ἀπὸ Γαλατίας μετέβη εἰς Πέργαμον. Καθεῖλον δὲ Νεωνᾶν τὸν Σελευκείας, ἐν ἐγεγόνει ἡ σύνοδος, μὴν Σωφρόνιον τὸν Πομπηϊουπόλεως τῆς Παφλαγονίχ, Ἐλπίδιον Σατάλων τῆς Μακεδονίας, καὶ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων Κύριλλον, ἄλλους δι᾽ ἄλλας αἰτίας ἐξέβαλλον.
Hoi de peri ᾿Akakion kai Eudoxion, en tę̄ Kōnstan tinou polei peri to antikathairein kai autoi tinas tou heterou merous, agōna etithento. Isteon de, hoti oudeteroi dia thrēskeian, alla di᾽ heteras prophaseis, tas kathaireseis pepoiēntai. Diakrinomenoi gar peri pisteōs, en tǭ kathairein allēlous, tēn allēlōn pistin ou diememphonto, Synchrōmenoi de hoi peri ᾿Akakion tę̄ tou basileōs orgę̄, hēn kata te tōn allōn, kai malista kata Makedoniou phylattōn ektelesai espoudazen, kathairousi prōton men Maked6hōs aition pollōn phonōn genomenon, kai hoti diakonon epi porneią halonta edexato eis koinōnian de ton Kyzikou, dioti Ē rachleion tina hierea tou en Tyrǭ Hērakleous, epi goēteią lēphthenta baptisas, eis diakonon proeballeto. Basileion de, ton kai Basilan, kai gar houtōs ōnomazeto, ton en ᾿Ankyrą eis ton topon Markellou procheiristhenta, hōs adikōs tina basanisanta, kai sidērodesmois phylakais chatachleisanta " kai hoti sykophantias tisin errhapsen" eti mēn hoti di᾽ epistolōn tas en ᾿Aphrikę̄ Ekklēsias etaraxen" Drakontion de, hoti apo Galatias metebē eis Pergamon. Katheilon de Neōnan ton Seleukeias, en egegonei hē synodos, mēn Sōphronion ton Pompēïoupoleōs tēs Paphlagonich, Elpidion Satalōn tēs Makedonias, kai tōn Hierosolymōn Kyrillon, allous di᾽ allas aitias exeballon.
Acacius, Eudoxius, and their party at Constantinople strove to depose in turn some of the other party themselves. It should be known that neither side made the depositions on account of religion, but on other pretexts; for though they differed about the faith, in deposing one another they did not find fault with each other’s faith. Acacius’s party, making use of the emperor’s anger, which he cherished against the others and especially against Macedonius and was eager to carry out, first deposed Macedonius, as having been the cause of many murders, and because he had received into communion a deacon convicted of sexual immorality. Eleusius of Cyzicus they deposed because he had baptized one Heraclius, a priest of Heracles at Tyre, who had been caught in sorcery, and promoted him deacon. Basil, also called Basilas (for so he was named too), who had been appointed at Ancyra in place of Marcellus, they deposed as having unjustly tortured someone and shut him up in prison in iron chains, and because he had stitched together slanders against some, and further because he had troubled the churches in Africa by letters. Dracontius they deposed because he had moved from Galatia to Pergamum. They also deposed Neonas of Seleucia, in which the synod had been held, and Sophronius of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, Elpidius of Satala in Macedonia, and Cyril of Jerusalem; and others they expelled for various other reasons.
2.43PG 67:351–355
Εὐστάθιος δὲ ὁ τῆς ἐν ᾿λρμενίχ Σεβαστείας, οὔτε εἰς ἀπολογίαν ἐδέχθη, διότι ὑπὸ Εὐλαλίου τοῦ ἰδίου πατρὺς καὶ ἐπισκόπου Καισαρείας τῆς ἐν Καππαδοχίχ, ἤδη πρότερον καθήρητο, ἐπειδὴ ἀνάρμοστον τῇ ἱερωσύνῃ στολὴν ἤμφίεστο. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι εἰς τόπον Εὐσταθίου Μελέτιος κατέστη ἐπίσκοπος, περὶ οὗ ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. Εὐστάθιος μέντος μεταταῦτα ἐν τῇ δι᾽ αὐτὸν γενομένῃ Γάγγραις ἃ τῆς Παφλαγονίας συνόδῳ κατεκρίθη, διότι μετὰ τὸ καθαιρεθῆναι αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ κατὰ Καισάρειαν συνὀϑῳ, πολλὰ παρὰ τοὺς ἐχχλησιαστιχοὺ“ τύπους ἔπραττεν. Γαμεῖν γὰρ ἐχώλνε, βρωμάτων ὁπέχεσθαι ἐδογμάτιζεν. Καὶ διὰ τούτων πολλοὺς μὲν τοὺς γεγαμηκότας, τοῦ συνοικεσίου ἐχώριζε, καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐκτρεπομένους, ἐπ᾿ οἰκίας τὴν κοινωνίαν ποιεῖσθαι ἀνέπειθε. Δούλους τε προσχήματι θεοσεβείας τῶν δεσποτῶν ἀπέσπα. Αὐτός τε φιλοσόφου σχῆμα φορῶν, καὶ τοὺς ἀκολουθοῦντας αὐτῷ ξένῃ στολῇ χρῆσθαι ἐποίει. Καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας κείρεσθαι παρεσκεύαζεν. Καὶ τὰς μὲν ὡρισμένας νηστείας ἐκτρέπεσθαι· τὰς κυριακὰς δὲ νηστεύειν ἐδίδασκεν. Ἐν οίκοις τε γεγαμηκότων εὐχὰς ἐκώλυε γενέσθαι· καὶ πρεσβυτέρου γυναῖκα ἔχοντος, ἣν νόμῳ λαϊκὸς ὢν ἠγάγετο, τὴν εὐλογίαν καὶ τὴν κοινωνίαν, ὡς μῦσος ἐκκλίνειν ἐκέλευε. Καὶ ἄλλα πλεῖστα παραπλήσια τούτοις ποιοῦντος αὐτοῦ καὶ διδάσκοντος, σύνοδος, ὡς ἔφην, ἐν Γάγγραις τῆς Παφλαγονίας συναχθεῖσα, αὐτόν τε καθεῖλε, καὶ τὰ δόγματα αὐτοῦ ἀνεθεμάτισε. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὕστερον ἐγένετο. Τότε δὲ ἐκβληθέντος Μακεδονίου, Εὐδόξιος ὁ ἐν δευτέρῳ τὸν τιοχείας θέμενος θρόνον, τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἀναδείκνυται, τῶν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ἐνθρονισάντων αὐτὸν· οἱ ἐλάνθανον ἑαυτοὺς, ἐναντία νομοθετοῦντες τοῖς ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν κεκριμένοις. Οἱ γὰρ Δρακόντιον καθελόντες διότι ἐκ Γαλατίας μετέβη εἰς Πέργαμον, οὐκ ἐλογίζοντο, Εὐδόξιον δεύτερον τότε ποιούμενον τὴν μετάβασιν ἐνθρονίζοντες, ὡς ὑπεναντία τοῖς οἰκείοις δόγμασιν ἔπραττον. Ταῦτα κατεργασάμενοι, τὴν μὲν ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν πίστιν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αρίμηνον μετὰ τῆς γενομένης προσθήκης, ὡς διορθώσαντες ἐξεπέστειλαν· ἐντειλάμενοι τοὺς μὴ ὑπογράφοντας αὐτῇ ἐξορίζεσθαι, κατὰ πρόσταγμα τοῦ βασιλέως. Γνώριμα δὲ καθιστῶσι ὑπ᾽ πεπραγμένα, ἀσεδής, εὐσεύής, τοῖς τε ἄλλοις τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολὴν ὁμοδόξοις, Πατροφίλῳ τῷ Σχνθοπόλεως. Οὗτος γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Σελευκείας ἐπὶ τὴν οἰκείαν εὐθὺς ὥρμησε πόλιν. Εὐδοξίου δὲ ἀναδειχθέντος τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως τηνικαῦτα ἡ μεγάλη ἐκκλησία ὀνομαζομένη Σοφία ἕνεκχαινίσθη, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Κωνσταντίου τὸ δέκατον, Ἰουλιανοῦ Καίσαρος τὸ τρίτον, τῇ πεντεχαιδεχάτῃ τοῦ Φεθροναρίου μηνός. Εὐδόξιος δὲ καθεσθεὶς εἰς τὸν θρόνον αὐτῆς, πρώτην ἐκείνην τὴν πολυθρύλλητον ἀφῆκε φωνὴν, φράσας" Ὃ Πατὴρ ἀσεδής " ὁ Υἱὸς εὐσεδής. Θορύθου δὲ καὶ στάσεως ἐπὶ τοῦτο γενομένης, Μηδὲν, ἔφη, ταράττεσθε πρὸς τὸ λεχθὲν ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ" ὁ γὰρ Πατὴρ ἀσεῦῃς, ὅτι οὐδένα σέδει" ὁ δὲ Υἱὸς εὐσεβὴς, ὅτι σέδει τὸν Πατέρα. Τοιαῦτα δὲ τοῦ Εὐἀσεβὴς δοξίον εἰπόντος, ὁ μὲν θόρυδος κατεστάλη " γέλως δὲ εὐσεδῆς, ἀντὶ θορύβου κατεῖχε πολὺς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. Καὶ μένει τὸ λεχθὲν ἄχρι δεῦρο γελώμενον. Τοιαῦτα γὰρ δὴ οἱ αἱρεσιάρχαι σοφιζόμενοι, περὶ τυιαύτας ἀσχολούμενοι λέξεις, τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν διέσπασαν. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τοιοῦτο τέλος καὶ ἡ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει γενομένη σύνοδος ἔτχεν.
Eustathios de ho tēs en ᾿lrmenich Sebasteias, oute eis apologian edechthē, dioti hypo Eulaliou tou idiou patrys kai episkopou Kaisareias tēs en Kappadochich, ēdē proteron kathērēto, epeidē anarmoston tę̄ hierōsynę̄ stolēn ēmphiesto. Isteon de, hoti eis topon Eustathiou Meletios katestē episkopos, peri hou hysteron eroumen. Eustathios mentos metatauta en tę̄ di᾽ auton genomenę̄ Gangrais ha tēs Paphlagonias synodǭ katekrithē, dioti meta to kathairethēnai auton en tę̄ kata Kaisareian synoϑǭ, polla para tous echchlēsiastichou“ typous epratten. Gamein gar echōlne, brōmatōn hopechesthai edogmatizen. Kai dia toutōn pollous men tous gegamēkotas, tou synoikesiou echōrize, kai tas ekklēsias ektrepomenous, ep᾿ oikias tēn koinōnian poieisthai anepeithe. Doulous te proschēmati theosebeias tōn despotōn apespa. Autos te philosophou schēma phorōn, kai tous akolouthountas autǭ xenę̄ stolę̄ chrēsthai epoiei. Kai tas gynaikas keiresthai pareskeuazen. Kai tas men hōrismenas nēsteias ektrepesthai; tas kyriakas de nēsteuein edidasken. En oikois te gegamēkotōn euchas ekōlye genesthai; kai presbyterou gynaika echontos, hēn nomǭ laïkos ōn ēgageto, tēn eulogian kai tēn koinōnian, hōs mysos ekklinein ekeleue. Kai alla pleista paraplēsia toutois poiountos autou kai didaskontos, synodos, hōs ephēn, en Gangrais tēs Paphlagonias synachtheisa, auton te katheile, kai ta dogmata autou anethematise. Tauta men oun hysteron egeneto. Tote de ekblēthentos Makedoniou, Eudoxios ho en deuterǭ ton tiocheias themenos thronon, tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs anadeiknytai, tōn peri ᾿Akakion enthronisantōn auton; hoi elanthanon heautous, enantia nomothetountes tois hyp᾿ autōn kekrimenois. Hoi gar Drakontion kathelontes dioti ek Galatias metebē eis Pergamon, ouk elogizonto, Eudoxion deuteron tote poioumenon tēn metabasin enthronizontes, hōs hypenantia tois oikeiois dogmasin epratton. Tauta katergasamenoi, tēn men anagnōstheisan pistin eis tēn ᾿Arimēnon meta tēs genomenēs prosthēkēs, hōs diorthōsantes exepesteilan; enteilamenoi tous mē hypographontas autę̄ exorizesthai, kata prostagma tou basileōs. Gnōrima de kathistōsi hyp᾽ pepragmena, asedēs, euseuēs, tois te allois tois kata tēn anatolēn homodoxois, Patrophilǭ tǭ Schnthopoleōs. Houtos gar ek tēs Seleukeias epi tēn oikeian euthys hōrmēse polin. Eudoxiou de anadeichthentos tēs megalopoleōs tēnikauta hē megalē ekklēsia onomazomenē Sophia henekchainisthē, en hypateią Kōnstantiou to dekaton, Ioulianou Kaisaros to triton, tę̄ pentechaidechatę̄ tou Phethronariou mēnos. Eudoxios de kathestheis eis ton thronon autēs, prōtēn ekeinēn tēn polythryllēton aphēke phōnēn, phrasas" Ho Patēr asedēs " ho Huios eusedēs. Thorythou de kai staseōs epi touto genomenēs, Mēden, ephē, tarattesthe pros to lechthen hyp’ emou" ho gar Patēr aseuę̄s, hoti oudena sedei" ho de Huios eusebēs, hoti sedei ton Patera. Toiauta de tou Euasebēs doxion eipontos, ho men thorydos katestalē " gelōs de eusedēs, anti thorybou kateiche polys tēn ekklēsian. Kai menei to lechthen achri deuro gelōmenon. Toiauta gar dē hoi hairesiarchai sophizomenoi, peri tuiautas ascholoumenoi lexeis, tēn Ekklēsian diespasan. Touto men oun toiouto telos kai hē en Kōnstantinou polei genomenē synodos etchen.
Eustathius of Sebastia in Armenia was not even admitted to make a defence, because he had already been deposed earlier by Eulalius, his own father and bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, for wearing dress unbecoming to the priesthood. It should be known that Meletius was appointed bishop in the place of Eustathius; of him we shall speak later. Eustathius was afterwards condemned at the synod held on his account at Gangra in Paphlagonia, because after his deposition at the synod of Caesarea he did many things contrary to the church’s rules. For he forbade marriage and taught abstention from foods. By these means he separated many who were married from living together, and persuaded those who turned away from the churches to hold communion in houses. Under the pretext of piety he drew slaves away from their masters. He himself wore a philosopher’s garb and had his followers use strange dress, and he had women cut their hair. He taught them to turn away from the appointed fasts and to fast on Sundays. He forbade prayers to be held in the houses of married people; and he ordered that the blessing and communion of a presbyter who had a wife, whom he had lawfully married while still a layman, be shunned as an abomination. As he did and taught very many other things like these, a synod, as I said, assembled at Gangra in Paphlagonia, deposed him and anathematized his doctrines. This happened later.
At that time, when Macedonius had been expelled, Eudoxius, who had made Antioch his second see, was declared bishop of Constantinople, Acacius’s party enthroning him. They did not notice that they were legislating against their own decisions. For those who deposed Dracontius because he had moved from Galatia to Pergamum did not reckon that, in enthroning Eudoxius, who was then making his second move, they were acting against their own decrees. Having accomplished this, they sent the faith read at Ariminum, with the addition made to it, as if corrected, ordering that those who would not sign it be exiled according to the emperor’s command. They made known what they had done to the others of their opinion in the East, and to Patrophilus of Scythopolis; for he had gone straight from Seleucia to his own city. When Eudoxius was appointed to the great city, the great church called Sophia was then dedicated, in the consulship of Constantius for the tenth time and Julian Caesar for the third, on the fifteenth of February. Eudoxius, taking his seat on its throne, first uttered that much-talked-of saying: “The Father is impious, the Son pious.” When uproar and commotion arose at this, he said: “Do not be troubled at what I have said. For the Father is impious because he reveres no one, but the Son is pious because he reveres the Father.” When Eudoxius said this, the uproar was quieted, and instead of uproar great laughter filled the church; and the saying is laughed at to this day. By such sophistries, busying themselves with such words, the heresiarchs tore the church apart. Such was the end of the synod held at Constantinople.
2.44PG 67:355–357
Ἤδη δὲ λοιπὸν καὶ τὰ περὶ Μελετίου λεκτέον. Οὗτος γὰρ, ὡς μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν εἶπον, τῆς νίων Σεβαστείας ἐπίσκοπος προεδλήθη, Εὐσταθίου καθαιρεθέντος. Ἔχ δὲ Σεβαστείας εἰς Βέροιαν τῆς Συρίας μετηνέχθη. Γενόμενος δὲ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Σελεύκειαν συνόδῳ, καὶ τῇ πίστει τῶν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον ὑπογράψας, ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ τὴν Βέροιαν ἀνεχώρησε. Γενομένης δὲ τῆς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει συνόδου, οἱ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ πυθόμενοι τὸν Εὐδόξιον καταπεφρονηκέναι μὲν τῆς αὐτῶν Ἐκκλησίας, ἐπὶ δὲ τὸν πλοῦτον Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἀποκεκλικέναι, μεταπεμψάμενοι τὸν Μελέτιον ὰ ἐκ τῆς Βεροίας, εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιοχείας Ἐκκλησίαν ἐνθρονίζουσιν. Ὁ δὲ, πρῶτον μὲν περὶ δόγματος διαλέγεσθαι ὑπερετίθετο, μόνην δὲ τὴν ἠθικὴν διδασκαλίαν τοῖς ἀκροαταῖς προσήκειν. Προβαίνων δὲ, τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ παρετίθετο πίστιν, καὶ διδάσκει τὸ ὁμοούσιον ε. Ταῦτα πυθόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, τὸν μὲν ἐξόριστον γενέσθαι ἐκέλευσεν · Εὐζώϊον δὲ τὸν ἤδη πρότερον ἅμα ᾿Αρείῳ καθαιρεθέντα, τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπον προχειρισθῆναι πεποίηκεν. Ὅσοι δὲ τὴν πρὸς Μελέτιον διάθεσιν ἔσωζον, καταλιπόντες τὸ ᾿Αρειανικὸν ἄθροισμα, κατ' ἰδίαν τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιήσαντο· τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον ἐξ ἀρχῆς φρονούντων μὴ θελησάντων αὐτοῖς κοινωνεῖν, διότι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς ψήφου τὴν χειροτονίαν Μελέτιος εἶχε λαβών· καὶ ὅτι ἀκολουθήσαντες αὐτῷ, ὑπ᾿ ἐκείνων βαπτισθέντες ἐτύγχανον. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον, καὶ ἡ ἐν Αντιοχείᾳ Ἐκκλησία εἰς ἕτερον ὁμόδοξον διετέθη μέρος. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς, πυθόμενος κινεῖσθαι πάλιν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων τὰ Περσῶν ἔθνη, ταχέως ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν,
Ēdē de loipon kai ta peri Meletiou lekteon. Houtos gar, hōs mikron emprosthen eipon, tēs niōn Sebasteias episkopos proedlēthē, Eustathiou kathairethentos. Ech de Sebasteias eis Beroian tēs Syrias metēnechthē. Genomenos de en tę̄ kata Seleukeian synodǭ, kai tę̄ pistei tōn peri ᾿Akakion hypograpsas, hōs eichen epi tēn Beroian anechōrēse. Genomenēs de tēs en Kōnstantinou polei synodou, hoi en Antiocheią pythomenoi ton Eudoxion katapephronēkenai men tēs autōn Ekklēsias, epi de ton plouton Kōnstantinoupoleōs apokeklikenai, metapempsamenoi ton Meletion a ek tēs Beroias, eis tēn ᾿Antiocheias Ekklēsian enthronizousin. Ho de, prōton men peri dogmatos dialegesthai hyperetitheto, monēn de tēn ēthikēn didaskalian tois akroatais prosēkein. Probainōn de, tēn en Nikaią paretitheto pistin, kai didaskei to homoousion e. Tauta pythomenos ho basileus, ton men exoriston genesthai ekeleusen ; Euzōïon de ton ēdē proteron hama ᾿Areiǭ kathairethenta, tēs ᾿Antiocheias episkopon procheiristhēnai pepoiēken. Hosoi de tēn pros Meletion diathesin esōzon, katalipontes to ᾿Areianikon athroisma, kat' idian tas synagōgas epoiēsanto; tōn to homoousion ex archēs phronountōn mē thelēsantōn autois koinōnein, dioti ek tēs ᾿Areianēs psēphou tēn cheirotonian Meletios eiche labōn; kai hoti akolouthēsantes autǭ, hyp᾿ ekeinōn baptisthentes etynchanon. Touton men oun ton tropon, kai hē en Antiocheią Ekklēsia eis heteron homodoxon dietethē meros. Ho mentoi basileus, pythomenos kineisthai palin kata Rhōmaiōn ta Persōn ethnē, tacheōs epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen,
Now we must speak about Meletius. He, as I said a little before, was put forward as bishop of Sebastia when Eustathius was deposed. From Sebastia he was transferred to Beroea in Syria. Attending the synod at Seleucia and signing the faith of Acacius’s party, he went back at once to Beroea. When the synod at Constantinople had been held, the people of Antioch, learning that Eudoxius had despised their church and turned to the wealth of Constantinople, sent for Meletius from Beroea and enthroned him in the church of Antioch. At first he put off discussing doctrine, saying that only moral teaching was fitting for his hearers. But as he went on, he set out the faith of Nicaea and taught the homoousios. When the emperor learned this, he ordered him into exile, and had Euzoius, who had long before been deposed together with Arius, appointed bishop of Antioch. Those who kept their attachment to Meletius left the Arian assembly and held their gatherings separately; but those who had held the homoousios from the beginning would not communicate with them, because Meletius had received his ordination by the vote of the Arians, and because his followers had been baptized by them. In this way the church at Antioch too was divided into another party, though of the same opinion. The emperor, learning that the Persian nations were moving against the Romans again, hastened quickly to Antioch.
2.45PG 67:357–361
Μακεδόνιος δὲ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐκβληθεὶς, καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν καταδίκην, ἡσυχάζειν οὐδαμῶς ἡνείχετο· ἀλλὰ ἀποκλίνει μὲν πρὸς τοὺς τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους, οἱ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ καθεῖλον τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον. Διεπρεσβεύετο δὲ πρός τε Σωφρόνιοι καὶ Ἐλεύσιον, ἀντέχεσθαι μὲν τῆς πρότερον ἐν Ἀν τιοχείᾳ ἐκτεθείσης πίστεως, μεταταῦτα δὲ ἐν Σελευ κείᾳ βεβαιωθείσης, καὶ παρασήμῳ ὀνόματι (97 δὺ9 σοῦ ὁμοιούσιον, ὁμοιούσιον τὴν πίστιν ἐπιφημισθῆναι παρήνεσε, Συνοἱ ὁμοιούσιον Πνευματομάχους ἐῤῥεον οὖν πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὶ τῶν γνωρίμων αὐτῷ, Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίζουσιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ" ὅσοι τε ἐν τῇ κατὰ Σελεύκειαν συνόδῳ τοῖς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον διεκρίθησαν, φανερῶς τὸ ὁμοιούσιον ἐδογμάτισαν τὸ πρότερον, ἤδη μὲν οὐχ ἐχτρανοῦντες αὐτό. Φήμη δέ τις παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐκράτει, ὡς οὐχ εἴη Μακεδονίου τοῦτο εὕρεμα" Μαραθωνίου δὲ μᾶλλον, ὃν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τῆς Νικομηδείας πεποιήκεισαν ἐπίσκοπον διὸ Μαραθωνιανοὺς καλοῦσιν αὐτούς. Τούτοις δὴ προσφεύγει καὶ Εὐστάθιος, ὁ τῆς Σεβαστείας ἐκβληθεὶς, διὰ πρόφασιν ἣν μικρῷ πρότερον εἴρηχα. Ὡς δὲ ὁ Μακεδόνιος τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα συναναλαθεῖν εἰς τὴν θεολογίαν τῆς Τριάδος ἐξέκλινε τότε δὴ καὶ Εὐστάθιος" Ἐγὼ, ἔφη, οὔτε Θεὸν ὀνομάζειν πὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον αἱροῦμαι, οὔτε κτίσμα καλεῖν τολμήσαιμι. Διὰ ταύτην δὲ τὴν αἰτίαν, καὶ Πνευματομάχους ἀποχαλοῦσιν αὑτοὺς οἱ τὸ ὁμοούσιον Ὁρονοῦντες. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν οἱ περὶ Μακεδόνιον εἰς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πλεονάζουσι, κατὰ χώραν ἐρῶ. δὲ περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον, σπουδὴν πεποίηνται αὖθις ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ συνελθεῖν, μεταγνόντες ὅτι ὅλως ὅμοιον εἰρήῆχααι τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρί. Τῇ οὖν ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἐστὶ Ταύρου καὶ Φλωρεντίου, γενόμενοι κατὰ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν.. Εὐζωῖου κρατοῦντος τῆς ἐκεῖ ᾿Ἐχχλησίας, τοῦ βασιλέως ἐν αὐτῇ διατρίθοντος, ὀλίγοι τινὲς ἀνεκίνουν αὖθις τὰ δεδογμένα αὑτοῖς, φάσκοντες δεῖν περιαιρεθῆναι τὴν τοῦ ὁμοίου λέξιν ἐχ τῆς ἐχδοθείσης πίστεως ἐν τῇ ᾿Αριμήνῳ, καὶ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει. Οὐχέτι ἐπιχρύπτοντες, ἀλλὰ ἀναφανδὸν λέγοντες, ὅτι κατὰ πάντα ἀνόμοιος ὁ Υἱὸς τῷ Πατρὶ, οὐ μόνον κατὰ τὴν οὐσίαν, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ κατὰ βούλησιν’ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων τε αὐτὸν, ὡς ἔλεγε, αὐτοὶ γενέσθαι ἀπεφήναντο. Συνελαμβάνοντο δὲ ταύτῃ τῇ δόξῃ, οἱ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τότε τὰ ᾿ΑΛετίου φρονοῦντες" διόπερ μετὰ τοῦ ἔχειν τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν προσωνυμίαν, ἔτι ἀνόμοιοι ἐξουχόντιοι ἐχλήθησαν δ ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ φρονούντων μὲν τὸ ὁμοούσιον, διηρημένων δὲ τότε διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ Μελετίῳ γενομένην αἰτίαν, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Ερωτηθέντες δ' οὖν ὅμως παρ᾽ ἐκείνων, διὰ τί ἐν τῇ ἐκθέσει τῆς ἑαυτῶν πίστεως, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ τὸν Υἱὸν εἰπόντες, ἀνόμοιόν τε καὶ ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων τολμῶσιν ὀνομάζειν, τοιοῖσδε σοφίσμασιν ἐπεχείρουν τὴν ἀντίθεσιν ἀποδύεσθαι· ὅτι Οὕτως, φησὶν, εἴρηται τὸ ἐκ Θεοῦ, ὡς εἴρηται παρὰ τῷ Ἀποστόλῳ, Τὰ δὲ πάντα ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ· ἓν οὖν τῶν πάντων, καὶ ὁ Υἱός ἐστιν ἐκ τοῦ Θεοῦ· καὶ διατοῦτο πρόσκειται ἐν ταῖς ἐκδόσεσι τὰ, Κατὰ τὰς Γραφάς. Τούτου δὲ τοῦ σοφίσματος ἀρχηγὸς ἦν Γεώργιος ὁ Λαοδικείας ἐπίσκοπος. Ὅστις ἀνάγωγος ὢν τῶν τοιούτων λόγων, ἠγνόησεν ὅπως τὰ τοιαῦτα τοῦ Ἀποστόλου ἰδιώματα τοῖς ἀνωτέρω χρόνοις Ωριγένης πλατύτερον ἐξετάσας ἡρμήνευσεν. ᾿Αλλ' ὅμως, εἰ καὶ τοιαῦτα ἐπεχείρουν σοφίζεσθαι, τοὺς ὀνειδισμοὺς καὶ τὴν κατάγνωσιν οὐ φέροντες ἀνέγνωσαν τὴν αὐτὴν πίστιν, ἣν καὶ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει. Καὶ οὕτως κατὰ πόλεις τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἀνεχώρησαν. Γεώργιος μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ὀρμήσας, τῶν τε Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτει, ᾿Αθανασίου ἔτι ἀφανοῦς τυγχάνοντος, καὶ τοὺς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ μὴ φρονοῦντας τὰ αὐτοῦ συνήλαυνε. Χαλεπὸς δὲ ἦν καὶ τῷ δήμῳ τῆς πόλεως · τοῖς πλείοσι γὰρ ἦν ἀπεχθής. Ἐν δὲ τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις ἀντὶ Κυρίλλου προεχειρίσθη Αῤῥήνιος. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι καὶ μετ' ἐκεῖνον Ἡράκλειος κατέστη, καὶ αὖθις Ἱλάριος· ὕστερον δὲ χρόνῳ Κύριλλος ἐπέβη τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων, καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖ Ἐκκλησίας ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο. Τότε δὲ καὶ ἑτέρα παρεφύη αἴρεσις, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιάσδε.
Makedonios de tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs ekblētheis, kai mē pherōn tēn katadikēn, hēsychazein oudamōs hēneicheto; alla apoklinei men pros tous tou heterou merous, hoi en tę̄ Seleukeią katheilon tous peri ᾿Akakion. Diepresbeueto de pros te Sōphronioi kai Eleusion, antechesthai men tēs proteron en An tiocheią ektetheisēs pisteōs, metatauta de en Seleu keią bebaiōtheisēs, kai parasēmǭ onomati (97 dy9 sou homoiousion, homoiousion tēn pistin epiphēmisthēnai parēnese, Synoi homoiousion Pneumatomachous errheon oun pros auton polloi tōn gnōrimōn autǭ, Makedonianoi chrēmatizousin ex autou" hosoi te en tę̄ kata Seleukeian synodǭ tois peri ᾿Akakion diekrithēsan, phanerōs to homoiousion edogmatisan to proteron, ēdē men ouch echtranountes auto. Phēmē de tis para tois pollois ekratei, hōs ouch eiē Makedoniou touto heurema" Marathōniou de mallon, hon mikron emprosthen tēs Nikomēdeias pepoiēkeisan episkopon dio Marathōnianous kalousin autous. Toutois dē prospheugei kai Eustathios, ho tēs Sebasteias ekblētheis, dia prophasin hēn mikrǭ proteron eirēcha. Hōs de ho Makedonios to hagion Pneuma synanalathein eis tēn theologian tēs Triados exekline tote dē kai Eustathios" Egō, ephē, oute Theon onomazein po Pneuma to hagion hairoumai, oute ktisma kalein tolmēsaimi. Dia tautēn de tēn aitian, kai Pneumatomachous apochalousin hautous hoi to homoousion Horonountes. Hopōs men oun hoi peri Makedonion eis ton Hellēsponton pleonazousi, kata chōran erō. de peri ᾿Akakion, spoudēn pepoiēntai authis en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią synelthein, metagnontes hoti holōs homoion eirēēchaai ton Huion tǭ Patri. Tę̄ oun hexēs hypateią, hētis esti Taurou kai Phlōrentiou, genomenoi kata tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian.. Euzōiou kratountos tēs ekei ᾿Echchlēsias, tou basileōs en autę̄ diatrithontos, oligoi tines anekinoun authis ta dedogmena hautois, phaskontes dein periairethēnai tēn tou homoiou lexin ech tēs echdotheisēs pisteōs en tę̄ ᾿Arimēnǭ, kai en Kōnstantinou polei. Oucheti epichryptontes, alla anaphandon legontes, hoti kata panta anomoios ho Huios tǭ Patri, ou monon kata tēn ousian, alla dē kai kata boulēsin’ ex ouch ontōn te auton, hōs elege, autoi genesthai apephēnanto. Synelambanonto de tautę̄ tę̄ doxę̄, hoi en ᾿Antiocheią tote ta ᾿ALetiou phronountes" dioper meta tou echein tēn ᾿Areianēn prosōnymian, eti anomoioi exouchontioi echlēthēsan d hypo tōn en Antiocheią phronountōn men to homoousion, diērēmenōn de tote dia tēn epi Meletiǭ genomenēn aitian, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Erōtēthentes d' oun homōs par᾽ ekeinōn, dia ti en tę̄ ekthesei tēs heautōn pisteōs, Theon ek Theou ton Huion eipontes, anomoion te kai ex ouk ontōn tolmōsin onomazein, toioisde sophismasin epecheiroun tēn antithesin apodyesthai; hoti Houtōs, phēsin, eirētai to ek Theou, hōs eirētai para tǭ Apostolǭ, Ta de panta ek tou Theou; hen oun tōn pantōn, kai ho Huios estin ek tou Theou; kai diatouto proskeitai en tais ekdosesi ta, Kata tas Graphas. Toutou de tou sophismatos archēgos ēn Geōrgios ho Laodikeias episkopos. Hostis anagōgos ōn tōn toioutōn logōn, ēgnoēsen hopōs ta toiauta tou Apostolou idiōmata tois anōterō chronois Ōrigenēs platyteron exetasas hērmēneusen. ᾿All' homōs, ei kai toiauta epecheiroun sophizesthai, tous oneidismous kai tēn katagnōsin ou pherontes anegnōsan tēn autēn pistin, hēn kai en Kōnstantinou polei. Kai houtōs kata poleis tas heautōn anechōrēsan. Geōrgios men oun epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian ormēsas, tōn te Ekklēsiōn ekratei, ᾿Athanasiou eti aphanous tynchanontos, kai tous en ᾿Alexandreią mē phronountas ta autou synēlaune. Chalepos de ēn kai tǭ dēmǭ tēs poleōs ; tois pleiosi gar ēn apechthēs. En de tois Hierosolymois anti Kyrillou proecheiristhē Arrhēnios. Isteon de, hoti kai met' ekeinon Hērakleios katestē, kai authis Hilarios; hysteron de chronǭ Kyrillos epebē tōn Hierosolymōn, kai tēs ekei Ekklēsias enkratēs egeneto. Tote de kai hetera parephyē airesis, ex aitias toiasde.
Macedonius, expelled from Constantinople and not bearing his condemnation, would by no means keep quiet, but inclined to those of the other party, who at Seleucia had deposed Acacius and his party. He sent envoys to Sophronius and Eleusius, urging them to hold to the faith set out earlier at Antioch and afterwards confirmed at Seleucia, and to give it the distinctive name of homoiousion. Many of his acquaintances flocked to him, who are called Macedonians after him; and all who at the synod of Seleucia had separated from Acacius’s party openly taught the homoiousion, which before they had not yet stated plainly. There was a report among many that this was not Macedonius’s invention but rather Marathonius’s, whom they had a little before made bishop of Nicomedia; for this reason they call them Marathonians. To them Eustathius too took refuge, who had been expelled from Sebastia for the reason I gave a little before. When Macedonius declined to include the Holy Spirit in the theology of the Trinity, then Eustathius too said, “I choose neither to name the Holy Spirit God, nor would I dare to call him a creature.” For this reason those who hold the homoousios call them Pneumatomachi (“fighters against the Spirit”). How the Macedonians increased in the Hellespont I will tell in its place.
Acacius and his party were eager to meet again at Antioch, having changed their minds about having said that the Son is altogether like the Father. In the following consulship, that of Taurus and Florentius, they met at Antioch in Syria, while Euzoius held the church there and the emperor was staying in the city. A few of them again stirred up what they had decided, saying that the word ‘like’ should be removed from the faith published at Ariminum and at Constantinople. No longer concealing it, but saying openly that the Son is unlike the Father in all things, not only in essence but also in will, they declared, as Arius had said, that he came into being from things that are not. Those at Antioch who then held the views of Aetius supported this opinion; for this reason, besides having the name of Arians, they were called Anomoeans and Exoucontians by those at Antioch who held the homoousios, but were then divided over the affair of Meletius, as I have said before. When these asked them why, after calling the Son God from God in their statement of faith, they dared to call him unlike and from things that are not, they tried to shake off the objection by sophisms of this kind: “‘From God’ is said in the sense in which the apostle says, ‘But all things are from God’; the Son, then, is one of all things and is from God; and for this reason ‘according to the Scriptures’ is added in the statements.” The author of this sophism was George, bishop of Laodicea, who, being uninstructed in such discourses, did not know how Origen in earlier times had examined and explained at length such peculiarities of the apostle’s language. Nevertheless, though they attempted such sophistries, not bearing the reproaches and condemnation, they read the same faith as at Constantinople, and so went back to their own cities. George, setting out for Alexandria, took possession of the churches, Athanasius still being in hiding, and persecuted those in Alexandria who did not think as he did. He was also harsh to the people of the city, for he was hated by most of them. At Jerusalem Arrenius was put forward in place of Cyril. It should be known that after him Heraclius was appointed, and then Hilary; later Cyril went back to Jerusalem and took possession of the church there. At that time another heresy also sprang up, for the following reason.
2.46PG 67:361–363
Ἐν Λαοδικείᾳ τῆς Συρίας δύο ἦσαν ἄνδρες ὁμώνυ - μοι, πατήρ τε καὶ παῖς. Ἑκατέρῳ γὰρ ἦν ὄνομα ᾿Απολινάριος. ᾿ Ὧν ὁ μὲν πατὴρ, τοῦ πρεσβυτερίου κατὰ Ἐκκλησίαν ἠξιοῦτο" ὁ δὲ παῖς, τὴν τοῦ ἀναγνώστου τάξιν εἶχεν. ᾿Αμφότεροι δὲ ἦσαν Ἑλληνικῶν λόγων διδάσκαλοι" γραμματικῶν μὲν ὁ Πατὴρ, ῥητορικῶν δὲ ὁ υἱός. Ὁ μὲν οὖν πατὴρ, ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς ὧν τὸ γένος, πρότερον δὲ ἐν τῇ Βηρυτῷ διδάξας, εἶτα μεταστὰς εἰς Λαοδίκειαν, καὶ γήμας ἐκεῖ, ἴσχει τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Απολινάριον, Ἄμφω δὲ ὅμως τότε συνἦχμαζὸν Ἐπιφανίῳ τῷ σοφιστῇ, γνήσιοι ὄντες φίλοι, συνεκρότουν αὐτόν. Δείσας δὲ Θεόδοτος ὁ τῆς Λαοδικείας ἐπίσκοπος, μὴ τῇ συνεχεῖ τἀνδρὸς ὁμιλίᾳ πρὺς τὸν Ἑλληνισμὺν ἀποχλίνωσι, διεχώλυε φοιτᾷν παρ᾽ αὐτῶν", Οἱ δὲ μικρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου φροντίσαντες, τὴν τοῦ Ἐπιφανίου φιλίαν. ἡσπάζοντο. Μεταταῦτα Γεώργιος ὁ Θεοδότου διάδοχος, σπεύσας ἀποκαταστῆσαι αὐτοὺς, καὶ μηδενὶ τρόπῳ πεῖσαι δυνηθεὶς, ἄμφω τῆς κοινωνίας ἐζημίωσεν. ὔριν τε ἡγεῖται ὁ παῖς ᾿Απολινάριος τὰ γενόμενα, τῇ τοῦ σοφιστιχοῦ λόγου θαῤῥῶν, καινοτομεῖ καὶ αὐτὸς αἵρεσιν, ἢ νῦν ἐπιπολάζει, τοὔνομα τοῦ εὑρόντος ἔχουσα. Φασὶ δέ τινες διενεχθῆναι αὐτοὺς πρὸς Γεώργιον, οὐ τοσοῦτον διὰ τὴν προειρημένην αἰτίαν " ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἑώρων αὐτὸν ἀλλόχοτα δογματίζοντα, καὶ νῦν μὲν ὅμοιον ὁμολογοῦντα τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ, καθ᾽ ὃ ἐν τῇ Σελευκείᾳ συνέθετο" νῦν δὲ εἰς τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν ἀποχλίναντα δόξαν. Διόπερ εὐπροφάσιστον λαβόντες αἰτίαν, ποιοῦνται τὴν ἀναχώρησιν ". ὡς δὲ οὐδεὶς αὐτοῖς προσεῖχε, παρεισάγουσι σχῆμα θρι;σκείας. Καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἔλεγον ἀναληφθῆναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου ἐν τῇ οἰκονομίᾳ τῆς ἐνανθρωπήσεως Ψυχῆς ἄνευ. Εἶτα ὡς μετανοίας ἐπιδιορθούμενοι, προσέθεσαν ψυχὴν μὲν ἀνειληφέναι" γοῦν δὲ οὐχ ἔχειν αὐτὴν ἱ, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι τὸν Θεὸν Λόγον ἀντὶ νηοῦ εἰς τὸν ἀναληφθέντα ἄνθρωπον. Περὶ τούτου μόνου δὴ λέγουσι διαφέρεσθαι, οἱ νῦν ἐξ ἐκείνων τὴν προσωνυμίαν ἔχοντες" τὴν γὰρ Τριάδα ὁμοούσιον εἶναι φασί. Περὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν ᾿Απολιναρίων καὶ αὖθις κατὰ χώραν μνημονεύσομεν.
En Laodikeią tēs Syrias dyo ēsan andres homōny - moi, patēr te kai pais. Hekaterǭ gar ēn onoma ᾿Apolinarios. ᾿ Hōn ho men patēr, tou presbyteriou kata Ekklēsian ēxiouto" ho de pais, tēn tou anagnōstou taxin eichen. ᾿Amphoteroi de ēsan Hellēnikōn logōn didaskaloi" grammatikōn men ho Patēr, rhētorikōn de ho huios. Ho men oun patēr, ᾿Alexandreus hōn to genos, proteron de en tę̄ Bērytǭ didaxas, eita metastas eis Laodikeian, kai gēmas ekei, ischei ton huion ᾿Apolinarion, Amphō de homōs tote synēchmazon Epiphaniǭ tǭ sophistę̄, gnēsioi ontes philoi, synekrotoun auton. Deisas de Theodotos ho tēs Laodikeias episkopos, mē tę̄ synechei tandros homilią prys ton Hellēnismyn apochlinōsi, diechōlye phoitąn par᾽ autōn", Hoi de mikra tou episkopou phrontisantes, tēn tou Epiphaniou philian. hēspazonto. Metatauta Geōrgios ho Theodotou diadochos, speusas apokatastēsai autous, kai mēdeni tropǭ peisai dynētheis, amphō tēs koinōnias ezēmiōsen. yrin te hēgeitai ho pais ᾿Apolinarios ta genomena, tę̄ tou sophistichou logou tharrhōn, kainotomei kai autos hairesin, ē nyn epipolazei, tounoma tou heurontos echousa. Phasi de tines dienechthēnai autous pros Geōrgion, ou tosouton dia tēn proeirēmenēn aitian " all᾽ hoti heōrōn auton allochota dogmatizonta, kai nyn men homoion homologounta ton Huion tǭ Patri, kath᾽ ho en tę̄ Seleukeią synetheto" nyn de eis tēn ᾿Areianēn apochlinanta doxan. Dioper euprophasiston labontes aitian, poiountai tēn anachōrēsin ". hōs de oudeis autois proseiche, pareisagousi schēma thri?skeias. Kai proteron men elegon analēphthēnai ton anthrōpon hypo tou Theou Logou en tę̄ oikonomią tēs enanthrōpēseōs Psychēs aneu. Eita hōs metanoias epidiorthoumenoi, prosethesan psychēn men aneilēphenai" goun de ouch echein autēn hi, all᾽ einai ton Theon Logon anti nēou eis ton analēphthenta anthrōpon. Peri toutou monou dē legousi diapheresthai, hoi nyn ex ekeinōn tēn prosōnymian echontes" tēn gar Triada homoousion einai phasi. Peri men oun tōn ᾿Apolinariōn kai authis kata chōran mnēmoneusomen.
At Laodicea in Syria there were two men of the same name, father and son; each was called Apollinaris. The father was a presbyter of the church, and the son held the rank of reader. Both were teachers of Greek learning, the father of grammar and the son of rhetoric. The father, an Alexandrian by birth, had first taught at Berytus, then moved to Laodicea, married there, and had his son Apollinaris. Both of them at that time flourished together with Epiphanius the sophist and, being true friends, attended him. Theodotus, bishop of Laodicea, fearing that through constant association with the man they might turn to paganism, forbade them to visit him. But they paid little attention to the bishop and kept up their friendship with Epiphanius. Afterwards George, Theodotus’s successor, was eager to bring them back, and when he could in no way persuade them, he punished both by exclusion from communion. The younger Apollinaris took what happened as an insult and, trusting in the power of his sophistic eloquence, himself invented a heresy, which now prevails and bears the name of its founder. Some say that they quarrelled with George not so much for the reason stated, but because they saw him teaching strange doctrines, now confessing that the Son is like the Father, as he had agreed at Seleucia, and now inclining to the Arian opinion. So, having taken a plausible cause, they withdrew; and as no one paid attention to them, they introduced a form of religion of their own. At first they said that the man was taken up by God the Word in the dispensation of the incarnation without a soul. Then, as if correcting themselves by repentance, they added that he had taken a soul, but that it did not have a mind, and that God the Word was in place of the mind in the man who was taken up. Those who now bear their name say they differ only on this point; for they say that the Trinity is homoousios. Of the Apollinarii we shall make mention again in its place.
2.47PG 67:363
Τοῦ μέντοι βασιλέως Κωνσταντίου ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ διάγοντος, ὁ Καῖσαρ Ἰουλιανὸς ἐν ταῖς Γαλλίαις πολλοῖς συμπλέχει ). Καὶ νικήσας, μὲν τοῖς στρατευομένοις ἐπέραστος διατοῦτο γεγονὼς, ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἀναγορεύεται βασιλεύς. Τούτου διαγγελθέντος, ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος εἰς ἀγῶνα κατέστη. Βαπτισθεὶς δὲ ὑπὸ Εὐζωΐου, ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχώρει πόλεμον. Γενόμενος δὲ μεταξὺ Καππαδοκίας καὶ Κιλικίας, ἐν Μόψου κρήναις ἐτελεύτα τὸν βίον, ὑπὸ φροντίδος ἀποπληξίᾳ ληφθεὶς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ταύρου καὶ Φλωρεντίου, τῇ τρίτῃ τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνός. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἔτος πρῶτον τῆς διακοσιοστῆς ὀγδοηκοστῆς πέμπτης ὀλυμπιάδος. Ἔζησε δὲ Κωνστάντιος ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα πέντε, βασιλεύσας ἔτη τριάκοντα ὀκτώ. Συμβασιλεύσας μὲν τῷ πατρὶ ἔτη δεκατρία· μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ, ἔτη εἰκοσιπέντε. Ὅσωνπερ καὶ ἡ βίβλος περιέχει χρόνον ἐτῶν.
Tou mentoi basileōs Kōnstantiou en ᾿Antiocheią diagontos, ho Kaisar Ioulianos en tais Galliais pollois symplechei ). Kai nikēsas, men tois strateuomenois eperastos diatouto gegonōs, hyp᾿ autōn anagoreuetai basileus. Toutou diangelthentos, ho basileus Kōnstantios eis agōna katestē. Baptistheis de hypo Euzōïou, epi ton pros auton echōrei polemon. Genomenos de metaxy Kappadokias kai Kilikias, en Mopsou krēnais eteleuta ton bion, hypo phrontidos apoplēxią lēphtheis, en hypateią Taurou kai Phlōrentiou, tę̄ tritę̄ tou Noembriou mēnos. Touto de ēn etos prōton tēs diakosiostēs ogdoēkostēs pemptēs olympiados. Ezēse de Kōnstantios etē tessarakonta pente, basileusas etē triakonta oktō. Symbasileusas men tǭ patri etē dekatria; meta de tēn teleutēn autou, etē eikosipente. Hosōnper kai hē biblos periechei chronon etōn.
While the emperor Constantius was staying at Antioch, the Caesar Julian engaged in many … in the Gauls; and having been victorious, and for this reason having become beloved of the soldiers, he was proclaimed emperor by them. When this was reported, the emperor Constantius was thrown into great anxiety. Having been baptized by Euzoius, he set out for the war against him; but when he was between Cappadocia and Cilicia, at Mopsucrenae, he ended his life, seized by apoplexy from anxiety, in the consulship of Taurus and Florentius, on the third of November. This was the first year of the two hundred and eighty-fifth Olympiad. Constantius lived forty-five years and reigned thirty-eight: thirteen years together with his father, and twenty-five after his death. This book covers as many years.
Chapter 3
3.1PG 67:367–379
Κιλικίας περὶ τρίτην τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς, ὑπατευόντων Ταύρου καὶ Φλωρεντίου, ἐτελεύτα τὸν βίον. Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτῶν ὑπάτων, περὶ τὴν ἐνδεκάτην τοῦ ἑξῆς μηνὸς Δεκεμβρίου ἐκ τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν ἐλάσας, εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπο λιν εἰσελήλυθε, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ αὐτοκράτωρ ἀποδείκνυται. Ἐπεὶ δὲ περὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐλλογίμου ἀνδρὸς ὀλίγα διεξελθεῖν πρόκειται, μηδεὶς τῶν αὐτῷ γνωρίμων ἐπιζητείτω κόμπον φράσεως, ὡς δέον τὸν περὶ τοιούτου λόγον μὴ ἀπολείπεσθαι, περὶ οὗ ὁ λόγος. Χριστιανικῆς δ' οὔσης τῆς ἱστορίας, διὰ σαφήνειαν ταπεινὸς καὶ χαμαίζηλος πρόεισιν ὁ λόγος· καὶ τοῦτο ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐπηγγείλατο. Ὅμως δὲ λεκτέον περὶ αὐτοῦ, καὶ γένους αὐτοῦ καὶ παιδεύσεως, καὶ ὅπως ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν παρῆλθεν· καὶ τοῦτο ποιητέον ἡμῖν μικρὸν ἄνωθεν ἀρξαμένοις. Κωνσταντίνος ὁ τὸ Βυζάντιον τῷ ἰδίῳ προσαγορεύσας ὀνόματι, δύο ἔσχεν ὁμοπατρίους ἀδελφοὺς, οὐκ τῆς αὐτῆς γενομένους μητρός · Δαλμάτιος ὄνομα τῷ ἐνὶ, θατέρῳ δὲ Κωνστάντιος. Καὶ Δαλμάτιος μὲν υἱὸν ἔσχεν ὁμώνυμον αὐτῷ. Κωνσταντίῳ δὲ δύο ἐγεννήθησαν υἱοὶ, Γάλλος καὶ Ἰουλιανός 1. Ὡς οὖν μετά τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ κτίστου τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, οἱ στρατιῶται τὸν νέον ἀνεῖλον Δαλμάτιον, τότε δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἀπορφανισθέντες τοῦ οἰκείου πατρός, μικροῦ δεῖν τῷ Δαλματίῳ συνεκινδύνευσαν. Εἰ μὴ Γάλλον μὲν νόσος προσδοκίαν ἔχουσα θανάτου ἐρύσατο· Ἰουλιανὸν δὲ ἡ ἡλικία, ὀκταετὴς γὰρ ἦν ἔτι, διέσωσεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ κατ᾿ αὐτῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ὁρμὴ ἐκεχαύνωτο, Γάλλος μὲν τοῖς ἐν Ἰωνίᾳ κατὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον ἐφοίτα διδασκάλοις, ἔνθα αὐτοῖς καὶ κτῆτις ἦν ἐκ προγόνων πολλή. Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ αὐξηθεὶς, τῶν ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει παιδευτηρίων ἠκροᾶτο, εἰς τὴν βασιλικὴν, ἔνθα τότε τὰ παιδευτήρια ἦν, ἐν λιτῷ σχήματι προϊὼν, καὶ ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου τοῦ εὐνούχου παιδαγωγούμενος. Τῶν μὲν οὖν γραμματικῶν λόγων, Νικοκλῆς – ὁ Λάκων ἦν αὐτῷ παιδευτης · ῥητορικὴν δὲ, παρὰ Ἑκηβολίῳ κατώρθου τῷ σοφιστῇ, Χριστιανῷ τότε τυγχάνοντι. Τούτου δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς Κωνστάντιος προενόησε, μήπως Ἕλληνος διδασκάλου ἀκροώμενος, πρὸς δεισιδαιμονίαν ἐκκλίνοι. Χριστιανὸς γὰρ ἦν ἐξ ἀρχῆς Ἰουλιανός. ᾿Ακμάζοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ περὶ τοὺς λόγους η, φήμη τις εἰς τὸν δῆμον διέτρεχεν, ὡς εἴη ἱκανὸς τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα διοικεῖν. Καὶ τοῦτο λοιπὸν φανερῶς θρυλλούμενον, ταραχὴν ἐποίει τῷ βασιλεῖ. Διὸ μεθίστησιν αὐτὸν ἐκ τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν, κε· λεύσας μὴ φοιτᾷν παρὰ Λιβανίῳ · τῷ Σύρῳ σοφιστῇ. Τότε γὰρ ὁ Λιβάνιος ὑπὸ τῶν παιδαγωγῶν τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐκβληθεὶς, ἐν τῇ Νικομηδείᾳ τὰς διατριβὰς ἐποιεῖτο. Οὗτος μὲν οὖν τὴν ὀργὴν κατὰ τῶν παιδαγωγῶν, εἰς τὸν κατ᾿ αὐτῶν αὐτῷ γραφέντα λόγον ἐκένωσεν · Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ ἐκωλύετο φοιτᾷν παρ᾿ αὐτῷ, διότι Λιβάνιος Ἕλλην τὴν θρησκείαν ἐτύγχανεν ὧν· ὅμως δὲ ἐραστὴς ὧν τῶν λόγων αὐὕποπτος κατέστη τῷ βασιλεῖ 4 · διὸ καὶ φρουρεῖσθαι τοῦ, λεληθότως συνάγων αὐτοὺς ἡσκεῖτο. Προκόπτοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν ῥητορικὴν, ἐφίσταται τῇ Νικομηδεία Μάξιμος ὁ φιλόσοφος, οὐχ ὁ Βυζάντιος ὁ Εὐκλείδου πατὴρ, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Ἐφέσιος Ρ, ὂν ὕστερον ὡς μαγγανείας ποιοῦντα ὁ βασιλεὺς Οὐαλεντινιανὸς ἀναιρεθῆναι ἐκέλευσε. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν ὕστερον γέγονε. Τότε δὲ, οὐ δι' ἕτερόν τι παρῆν εἰς τὴν Νεκομήδειαν, ἀλλὰ Ἰουλιανοῦ φήμη ἦγεν αὐτόν. Παρὰ τούτῳ δὴ φιλοσόφων λόγων γευσάμενος, εὐθὺς ἐμιμεῖτο καὶ τὴν θρησκείαν τοῦ παιδευτοῦ, τοῦ καὶ ἐπιθυμίαν τῆς βασιλείας ἐμβάλλοντος αὐτῷ. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα τὰς ἀκοὰς τοῦ κρατοῦντος ἐλάνθανεν, ἐν μέσῳ ἐλπίδος καὶ φόβου ὢν, τὴν ὑπόνοιαν ἐκφυ - γεῖν βουλόμενος ως, ὁ πρώην γνήσιος Χριστιανὸς ανὸς, τότε πλαστὸς ἐγένετο· ἐν χρῷ τε κειράμενος, τὸν τῶν μοναχῶν ὑπεκρίνετο βίον. Καὶ λεληθύτως μὲν ἡσκεῖτο τὰ φιλόσοφα· ἐν δὲ τῷ φανερῷ, τὰ ἱερὰ τῶν Χρι. στιανῶν ἀνεγίνωσκε Γράμματα. Καὶ δὴ τῆς ἐν Νικομηδείᾳ ἐκκλησίας ἀναγνώστης καθίσταται. Καὶ διὰ τοῦ τοιούτου προσχήματος, τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐλάνθανεν ὀρμήν. Καὶ διὰ μὲν τὸν φόβον ταῦτα ἔπραττεν. Τῆς δὲ ἐλπίδος οὐκ ἀφιστάμενος, πολλοῖς τῶν γνωρίμων εὐδαιμονίσειν ἔλεγε τοὺς καιροὺς, ἣν αὐτὸς τὸν ὅλων κρατήσειεν. Ἐν τούτοις δὲ καθεστώτων τῶν κατ᾿ αὐτὸν, Γάλλος ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ Καῖσαρ ἀναδειχθεὶς, ἧκεν ὀψόμενος αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν Νικομή δειαν, ὅτι ἐπὶ τὴν ἑῴαν ἐπορεύετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Γάλλος μικρὸν ὕστερον ἀνῃρέθη, παραχρῆμα καὶ Ἰουλιανός αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσεν. Ἰσχύσας δὲ διαδράσαι τοὺς φρουροῦντας αὐτὸν, τόπον ἐκ τόπου ἀμείβων διεσώζετο. Ὁψὲ δέ ποτε ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γαμετὴ Εὐσεβία κρυπτόμενον ἀνευροῦσα, πείθει τὸν βασιλέα μηδὲν μὲν αὐτὸν δρᾶσαι κακὸν, συγχωρῆσαι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐλθόντι φιλοσοφεῖν. Ἐντεῦθεν αὐτὸν, ὡς συντόμως εἰπεῖν, ὁ βασιλεὺς μεταπεμψάμενος, κατέστησε Καίσαρα· καὶ δοὺς αὐτῷ γυναῖκα τὴν ἀδελφὴν δτὸ Ἑλένην, ἐπὶ τὰς Ταλλίας κατὰ τῶν Βαρβάρων ἀπ- | ἔστειλεν τ. Οἱ γὰρ δὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς στάντιος εἰς συμμαχίαν κατὰ Μαγνεντίου μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐμ:σθώσατο, εἰς οὐδὲν χρήσιμον κατὰ τυράννου γενόμενοι, τὰς Ῥωμαίων ἔφθειρον πόλεις " καὶ ἐπειδὴ νέος ἣν τὴν ἡλικίαν, ἐκέλευσε μηδὲν αὐτὸν πράττειν δίχα γνώμης ἡγουμένων τοῦ στρατοῦ. Ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖνοι τῆ: ἐξουσίας ταύτης λαβόῥᾳθυμότερον τῶν πραγμάτων ἐφρόντιζον, διὰ τοῦτο τὰ Βαρβάρων ἐπιχρατέστερα ὁ λιανὸς τοὺς μὲν στρατηγοὺς εἴα τρυφαῖς καὶ πότοις σχολάζειν τοὺς δὲ ἰστρατιώτας προθυμοτέρους ἐποίησε, μισθὸν ὡρισμένον τῷ ἀνελόντι βάρβαρον ὑποσχόμενος. Τοῦτο παρέσχεν ἀρχὴν τοῦ καὶ τὰ Βαρβάρων ἐλαττοῦσθαι, αὐτὸν ἐράσμιον παρὰ τοῖς; στρατιώταις γενέσθαι. Λόγος δέ τις, ὅτι εἰς ἕν τῶν πολιχνίων εἰσελθόντος αὐτοῦ, στέφανος ἀφ᾽ ὧν τὰς πόλεις χοσμοῦσιν, ἐν μέσω τῶν χιόνων ἐχ χαλωδίων ἡρξημένος, τῇ κεφαλῇ χατενεχθεὶς ἔρμοσεν, ἐπί τε τούτω πάντας τοὺς παρόντας ἀναθοῆσαι " προδηλοῦσθαι γὰρ αὐτῷ διὰ τοῦ γενομένου σημείου τὴν βασιλείαν. Φασὶ δέ τινες, ὡς Κωνστάντιος αὐτὸν διατοῦτο ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀπέστειλεν, ἵνα ἐκεῖ διαοθαρῇ, συμπλεχόμενος αὐτοῖς. Οὐχ οἶδα δὲ, εἰ οἱ τὸ τοιοῦτο λέγοντες ἀληθεύουσιν. Ὁ γὰρ τὴν ἀδελφὴν τὴν ἰδίαν αὐτῷ συνοιχῆσας, ἐπιδουλεύων, οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ ἑχυτοῦ τὴν ἐπιδουλὴν ἔτρεπε. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἐχάστῳ δοκεῖ, κρινέτω. Ἰουλιανοῦ δὲ μεμψαμένου παρὰ βασιλεῖ τὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν τῶν στρατηγούντῶν, ἕτερος ἐπέμφθη στρατηγὸς, ἡρμοσμένος τῇ προθυμίᾳ Ἰουλιανοῦ. Ὃν ἔχων ὑπουργὸν, θαῤῥῶν τοῖς Βαρθάροις συνέθαλλεν. Οἱ δὲ διεπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς αὐτὸν, δεικνύντες ὡς τὰ βασιλέως γράμματα εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων χώραν παρεῖναι κελεύει αὐτοὺς, καὶ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπεδείχνυον. Ὁ δὲ τὸν, μὲν πρεσδευτὴν δεσμώτην ἐποίησε συμβάλλει 05 τῷ πλήθει, καὶ κατακράτος τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Βαρδάρων αἰχμάλωτον λαδὼν, Κωνσταντίῳ ἔπεμψε. Ταῦτα εὑτυχήσας, ἀναγορεύεται ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν βασιλεύς. Ὡς δὲ στέφανος βασιλικὸς οὐ παρῆν, εἷς τῶν δορυφόρων, ὃν εἶχε περιτραχήλιον ἑαυτοῦ στρεπτὸν μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον Ἰουλιανὸς ἐβασίλευσε. Τὰ δὲ ἐντεῦθεν, εἰ φιλοσόφου, δοκιμαζέτωσαν οἱ ἀκούοντες. Μὴ διαπρεσβευσάμενος γὰρ πρὸς Κωνστάντιον, μηδὲ θεραπεύσας ὡς εὐεργέτην, πάντα ἔπραττεν ἃ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν κατ' ἐπαρχίαν ἄρχοντας ἤμειβε διέσυρε δὲ τὸν Κωνστάντιον κατὰ πόλεις, ἀναγινώσκων αὐτοῦ δημοσίᾳ τὰς πρὸς τοὺς Βαρβάρους ἐπιστολάς. Διόπερ αὐτῷ προσετίθεντο, Κωνσταντίου δὲ ἀφίσταντο. Τότε δὴ καὶ τὴν ὑπόκρισιν · τοῦ χρι στιανίζειν φανερῶς ἀπεδύσατο· περιιὼν γὰρ κατά πόλεις, τους τε ναοὺς ἀνοίγων, τοῖς ἀγάλμασι προσλαβῶν, τῇ κεφαλῇ Ἰουλιανοῦ περιτέθεικε. Τοῦτον 171 Ει οἷς τε τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐλαύνοντο, καὶ ὅτι τοὺς αὐτοῖς έφερε, καὶ ἑαυτὸν ἀρχιερέα ὠνόμαζεν· οἱ τε τὴν θρησκείαν "Ἕλληνες ἑορτὰς ἐπετέλουν Ἑλληνικάς. Καὶ ταῦτα ποιῶν, πόλεμον ἐμφύλιον ἀνεῤῥίπιζε κατὰ Κωνσταντίου ποιούμενος τὰς ἀφορμάς. Καὶ ὅσον μέντοι ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ, πάντα ἂν ἐγεγόνει, ὅσα ὁ πόλεμος ἔχει κακά. Οὐ γὰρ ἂν δίχα πολλῶν αἱμάτων διεκρίθη ἡ τοῦ φιλοσόφου σπουδή. Θεὸς δὲ ὁ τῶν ἰδίων βουλημάτων κριτὴς, τὸν ἕτερον τῶν ἀνταγωνιστῶν δίχα τῆς τῶν ἄλλων ζημίας ἔπαυσε τῆς ὁρμῆς. Γενομένου γὰρ Ἰουλιανοῦ περὶ τὰ θρακῶν ἔθνη, ἀπηγγέλθη τεθνηκέναι Κωνστάντιον. Καὶ οὕτω τὸν ἐμφύλιον πόλεμον τότε διέφυγεν ἡ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχή. Καταλαβὼν δὲ Ἰουλιανὸς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν, εὐθὺς ἑσκόπει τίνα τρόπον οἰκειώσεται τὰ πλήθη, καὶ τὴν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν εὔνοιαν ἐπισπάσεται. Τέχνῃ οὖν χρῆται τοιαύτῃ · Εὗ ἡπίστατο Κωνστάντιον ὑπὸ ὅλων τῶν λαῶν τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων μισούμενον, ἐφ᾿ καθήκοντας ἐπισκόπους δημεύσας ἐξώρισεν. Ἑγίνω σχέ τε σαφῶς τοὺς Ἑλληνίζοντας ἀνιωμένους 1, ἐφ᾿ οἷς θύειν ἐκωλύοντο· ἐπιθυμεῖν τε καιροῦ δράξασθαι, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ ἀνοιγήσεται, καὶ ἐξέσται αὐτοῖς θυσίας ἀναφέρειν τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν ἑκατέρους ἰδίᾳ λυπουμένους πρὸς τὸν ἀπελθόντα ἐγίνωσκε. Κοινῇ δὲ πάντας πρὸς τὴν τῶν εὐνούχων βίαν, καὶ τοὺς πρωτοτύπους Εὐσεβίου τε τὰς ἁρπαγὰς ἀχθομένους ἐφεύρισκεν. Πᾶσιν οὖν τεχνικῶς προσεφέρετο. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν εἰρωνεύετο· τινὰς δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ κενόδοξον ἀφορῶν εὐηργέτει· κοινῇ δὲ πᾶσιν ὅπως εἶχε περὶ τὴν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἐδείκνυε. πρῶτον μὲν, τὴν Κωνσταντίου ὠμότητα περὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους διαβάλλειν καὶ ἐξελέγχειν παρὰ τῷ πλήθει βουλόμενος, τοὺς ἐξορισθέντας ἐπισκόπους ἀνακληθῆναι ἐκέλευσε, καὶ τὰς δημευθείσας οὐσίας αὐτοῖς ἀπεδίδου · καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ᾗ τάχος ἀνοίγειν, τοῖς ἐπιτηδείοις προσέταττε. Τοὺς δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν εὐνούχων ἀδικηθέντας, ἀπολαμβάνειν τὰ κακῶς ἀφαιρεθέντα ἐθέσπιζεν. Εὐσέβιον δὲ τὸν προεστῶτα τοῦ βασιλικοῦ κοιτῶνος, ἐζημίωσε θανάτῳ, οὐ μόνον δὲ διὰ τὸ πολλοὺς ἠδικῆσθαι ὑπ' αὐτοῦ, ἀλλ' ὅτι καὶ Γάλλον τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφὸν, ἀναιρεῖσθαι ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνου διαβολῆς ἐπυνθάνετο. Καὶ τὸ μὲν σῶμα Κωνσταντίου – βασιλικῶς τιμήσας, ἐκήδευσεν· ἐξέβαλε δὲ τῶν βασιλείων εὐνούχους, κουρεῖς, μαγείρους. Εὐνούχους μὲν, διὰ τὸ ἀποβεβληκέναι τὴν γαμετὴν ν, μεθ᾽ ἣν ἄλλην οὐκέτι ἡγάγετο. Μαγείρους δὲ, διὰ τὸ λιτῇ χρῆσθαι διαίτῃ κ. Κουρεὺς δὲ, ἔφη, εἷς πολλοῖς ἀρκέσειε. Τοὺς μὲν οὖν διὰ ταύτας τὰς αἰτίας ἐξέβαλε γ. Τῶν μέντοι ὑπογραφέων τοὺς πλείστους τῇ ἐξ ἀρχῆς παραδοὺς τύχῃ, τοῖς λοιποῖς αὐτῶν μισθὸν ὑπογραφέως ἐκέλευσε δίδοσθαι. Περιεῖλε δὲ καὶ τὸν δημόσιον τῶν χρειῶν δρόμον, Καὶ τοὺς πρωτοτύπους τε τὰς ἁρπαγάς. oἷον ἡμιόνων, βοῶν, καὶ ὄνων· μόνον δὲ τῶν ἵππων ταῖς δημοσίαις χρείαις συνεχώρησεν ὑπουργεῖν. Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐπαινοῦσι μὲν ὀλίγοι · οἱ πλείους δὲ ψέγουσιν, ὅτι παυομένη ἡ ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ πλούτου τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐγγινομένη κατάπληξις, εὐκαταφρόνητον ἐποίει τὴν βασιλείαν. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ διανυκτερεύων, λόγους συνέγραφε κ, καὶ τούτους κατιὼν εἰς τὴν συγκλήτου βουλὴν ἐπεδείκνυτο· μόνος γὰρ βασιλέων ἀπὸ Ἰουλίου Καίσαρος πρῶτος εἰς τὴν τῆς συγκλήτου βουλὴν λόγους ἐπεδείκνυτο. Ἐτίμα δὲ καὶ τοὺς περὶ παιδείαν ἐσπουδακότας · μάλιστα δὲ, τοὺς ἐπαγγελλομένους φιλοσοφεῖν. Διὸ καὶ τοὺς πανταχή ἦγεν ἡ φήμη βριάζοντας ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια, οἳ φοροῦντες τοὺς τρίβωνας, πολλοὶ ἐκ τοῦ σχήματος μᾶλλον, ἢ ἐκ παιδείας ἐδείκνυντο· πάντες δὲ ἦσαν βαρεῖς τοῖς Χριστιανίζουσιν, ἄνδρες ἀπατεῶνες, καὶ ἀεὶ τοῦ κρατοῦντος οἰκειούμενοι τὴν θρησκείαν. Ἔχων δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς πλεονάζον ἐν ἑαυτῷ τὸ κενόδοξον, πάντας τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς ἐκωμώδησεν ἐν τῷ λόγῳ ὅν ἐπέγραψε Καίσαρας. Ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου ἤθους κινούμενος, καὶ τοὺς κατὰ Χριστιανῶν λόγους συνέγραψε, Τὸ μὲν γὰρ μαγείρους καὶ κουρεῖς ἐκβαλείν, φιλοσόφου ἔργον, οὐ μὴν βασιλέως. Τὸ δὲ διασύρειν ἢ σκώπτειν, οὐκέτι φιλοσόφου, ἀλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ βασιλέως. ᾿Αμφότεροι γὰρ πᾶσαν λοιδορίαν καὶ βασκανίαν ὑπερβεβήκασι. Βασιλεῖ μὲν γὰρ ἐξέστω φιλοσο φεῖν, ὅσα πρὸς σωφροσύνην ὁρᾷ · φιλόσοφος δὲ, εἰ πάντα τῶν βασιλέων μιμήσαιτο, διαπεσεῖται τοῦ σκοποῦ. Περὶ μὲν δὴ Ἰουλιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως, γένους τε αὐτοῦ καὶ παιδεύσεως καὶ ἤθους, καὶ ὅπως ἐπὶ τὴν βασιλείαν παρῆλθεν, τασαῦτα ὡς ἐν ἐπιδρομῇ εἰρήσθω.
Kilikias peri tritēn tou Noembriou mēnos, hypateuontōn Taurou kai Phlōrentiou, eteleuta ton bion. Ioulianos de epi tōn autōn hypatōn, peri tēn endekatēn tou hexēs mēnos Dekembriou ek tōn hesperiōn merōn elasas, eis tēn Kōnstantinoupo lin eiselēlythe, kai en autę̄ autokratōr apodeiknytai. Epei de peri Ioulianou tou basileōs ellogimou andros oliga diexelthein prokeitai, mēdeis tōn autǭ gnōrimōn epizēteitō kompon phraseōs, hōs deon ton peri toioutou logon mē apoleipesthai, peri hou ho logos. Christianikēs d' ousēs tēs historias, dia saphēneian tapeinos kai chamaizēlos proeisin ho logos; kai touto ex archēs epēngeilato. Homōs de lekteon peri autou, kai genous autou kai paideuseōs, kai hopōs epi tēn basileian parēlthen; kai touto poiēteon hēmin mikron anōthen arxamenois. Kōnstantinos ho to Byzantion tǭ idiǭ prosagoreusas onomati, dyo eschen homopatrious adelphous, ouk tēs autēs genomenous mētros ; Dalmatios onoma tǭ eni, thaterǭ de Kōnstantios. Kai Dalmatios men huion eschen homōnymon autǭ. Kōnstantiǭ de dyo egennēthēsan huioi, Gallos kai Ioulianos 1. Hōs oun meta tēn teleutēn tou ktistou tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, hoi stratiōtai ton neon aneilon Dalmation, tote dē kai houtoi aporphanisthentes tou oikeiou patros, mikrou dein tǭ Dalmatiǭ synekindyneusan. Ei mē Gallon men nosos prosdokian echousa thanatou erysato; Ioulianon de hē hēlikia, oktaetēs gar ēn eti, diesōsen. Epei de hē kat᾿ autōn tou basileōs hormē ekechaunōto, Gallos men tois en Iōnią kata tēn Epheson ephoita didaskalois, entha autois kai ktētis ēn ek progonōn pollē. Ioulianos de auxētheis, tōn en Kōnstantinou polei paideutēriōn ēkroato, eis tēn basilikēn, entha tote ta paideutēria ēn, en litǭ schēmati proïōn, kai hypo Mardoniou tou eunouchou paidagōgoumenos. Tōn men oun grammatikōn logōn, Nikoklēs – ho Lakōn ēn autǭ paideutēs ; rhētorikēn de, para Hekēboliǭ katōrthou tǭ sophistę̄, Christianǭ tote tynchanonti. Toutou de ho basileus Kōnstantios proenoēse, mēpōs Hellēnos didaskalou akroōmenos, pros deisidaimonian ekklinoi. Christianos gar ēn ex archēs Ioulianos. ᾿Akmazontos de autou peri tous logous ē, phēmē tis eis ton dēmon dietrechen, hōs eiē hikanos ta Rhōmaiōn pragmata dioikein. Kai touto loipon phanerōs thrylloumenon, tarachēn epoiei tǭ basilei. Dio methistēsin auton ek tēs megalopoleōs eis tēn Nikomēdeian, ke; leusas mē phoitąn para Libaniǭ ; tǭ Syrǭ sophistę̄. Tote gar ho Libanios hypo tōn paidagōgōn tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs ekblētheis, en tę̄ Nikomēdeią tas diatribas epoieito. Houtos men oun tēn orgēn kata tōn paidagōgōn, eis ton kat᾿ autōn autǭ graphenta logon ekenōsen ; Ioulianos de ekōlyeto phoitąn par᾿ autǭ, dioti Libanios Hellēn tēn thrēskeian etynchanen hōn; homōs de erastēs hōn tōn logōn auypoptos katestē tǭ basilei 4 ; dio kai phroureisthai tou, lelēthotōs synagōn autous hēskeito. Prokoptontos de autou kata tēn rhētorikēn, ephistatai tę̄ Nikomēdeia Maximos ho philosophos, ouch ho Byzantios ho Eukleidou patēr, all᾽ ho Ephesios R, on hysteron hōs manganeias poiounta ho basileus Oualentinianos anairethēnai ekeleuse. Touto men oun hysteron gegone. Tote de, ou di' heteron ti parēn eis tēn Nekomēdeian, alla Ioulianou phēmē ēgen auton. Para toutǭ dē philosophōn logōn geusamenos, euthys emimeito kai tēn thrēskeian tou paideutou, tou kai epithymian tēs basileias emballontos autǭ. Epei de tauta tas akoas tou kratountos elanthanen, en mesǭ elpidos kai phobou ōn, tēn hyponoian ekphy - gein boulomenos ōs, ho prōēn gnēsios Christianos anos, tote plastos egeneto; en chrǭ te keiramenos, ton tōn monachōn hypekrineto bion. Kai lelēthytōs men hēskeito ta philosopha; en de tǭ phanerǭ, ta hiera tōn Chri. stianōn aneginōske Grammata. Kai dē tēs en Nikomēdeią ekklēsias anagnōstēs kathistatai. Kai dia tou toioutou proschēmatos, tēn tou basileōs elanthanen ormēn. Kai dia men ton phobon tauta epratten. Tēs de elpidos ouk aphistamenos, pollois tōn gnōrimōn eudaimonisein elege tous kairous, hēn autos ton holōn kratēseien. En toutois de kathestōtōn tōn kat᾿ auton, Gallos ho adelphos autou Kaisar anadeichtheis, hēken opsomenos auton eis tēn Nikomē deian, hoti epi tēn heǭan eporeueto. Epei de Gallos mikron hysteron anę̄rethē, parachrēma kai Ioulianos auton ekeleusen. Ischysas de diadrasai tous phrourountas auton, topon ek topou ameibōn diesōzeto. Hopse de pote hē tou basileōs gametē Eusebia kryptomenon aneurousa, peithei ton basilea mēden men auton drasai kakon, synchōrēsai de epi tas ᾿Athēnas elthonti philosophein. Enteuthen auton, hōs syntomōs eipein, ho basileus metapempsamenos, katestēse Kaisara; kai dous autǭ gynaika tēn adelphēn dto Helenēn, epi tas Tallias kata tōn Barbarōn ap- | esteilen t. Hoi gar dē ho basileus stantios eis symmachian kata Magnentiou mikron emprosthen em:sthōsato, eis ouden chrēsimon kata tyrannou genomenoi, tas Rhōmaiōn ephtheiron poleis " kai epeidē neos hēn tēn hēlikian, ekeleuse mēden auton prattein dicha gnōmēs hēgoumenōn tou stratou. Hōs de ekeinoi tē: exousias tautēs laborhąthymoteron tōn pragmatōn ephrontizon, dia touto ta Barbarōn epichratestera ho lianos tous men stratēgous eia tryphais kai potois scholazein tous de istratiōtas prothymoterous epoiēse, misthon hōrismenon tǭ anelonti barbaron hyposchomenos. Touto pareschen archēn tou kai ta Barbarōn elattousthai, auton erasmion para tois? stratiōtais genesthai. Logos de tis, hoti eis hen tōn polichniōn eiselthontos autou, stephanos aph᾽ hōn tas poleis chosmousin, en mesō tōn chionōn ech chalōdiōn hērxēmenos, tę̄ kephalę̄ chatenechtheis ermosen, epi te toutō pantas tous parontas anathoēsai " prodēlousthai gar autǭ dia tou genomenou sēmeiou tēn basileian. Phasi de tines, hōs Kōnstantios auton diatouto epi tous apesteilen, hina ekei diaotharę̄, symplechomenos autois. Ouch oida de, ei hoi to toiouto legontes alētheuousin. Ho gar tēn adelphēn tēn idian autǭ synoichēsas, epidouleuōn, ouden allo ē hechytou tēn epidoulēn etrepe. Touto men oun, hōs echastǭ dokei, krinetō. Ioulianou de mempsamenou para basilei tēn rhąthymian tōn stratēgountōn, heteros epemphthē stratēgos, hērmosmenos tę̄ prothymią Ioulianou. Hon echōn hypourgon, tharrhōn tois Bartharois synethallen. Hoi de diepresbeuonto pros auton, deiknyntes hōs ta basileōs grammata eis tēn Rhōmaiōn chōran pareinai keleuei autous, kai tas epistolas epedeichnyon. Ho de ton, men presdeutēn desmōtēn epoiēse symballei 05 tǭ plēthei, kai katakratos ton basilea tōn Bardarōn aichmalōton ladōn, Kōnstantiǭ epempse. Tauta heutychēsas, anagoreuetai hypo tōn stratiōtōn basileus. Hōs de stephanos basilikos ou parēn, heis tōn doryphorōn, hon eiche peritrachēlion heautou strepton men oun ton tropon Ioulianos ebasileuse. Ta de enteuthen, ei philosophou, dokimazetōsan hoi akouontes. Mē diapresbeusamenos gar pros Kōnstantion, mēde therapeusas hōs euergetēn, panta epratten ha edokei autǭ. Kai tous men kat' eparchian archontas ēmeibe diesyre de ton Kōnstantion kata poleis, anaginōskōn autou dēmosią tas pros tous Barbarous epistolas. Dioper autǭ prosetithento, Kōnstantiou de aphistanto. Tote dē kai tēn hypokrisin ; tou chri stianizein phanerōs apedysato; periiōn gar kata poleis, tous te naous anoigōn, tois agalmasi proslabōn, tę̄ kephalę̄ Ioulianou peritetheike. Touton 171 Ei hois te tōn Ekklēsiōn elaunonto, kai hoti tous autois ephere, kai heauton archierea ōnomazen; hoi te tēn thrēskeian "Hellēnes heortas epeteloun Hellēnikas. Kai tauta poiōn, polemon emphylion anerrhipize kata Kōnstantiou poioumenos tas aphormas. Kai hoson mentoi ep᾿ autǭ, panta an egegonei, hosa ho polemos echei kaka. Ou gar an dicha pollōn haimatōn diekrithē hē tou philosophou spoudē. Theos de ho tōn idiōn boulēmatōn kritēs, ton heteron tōn antagōnistōn dicha tēs tōn allōn zēmias epause tēs hormēs. Genomenou gar Ioulianou peri ta thrakōn ethnē, apēngelthē tethnēkenai Kōnstantion. Kai houtō ton emphylion polemon tote diephygen hē Rhōmaiōn archē. Katalabōn de Ioulianos tēn Kōnstantinou polin, euthys heskopei tina tropon oikeiōsetai ta plēthē, kai tēn ap᾿ autōn eunoian epispasetai. Technę̄ oun chrētai toiautę̄ ; Heu hēpistato Kōnstantion hypo holōn tōn laōn tōn to homoousion phronountōn misoumenon, eph᾿ kathēkontas episkopous dēmeusas exōrisen. Heginō sche te saphōs tous Hellēnizontas aniōmenous 1, eph᾿ hois thyein ekōlyonto; epithymein te kairou draxasthai, en hǭ kai ta hiera anoigēsetai, kai exestai autois thysias anapherein tois agalmasin. Houtō men oun hekaterous idią lypoumenous pros ton apelthonta eginōske. Koinę̄ de pantas pros tēn tōn eunouchōn bian, kai tous prōtotypous Eusebiou te tas harpagas achthomenous epheurisken. Pasin oun technikōs prosephereto. Kai tous men eirōneueto; tinas de kai pros to kenodoxon aphorōn euērgetei; koinę̄ de pasin hopōs eiche peri tēn deisidaimonian edeiknye. prōton men, tēn Kōnstantiou ōmotēta peri tous hypēkoous diaballein kai exelenchein para tǭ plēthei boulomenos, tous exoristhentas episkopous anaklēthēnai ekeleuse, kai tas dēmeutheisas ousias autois apedidou ; kai ta hiera tōn Hellēnōn hę̄ tachos anoigein, tois epitēdeiois prosetatte. Tous de hypo tōn eunouchōn adikēthentas, apolambanein ta kakōs aphairethenta ethespizen. Eusebion de ton proestōta tou basilikou koitōnos, ezēmiōse thanatǭ, ou monon de dia to pollous ēdikēsthai hyp' autou, all' hoti kai Gallon ton heautou adelphon, anaireisthai ek tēs ekeinou diabolēs epynthaneto. Kai to men sōma Kōnstantiou – basilikōs timēsas, ekēdeusen; exebale de tōn basileiōn eunouchous, koureis, mageirous. Eunouchous men, dia to apobeblēkenai tēn gametēn n, meth᾽ hēn allēn ouketi hēgageto. Mageirous de, dia to litę̄ chrēsthai diaitę̄ k. Koureus de, ephē, heis pollois arkeseie. Tous men oun dia tautas tas aitias exebale g. Tōn mentoi hypographeōn tous pleistous tę̄ ex archēs paradous tychę̄, tois loipois autōn misthon hypographeōs ekeleuse didosthai. Perieile de kai ton dēmosion tōn chreiōn dromon, Kai tous prōtotypous te tas harpagas. ohion hēmionōn, boōn, kai onōn; monon de tōn hippōn tais dēmosiais chreiais synechōrēsen hypourgein. Tauta de autou epainousi men oligoi ; hoi pleious de psegousin, hoti pauomenē hē ek tou basilikou ploutou tois pollois enginomenē kataplēxis, eukataphronēton epoiei tēn basileian. Ou mēn alla kai dianyktereuōn, logous synegraphe k, kai toutous katiōn eis tēn synklētou boulēn epedeiknyto; monos gar basileōn apo Iouliou Kaisaros prōtos eis tēn tēs synklētou boulēn logous epedeiknyto. Etima de kai tous peri paideian espoudakotas ; malista de, tous epangellomenous philosophein. Dio kai tous pantachē ēgen hē phēmē briazontas epi ta basileia, hoi phorountes tous tribōnas, polloi ek tou schēmatos mallon, ē ek paideias edeiknynto; pantes de ēsan bareis tois Christianizousin, andres apateōnes, kai aei tou kratountos oikeioumenoi tēn thrēskeian. Echōn de ho basileus pleonazon en heautǭ to kenodoxon, pantas tous pro autou basileis ekōmōdēsen en tǭ logǭ hon epegrapse Kaisaras. Ek tou toioutou ēthous kinoumenos, kai tous kata Christianōn logous synegrapse, To men gar mageirous kai koureis ekbalein, philosophou ergon, ou mēn basileōs. To de diasyrein ē skōptein, ouketi philosophou, alla mēn oude basileōs. ᾿Amphoteroi gar pasan loidorian kai baskanian hyperbebēkasi. Basilei men gar exestō philoso phein, hosa pros sōphrosynēn horą ; philosophos de, ei panta tōn basileōn mimēsaito, diapeseitai tou skopou. Peri men dē Ioulianou tou basileōs, genous te autou kai paideuseōs kai ēthous, kai hopōs epi tēn basileian parēlthen, tasauta hōs en epidromę̄ eirēsthō.
… of Cilicia about the third of November, in the consulship of Taurus and Florentius, ended his life. Julian, in the same consulship, about the eleventh of the following month of December, came from the western parts and entered Constantinople, and was proclaimed sole emperor there. Since it is my purpose to relate a few things about the emperor Julian, a man of learning, let none of his admirers look for inflated language, as though an account of such a man ought not to fall short of its subject. This being a Christian history, the account proceeds in a humble and lowly style for the sake of clarity, as was promised from the beginning. Nevertheless we must speak about him, his family and education, and how he came to the throne; and to do this we must begin a little further back.
Constantine, who gave his own name to Byzantium, had two brothers by the same father but not of the same mother: one was named Dalmatius, the other Constantius. Dalmatius had a son of the same name; Constantius had two sons, Gallus and Julian. When, after the death of the founder of Constantinople, the soldiers killed the younger Dalmatius, these two too, orphaned of their own father, came near to sharing Dalmatius’s danger, had not an illness expected to be fatal saved Gallus, and his age, for he was still eight years old, preserved Julian. When the emperor’s anger against them had slackened, Gallus attended teachers in Ionia at Ephesus, where they had much property from their ancestors. Julian, growing up, attended the schools in Constantinople, going in plain dress to the basilica, where the schools then were, under the charge of the eunuch Mardonius. His teacher in grammar was Nicocles the Laconian, and in rhetoric he made progress under Ecebolius the sophist, who was then a Christian. The emperor Constantius had taken care of this, lest by hearing a pagan teacher he should turn to superstition; for Julian was a Christian from the beginning. As he excelled in his studies, a report ran among the people that he was capable of governing the affairs of the Romans; and as this was openly talked about, it troubled the emperor. So he moved him from the great city to Nicomedia, ordering him not to attend the lectures of Libanius the Syrian sophist. For Libanius, driven out of Constantinople by the teachers there, was then teaching at Nicomedia; he vented his anger against those teachers in the speech he wrote against them. Julian was forbidden to attend him because Libanius was a pagan in religion; yet, being a lover of his discourses, he secretly obtained them and studied them. As he advanced in rhetoric, Maximus the philosopher came to Nicomedia, not the Byzantine, father of Euclides, but the Ephesian, whom the emperor Valentinian afterwards ordered to be put to death as a practiser of magic. That happened later; at that time he came to Nicomedia for no other reason than that Julian’s fame drew him. Having tasted philosophical discourses with him, Julian at once imitated his teacher’s religion as well, the teacher also putting into him a desire for the empire. When these things did not escape the ears of the ruler, Julian, between hope and fear and wishing to escape suspicion, he who had formerly been a genuine Christian now became a pretended one: he had his head shaved close and feigned the life of the monks. In secret he practised philosophy, but in public he read the sacred writings of the Christians, and was even appointed a reader of the church in Nicomedia. By this pretence he escaped the emperor’s anger. He did these things out of fear; but not abandoning his hope, he told many of his acquaintances that the times would be happy if he should rule over all. While his affairs were in this state, his brother Gallus, having been made Caesar, came to see him at Nicomedia on his way to the East. When Gallus was killed a little later, Julian too at once became suspect to the emperor, who therefore ordered him to be guarded. But he managed to escape his guards and kept himself safe, moving from place to place. At last the emperor’s wife Eusebia found him in hiding and persuaded the emperor to do him no harm, but to allow him to go to Athens and study philosophy. From there, to put it briefly, the emperor sent for him, made him Caesar, gave him his sister Helena as wife, and sent him to the Gauls against the barbarians. For the barbarians whom the emperor Constantius had hired a little before as allies against Magnentius, having proved of no use against the tyrant, were ravaging the cities of the Romans. Since Julian was young, the emperor ordered him to do nothing without the advice of the commanders of the army. But when they, having received this authority, managed affairs more carelessly, and for this reason the barbarians were gaining the upper hand, Julian let the generals give themselves to luxury and drinking, but made the soldiers keener by promising a fixed reward to anyone who killed a barbarian. This was the beginning both of the weakening of the barbarians and of his becoming beloved of the soldiers. There is a story that when he entered one of the small towns, a crown of the kind with which towns are decorated, hanging by ropes between the columns, fell on his head and fitted it, and all present cried out at this; for it seemed that the empire was foretold to him by this sign. Some say that Constantius sent him against the barbarians so that he might perish there in fighting them. Whether those who say this are telling the truth I do not know; for one who had married his own sister to him and then plotted against him would only have turned the plot against himself. Let each judge this as he thinks. When Julian complained to the emperor of the carelessness of the generals, another general was sent, suited to Julian’s zeal; with him as his helper, Julian engaged the barbarians boldly. They sent envoys to him, showing that the emperor’s letters ordered them to come into Roman territory, and they displayed the letters. But he put the envoy in chains, engaged their host, defeated them by force, took the king of the barbarians captive, and sent him to Constantius. After this success he was proclaimed emperor by the soldiers. Since no imperial crown was at hand, one of the guards took the twisted collar he wore round his own neck and put it on Julian’s head. In this way Julian became emperor.
Whether what followed was the conduct of a philosopher, let my hearers judge. Without sending an embassy to Constantius or courting him as a benefactor, he did everything as he saw fit. He changed the governors of the provinces, and he disparaged Constantius in the cities by reading publicly his letters to the barbarians. So the people attached themselves to him and fell away from Constantius. Then he openly put off the pretence of being a Christian: going round the cities, he opened the temples, brought sacrifices to the statues, and called himself chief priest; and those who were pagans in religion celebrated pagan festivals. By doing this he fanned a civil war against Constantius, making these things his pretexts. As far as it lay with him, all the evils that war brings would have come about; for the philosopher’s ambition would not have been decided without much blood. But God, the judge of his own counsels, stopped one of the rivals from his course without harm to the rest. For when Julian was among the peoples of Thrace, it was announced that Constantius had died; and so the Roman empire then escaped civil war.
When Julian reached Constantinople, he at once considered how he might win over the multitudes and attract their goodwill. He used this device. He knew well that Constantius was hated by all the peoples who held the homoousios, because he had driven the bishops of their party into exile and confiscated their property. He clearly knew that the pagans were vexed at being forbidden to sacrifice, and longed to seize an opportunity in which the temples would be opened and they would be allowed to offer sacrifices to the statues. So he knew that each group was privately aggrieved with the late emperor; and he found that all in common resented the violence of the eunuchs and the rapacity of Eusebius, the chief chamberlain. He dealt with all of them artfully. Some he dissembled with; others, with an eye to vainglory, he benefited; and to all in common he showed how he stood towards superstition. First, wishing to accuse Constantius before the people of cruelty to his subjects and to expose it, he ordered the exiled bishops to be recalled and gave them back their confiscated property; and he ordered the proper officials to open the temples of the pagans as quickly as possible. He decreed that those wronged by the eunuchs should recover what had been wrongly taken from them. Eusebius, the head of the imperial bedchamber, he punished with death, not only because many had been wronged by him, but because he learned that his own brother Gallus had been killed through his slander. He honoured the body of Constantius with an imperial funeral; but he expelled from the palace eunuchs, barbers, and cooks: the eunuchs because he had lost his wife and did not marry another after her; the cooks because he followed a simple diet; and a barber, he said, would suffice for many. These he expelled for these reasons. Of the secretaries he returned most to their original condition and ordered that the rest be given a secretary’s pay. He also abolished the public post for transport of mules, oxen, and asses, allowing only horses to serve public needs. A few praise him for these things, but most blame him, because the awe that imperial wealth inspires in the many ceased and made the empire contemptible. Moreover he wrote speeches through the night and went down to the senate to deliver them; for he alone of the emperors since Julius Caesar delivered speeches in the senate. He honoured those devoted to learning, and especially those who professed to be philosophers. So those whom report everywhere called eminent flocked to the palace, wearing their cloaks, many of them shown to be philosophers by their dress rather than by their learning; all of them were oppressive to the Christians, deceivers, and always adopting the religion of the ruler. The emperor, having vanity abounding in him, ridiculed all the emperors before him in the work he entitled The Caesars. Moved by the same disposition, he also wrote his discourses against the Christians. To expel cooks and barbers is the work of a philosopher, but not of an emperor; to disparage and ridicule is the work neither of a philosopher nor of an emperor. Both stand above all abuse and envy. An emperor may practise philosophy as far as it looks to self-control; but a philosopher who imitates all that emperors do will miss his aim. Let this much be said in passing about the emperor Julian, his family, education, and character, and how he came to the throne.
3.2PG 67:379–381
Αὖθις δὲ τῶν περὶ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τὸν αὐτὸν γενομένων χρόνον μνήμην ποιούμεθα. Κατὰ τὴν με γάλην ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πόλιν, συνέδη ταραχὴν γενέσθαι 5 ἐξ αἰτίας τοιάσδε: Τόπος ἣν τῇ πόλει, παλαιῶν τῶν χρόνων ἔρημος καὶ ἠμελημένος, συρφετοῦ τε γέμὼν πολλοῦ, ἐν ᾧ οἱ "Ἕλληνες τὸ παλαιὸν τῷ Μίθρᾳν πελετὰς ποιοῦντες, ἀνθρώπους χατέθυον. Τοῦτον Κωνστάντιος ὡς σχολαΐον, ἤδη πρότερον τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ προσκεχυρώχει, Γεώργιος δὲ βουλόμενος ἐν αὐτῷ εὐκτήριον οἶχον κατασκευάσαι, ἀναχαθαρθῆνα: κελεύει τὸν τόπον. Καὶ δὴ χαθαιρομένου, ἄδυτον ηῦρηται κατὰ βάθους πολλοῦ, ἐν τὰ μυστήτῶν Ελλήνων ἐχέχρυπτο' ταῦτα δὲ ἣν χρανία ἀνθρώπων πολλὰ, νέων τε καὶ παλαιῶν, οὖς λόγος χατεῖχξε πάλαι ἀναιρεῖσθαι, ὅτε ταῖς διὰ σπλάγχνων μαντείαις ἐχρῶντο οἱ Ἕλληνες, καὶ μαγιχὰς ἐτέλουν θυσίας, χαταμαγγανεύοντες τὰς ψυχάς. Οἱ οὖν Χριστιανοὶ ταῦτα εὑρόντες ἐν τῷ ἀδύτῳ τοῦ Μιθρείου, σπουδὴν ἔθεντο πᾶσιν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ γέλωτα δεῖξαι τὰ Ἑλλήνων μυστήρια, Ἐξεπόμπευον δὲ εὐθὺς, γυμνὰ τῷ δήμῳ τὰ χρανία δειχνύοντες. Ταῦτα ὁρῶντες οἱ κατὰ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν "ἕλληνες, καὶ μὴ φέροντε: τὸ τοῦ πράγματοη: ἐπονείδιστον, εἰς ὀργὴν ἐξάπτονται πᾶν τὸ παρατυχὸν ὅπλον ποιούμενοι, ὥρμησὰν κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, ξιὰ πάσης ἐπιθουλῆῇς ἀνεῖλον πολλοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν" τοὺς μὲν γὰρ ξίφεσι, τοὺς δὲ ξύλοις λίθοις ἀπέκτειναν ^ ἄλλους δὲ σχοινίοις ἀπέπνιξαν. Τινὰς δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ἐσταύρωσαν, ἐφ᾽ ὕδρει τοῦ σταυροῦ τοῦτον ἐπάγοντες τὸν θάνατον" τοὺς δὲ πλείστους, τραυματίας ἐποίησαν. Τότε δὲ, οἵα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις φιλεῖ γίνεσθα:, οὐδὲ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ἀπέσχοντο" ἀλλὰ φίλος φίλον ἔπληξε, καὶ ἀδελφόνον ὥρμησαν. Διὸ καὶ οἱ Χριστιανοὶ τοῦ ἐχχαθαίρθειν τὸ Μιθρεῖον ἐπαύσαντο οἱ τὸν Γεώργιον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐχσύραντες, χαμήλῳ τε προσδήσαντες, καὶ σπαράξαντες, σὺν αὐτῇ κατέκαυσαν
Authis de tōn peri tas Ekklēsias hypo ton auton genomenōn chronon mnēmēn poioumetha. Kata tēn me galēn ᾿Alexandrou polin, synedē tarachēn genesthai 5 ex aitias toiasde: Topos hēn tę̄ polei, palaiōn tōn chronōn erēmos kai ēmelēmenos, syrphetou te gemōn pollou, en hǭ hoi "Hellēnes to palaion tǭ Mithrąn peletas poiountes, anthrōpous chatethyon. Touton Kōnstantios hōs scholaïon, ēdē proteron tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsią proskechyrōchei, Geōrgios de boulomenos en autǭ euktērion oichon kataskeuasai, anachatharthēna: keleuei ton topon. Kai dē chathairomenou, adyton ēurētai kata bathous pollou, en ta mystētōn Ellēnōn echechrypto' tauta de hēn chrania anthrōpōn polla, neōn te kai palaiōn, ous logos chateichxe palai anaireisthai, hote tais dia splanchnōn manteiais echrōnto hoi Hellēnes, kai magichas eteloun thysias, chatamanganeuontes tas psychas. Hoi oun Christianoi tauta heurontes en tǭ adytǭ tou Mithreiou, spoudēn ethento pasin en tǭ phanerǭ gelōta deixai ta Hellēnōn mystēria, Exepompeuon de euthys, gymna tǭ dēmǭ ta chrania deichnyontes. Tauta horōntes hoi kata ᾿Alexandreian "hellēnes, kai mē pheronte: to tou pragmatoē: eponeidiston, eis orgēn exaptontai pan to paratychon hoplon poioumenoi, hōrmēsan kata tōn Christianōn, xia pasēs epithoulēę̄s aneilon pollous ex autōn" tous men gar xiphesi, tous de xylois lithois apekteinan ^ allous de schoiniois apepnixan. Tinas de autōn kai estaurōsan, eph᾽ hydrei tou staurou touton epagontes ton thanaton" tous de pleistous, traumatias epoiēsan. Tote de, hoia en tois toioutois philei ginestha:, oude tōn oikeiotatōn apeschonto" alla philos philon eplēxe, kai adelphonon hōrmēsan. Dio kai hoi Christianoi tou echchathairthein to Mithreion epausanto hoi ton Geōrgion tēs Ekklēsias echsyrantes, chamēlǭ te prosdēsantes, kai sparaxantes, syn autę̄ katekausan
We now make mention again of what happened in the churches at the same time. In the great city of Alexander a disturbance arose for the following reason. There was a place in the city, deserted and neglected for a long time and full of much rubbish, in which the pagans of old had performed rites to Mithras and sacrificed human beings. Constantius had earlier granted this to the church of the Alexandrians as unused. George, wishing to build a house of prayer on it, ordered the place to be cleaned out. During the clearing a shrine was found deep down, in which the mysteries of the pagans had been hidden. These were many skulls of men, young and old, who, it was long reported, had been killed when the pagans used divination by entrails and performed magical sacrifices, enchanting souls. The Christians, finding these in the shrine of the Mithraeum, were eager to expose the mysteries of the pagans to public ridicule, and at once paraded them, showing the bare skulls to the people. When the pagans of Alexandria saw this, they could not bear the disgrace of the matter and were kindled to anger. Making a weapon of whatever came to hand, they rushed against the Christians and killed many of them by every kind of contrivance: some they killed with swords, others with clubs and stones, others they strangled with ropes. Some they even crucified, inflicting this death in mockery of the cross; and most they wounded. Then, as usually happens in such cases, they did not spare even those nearest to them: friend struck friend, and they attacked brothers. So the Christians stopped clearing the Mithraeum; and the pagans dragged George out of the church, tied him to a camel, tore him to pieces, and burned him together with it.
3.3PG 67:381–387
Ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τοῦ Γεωργίου ἀναιρέσε: χαλεπήνας ὁ βασιλεὺς, δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς τοῦ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δήμου καθήψατο. Λόγος δὲ διεδόθτ,, ὡς ταῦτα εἰς Γεώργιον ἔδρασαν οἱ δι' ᾿Αθανάσιον ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες πρὸς αὐ τόν. Ἐγὼ δὲ ἡγοῦμαι μὲν καὶ τοὺς μισοῦντας ἐν ταῖς στάσεσι συνεπιτίθεσθαι τοῖς ἀδικοῦσιν. Ἡ μέντοι τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολὴ τῷ δήμῳ μᾶλλον, ἢ Χριστιανοῖς ἐγκαλεῖ. Ἐφάνη δὲ Γεώργιος, καὶ πρότερον καὶ μεταταῦτα βαρὺς γεγονὼς καὶ ὀχληρὸς τοῖς πᾶσι· καὶ διατοῦτο ἐξεκαύθη εἰς φιλονεικίαν τὰ πλήθη. Ὅτι δὲ τῷ δήμῳ μᾶλλον ἐγκαλεῖ, αὐτῆς ἐπἀκουε τῆς ἐπιστολῆς 4. Αὐτοκράτωρ Καῖσαρ Ἰουλιανός, Μέγιστος, Σεβαστός, Αλεξανδρέων τῷ δήμῳ. Εἰ μὴ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν οἰκιστὴν ὑμῶν, καὶ πρό γε τούτου, τὸν θεὸν τὸν μέγαν, τὸν ἀγιώτατον Σάὑμῶν παρώξυνεν · εἶτα εἰσήγαγεν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν ραπιν αἰδεῖσθε, τοῦ κοινοῦ γοῦν ὑμᾶς καὶ ἀνθρωπί νου καὶ πρέποντος, πῶς οὐδεὶς εἰσῆλθε λόγος; προσθήσω δὲ ὅτι καὶ ἡμῶν, οὓς οἱ θεοὶ πάντες, ἐν πρώ· τοις δὲ ὁ μέγας Σάραπις, ἄρχειν ἐδικαίωσαν τῆς οἱκουμένης. Οἷς πρέπον ἦν τὴν ὑπὲρ τῶν ἠδικηκότων ὑμᾶς φυλάξαι διάγνωσιν. Ἀλλ᾽ ὀργὴ τυχὸν ἴσως ὑμᾶς ἐξηπάτησε καὶ θυμὸς, ὅσπερ οὖν εἴωθε τὰ δεινὰ πράττειν, τὰς φρένας μετοικίσας· εἶτα τῆς ὁρμῆς ἀνα - στείλαντες, τῆς παραχρῆμα βεβουλευμένης καλῶς ὕστερον ἐπήγαγε τὴν παρανομίαν. Οὐδ᾽ ἡσχύνθητε δῆμος ὄντες τολμῆσαι ταῦτα, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἐκείνους ἐμισήσατε δικαίως. Εἴπατε γάρ μοι πρὸς τοῦ Σαράπιδος, ὑπὲρ ποίων ἀδικημάτων ἐχαλεπήνατε Γεωργίῳ. Τὸν μακαριώτατον Κωνστάντιον ἐρεῖτε δήπουθεν ὅτι καθ' πόλιν στρατόπεδον. Καὶ κατέλαβεν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὸ ἁγιώτατον τοῦ Θεοῦ τέμενος, ἀποσυλήσας ἐκεῖθεν εἰκόνας, καὶ ἀναθήματα, καὶ τὸν ἐν τοῖς ἱεροῖς κόσμον. Ὑμῶν δὲ ἀγανακτούντων εἰκότως, καὶ πειρωμένων ἀμύνειν τῷ Θεῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ τοῖς τοῦ Θεοῦ κτήμασιν, ὁ δὲ ἐτόλμησεν ὑμῖν ἐπιπέμψαι τοὺς ὀπλίτας, ἀδίκως, καὶ παρανόμως καὶ ἀσεβῶς. Ἴσως Γεώργιον μᾶλλον, ἢ τὸν Κωνστάντιον δεδοικώς, ἑαυτὸν παρἐφύλαττεν. Εἰς μετριώτερον ὑμῖν καὶ πολιτικώτερον, ἀλλὰ μὴ τυραννικώτερον πόρρωθεν προσεφέρετο. Τούτων οὖν ἕνεκεν ὀργιζόμενοι τῷ Θεοῖς ἐχθρῷ Γεωργίῳ, τὴν ἱερὰν αὖθις ἐμιάνατε πόλιν, ἐξὸν ὑποβάλλειν αὐτὸν ταῖς τῶν δικαστῶν ψήφοις. Οὕτω γὰρ ἐγίνετο ἂν οὐ φόνος, οὐδὲ παρανομία τὸ πρᾶγμα · δίκη δὲ ἐμμελὴς, ὑμᾶς μὲν ἀθώους πάντη φυλάττουσα, τιμωρουμένη μὲν τὸν ἀνίατα δυσσεβήσαντα, σωφρονίζουσα δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας, ὅσοι τῶν θεῶν ὀλιγωροῦσι, καὶ προσέτι τὰς τοιαύτας πόλεις καὶ τοὺς ἀνθοῦντας δήμους, ἐν οὐδενὶ τίθενται· τῶν ἑαυτῶν δὲ ποιοῦνται πάρεργον δυναστείας τὴν κατ᾿ ἐκείνων ὠμότητα. Παραβάλλετε τοίνυν ταύτην μου τὴν ἐπιστολὴν, ᾗ μικρῷ πρώην ἐπέστειλα· καὶ τὸ διάφορον κατανοήσατε, πόσους μὲν ὑμῶν ἐπαίνους ἔγραφον τότε. Νυνὶ δὲ, μὰ τοὺς θεοὺς, ὀφείλων ὑμᾶς ἐπαινεῖν, οὐ δύναμαι διὰ τὴν παρανομίαν. Τολμᾷ δῆμος ὥσπερ οἱ κύνες, ἄνθρωπον σπαράττειν. Εἶτα οὐκ αἰσχύνεται καὶ φυλάττειν καθαρὰς τὰς χεῖρας ὡς προσάγειν πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς, αἵματος καθαρευούσας. ᾿Αλλὰ Γεώργιος ἄξιος ἦν τοῦ τοιαῦτα παθεῖν. Καὶ τούτων ἴσως ἐγὼ φαίην ἂν χείρονα καὶ πικρότερα. Καὶ δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐρεῖτε · σύμφημι καὶ αὐτός· παρ᾽ ὑμῶν δὲ εἰ λέγοιτο τοῦτο, οὐκέτι συγχωρῶ. Νόμοι γὰρ ὑμῖν εἰσιν, οὓς χρὴ τιμᾶσθαι μάλιστα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων ἰδίᾳ καὶ στέργεσθαι. Πλὴν ἐπειδὴ συμβαίνει τῶν καθ᾿ ἕκαστόν τινας παρανομεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὰ κοινὰ γοῦν εὐνομεῖσθαι χρὴ, καὶ πειθαρχεῖν τοῖς νόμοις ὑμᾶς, καὶ μὴ παραβαίνειν ὅσαπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐνομίσθη καλῶς. Εὐτύχημα γέγονεν ὑμῖν, ἄνδρες ᾿Αλεξανδρεῖς, ἐπ᾿ ἐμοῦ πλημμελῆσαι τοιοῦτό τοι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὃς αἰδοῖ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ διὰ τὸν πάππον τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ ὁμώνυμον, ὃς ἦρξεν αὐτῆς τε Αἰγύπτου, καὶ τῆς ὑμετέρας πόλεως, ἀδελφικὴν ὑμῖν εὔνοιαν ἀποσώζω. Τὸ γὰρ τῆς ἐξουσίας ἀκαταφρόνητον, καὶ τὸ ἀπηνέστερον καὶ καθαρὸν τῆς ἀρχῆς, οὔποτε ἂν δήμου περιιδεῖν τόλμημα, μὴ καθάπερ νόσημα χαλεπὸν, πικροτέρῳ διακαθᾶραι φαρμάκῳ. Προσφέρω δὲ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν, δι᾽ ἄσπερ ἔναγχος ἔφην αἰτίας, τὸ προσηνέστατον, παραίνεσιν καὶ λόγους. Ὑφ᾽ ὧν εὖ οἶδ᾽ ὅτι πείσεσθε μᾶλλον, ἤπερ ἐστὲ, καθάπερ ἀκούω, τὸ τε ἀρχαῖον Ἕλληνες, καὶ τὰ νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς εὐγενείας ἐκείνης ὕπεστιν ὑμῖν ἀξιόλογος καὶ γενναῖος ἐν τῇ διανοίᾳ καὶ τοῖς ἐπιτηδεύμασιν ὁ χαρακτήρ. Προστεθήτω τοῖς ἐμοῖς πολίταις ᾿Αλεξανδρεῦσιν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς.
Epi men oun tou Geōrgiou anairese: chalepēnas ho basileus, di᾽ epistolēs tou ᾿Alexandreōn dēmou kathēpsato. Logos de diedotht,, hōs tauta eis Geōrgion edrasan hoi di' ᾿Athanasion apechthōs echontes pros au ton. Egō de hēgoumai men kai tous misountas en tais stasesi synepitithesthai tois adikousin. Hē mentoi tou basileōs epistolē tǭ dēmǭ mallon, ē Christianois enkalei. Ephanē de Geōrgios, kai proteron kai metatauta barys gegonōs kai ochlēros tois pasi; kai diatouto exekauthē eis philoneikian ta plēthē. Hoti de tǭ dēmǭ mallon enkalei, autēs epakoue tēs epistolēs 4. Autokratōr Kaisar Ioulianos, Megistos, Sebastos, Alexandreōn tǭ dēmǭ. Ei mē ton ᾿Alexandron ton oikistēn hymōn, kai pro ge toutou, ton theon ton megan, ton agiōtaton Saumōn parōxynen ; eita eisēgagen eis tēn hieran rapin aideisthe, tou koinou goun hymas kai anthrōpi nou kai prepontos, pōs oudeis eisēlthe logos? prosthēsō de hoti kai hēmōn, hous hoi theoi pantes, en prō; tois de ho megas Sarapis, archein edikaiōsan tēs hoikoumenēs. Hois prepon ēn tēn hyper tōn ēdikēkotōn hymas phylaxai diagnōsin. All᾽ orgē tychon isōs hymas exēpatēse kai thymos, hosper oun eiōthe ta deina prattein, tas phrenas metoikisas; eita tēs hormēs ana - steilantes, tēs parachrēma bebouleumenēs kalōs hysteron epēgage tēn paranomian. Oud᾽ hēschynthēte dēmos ontes tolmēsai tauta, eph᾽ hois ekeinous emisēsate dikaiōs. Eipate gar moi pros tou Sarapidos, hyper poiōn adikēmatōn echalepēnate Geōrgiǭ. Ton makariōtaton Kōnstantion ereite dēpouthen hoti kath' polin stratopedon. Kai katelaben ho basileus tēs Aigyptou to hagiōtaton tou Theou temenos, aposylēsas ekeithen eikonas, kai anathēmata, kai ton en tois hierois kosmon. Hymōn de aganaktountōn eikotōs, kai peirōmenōn amynein tǭ Theǭ, mallon de tois tou Theou ktēmasin, ho de etolmēsen hymin epipempsai tous oplitas, adikōs, kai paranomōs kai asebōs. Isōs Geōrgion mallon, ē ton Kōnstantion dedoikōs, heauton parephylatten. Eis metriōteron hymin kai politikōteron, alla mē tyrannikōteron porrōthen prosephereto. Toutōn oun heneken orgizomenoi tǭ Theois echthrǭ Geōrgiǭ, tēn hieran authis emianate polin, exon hypoballein auton tais tōn dikastōn psēphois. Houtō gar egineto an ou phonos, oude paranomia to pragma ; dikē de emmelēs, hymas men athōous pantē phylattousa, timōroumenē men ton aniata dyssebēsanta, sōphronizousa de tous allous pantas, hosoi tōn theōn oligōrousi, kai proseti tas toiautas poleis kai tous anthountas dēmous, en oudeni tithentai; tōn heautōn de poiountai parergon dynasteias tēn kat᾿ ekeinōn ōmotēta. Paraballete toinyn tautēn mou tēn epistolēn, hę̄ mikrǭ prōēn epesteila; kai to diaphoron katanoēsate, posous men hymōn epainous egraphon tote. Nyni de, ma tous theous, opheilōn hymas epainein, ou dynamai dia tēn paranomian. Tolmą dēmos hōsper hoi kynes, anthrōpon sparattein. Eita ouk aischynetai kai phylattein katharas tas cheiras hōs prosagein pros tous theous, haimatos kathareuousas. ᾿Alla Geōrgios axios ēn tou toiauta pathein. Kai toutōn isōs egō phaiēn an cheirona kai pikrotera. Kai di᾽ hymas ereite ; symphēmi kai autos; par᾽ hymōn de ei legoito touto, ouketi synchōrō. Nomoi gar hymin eisin, hous chrē timasthai malista men hypo pantōn idią kai stergesthai. Plēn epeidē symbainei tōn kath᾿ hekaston tinas paranomein, alla ta koina goun eunomeisthai chrē, kai peitharchein tois nomois hymas, kai mē parabainein hosaper ex archēs enomisthē kalōs. Eutychēma gegonen hymin, andres ᾿Alexandreis, ep᾿ emou plēmmelēsai toiouto toi pros hymas, hos aidoi tę̄ pros ton Theon, kai dia ton pappon ton emon kai homōnymon, hos ērxen autēs te Aigyptou, kai tēs hymeteras poleōs, adelphikēn hymin eunoian aposōzō. To gar tēs exousias akataphronēton, kai to apēnesteron kai katharon tēs archēs, oupote an dēmou periidein tolmēma, mē kathaper nosēma chalepon, pikroterǭ diakatharai pharmakǭ. Prospherō de egō hymin, di᾽ asper enanchos ephēn aitias, to prosēnestaton, parainesin kai logous. Hyph᾽ hōn eu oid᾽ hoti peisesthe mallon, ēper este, kathaper akouō, to te archaion Hellēnes, kai ta nyn epi tēs eugeneias ekeinēs hypestin hymin axiologos kai gennaios en tę̄ dianoią kai tois epitēdeumasin ho charaktēr. Prostethētō tois emois politais ᾿Alexandreusin. Toiauta men oun ho basileus.
The emperor, angry at George’s murder, rebuked the people of Alexandria by letter. A report spread that those who hated George on Athanasius’s account had done this to him. I think indeed that in riots those who hate join in attacking the wrongdoers; but the emperor’s letter blames the people rather than the Christians. George appears both before and afterwards to have been oppressive and troublesome to all, and for this reason the crowds were kindled to strife. That the emperor blames the people rather, hear from the letter itself:
“Imperator Caesar Julian, Maximus, Augustus, to the people of Alexandria. If you do not revere Alexander your founder, and before him the great god, the most holy Sarapis, how did no thought occur to you of what is common, human, and fitting? I will add also of us, whom all the gods, and first of all great Sarapis, have deemed worthy to rule the world, and to whom it would have been fitting to reserve the judgment on those who wronged you. But perhaps anger deceived you, and rage, which is wont to do terrible things, unseating the mind; then, when you had checked your impulse, it later added lawlessness to what had at first been well resolved. Nor were you ashamed, being a people, to dare those things for which you justly hated them. Tell me, by Sarapis, for what wrongs were you angry with George? You will say, no doubt, that he provoked the most blessed Constantius against you, and then brought an army into the holy city; and the governor of Egypt seized the god’s most holy precinct, stripping from it images, offerings, and the ornaments in the temples. When you were justly indignant and tried to defend the god, or rather the god’s possessions, he dared to send troops against you, unjustly, lawlessly, and impiously, fearing George, perhaps, more than Constantius. He would have kept himself safer if from the first he had dealt with you more moderately and civilly, and not tyrannically. Angry, then, for these reasons with George, the enemy of the gods, you again polluted the holy city, when you could have submitted him to the votes of the judges. So the thing would have been not murder nor lawlessness, but fitting justice, keeping you wholly guiltless, punishing him who had been incurably impious, and correcting all the others who slight the gods and, moreover, count such cities and flourishing peoples as nothing, and make cruelty against them a side task of their own power. Compare, then, this letter of mine with the one I sent you a little while ago, and note the difference: how many praises of you I wrote then. Now, by the gods, though I ought to praise you, I cannot, because of your lawlessness. A people dares, like dogs, to tear a man apart, and then is not ashamed but keeps its hands, as if pure, to bring before the gods, as though clean of blood! But George deserved to suffer such things. And perhaps I would say worse and more bitter things than these. And you will say that it was on your account. I agree myself; but if you say that it was for you to inflict it, I no longer allow it. For you have laws, which ought above all to be honoured and loved by all individually. Since it happens that some individuals break the law, yet the community at least ought to be well governed, and you ought to obey the laws and not transgress what was rightly established from the beginning. It has been your good fortune, men of Alexandria, to commit such an offence in my time, who, out of reverence for the god and for my grandfather and namesake, who governed Egypt itself and your city, keep a brotherly goodwill towards you. For the dignity of power and the stricter and purer sort of rule would never overlook a people’s daring, but would purge it, like a grievous disease, with a more bitter medicine. But for the reasons I have just stated, I offer you the gentlest remedy, exhortation and words, by which I know well you will be persuaded the more, since you are, as I hear, Greeks of old, and even now the character remaining in you from that noble descent is notable and noble in mind and in practice. Let it be posted for my citizens of Alexandria.” Such was the emperor’s letter.
3.4PG 67:387
Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τῆς φυγῆς κατελθόντα ᾿Αθανάσιον, ἀσμένως ὁ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων λαὸς ἐδέξατο· ἐξώθησαν τότε ἐκ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοὺς τοῦ ᾿Αριανοῦ δόγματος· παραδιδόασι δὲ ᾿Αθανασίῳ τοὺς εὐκτηρίους τόπους. Οἱ δὲ ἀρειανίζοντες, ἐν οἰκίσκοις ἀσήμοις Ει συναγόμενοι, εἰς τόπον Γεωργίου Λούκιον προχειρίζονται. Ἐν· τοιαύτῃ μὲν δὴ καταστάσει τὰ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἦν.
Ouk eis makran tēs phygēs katelthonta ᾿Athanasion, asmenōs ho tōn ᾿Alexandreōn laos edexato; exōthēsan tote ek tōn ekklēsiōn tous tou ᾿Arianou dogmatos; paradidoasi de ᾿Athanasiǭ tous euktērious topous. Hoi de areianizontes, en oikiskois asēmois Ei synagomenoi, eis topon Geōrgiou Loukion procheirizontai. En; toiautę̄ men dē katastasei ta kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian ēn.
Not long afterwards Athanasius returned from his flight, and the people of the Alexandrians received him gladly. They then drove those of the Arian doctrine out of the churches and handed over the houses of prayer to Athanasius. The Arians, gathering in obscure little houses, put forward Lucius in place of George. Such was the state of affairs at Alexandria.
3.5PG 67:387
Ἐν δὲ δὴ τῷδε τῷ χρόνῳ Λούκιφερ καὶ Εὐσέβιος, προστάγματι τοῦ βασιλέως, τῆς ἐξορίας ἀνακέκληντο· Λούκιφερ μὲν Καράλων ἐπίσκοπος ῾, ἡ ἐστι πόλις Σαρδανίας· Εὐσέβιος δὲ Βρεκέλλων· πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ Λιγύων, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. ῎Αμφω οὖν τῶν ἄνω Θηβῶν τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανιόντες, σύμβουλον ἐποιοῦντο, τίνα τρόπον τὸν τῆς Ἐχκλησίας κανόνα διαφθειρόμενον μὴ παρίδωσιν.
En de dē tǭde tǭ chronǭ Loukipher kai Eusebios, prostagmati tou basileōs, tēs exorias anakeklēnto; Loukipher men Karalōn episkopos ῾, hē esti polis Sardanias; Eusebios de Brekellōn; polis de hautē tōn en Italią Ligyōn, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. ᾿Amphō oun tōn anō Thēbōn tēs exorias epaniontes, symboulon epoiounto, tina tropon ton tēs Echklēsias kanona diaphtheiromenon mē paridōsin.
At this time Lucifer and Eusebius were recalled from exile by the emperor’s order: Lucifer, bishop of Cagliari, a city of Sardinia, and Eusebius of Vercelli, a city of the Ligurians in Italy, as I said before. Both, returning from their exile in the Upper Thebaid, took counsel how they might not overlook the rule of the church being corrupted.
3.6PG 67:387–389
· Ἐδόκει οὖν, Λουκίφερα μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν παραγενέσθαι, Εὐσέβιον δὲ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν· ὅπως ἂν σύνοδον ἅμα ᾿Αθανασίῳ ἀθροίσαντες, τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας κρατύνωσι δόγματα. Λούκιφερ μὲν οὖν διάκονον εἰς τὸν αὐτοῦ τόπον ἀποστέλλει, δι' οὗ στέρξειν ὡμολόγει τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου τυπούμενα. Αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν χωρήσας, εὑρίσκει τεταραγμένην τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν· ἐδιχονόει γὰρ τὰ πλήθη πρὸς ἑαυτά. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον ἡ ᾿Αρειανὴ αἵρεσις ὑπὸ Εύζωΐου τυγχάνουσα τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἐχώριζεν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ, ὡς ἤδη πρότερον ἔφην, καὶ οἱ Μελετίῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες, ἐν σπουδῇ τῇ περὶ τὸν καθηγητὴν, πρὸς τοὺς ὁμόφρονας διεκρίνοντο. Καταστήσας οὖν Παυλῖνον ἐπίσκοπον αὐτοῖς, αὖθις ἀπεχώρει.
; Edokei oun, Loukiphera men epi tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian paragenesthai, Eusebion de ep᾿ ᾿Alexandreian; hopōs an synodon hama ᾿Athanasiǭ athroisantes, ta tēs Ekklēsias kratynōsi dogmata. Loukipher men oun diakonon eis ton autou topon apostellei, di' hou sterxein hōmologei ta hypo tēs synodou typoumena. Autos de epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian chōrēsas, heuriskei tetaragmenēn tēn Ekklēsian; edichonoei gar ta plēthē pros heauta. Ou gar monon hē ᾿Areianē hairesis hypo Euzōïou tynchanousa tēn Ekklēsian echōrizen; alla gar kai, hōs ēdē proteron ephēn, kai hoi Meletiǭ akolouthēsantes, en spoudę̄ tę̄ peri ton kathēgētēn, pros tous homophronas diekrinonto. Katastēsas oun Paulinon episkopon autois, authis apechōrei.
It was decided, then, that Lucifer should go to Antioch in Syria and Eusebius to Alexandria, so that by assembling a synod together with Athanasius they might confirm the doctrines of the church. Lucifer sent a deacon in his place, through whom he promised to accept what the synod should lay down. He himself went to Antioch and found the church troubled, for the people were divided among themselves. Not only did the Arian heresy under Euzoius separate the church, but also, as I said before, those who followed Meletius, in their devotion to their leader, kept apart from those who shared their opinion. So, having appointed Paulinus bishop for them, he went away again.
3.7PG 67:389–395
Εὐσέβιος δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, σπουδαιότερον ἅμα ᾿Αθανασίῳ συνεκρότει τὴν σύνοδον. Συνῆλθόν τε ἐκ διαφόρων πόλεων ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ περὶ πλείστων καὶ ἀναγκαιοτάτων λόγους ἐγύμνασαν. "Ενθα καὶ τὸ ἅγιον Πνεῦμα θεολογήσαντες, τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ Τριάδι συνανελαμβάνοντο. Καὶ τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, οὐ μόνον ἔνσαρκον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐμψυχωμένον ἀπεφήναντο, ᾗ καὶ πάλαι τοῖς ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἐδόκει. Οὐ γὰρ νεαράν τινα θρησκείαν ἐπι - νοήσαντες εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἰσήγαγον, ἀλλὰ ἄπερ ἐξ ἀρχῆς καὶ ἡ ἐκκλησιαστικὴ παράδοσις ἔλεγε, καὶ ἀποδεικτικῶς παρὰ τοῖς Χριστιανῶν σοφοῖς ἐφιλοσοφεῖτο. Οὕτω γὰρ πάντες οἱ παλαιότεροι περὶ τούτου λόγον γυμνάσαντες, ἔγγραφον ἡμῖν κατέλιπον. Καὶ γὰρ Εἰρηναῖός τε καὶ Κλήμης, ᾿Απολινάριός τε ὁ Ἱεροπολίτης, καὶ Σαραπίων ὁ τῆς ἐν Ἀντιοχεία προεστὼς ἐκκλησίας, Ἐμψυχον τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα, ἐν τοῖς πονηθεῖσιν αὐτοῖς λόγοις ὡς ὁμολογούμενον Eναιη αὐτοῖς φάσκουσιν· οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ διὰ Βήρυλλον τὸν Φιλαδελφίας τῆς ἐν ᾿Αραβίᾳ ἐπίσκοπον γενομένη σύνοδος, γράφουσα Βηρύλλῳ, τὰ αὐτὰ παραδέδωκεν. Ωριγένης δὲ πανταχοῦ μὲν ἐν τοῖς φερομένοις αὐτοῦ βιβλίοις, ἔμψυχον τὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα οἶδεν. Ἰδικῶς δὲ, ὁ εἰς τὴν Γένεσιν αὐτῷ πεπονημένος ἔννατος τόμος, τὸ περὶ τούτου μυστήριον ἐφανέρωσεν, ἔνθα ᾿Αδὰμ μὲν τὸν Χριστὸν, Εὔαν δὲ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εἶναι πλατύτερον κατεσκεύασε. Μάρτυρες τούτων ἀξιόπιστοι, ὅ τε ἱερὸς Πάμφιλος, καὶ ὁ ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρηματίζων Εὐσέβιος. ῎Αμφω γὰρ κοινῇ τὸν Ωριγένους παρατιθέμενοι βίον, καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἐκ προλήψεως ἀπεχθανομένους πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα ἀπαντῶντες, ἐνδόξοις βιβλίοις ἀπολογίαν ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ποιούμενοι, οὐ πρῶτον Ωριγένην ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν πραγματείαν ἐλθεῖν φασιν, ἀλλὰ τὴν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας μυστικὴν ἑρμηνεῦσαι παράδοσιν. Κἀκεῖνοι δὲ οἱ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ συνόδῳ παρόντες, οὐκ ἀβασάνιστον εἴασαν, φημὶ δὴ τὸ περὶ οὐσίας καὶ ὑποστάσεως 8, Ὅσιος γὰρ ὁ Κοδρούβης τῆς ἐν Ἱσπανίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος, οὗ καὶ ἔμπροσθεν πεποιήμεθα μνήμην, ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως Κωνσταντίνου εἰς τὸ κατασβέσαι τὴν τότε ὑπὸ τοῦ Ἀρείου γενομένην ταραχήν προαποσταλεὶς, τὸ Σαβελλίου τοῦ Λίβυος ἐκβαλεῖν δόγμα προθυμούμενος, τὴν περὶ οὐσίας καὶ ὑποστάσεως πεποίηται ζήτησιν, ἥτις καὶ αὐτὴ ἑτέρας ἐρεσχελίας ὑπόθεσις γέγονεν. ᾿Αλλὰ τότε μὲν ἡ ἐν Νικαίᾳ ἐπιγενομένη σύνοδος, περὶ τὴν τούτου ζήτησιν οὐδὲ λόγου ἠξίωσεν · ἐπεὶ δὲ μεταταῦτά τινες περὶ τούτου ἐρεσχελεῖν ἤθελον, διατοῦτο ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ συνόδῳ, περὶ οὐσίας τε καὶ ὑποστάσεως τάδε ἀπεφήναντο· Οὐκ ἐπὶ Θεοῦ δεῖν ἔφασαν ταύταις χρῆσθαι ταῖς λέξεσιν. Οὐσίαν μὲν γὰρ μηδὲ ὠνομάσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων· τῷ δὲ τῆς ὑποστάσεως ὀνόματι καταχρήσασθαι τὸν ᾿Απόστολον τῇ τῶν δογμάτων ἀνάγκῃ. καθ' ἕτερον δὲ λόγον προσπαραλαμβάνειν τὰς λέξεις ἐδογμάτισαν, ὅτ᾽ ἂν τὴν Σαβελλίου δόξαν ἐκβάλλωσιν, ἵνα μὴ στενώσει τῶν λέξεων, ὡς ἓν πρᾶγμα τριώνυμον νομίζωμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕκαστον τῶν ὀνομαζομένων περὶ τῆς Τριάδος, ἐν ἰδίᾳ ὑποστάσει θεολογοῖτο. Ταῦτα μὲν τότε ἡ σύνοδος. "Α δὲ ἡμεῖς περὶ οὐσίας ὑποστάσεως ἴσμεν, οὐδὲν κωλύει διὰ βραἃ ὑπόστασιν. χέων εἰπεῖν. ΟἹ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν παρ᾽ “Ἕλλησι φίαν ἐκθέμενοι, τὴν μὲν οὐσίαν πολλαχῶς ὡρίσατο " ὑποστάσεω: δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἡντιναοῦν μγήμην πεποίηνται. Εἰρηναῖος δὲ ὁ γραμματικὸς ἐν τῷ κατὰ στοιχεῖον ᾿Αττιχιστῇ, βάρβαρον ἀποχατὴν λέξιν. Μηδὲ γὰρ παρά τιν τῶν παλαιῶν εἰρῆσθαι. Εἰ δέ καὶ ηὕρηται, μὴ ταῦτα σημαίνειν, ἐφ' ὧν νῦν παραλαμθάνεται. Παρὰ μὲν γὰρ Σοφοχλεῖ ἐν Φοίνιχι ἐνέδραν στμαίνειν τὴν ὑπόστασιν. Παρὰ δὲ Μενάνδρῳ, τὰ χαρυχεύματα, ὡς εἴ τις λέγοι τὴν ἐν τῷ πίθῳ τοῦ οἴνου τρύγα, ὑπόστασιν. Ἰστέον μέντοι ὅτι εἰ οἱ παλαιοὶ φιλό - σοφοι τὴν λέξιν παρέλιπον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως οἱ τῶν φιλοσόφων συνεχῶς ἀντὶ τῆς οὐσίας, τῇ λέξει τῆς ὑποστάσεως ἀπεχρήσαντο. Οὐσίας δὲ τὸν ὅρον, ὡς ἔφαμεν, διαφόρως ἀποδεδώχασιν. Εἰ δὲ ὅρῳ ἡ οὐσία περιλαμθάνεται, πῶς ἐπὶ Θεοῦ τοῦ μὴ δυναμένου περιληφθῆναι, χυρίω: τῇ λέξει χρησαίμεθα ; Εὐάγριος δὲ ἐν τῷ Μοναχιχῷ, προπετῶς μὲν ἀπερισκέπτως θεολογεῖν ἀποσυμθουλεύει " ὁρίζεσθαι δὲ ὡς ἁπλοῦν τὸ Θεῖον πάντη ἀπαγορεύει. Τῶν γὰρ συνθέτων τοὺς ὅρους φησίν. Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς ταῦτα λέξιν διδάσκει. Πᾶσα πρότασις, ἢ γένος ἔχε: χατηγορούμενον, ἣ διαφορὰν,ἣ εἶδος, ἢ ἴδιον, ἢ συ".δεθηχὸς, ἣ τὸ τούτων συγχείμενον, οὐδὲν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς ἁγίας Τριάδος τῶν εἰρημένων ἔστι λαθεῖν. Σιωπῇ προτχυνείσθω τὸ ἄῤῥητον. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ Εὐάγριος, περὶ οὗ εἰς ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ εἰ καὶ ἐν παρεχθάσει δοχοῦμεν ταῦτα εἰρηκέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς χρησίμὼν τῇ ὑποθέσει τῆς ἱστορίας μονεύσαμεν
Eusebios de katalabōn tēn ᾿Alexandreian, spoudaioteron hama ᾿Athanasiǭ synekrotei tēn synodon. Synēlthon te ek diaphorōn poleōn episkopoi, kai peri pleistōn kai anankaiotatōn logous egymnasan. "Entha kai to hagion Pneuma theologēsantes, tę̄ homoousiǭ Triadi synanelambanonto. Kai ton enanthrōpēsanta, ou monon ensarkon, alla kai empsychōmenon apephēnanto, hę̄ kai palai tois ekklēsiastikois andrasin edokei. Ou gar nearan tina thrēskeian epi - noēsantes eis tēn Ekklēsian eisēgagon, alla aper ex archēs kai hē ekklēsiastikē paradosis elege, kai apodeiktikōs para tois Christianōn sophois ephilosopheito. Houtō gar pantes hoi palaioteroi peri toutou logon gymnasantes, engraphon hēmin katelipon. Kai gar Eirēnaios te kai Klēmēs, ᾿Apolinarios te ho Hieropolitēs, kai Sarapiōn ho tēs en Antiocheia proestōs ekklēsias, Empsychon ton enanthrōpēsanta, en tois ponētheisin autois logois hōs homologoumenon Enaiē autois phaskousin; ou mēn alla kai hē dia Bēryllon ton Philadelphias tēs en ᾿Arabią episkopon genomenē synodos, graphousa Bēryllǭ, ta auta paradedōken. Ōrigenēs de pantachou men en tois pheromenois autou bibliois, empsychon ton enanthrōpēsanta oiden. Idikōs de, ho eis tēn Genesin autǭ peponēmenos ennatos tomos, to peri toutou mystērion ephanerōsen, entha ᾿Adam men ton Christon, Euan de tēn Ekklēsian einai platyteron kateskeuase. Martyres toutōn axiopistoi, ho te hieros Pamphilos, kai ho ex autou chrēmatizōn Eusebios. ᾿Amphō gar koinę̄ ton Ōrigenous paratithemenoi bion, kai pros tous ek prolēpseōs apechthanomenous pros ton andra apantōntes, endoxois bibliois apologian hyper autou poioumenoi, ou prōton Ōrigenēn epi tautēn tēn pragmateian elthein phasin, alla tēn tēs Ekklēsias mystikēn hermēneusai paradosin. Kakeinoi de hoi en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią synodǭ parontes, ouk abasaniston eiasan, phēmi dē to peri ousias kai hypostaseōs 8, Hosios gar ho Kodroubēs tēs en Hispanią episkopos, hou kai emprosthen pepoiēmetha mnēmēn, hypo tou basileōs Kōnstantinou eis to katasbesai tēn tote hypo tou Areiou genomenēn tarachēn proapostaleis, to Sabelliou tou Libyos ekbalein dogma prothymoumenos, tēn peri ousias kai hypostaseōs pepoiētai zētēsin, hētis kai autē heteras ereschelias hypothesis gegonen. ᾿Alla tote men hē en Nikaią epigenomenē synodos, peri tēn toutou zētēsin oude logou ēxiōsen ; epei de metatauta tines peri toutou ereschelein ēthelon, diatouto en tautę̄ tę̄ synodǭ, peri ousias te kai hypostaseōs tade apephēnanto; Ouk epi Theou dein ephasan tautais chrēsthai tais lexesin. Ousian men gar mēde ōnomasthai hypo tōn hierōn Grammatōn; tǭ de tēs hypostaseōs onomati katachrēsasthai ton ᾿Apostolon tę̄ tōn dogmatōn anankę̄. kath' heteron de logon prosparalambanein tas lexeis edogmatisan, hot᾽ an tēn Sabelliou doxan ekballōsin, hina mē stenōsei tōn lexeōn, hōs hen pragma triōnymon nomizōmen, all᾽ hekaston tōn onomazomenōn peri tēs Triados, en idią hypostasei theologoito. Tauta men tote hē synodos. "A de hēmeis peri ousias hypostaseōs ismen, ouden kōlyei dia braa hypostasin. cheōn eipein. HoI tēn Hellēnikēn par᾽ “Hellēsi phian ekthemenoi, tēn men ousian pollachōs hōrisato " hypostaseō: de oud᾽ hēntinaoun mgēmēn pepoiēntai. Eirēnaios de ho grammatikos en tǭ kata stoicheion ᾿Attichistę̄, barbaron apochatēn lexin. Mēde gar para tin tōn palaiōn eirēsthai. Ei de kai hēurētai, mē tauta sēmainein, eph' hōn nyn paralamthanetai. Para men gar Sophochlei en Phoinichi enedran stmainein tēn hypostasin. Para de Menandrǭ, ta charycheumata, hōs ei tis legoi tēn en tǭ pithǭ tou oinou tryga, hypostasin. Isteon mentoi hoti ei hoi palaioi philo - sophoi tēn lexin parelipon, all᾽ homōs hoi tōn philosophōn synechōs anti tēs ousias, tę̄ lexei tēs hypostaseōs apechrēsanto. Ousias de ton horon, hōs ephamen, diaphorōs apodedōchasin. Ei de horǭ hē ousia perilamthanetai, pōs epi Theou tou mē dynamenou perilēphthēnai, chyriō: tę̄ lexei chrēsaimetha ? Euagrios de en tǭ Monachichǭ, propetōs men aperiskeptōs theologein aposymthouleuei " horizesthai de hōs haploun to Theion pantē apagoreuei. Tōn gar synthetōn tous horous phēsin. Ho de autos tauta lexin didaskei. Pasa protasis, ē genos eche: chatēgoroumenon, hē diaphoran,hē eidos, ē idion, ē sy".dethēchos, hē to toutōn syncheimenon, ouden de epi tēs hagias Triados tōn eirēmenōn esti lathein. Siōpę̄ protchyneisthō to arrhēton. Tauta men oun ho Euagrios, peri hou eis hysteron eroumen. Hēmeis de ei kai en parechthasei dochoumen tauta eirēkenai, all᾽ hōs chrēsimōn tę̄ hypothesei tēs historias moneusamen
Eusebius, reaching Alexandria, zealously convened the synod together with Athanasius. Bishops gathered from various cities and discussed very many and most necessary matters. There, declaring the divinity of the Holy Spirit, they included him in the homoousian Trinity; and they declared that he who became man was not only in flesh but also ensouled, as the men of the church had long held. For they did not devise some new religion and bring it into the church, but what church tradition said from the beginning and what was philosophically demonstrated by the wise among Christians. For so all the more ancient writers who discussed this left it to us in writing. Irenaeus and Clement, Apollinaris of Hierapolis, and Serapion who presided over the church at Antioch, speak in the works they composed of him who became man as ensouled, as something agreed upon by them. Moreover the synod held on account of Beryllus, bishop of Philadelphia in Arabia, writing to Beryllus, handed down the same. Origen everywhere in his extant books knows him who became man as ensouled; but in particular the ninth tome he composed on Genesis revealed the mystery concerning this, where he argued at length that Adam is Christ and Eve the church. Trustworthy witnesses of these things are the holy Pamphilus and Eusebius, named after him. Both of them together, setting out the life of Origen and answering those who from prejudice were hostile to the man, making a defence for him in famous books, say that Origen was not the first to undertake this subject, but interpreted the mystical tradition of the church.
Those present at the synod in Alexandria also did not leave unexamined the question about essence and hypostasis. For Hosius, bishop of Corduba in Spain, whom we have mentioned before, sent beforehand by the emperor Constantine to quench the disturbance then caused by Arius, in his eagerness to cast out the doctrine of Sabellius the Libyan, raised the question about essence and hypostasis, which itself became the occasion of another wrangle. At that time the synod held afterwards at Nicaea did not think the question worth a word; but since afterwards some wished to wrangle about it, at this synod they declared the following about essence and hypostasis. They said that these words ought not to be used of God; for “essence” is not named in the sacred writings, and the apostle misused the name “hypostasis” under the necessity of doctrine. But they decreed that the words are to be admitted in another sense when they cast out the opinion of Sabellius, so that we may not, through poverty of words, think of one thing with three names, but that each of those named in the Trinity may be spoken of in its own hypostasis. This is what the synod then declared.
What we know about essence and hypostasis nothing prevents us from saying briefly. Those who set out Greek philosophy among the Greeks defined essence in many ways, but made no mention at all of hypostasis. Irenaeus the grammarian, in his alphabetical Atticist, calls the word barbarous, for it was not used by any of the ancients; and if it is found, it does not mean what it is now taken to mean. In Sophocles’ Phoenix hypostasis means “an ambush”; in Menander, “seasonings”, as if one were to call the lees of wine in the jar hypostasis. It should be known, however, that although the ancient philosophers passed over the word, later philosophers constantly used the word hypostasis instead of essence. The definition of essence, as we said, they have given variously. But if essence is comprehended by a definition, how could we properly use the word of God, who cannot be comprehended? Evagrius in his Monachicus advises against speaking of God rashly and thoughtlessly, and forbids altogether defining the Godhead, since it is simple; for definitions, he says, belong to compound things. The same author teaches word for word as follows: “Every proposition has as predicate either a genus, or a difference, or a species, or a property, or an accident, or what is composed of these; but none of these can be found in the holy Trinity. Let the inexpressible be worshipped in silence.” So says Evagrius, of whom we shall speak later. Though we seem to have said these things in a digression, we have mentioned them as useful to the subject of the history.
3.8PG 67:395–403
᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ καὶ τὸν περὶ τῆς φυγῆς ἀπολογητικὸν λόγον πάλαι πεπονημένον αὐτῷ, ἐπὶ τῶν παρόντων τότε διεξῆλθεν, Οὗ μέρη τὰ χρήσιμα ἐπωφεἐνταῦθα προσγράφων, τὸν ὅλον λόγον πολύστιχον ὄντα, ζητεῖν καὶ ἀναγινώσκειν τοῖς φιλοπόνοις ἀνῆκα. Ἰδοὺ ταῦτα · τῶν ἀσεβῶν τὰ τολμήματα. Ταῦτα δρῶντες, καὶ μὴ ἐντραπέντες ἐφ᾽ οἷς πρότερον καθ᾿ ἡμῶν ἑτυράννευσαν κακοῖς, ἔτι καὶ νῦν κατηγοροῦσιν ἐκφυγεῖν δυνηθέντας αὐτῶν τὰς ἀνδροφόνους χεῖρας· μᾶλλον δὲ ὀδύρονται πικρῶς, ὅτι μὴ καὶ ἐκποδὼν τέλεον πεποιήκασι. Καὶ λοιπὸν προφασίζονται δειλίαν ὀνειδίζοντες, ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι καὶ τοῦτο γογγύζοντες, εἰς ἑαυτοὺς ἐπιστρέφουσι μᾶλλον τὴν μέμψιν. Εἰ γὰρ φαῦλον τὸ φεύγειν, πολλῷ χεῖρον τὸ διώκειν. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ, ἵνα μὴ ἀποθάνῃ, κρύπτεται· ὁ δὲ, διώκει ζητῶν ἀποκτεῖναι. Καὶ τὸ μὲν φεύγειν γέγραπται · ὁ δὲ ζητῶν ἀναιρῆσαι, παραβαίνει τὸν νόμον, καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτὸς τὴν πρόφασιν τοῦ φεύγειν παρέχει. Εἴπερ οὖν τὴν φυγὴν ὀνειδίζουσιν, ἐντρεπέτωσαν πλέον ἑαυτοὺς οἱ διώκοντες· παυέσθωσαν ἐπιβουλεύοντες, καὶ παύονται καὶ οἱ φεύγοντες εὐθύς. Ἀλλὰ τῆς μὲν ἰδίας πονηρίας οὐ παύονται· τοῦ δὲ καταβαλεῖν ὁ ἕνεκα, πάντα πράττουσιν · εἰδότες ὅτι τῶν διωκομένων ἡ φυγή, μέγας ἔλεγχός ἐστι κατὰ τῶν διωκόντων. Οὐδεὶς γὰρ τὸν πρᾶον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον φεύγει, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον τὸν ἄγριον καὶ πονηρὸν ὄντα τὸν τρόπον. Πᾶς γὰρ κατώδυνος καὶ ὑπόχρεως, ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ Σαούλ ἔφευγε, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Δαβὶδ κατέφευγε. Διατοῦτο καὶ οὗτοι τοὺς κρυπτομένους αὐτοῖς· ἀναιρεῖν σπουδάζουσιν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ δοκεῖν ἔχειν τῆς ἑαυτῶν πονηρίας τὸν ἔλεγχον. Ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐν τούτῳ δοκοῦσιν τυφλώττειν οἱ πλανώμενοι. Ὅσῳ γὰρ ἡ φυγὴ πρόδηλος, τοσούτῳ πλέον ἡ ἐξ ἐπιβουλῆς γιγνομένη παρ' αὐτῶν ἀναίρεσις καὶ ἐξορία, προφανεστέρα γενήσεται. Αν τε γὰρ ἀποκτείνωσιν, ὁ θάνατος μεῖζον ον ἠχήσει κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. ῎Αν τε πάλιν ἐξορίσωσι, πανταχοῦ καθ' ἑαυτῶν αὐτοὶ μνημεῖα τῆς παρανομίας ἐξαποστέλλουσιν. Εἱ μὲν οὖν ἔσωζον τὰς φρένας, ἔβλεπον ἑαυτοὺς ἐν τούτοις συνεχομένους, καὶ τοῖς ἑαυτῶν προσκόπτοντας λογισμοῖς. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ τὸ σωφρονεῖν ἀπώλεσαν, διατοῦτο καὶ διώκοντες ἐξάγονται, καὶ ζητοῦντες ἀνελεῖν, οὐχ ὁρῶσιν ἑαυτῶν τὴν ἀσέβειαν. Εἰ γὰρ λοιδοροῦσι τοὺς κρυπτομένους ἀπὸ τῶν ζητούντων ἀνελεῖν, καὶ διαβάλλουσι τοὺς φεύγοντας ἀπὸ τῶν διωκόντων, τί ποιήσουσιν ὁρῶντες τὸν μὲν Ἰακὼβ φεύγοντα τὸν ἀδελφὸν Ἰσαῦ· τὸν δὲ Μωϋσῆν εἰς Μαδιὰν ἀναχωροῦντα διὰ τὸν φόβον τοῦ Φαραώ, Τί δὲ τοιαῦτα φλυαροῦντες ἀπολογήσονται τῷ Δαβίδ φεύγοντι τὸν Σαούλ, ἀπὸ τῆς οἰκίας ἀποστείλαντα αὐτὸν ἀναιρεθῆναι, καὶ κρυπτομένῳ μὲν αὐτῷ ἐν τῷ σπηλαίῳ, καὶ ἀλλοιοῦντι τὸ πρόσωπον ἑαυτοῦ, ἕως οὗ παρέλθῃ τὸν ᾿Αβιμέλεχ, καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκκλίνῃ; Τί δ᾽ ἂν εἴποιεν οἱ πάντα λέγοντες εὐχερῶς, τὸν μέγαν Ἠλίαν ὁρῶντες, ἐπικαλούμενον μὲν τὸν Θεὸν, καὶ νεκρὸν ἐγείραντα, κρυπτόμενον δὲ διὰ τὸν Αχαάμ, καὶ φεύγοντα διὰ τὰς ἀπειλὰς τῆς Ἱεζάβελ ; Τότε γὰρ ζητούμενοι καὶ οἱ υἱοὶ προφητῶν ἐκρύπτοντο, λανθάνοντες ἐν τοῖς σπηλαίοις παρὰ τῷ ᾿Αβδίᾳ 1. Η τούτοις μὲν ὡς παλαιοῖς οὐκ ἐνέτυχον ; Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὸ Εὐαγγέλιον, οὐδεμίαν μνήμην ἔχουσι. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ διὰ τὸν φόβον τῶν Ἰουδαίων, ἀνεχώρουν κρυπτόμενοι· καὶ ὁ Παῦλος ἐν Δαμασκῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἐθνάρχου ζητούμενος, ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ἐν σαργάνῃ κεχάλασται, καὶ ἐξέφυγε τοῦ ζητοῦντος τὰς χεῖρας. Τῆς τοίνυν Γραφῆς τοιαῦτα λεγούσης περὶ τῶν ἁγίων, ποίαν ἄρα πρόφασιν τῆς ἑαυτῶν προπετείας ἐξευρεῖν δυνήσονται; Αν τε γὰρ δειλίαν ὀνειδί σωσι, κατ' αὐτῶν ὡς μαινομένων τὸ τόλμημα. Κάν τε ὡς παρὰ τὸ βούλημα τοῦ Θεοῦ ποιοῦντας αὐτοὺς διαβάλλουσιν, οὐκ εἰδότες εἰσὶ παντελῶς τὰς Γραφάς. Ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῷ νόμῳ, πρόσταξις ἦν ἐκταγῆναι καὶ πόλεις φυγαδευτηρίους, ὑπὲρ τοῦ τοὺς ζητουμένους εἰς θάνατον, ὅπως δήποτε δύνασθαι διασώζεσθαι. Ἐπὶ δὲ συντελείᾳ τῶν αἰώνων παραγενόμενος αὐτὸς, ὁ τῷ Μωϋσῇ λαλήσας Λόγος τοῦ Πατρὸς, πάλιν ἐντολὴν ταύτην δίδωσι λέγων· "Οταν δὲ διώκωσιν ὑμᾶς, ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης φεύγετε εἰς τὴν ἑτέραν. Καὶ μετ' ὀλίγα φησίν· Ὅταν οὖν ἴδητε τὸ βδέλυγμα τῆς ἐρημώσεως τὸ ῥηθὲν διὰ Δανιὴλ τοῦ προφήτου, ἑστὼς ἐν τόπῳ ἁγίῳ· ὁ ἀναγινώσκων νοείτω· τότε οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἰουδαία φευγέτωσαν εἰς τὰ ὄρη. Ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ δώματος, μὴ καταβήτω ἆραι τὰ ἐκ τῆς οἰκίας αὐτοῦ· ὁ ἐν τῷ ἀγρῷ μὴ ἐπιστρεψάτω ἆραι τὰ ἱμάτια αὐτοῦ. Ταῦτα γὰρ εἰδότες οἱ ἅγιοι, τοιαύτην εἶχον τῆς πολιτείας ἀγωγήν. "Α γὰρ νῦν προσέταξεν ὁ Κύριος, ταῦτα καὶ πρὸ τῆς ἐνσάρκου παρουσίας ἐν τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐλάλει. Καί ἐστιν οὗτος ὅρος ἀνθρώποις εἰς τελειότητα φέρων, ὃ δ᾽ ἂν ὁ Θεὸς προστάξῃ, τοῦτο ποιεῖν. Διατοῦτο καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Λόγος, δι᾽ ἡμᾶς γενόμενος ἄνθρωπος, κατηξίωσε ζητούμενος ὡς ἡμεῖς κρυβῆναι, καὶ πάλιν διωκόμενος φεύγειν, καὶ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν ἐκκλῖναι. Ἔπρεπε γὰρ αὐτὸν, ὡς ἐκ τοῦ πεινῇν καὶ διψῇν καὶ τοῦτο παθεῖν, οὕτω καὶ ἐκ τούτου δεικνύειν ἑαυτὸν ἐνανθρωπήσαντα. Ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν ἅμα τῷ γενέσθαι ἄνθρωπος, ὅτε παιδίον ἦν αὐτὸς, διὰ τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἐνετείλατο τῷ Ἰωσὴφ, Ἐγερθεὶς παράλαβε τὸ παιδίον καὶ τὴν μητέρα αὐτοῦ, καὶ φεῦγε εἰς Αἴγυπτον· μέλλει γὰρ Ἡρώδης ζητεῖν τὴν ψυχὴν τοῦ παιδίου. Καὶ ἀποθανόντος δὲ Ἡρώδου, φαίνεται δι' ᾿Αρχέλαον τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ ἀναχωρῶν εἰς τὴν Ναζαρέτ. "Ὅτε δὲ λοιπὸν καὶ Θεὸν ἑαυτὸν ἐδείκνυε, καὶ τὴν ξηρὰν χεῖρα πεποίηκεν ὑγιῆ, οἱ μὲν Φαρισαῖοι ἐξελθόντες συμβούλιον ἐποίουν κατ' αὐτοῦ, 6. ὅπως αὐτὸν ἀπολέσωσιν. Ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς γνοὺς ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκεῖθεν. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ ὅτε τὸν Λάζαρον ἤγειρεν ἐκ νεκρῶν, ἀπ᾿ ἐκείνης, φησὶ, τῆς ἡμέρας ἐβουλεύσαντο ἵνα ἀποκτείνωσιν αὐτόν. Ὁ οὖν Ἰησοῦς οὐκέτι παῤῥησίᾳ περιεπάτει ἐν τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις· ἀλλὰ ἀπἦλθεν ἐκεῖθεν εἰς τὴν χώραν ἐγγὺς τῆς ἐρήμου. Εἶτα λέγοντος τοῦ Σωτῆρος · Πρὶν Ἀβραὰμ γενέσθαι, ἐγώ είμι, οἱ μὲν Ἰουδαῖοι ἔλαβον λίθους, ἵνα βάλωσιν ἐπ' αὐτόν. ῾Ὁ δὲ Ἰησοῦς ἐκρύβη, καὶ ἐξῆλθεν ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ· καὶ διελθὼν διὰ μέσου αὐτῶν, ἐπορεύετο καὶ παρῆγεν. Οὕτως ἆρα ταῦτα βλέποντες, μᾶλλον δὲ κατανοοῦντες, ἐπεὶ μὴ βλέπουσι κατὰ τὸ γεγραμμένον, οὐ θέλουσι γενέσθαι πυρίκαυστοι, ὅτι ἐναντία ὧν ὁ Κύριος ποιεῖ καὶ διδάσκει, βουλεύονται καὶ φθέγγονται ; Καὶ γὰρ ὅτε Ἰωάννης μεμαρτύρηκε, καὶ οἱ μαθηταὶ τὸ σῶμα ἔθαψαν, ἀκούσας ὁ Ἰησοῦς ἀνεχώρησεν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν πλοίῳ εἰς ἔρημον τόπον κατ᾿ ἰδίαν. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Κύριος ἐποίει ταῦτα, καὶ οὕτως ἐδίδασκεν. Εἴθε δὲ οὗτοι κἂν οὕτως αἰσχυνθῶσι, καὶ μέχρι τῶν ἀνθρώπων στήσωσιν ἑαυτῶν τὴν προπέτειαν, καὶ μὴ πλέον μανέντες, ἐγκαλέσωσι καὶ τῷ Σωτῆρι δειλίαν, ἅπαξ κατ' αὐτοῦ βλασφημεῖν μελετήσαντες. Αλλ' οὔτε μαινομένων αὐτῶν τις ἀνέξεται. Μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ τὰ Εὐαγγέλια μὴ νοοῦντες ἐλεγχθήσονται. Ἔστι γὰρ ἡ πρόφασις τῆς τοιαύτης ἀναχωρήσεως καὶ φυγῆς, εὔλογος καὶ ἀληθῆς· ἣν ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ Σωτῆρος οἱ εὐαγγελισταὶ κειμένην ἀπεμνημόνευσαν. Δεῖ δὲ ἡμᾶς ἐκ τούτου ἐπὶ πάντων τῶν ἁγίων τὴν αὐτὴν λογίζεσθαι. "Α γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἀνθρωπίνως γέγραπται, ταῦτα τῷ κοινῷ γένει τῶν ἀνθρώπων άναφέρεσθαι προσήκει. Τὰ γὰρ ἡμῶν - ἐκεῖνος ἀνεδέξατο, καὶ τὰ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἀσθενείας πάθη ἐνεδεί κνυτο. Απερ ὁ Ἰωάννης ἔγραφεν οὕτως· Ἐζήτουν οὖν αὐτὸν πιάσαι, καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐπέβαλεν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὸν τὰς χεῖρας, ὅτι οὔπω ἐληλύθει ἡ ὥρα αὐτοῦ. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ταύτην ἐλθεῖν, ἔλεγεν αὐτὸς τῇ μὲν μητρί· Ούπω ἦλθεν ἡ ὥρα μου. Τοῖς δὲ χρηματίσασιν ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ, Ὁ ἐμὸς καιρὸς οὔπω πάρεστι.". Πάλιν τε ἐλθόντος τοῦ καιροῦ, ἔλεγε τοῖς μαθηταῖς · Καθεύδετε λοιπὸν καὶ ἀναπαύεσθε. Ἰδοὺ γὰρ ἤγγικεν ἡ ὥρα, καὶ ὁ Υἱὸς τοῦ ἀνθρώπου παραδοθήσεται εἰς χεῖρας ἁμαρτωλῶν. Οὔτε δὲ πρὸ τοῦ τὸν χρόνον ἐλθεῖν, ἤφιεν ἑαυτὸν κρατεῖσθαι· οὔτε τοῦ καιροῦ παρόντος, ἐκρύπτετο· ἀλλὰ καὶ ἔκδοτον ἑαυτὸν ἐδίδου τοῖς ἐπιβουλεύουσιν. Οὕτω καὶ οἱ μακάριοι μάρτυρες, ἐν τοῖς κατὰ καιροὺς διωγμοῖς ἐφύλαττον. Καὶ διωκόμενοι μὲν ἔφευγον, καὶ λανθά νοντες ἐκαρτέρουν · εὑρισκόμενοι δὲ, ἐμαρτύρουν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν ᾿Αθανάσιος ἐν τῷ περὶ τῆς φυγῆς ᾿Απολογητικῷ διεξῆλθεν.
᾿Athanasios de kai ton peri tēs phygēs apologētikon logon palai peponēmenon autǭ, epi tōn parontōn tote diexēlthen, Hou merē ta chrēsima epōpheentautha prosgraphōn, ton holon logon polystichon onta, zētein kai anaginōskein tois philoponois anēka. Idou tauta ; tōn asebōn ta tolmēmata. Tauta drōntes, kai mē entrapentes eph᾽ hois proteron kath᾿ hēmōn hetyranneusan kakois, eti kai nyn katēgorousin ekphygein dynēthentas autōn tas androphonous cheiras; mallon de odyrontai pikrōs, hoti mē kai ekpodōn teleon pepoiēkasi. Kai loipon prophasizontai deilian oneidizontes, agnoountes hoti kai touto gongyzontes, eis heautous epistrephousi mallon tēn mempsin. Ei gar phaulon to pheugein, pollǭ cheiron to diōkein. Ho men gar, hina mē apothanę̄, kryptetai; ho de, diōkei zētōn apokteinai. Kai to men pheugein gegraptai ; ho de zētōn anairēsai, parabainei ton nomon, kai mallon autos tēn prophasin tou pheugein parechei. Eiper oun tēn phygēn oneidizousin, entrepetōsan pleon heautous hoi diōkontes; pauesthōsan epibouleuontes, kai pauontai kai hoi pheugontes euthys. Alla tēs men idias ponērias ou pauontai; tou de katabalein ho heneka, panta prattousin ; eidotes hoti tōn diōkomenōn hē phygē, megas elenchos esti kata tōn diōkontōn. Oudeis gar ton praon kai philanthrōpon pheugei, alla mallon ton agrion kai ponēron onta ton tropon. Pas gar katōdynos kai hypochreōs, apo men tou Saoul epheuge, pros de ton Dabid katepheuge. Diatouto kai houtoi tous kryptomenous autois; anairein spoudazousin, hyper tou mē dokein echein tēs heautōn ponērias ton elenchon. Alla kai en toutǭ dokousin typhlōttein hoi planōmenoi. Hosǭ gar hē phygē prodēlos, tosoutǭ pleon hē ex epiboulēs gignomenē par' autōn anairesis kai exoria, prophanestera genēsetai. An te gar apokteinōsin, ho thanatos meizon on ēchēsei kat᾿ autōn. ᾿An te palin exorisōsi, pantachou kath' heautōn autoi mnēmeia tēs paranomias exapostellousin. Hei men oun esōzon tas phrenas, eblepon heautous en toutois synechomenous, kai tois heautōn proskoptontas logismois. Epeidē de kai to sōphronein apōlesan, diatouto kai diōkontes exagontai, kai zētountes anelein, ouch horōsin heautōn tēn asebeian. Ei gar loidorousi tous kryptomenous apo tōn zētountōn anelein, kai diaballousi tous pheugontas apo tōn diōkontōn, ti poiēsousin horōntes ton men Iakōb pheugonta ton adelphon Isau; ton de Mōÿsēn eis Madian anachōrounta dia ton phobon tou Pharaō, Ti de toiauta phlyarountes apologēsontai tǭ Dabid pheugonti ton Saoul, apo tēs oikias aposteilanta auton anairethēnai, kai kryptomenǭ men autǭ en tǭ spēlaiǭ, kai alloiounti to prosōpon heautou, heōs hou parelthę̄ ton ᾿Abimelech, kai tēn epiboulēn ekklinę̄? Ti d᾽ an eipoien hoi panta legontes eucherōs, ton megan Ēlian horōntes, epikaloumenon men ton Theon, kai nekron egeiranta, kryptomenon de dia ton Achaam, kai pheugonta dia tas apeilas tēs Hiezabel ? Tote gar zētoumenoi kai hoi huioi prophētōn ekryptonto, lanthanontes en tois spēlaiois para tǭ ᾿Abdią 1. Ē toutois men hōs palaiois ouk enetychon ? Tōn de kata to Euangelion, oudemian mnēmēn echousi. Kai gar kai hoi mathētai dia ton phobon tōn Ioudaiōn, anechōroun kryptomenoi; kai ho Paulos en Damaskǭ para tou ethnarchou zētoumenos, apo tou teichous en sarganę̄ kechalastai, kai exephyge tou zētountos tas cheiras. Tēs toinyn Graphēs toiauta legousēs peri tōn hagiōn, poian ara prophasin tēs heautōn propeteias exeurein dynēsontai? An te gar deilian oneidi sōsi, kat' autōn hōs mainomenōn to tolmēma. Kan te hōs para to boulēma tou Theou poiountas autous diaballousin, ouk eidotes eisi pantelōs tas Graphas. En men gar tǭ nomǭ, prostaxis ēn ektagēnai kai poleis phygadeutērious, hyper tou tous zētoumenous eis thanaton, hopōs dēpote dynasthai diasōzesthai. Epi de synteleią tōn aiōnōn paragenomenos autos, ho tǭ Mōÿsę̄ lalēsas Logos tou Patros, palin entolēn tautēn didōsi legōn; "Otan de diōkōsin hymas, ek tēs poleōs tautēs pheugete eis tēn heteran. Kai met' oliga phēsin; Hotan oun idēte to bdelygma tēs erēmōseōs to rhēthen dia Daniēl tou prophētou, hestōs en topǭ hagiǭ; ho anaginōskōn noeitō; tote hoi en tę̄ Ioudaia pheugetōsan eis ta orē. Ho epi tou dōmatos, mē katabētō arai ta ek tēs oikias autou; ho en tǭ agrǭ mē epistrepsatō arai ta himatia autou. Tauta gar eidotes hoi hagioi, toiautēn eichon tēs politeias agōgēn. "A gar nyn prosetaxen ho Kyrios, tauta kai pro tēs ensarkou parousias en tois hagiois elalei. Kai estin houtos horos anthrōpois eis teleiotēta pherōn, ho d᾽ an ho Theos prostaxę̄, touto poiein. Diatouto kai autos ho Logos, di᾽ hēmas genomenos anthrōpos, katēxiōse zētoumenos hōs hēmeis krybēnai, kai palin diōkomenos pheugein, kai tēn epiboulēn ekklinai. Eprepe gar auton, hōs ek tou peinę̄n kai dipsę̄n kai touto pathein, houtō kai ek toutou deiknyein heauton enanthrōpēsanta. Ex archēs men hama tǭ genesthai anthrōpos, hote paidion ēn autos, dia tou angelou eneteilato tǭ Iōsēph, Egertheis paralabe to paidion kai tēn mētera autou, kai pheuge eis Aigypton; mellei gar Hērōdēs zētein tēn psychēn tou paidiou. Kai apothanontos de Hērōdou, phainetai di' ᾿Archelaon ton huion autou anachōrōn eis tēn Nazaret. "Hote de loipon kai Theon heauton edeiknye, kai tēn xēran cheira pepoiēken hygiē, hoi men Pharisaioi exelthontes symboulion epoioun kat' autou, 6. hopōs auton apolesōsin. Ho de Iēsous gnous anechōrēsen ekeithen. Kai gar kai hote ton Lazaron ēgeiren ek nekrōn, ap᾿ ekeinēs, phēsi, tēs hēmeras ebouleusanto hina apokteinōsin auton. Ho oun Iēsous ouketi parrhēsią periepatei en tois Ioudaiois; alla apēlthen ekeithen eis tēn chōran engys tēs erēmou. Eita legontos tou Sōtēros ; Prin Abraam genesthai, egō eimi, hoi men Ioudaioi elabon lithous, hina balōsin ep' auton. ῾Ho de Iēsous ekrybē, kai exēlthen ek tou hierou; kai dielthōn dia mesou autōn, eporeueto kai parēgen. Houtōs ara tauta blepontes, mallon de katanoountes, epei mē blepousi kata to gegrammenon, ou thelousi genesthai pyrikaustoi, hoti enantia hōn ho Kyrios poiei kai didaskei, bouleuontai kai phthengontai ? Kai gar hote Iōannēs memartyrēke, kai hoi mathētai to sōma ethapsan, akousas ho Iēsous anechōrēsen ekeithen en ploiǭ eis erēmon topon kat᾿ idian. Ho men oun Kyrios epoiei tauta, kai houtōs edidasken. Eithe de houtoi kan houtōs aischynthōsi, kai mechri tōn anthrōpōn stēsōsin heautōn tēn propeteian, kai mē pleon manentes, enkalesōsi kai tǭ Sōtēri deilian, hapax kat' autou blasphēmein meletēsantes. All' oute mainomenōn autōn tis anexetai. Mallon de kai ta Euangelia mē noountes elenchthēsontai. Esti gar hē prophasis tēs toiautēs anachōrēseōs kai phygēs, eulogos kai alēthēs; hēn epi men tou Sōtēros hoi euangelistai keimenēn apemnēmoneusan. Dei de hēmas ek toutou epi pantōn tōn hagiōn tēn autēn logizesthai. "A gar epi tou Sōtēros anthrōpinōs gegraptai, tauta tǭ koinǭ genei tōn anthrōpōn anapheresthai prosēkei. Ta gar hēmōn - ekeinos anedexato, kai ta tēs hēmeteras astheneias pathē enedei knyto. Aper ho Iōannēs egraphen houtōs; Ezētoun oun auton piasai, kai oudeis epebalen ep᾿ auton tas cheiras, hoti oupō elēlythei hē hōra autou. Kai gar kai pro tou tautēn elthein, elegen autos tę̄ men mētri; Oupō ēlthen hē hōra mou. Tois de chrēmatisasin adelphois autou, Ho emos kairos oupō paresti.". Palin te elthontos tou kairou, elege tois mathētais ; Katheudete loipon kai anapauesthe. Idou gar ēngiken hē hōra, kai ho Huios tou anthrōpou paradothēsetai eis cheiras hamartōlōn. Oute de pro tou ton chronon elthein, ēphien heauton krateisthai; oute tou kairou parontos, ekrypteto; alla kai ekdoton heauton edidou tois epibouleuousin. Houtō kai hoi makarioi martyres, en tois kata kairous diōgmois ephylatton. Kai diōkomenoi men epheugon, kai lantha nontes ekarteroun ; heuriskomenoi de, emartyroun. Toiauta men oun ᾿Athanasios en tǭ peri tēs phygēs ᾿Apologētikǭ diexēlthen.
Athanasius also read before those then present the Defence of his Flight, which he had composed earlier. Adding here the useful parts of it, I leave it to the industrious to seek out and read the whole work, which is long. Here they are:
“See, these are the bold deeds of the impious. Doing these things, and not ashamed of the evils with which they earlier tyrannized over us, even now they accuse us for having been able to escape their murderous hands; or rather they lament bitterly that they have not put us altogether out of the way. And so they make a pretext of it, reproaching us with cowardice, not knowing that by this grumbling they turn the blame rather on themselves. For if flight is bad, persecution is far worse. The one hides so as not to die; the other pursues, seeking to kill. Flight is written of; but he who seeks to kill transgresses the law, and it is rather he who gives the occasion for flight. If, then, they reproach flight, let the persecutors be the more ashamed of themselves; let them stop plotting, and those who flee will stop at once. But they do not stop their own wickedness; they do everything to destroy, knowing that the flight of the persecuted is a great proof against the persecutors. For no one flees the gentle and kindly, but rather the man who is savage and wicked in character. Everyone who was in distress or in debt fled from Saul and took refuge with David. For this reason these men too are eager to kill those who hide from them, so that they may not seem to have the proof of their own wickedness. But in this too the deluded seem to be blind. For the more evident the flight, the more manifest will be the murder and exile brought about by their plotting. If they kill, the death will cry out the louder against them; if again they banish, they themselves send out everywhere memorials of their lawlessness against themselves. If they kept their senses, they would see that they are caught in these things and stumble against their own reasonings. But since they have lost their sobriety too, therefore they are carried away in persecuting, and seeking to kill, they do not see their own impiety. For if they revile those who hide from those who seek to kill them, and slander those who flee from their persecutors, what will they do when they see Jacob fleeing from his brother Esau, and Moses withdrawing to Midian for fear of Pharaoh? What defence will they make, talking such nonsense, to David fleeing from Saul, who sent from his house to have him killed, hiding in the cave and changing his face until he got away from Abimelech and escaped the plot? What would they say, who say everything so easily, on seeing the great Elijah, who called on God and raised the dead, hiding because of Ahab and fleeing because of the threats of Jezebel? For then the sons of the prophets too, being sought, hid, concealed in the caves by Obadiah. Or have they not read these, as being ancient? Of what is in the Gospel they have no memory. For the disciples too withdrew and hid for fear of the Jews; and Paul, sought by the ethnarch in Damascus, was let down from the wall in a basket and escaped the hands of him who sought him. Since Scripture says such things of the saints, what pretext can they find for their own rashness? If they reproach cowardice, the bold deed is against themselves as madmen. And if they slander them as acting against the will of God, they are wholly ignorant of the Scriptures. For in the law there was a command that cities of refuge be appointed, so that those sought for death might in some way be saved. And at the consummation of the ages the Word of the Father himself, who spoke to Moses, came and again gives this command, saying, ‘When they persecute you in this city, flee to the other.’ And a little later he says: ‘When, then, you see the abomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the prophet standing in the holy place (let the reader understand), then let those in Judea flee to the mountains; let him who is on the housetop not go down to take what is in his house, and let him who is in the field not turn back to take his garments.’ Knowing these things, the saints had such a rule of conduct. For what the Lord has now commanded he was speaking in the saints even before his coming in the flesh. And this is the standard that brings men to perfection: to do whatever God commands. For this reason the Word himself, having become man for our sake, deigned, when sought, to hide as we do, and again, when persecuted, to flee and avoid the plot. For it was fitting that, as by hungering and thirsting and suffering, so by this too he should show himself to have become man. At the very beginning, as soon as he became man, when he was a child, he himself commanded Joseph through the angel: ‘Rise, take the child and his mother, and flee to Egypt; for Herod is about to seek the child’s life.’ And when Herod died, he is seen withdrawing to Nazareth because of Archelaus his son. When afterwards he showed himself God and made the withered hand whole, the Pharisees went out and took counsel against him how they might destroy him; but Jesus, knowing it, withdrew from there. And when he raised Lazarus from the dead, ‘from that day,’ it says, ‘they took counsel to kill him. Jesus therefore no longer walked openly among the Jews, but went away from there to the country near the desert.’ Then when the Saviour said, ‘Before Abraham was, I am,’ the Jews took up stones to throw at him; but Jesus hid himself and went out of the temple, and passing through the midst of them went his way. Seeing these things, or rather understanding them, since they do not see, as it is written, do they not wish to be burned up, because they plan and say the opposite of what the Lord does and teaches? For when John had been martyred and the disciples had buried his body, Jesus, hearing it, withdrew from there in a boat to a deserted place by himself. So the Lord did these things and taught so. Would that these men might be ashamed at least so, and limit their rashness to men, and not, going madder still, accuse the Saviour too of cowardice, since they have once set themselves to blaspheme him! But no one will bear with them in their madness. Rather they will be convicted of not understanding the Gospels either. For the reason for such withdrawal and flight is reasonable and true; the evangelists recorded it as set down in the case of the Saviour, and from this we must reckon the same in the case of all the saints. For what is written of the Saviour humanly should be referred to the common race of men; for he took on himself what is ours and showed the experiences of our weakness. John wrote of these thus: ‘They sought to seize him, and no one laid hands on him, because his hour had not yet come.’ And before it came he himself said to his mother, ‘My hour has not yet come,’ and to those called his brothers, ‘My time is not yet here.’ And again, when the time had come, he said to the disciples, ‘Sleep now and take your rest; for behold, the hour is at hand, and the Son of Man will be delivered into the hands of sinners.’ Neither did he let himself be seized before the time came, nor did he hide when the time was present, but gave himself up to those who plotted against him. So too the blessed martyrs kept this in the persecutions from time to time: when persecuted they fled, and when concealed they persevered; but when found, they bore witness.”
Such are the things Athanasius set out in the Defence of his Flight.
3.9PG 67:403–405
Εὐσέβιος δὲ ὁ Βρεκέλλων ἐπίσκοπος, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν σύνοδον ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν. Εὐρών τε Παυλῖνον μὲν ὑπὸ Λουκίφερος χειροτονηθέντα, τὰ δὲ πλήθη διεστηκότα (οἱ γὰρ Μελιτίῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες ἰδίᾳ συνήγοντο), ταραχθεὶς ὅτι τῇ γενομένῃ χειροτονίᾳ μὴ πάντες συνήνουν, κατέγνω μὲν καθ᾿ ἑαυτὸν τοῦ γενομένου τῇ δὲ πρὸς Λουκίφερα αἰδοῖ, σιωπήσας ἀνεχώρησεν, ἐπαγγειλάμενος ἐν συνεδρίῳ ἐπισκόπων τὰ γενόμενα διορθώσασθαι. Καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα πολλὴν σπουδὴν θέμενος ἑνῶσαι τοὺς διεστῶτας, οὐκ ἴσχυσεν· ἔφθασε Μελίτιος τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανελθών. Καὶ εὑρὼν ἰδίᾳ συναγομένους τοὺς συνελθόντας αὐτῷ, τούτων προἴστατο. Ἀλλὰ τῶν μὲν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτει Εὐζώῖος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας. Παυλινός τε μίαν τῶν μικρῶν ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως ἐκκλησιῶν εἶχεν, ἧς αὐτὸν Εὐζώῖος αἰδοῖ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐξέβαλε. Μελίτιος δὲ ἔξω τῶν πυλῶν τῆς πόλεως τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιεῖτο". Τότε μὲν δὴ οὕτω τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας Εὐσέβιος ἀνεχώρησε. Λούκιφερ δὲ πυθόμενος μὴ δέχεσθαι ὑπὸ Εὐσεβίου τὴν χειροτονίαν αὐτοῦ, ὕβριν ἡγεῖτο, καὶ δεινῶς ἡγανάκτει. Διεκρίνετο οὖν κοινω νεῖν Εὐσεβίῳ· καὶ τὰ τῇ συνόδῳ ἀρέσαντα, ἀποδοκιμάζειν ἐκ φιλονεικίας ἐβούλετο. Ταῦτα ἐν καιρῷ λύπης λεγόμενα, πολλοὺς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἀπέστησε. Καὶ γίνεται πάλιν Λουκιφεριανῶν ἑτέρα αἵρεσις. ᾿Αλλὰ Λούκιφερ τὴν ὀργὴν ἀποπληρῶσαι οὐκ ἴσχυσεν. Ἐδέδετο γὰρ ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἀπολογίαις, δι' ὧν ἀποστείλας τὸν διάκονον, στέρξειν τὰ ὑπὸ τῆς συνόδου τυπούμενα καθυπέσχετο. Διόπερ αὐτὸς μὲν τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας φρονῶν, εἰς τὴν Σαρδανίαν ἐπὶ τὸν οἰκεῖον θρόνον ἀπεχώρει. Οἱ δὲ πρότερον συλλυπηθέντες αὐτῷ, ἔτι καὶ νῦν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας χωρίζονται. Εὐσέβιος μέντοι δίκην ἀγαθοῦ ἰατροῦ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ανατολὴν τὰς πορείας ποιούμενος, τοὺς ἡσθενηκότας περὶ τὴν πίστιν ἀνελάμβανε, στοιχειῶν καὶ διδάσκων τὰ ἐκκλησιαστικά κηρύγματα. Μεταβὰς δὲ ἐκεῖθεν, ἐπί τε Ἰλλυριοὺς παραγίνεται, καὶ Ἰταλίας ἐπιβὰς ὁ, τὰ αὐτὰ διεπράττετο.
Eusebios de ho Brekellōn episkopos, euthys meta tēn synodon ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen. Eurōn te Paulinon men hypo Loukipheros cheirotonēthenta, ta de plēthē diestēkota (hoi gar Melitiǭ akolouthēsantes idią synēgonto), tarachtheis hoti tę̄ genomenę̄ cheirotonią mē pantes synēnoun, kategnō men kath᾿ heauton tou genomenou tę̄ de pros Loukiphera aidoi, siōpēsas anechōrēsen, epangeilamenos en synedriǭ episkopōn ta genomena diorthōsasthai. Kai meta tauta pollēn spoudēn themenos henōsai tous diestōtas, ouk ischysen; ephthase Melitios tēs exorias epanelthōn. Kai heurōn idią synagomenous tous synelthontas autǭ, toutōn proistato. Alla tōn men ekklēsiōn ekratei Euzōios ho tēs ᾿Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias. Paulinos te mian tōn mikrōn endon tēs poleōs ekklēsiōn eichen, hēs auton Euzōios aidoi tę̄ pros auton ouk exebale. Melitios de exō tōn pylōn tēs poleōs tas synagōgas epoieito". Tote men dē houtō tēs ᾿Antiocheias Eusebios anechōrēse. Loukipher de pythomenos mē dechesthai hypo Eusebiou tēn cheirotonian autou, hybrin hēgeito, kai deinōs hēganaktei. Diekrineto oun koinō nein Eusebiǭ; kai ta tę̄ synodǭ aresanta, apodokimazein ek philoneikias ebouleto. Tauta en kairǭ lypēs legomena, pollous tēs Ekklēsias apestēse. Kai ginetai palin Loukipherianōn hetera hairesis. ᾿Alla Loukipher tēn orgēn apoplērōsai ouk ischysen. Ededeto gar tais heautou apologiais, di' hōn aposteilas ton diakonon, sterxein ta hypo tēs synodou typoumena kathypescheto. Dioper autos men ta tēs Ekklēsias phronōn, eis tēn Sardanian epi ton oikeion thronon apechōrei. Hoi de proteron syllypēthentes autǭ, eti kai nyn tēs Ekklēsias chōrizontai. Eusebios mentoi dikēn agathou iatrou kata tēn ᾿Anatolēn tas poreias poioumenos, tous hēsthenēkotas peri tēn pistin anelambane, stoicheiōn kai didaskōn ta ekklēsiastika kērygmata. Metabas de ekeithen, epi te Illyrious paraginetai, kai Italias epibas ho, ta auta diepratteto.
Eusebius, bishop of Vercelli, went at once after the synod from Alexandria to Antioch. Finding Paulinus ordained by Lucifer and the people divided (for those who followed Meletius met separately), he was troubled that not all agreed to the ordination that had taken place, and privately he disapproved of what had been done; but out of respect for Lucifer he kept silent and departed, promising to set right what had happened in a council of bishops. Afterwards, though he took great pains to unite those who were divided, he could not; for Meletius returned from exile first, and finding his followers meeting separately, he took charge of them. Euzoius, head of the Arian religion, held the churches. Paulinus had one of the small churches inside the city, from which Euzoius, out of respect for him, did not expel him; Meletius held his assemblies outside the gates of the city. So Eusebius then left Antioch. When Lucifer learned that his ordination was not accepted by Eusebius, he took it as an insult and was very angry. He refused communion with Eusebius and, out of contentiousness, wished to reject what the synod had approved. These things, said in a moment of vexation, separated many from the church, and so another sect arose, that of the Luciferians. But Lucifer could not carry out his anger; for he was bound by his own undertakings, by which, in sending the deacon, he had promised to accept what the synod laid down. So he himself, holding to the church, went away to Sardinia to his own throne; but those who had earlier shared his vexation are still separated from the church. Eusebius, like a good physician, travelling through the East, restored those weak in the faith, instructing them and teaching the church’s preaching. Passing from there, he came to Illyricum, and arriving in Italy, did the same there.
3.10PG 67:405–409
Ἐφθάκει δὲ καὶ Ἱλάριος Ρ, ὁ Πυκτάβων ἐπίσκοπος, πόλις δὲ αὕτη δευτέρας Ακυτανίας, προκαταβεβλημένος τὰ τῆς ὁμοδόξου πίστεως δόγματα, τοῖς τε ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ Γαλλίᾳ ἐπισκόποις. Καὶ γὰρ πρότερος τῆς ἐξορίας ἐπανιών, κατειλήφει τοὺς τόπους. "Αμφω μὲν οὖν γενναίως τῇ πίστει συνηγωνίσαντο. Ἱλάριός τε καὶ ἐλλόγιμος ὢν, βιβλίοις τῇ Ῥωμαίων γλώττῃ τὰ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου παρέδωκε δόγματα · δι' ὧν ἱκανῶς μὲν τοῦτο συνέστη • δυνατῶς δὲ καὶ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν δογμάτων καθήψατο. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν μικρὸν ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν ἀνάκλησιν τῶν ἐξορισθέντων ἐγένετο. Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι κατὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον οἱ περὶ Μακεδόνιον καὶ Ἐλεύσιον, Εὐστάθιόν τε καὶ Σωφρόνιον, πάντες ἐκ τοῦ ἑνὸς Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίζοντες, συνόδους συνεχῶς ἐν διαφόροις ἐποιοῦντο τόποις. Καὶ συγκαλοῦντες τοὺς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ τῇ αὐτῶν ἀκολουθήσαντας γνώμῃ, τοὺς τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀναθεμάτιζον μέρους, λέγω δὴ τοὺς περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον · καὶ τὴν ἐν Ἀριμήνῳ πίστιν ἐκβάλλοντες, τὴν ἐν Σελευκείᾳ ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἐκύρουν. Αὕτη δὲ ἦν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἤδη πρότερον ἐκτεθεῖσα, ὡς ἐν τῷ πρὸ τούτου βιβλίῳ πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Ἐρωτηθέντες γοῦν ὑπό τινων· Ὑμεῖς, φησὶ, οἱ Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίζοντες, εἰ ἔτερα φρονεῖτε τοῖς περὶ Ἀκάκιον, πῶς αὐτοῖς ἄχρι νῦν ὡς ὁμοδόξοις ἐκοινωνεῖτε ; Πρὸς ταύτην τὴν πεῦσιν ἀπεκρίναντο διὰ Σωφρονίου τοῦ Πομπηΐίου πόλεως τῆς ἐν Παφλαγονίᾳ ἐπισκόπου, τάδε. Οἱ κατὰ τὴν Δύσιν, φησὶν, ἐνόσουν τὸ ὁμοού σιον. ᾿Αέτιος δὲ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ανατολῇ, παραχαράξας εἰσήγαγε τὸ κατ᾿ οὐσίαν ἀνόμοιον. Καὶ ἦν ἔκνομα ἀμφότερα. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀτάκτως τὰς ἰδιαζούσας ὑποστάσεις Πατρὸς καὶ Υἱοῦ συνέπλεκον εἰς ἑνότητα, τῷ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου ὀνόματι χορδῇ κακίας δεσμούμενοι. Ὁ δὲ καὶ σφόδρα τῆς τοῦ Υἱοῦ πρὸς τὸν Πατέρα φύσεως διίστα τὴν οἰκειότητα, τῷ τοῦ ἀνομοίου κατ' οὐσίαν ὀνόματι. Αμφοτέρων δὲ εἰς πολλὴν τῶν ἐναντίων πιπτόντων ἀκρότητα, ἡ μέση ἀμφοῖν ὁδὸς ἱκανῶς ἡμῖν ἐφάνη τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἔχειν εὐσέβειαν, ὅμοιον Λέγουσα τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρὶ καθ᾽ ὑπόστασιν. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν οἱ Μακεδονιανοὶ πρὸς τὴν πεῦσιν διὰ Σωφρονίου ἀπεκρίναντο, καθὰ ὁ Σαβῖνος ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνοδικῶν φησι. Διὰ δὲ τοῦ μέμψασθαι Λέτιον ὡς τοῦ ἀνομοίου ἀρχηγὸν, καὶ μὴ τοὺς περὶ Ἀκάκιον, φαίνονται σοφιζόμενοι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, δοκοῦντες ἐν μέρει τοὺς ᾿Αρειανοὺς ἐκκλίνειν, ἐν μέρει δὲ τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον. Ἐλέγχονται δὲ διὰ τῆς ἰδίας φωνῆς, ὅτι ἀμφοτέρων καινοτομοῦντες ἐξέδυσαν. Τοσαῦτα δὴ καὶ περὶ τούτων λελέχθω.
Ephthakei de kai Hilarios R, ho Pyktabōn episkopos, polis de hautē deuteras Akytanias, prokatabeblēmenos ta tēs homodoxou pisteōs dogmata, tois te en Italią kai Gallią episkopois. Kai gar proteros tēs exorias epaniōn, kateilēphei tous topous. "Amphō men oun gennaiōs tę̄ pistei synēgōnisanto. Hilarios te kai ellogimos ōn, bibliois tę̄ Rhōmaiōn glōttę̄ ta tou homoousiou paredōke dogmata ; di' hōn hikanōs men touto synestē • dynatōs de kai tōn ᾿Areianōn dogmatōn kathēpsato. Tauta men oun mikron hysteron meta tēn anaklēsin tōn exoristhentōn egeneto. Isteon de, hoti kata tonde ton chronon hoi peri Makedonion kai Eleusion, Eustathion te kai Sōphronion, pantes ek tou henos Makedonianoi chrēmatizontes, synodous synechōs en diaphorois epoiounto topois. Kai synkalountes tous en Seleukeią tę̄ autōn akolouthēsantas gnōmę̄, tous tou heterou anathematizon merous, legō dē tous peri ᾿Akakion ; kai tēn en Arimēnǭ pistin ekballontes, tēn en Seleukeią anagnōstheisan ekyroun. Hautē de ēn en ᾿Antiocheią ēdē proteron ektetheisa, hōs en tǭ pro toutou bibliǭ pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Erōtēthentes goun hypo tinōn; Hymeis, phēsi, hoi Makedonianoi chrēmatizontes, ei etera phroneite tois peri Akakion, pōs autois achri nyn hōs homodoxois ekoinōneite ? Pros tautēn tēn peusin apekrinanto dia Sōphroniou tou Pompēïiou poleōs tēs en Paphlagonią episkopou, tade. Hoi kata tēn Dysin, phēsin, enosoun to homoou sion. ᾿Aetios de en tę̄ ᾿Anatolę̄, paracharaxas eisēgage to kat᾿ ousian anomoion. Kai ēn eknoma amphotera. Hoi men gar ataktōs tas idiazousas hypostaseis Patros kai Huiou syneplekon eis henotēta, tǭ tou homoousiou onomati chordę̄ kakias desmoumenoi. Ho de kai sphodra tēs tou Huiou pros ton Patera physeōs diista tēn oikeiotēta, tǭ tou anomoiou kat' ousian onomati. Amphoterōn de eis pollēn tōn enantiōn piptontōn akrotēta, hē mesē amphoin hodos hikanōs hēmin ephanē tēn tēs alētheias echein eusebeian, homoion Legousa ton Huion tǭ Patri kath᾽ hypostasin. Toiauta men oun hoi Makedonianoi pros tēn peusin dia Sōphroniou apekrinanto, katha ho Sabinos en tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodikōn phēsi. Dia de tou mempsasthai Letion hōs tou anomoiou archēgon, kai mē tous peri Akakion, phainontai sophizomenoi tēn alētheian, dokountes en merei tous ᾿Areianous ekklinein, en merei de tous phronountas to homoousion. Elenchontai de dia tēs idias phōnēs, hoti amphoterōn kainotomountes exedysan. Tosauta dē kai peri toutōn lelechthō.
Hilary, bishop of Poitiers, a city of Aquitania Secunda, had already gone before and laid down the doctrines of the orthodox faith for the bishops in Italy and Gaul; for he had returned from exile first and reached those regions. Both, then, contended nobly for the faith. Hilary, being a learned man, handed down the doctrines of the homoousios in books in the Latin language, by which he both established it sufficiently and attacked the Arian doctrines powerfully. This happened a little after the recall of the exiles. It should be known that at this time Macedonius and Eleusius, Eustathius and Sophronius and their party, all called Macedonians after the one man, were continually holding synods in various places. Calling together those who at Seleucia had followed their opinion, they anathematized those of the other party, I mean Acacius and his party; and rejecting the faith of Ariminum, they confirmed the one read at Seleucia, which had been set out earlier at Antioch, as we mentioned in the previous book. When some asked them, “You who are called Macedonians, if you think differently from Acacius and his party, how is it that you have communicated with them until now as being of the same opinion?” they answered this question through Sophronius, bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia, as follows: “The westerners were sick with the homoousios; Aetius in the East falsified it and brought in the unlikeness in essence. Both were unlawful. The former disorderly wove together into a unity the distinct hypostases of the Father and the Son, being bound by the name homoousios as by a cord of wickedness; the latter separated too far the kinship of the Son’s nature to the Father by the name of unlikeness in essence. Since both fell into the great extreme of opposites, the way between them seemed to us to hold the piety of the truth sufficiently, saying that the Son is like the Father in hypostasis.” So the Macedonians answered the question through Sophronius, as Sabinus says in his collection of synodal acts. By blaming Aetius as the author of the unlikeness, and not Acacius and his party, they plainly quibble with the truth, seeming partly to avoid the Arians and partly those who hold the homoousios. But they are convicted by their own words of having stripped themselves of both, by innovating. Let this much be said about these things.
3.11PG 67:409
Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς Ἰουλιανὸς κατ' αρχὰς ἡδὺς τοῖς πᾶσιν φανεὶς 4, προβαίνων οὐ πᾶσιν ὅμοιος ἐδείκνυτο. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἔνθα μὲν διαβολή τις κατὰ Κωνσταντίου ἐγίνετο, προθυμότατα τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς τὰς αἰτήσεις παρείχεν. Ὅπου δὲ μὴ τοῦτο ἦν, τὸ οἰκεῖον μίσος, ὁ κοινῇ κατὰ πάντων Χριστιανῶν εἶχε, φανερῶς πᾶσιν ἀπεδείκνυεν. Αὐτίκα γοῦν Ναυατιανῶν μὲν τὴν ἐν Κυζίκῳ ἐκκλησίαν ὑπὸ Εὐζωΐου εἰς ἔδαφος καθαιρεθείσαν, οἰκοδομηθῆναι κελεύει, καταδίκην βαρυτάτην ἐπιθεὶς Ἐλευσίῳ τῷ τῇδε ἐπισκόπῳ, ἣν μὴ ἐντὸς δύο μηνῶν οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασι τὴν οἰκοδομίαν ποιήσηται. Τὸν μέντοι Ἑλληνισμὸν συνεκρότει. Καὶ τὰ μὲν ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὡς ἔφην, ἠνέῳκτο· θυσίας δὲ ἐπετέλει τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως Τύχῃ δημοσίᾳ ἐν τῇ βασιλικῇ, ἔνθα καὶ τὸ τῆς Τύχης ἴδρυται ἄγαλμα.
Ho mentoi basileus Ioulianos kat' archas hēdys tois pasin phaneis 4, probainōn ou pasin homoios edeiknyto. ᾿All᾽ entha men diabolē tis kata Kōnstantiou egineto, prothymotata tois Christianois tas aitēseis pareichen. Hopou de mē touto ēn, to oikeion misos, ho koinę̄ kata pantōn Christianōn eiche, phanerōs pasin apedeiknyen. Autika goun Nauatianōn men tēn en Kyzikǭ ekklēsian hypo Euzōïou eis edaphos kathairetheisan, oikodomēthēnai keleuei, katadikēn barytatēn epitheis Eleusiǭ tǭ tę̄de episkopǭ, hēn mē entos dyo mēnōn oikeiois analōmasi tēn oikodomian poiēsētai. Ton mentoi Hellēnismon synekrotei. Kai ta men hiera tōn Hellēnōn, hōs ephēn, ēneǭkto; thysias de epetelei tę̄ Kōnstantinou poleōs Tychę̄ dēmosią en tę̄ basilikę̄, entha kai to tēs Tychēs idrytai agalma.
The emperor Julian, who at first appeared pleasant to all, as he went on did not show himself alike to all. Where something served to discredit Constantius, he granted the Christians’ requests most readily; but where this was not the case, he showed openly to all the hatred he had for all Christians in common. For instance, he ordered the church of the Novatianists at Cyzicus, which had been razed to the ground by Euzoius, to be rebuilt, imposing a very heavy penalty on Eleusius, the bishop there, if he did not complete the building at his own expense within two months. But he promoted paganism: the temples of the pagans, as I said, were opened, and he offered sacrifices publicly to the Fortune of Constantinople in the basilica, where the statue of Fortune stands.
3.12PG 67:411
Τότε δὴ καὶ Μάρις ὁ τῆς ἐν Βιθυνίᾳ Χαλκηδόνος ἐπίσκοπος χειραγωγούμενος: ἦν γὰρ δὴ πρὸς τῷ γήρᾳ ὑπόχυσιν ὀφθαλμῶν ὑπομείνας· πολλὰ τὸν βασιλέα προσελθὼν περιύβρισε, τὸν ἀσεβῆ καλῶν, τὸν ἀποστάτην καὶ ἄθεον. Ὁ δὲ λόγοις τὰς ὕβρεις ἡμύνετο, τυφλὸν καλέσας. Καὶ οὐκ ἂν, φησὶν, ὁ Γαλιλατός σου Θεὸς θεραπεύσει σε. Γαλιλαῖον γὰρ εἰώθει ὁ Ἰουλιανὸς καλεῖν τὸν Χριστὸν, καὶ τοὺς Χριστιανούς Γαλιλαίους. Ὁ δὲ δὴ Μάρις, παῤῥησιαίτερον πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἀπήντησεν. Εὐχαριστῶ, φησὶ, τῷ Θεῷ τυφλώσαντί με, ἵνα μὴ ἴδω τὸ πρόσ· ωπόν σου οὕτως ἐκπεπτωκὸς πρὸς τὴν ἀσέβειαν. Οὐδὲν πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀπεκρίνατο. Δεινῶς δὲ καὶ τοῦτον μετήρχετο. Ἑωρακὼς γὰρ τοὺς ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ μαρτυρήσαντας ὑπὸ τῶν Χριστιανῶν τιμωμένους, προθύμως τε σπεύδειν ἐπὶ τὸ μαρτυρῆσαι πολλοὺς ἐπιστάμενος, ὥσπερ αὐτῷ τούτῳ τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἀμυνόμενος, ἐπὶ ἑτέραν ἐτρέπετο. Καὶ τὴν μὲν ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ ὠμότητα ὑπερέθετο· οὐ μὴν πάντη τοῦ διώκειν ἀπέσχετο. Διωγμὸν δὲ λέγω, τὸ ὁπωσοῦν ταράττειν τοὺς ἡσυχάζοντας. Ἑτάραττε δὲ ὧδε· Νόμῳ ἐκέλευε ", Χριστιανοὺς παιδεύσεως μὴ μετέχειν. Ἵνα μὴ, φησὶν, ἀκονώμενοι τὴν γλῶτταν, ἑτοίμως πρὸς τοὺς διαλεκτικοὺς τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀπαντῶσιν.
Tote dē kai Maris ho tēs en Bithynią Chalkēdonos episkopos cheiragōgoumenos: ēn gar dē pros tǭ gērą hypochysin ophthalmōn hypomeinas; polla ton basilea proselthōn periybrise, ton asebē kalōn, ton apostatēn kai atheon. Ho de logois tas hybreis hēmyneto, typhlon kalesas. Kai ouk an, phēsin, ho Galilatos sou Theos therapeusei se. Galilaion gar eiōthei ho Ioulianos kalein ton Christon, kai tous Christianous Galilaious. Ho de dē Maris, parrhēsiaiteron pros ton basilea apēntēsen. Eucharistō, phēsi, tǭ Theǭ typhlōsanti me, hina mē idō to pros; ōpon sou houtōs ekpeptōkos pros tēn asebeian. Ouden pros tauta ho basileus apekrinato. Deinōs de kai touton metērcheto. Heōrakōs gar tous epi Dioklētianou martyrēsantas hypo tōn Christianōn timōmenous, prothymōs te speudein epi to martyrēsai pollous epistamenos, hōsper autǭ toutǭ tous Christianous amynomenos, epi heteran etrepeto. Kai tēn men hyperballousan epi Dioklētianou ōmotēta hyperetheto; ou mēn pantē tou diōkein apescheto. Diōgmon de legō, to hopōsoun tarattein tous hēsychazontas. Hetaratte de hōde; Nomǭ ekeleue ", Christianous paideuseōs mē metechein. Hina mē, phēsin, akonōmenoi tēn glōttan, hetoimōs pros tous dialektikous tōn Hellēnōn apantōsin.
At that time Maris, bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia, being led by the hand (for in his old age he suffered from cataract of the eyes), came up to the emperor and insulted him greatly, calling him impious, apostate, and godless. He repaid the insults with words, calling him blind: “Your Galilean God will not heal you,” he said. For Julian used to call Christ the Galilean and Christians Galileans. Maris answered the emperor more boldly still: “I thank God who blinded me, so that I might not see your face so fallen into impiety.” The emperor answered nothing to this; but he took vengeance on him in a dreadful way. For seeing that those martyred under Diocletian were honoured by the Christians, and knowing that many were eager to become martyrs, as if taking vengeance on the Christians in this very matter, he turned to another course. He refrained from the excessive cruelty of the time of Diocletian, yet he did not abstain altogether from persecuting; by persecution I mean troubling in any way those who are at peace. He troubled them in this way: by law he ordered that Christians should not share in education, “so that,” he said, “having sharpened their tongues, they may not be ready to meet the dialecticians of the pagans.”
3.13PG 67:411–415
Ἐκέλευε δὲ, μηδὲ κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια στρατεύεσθαι τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους καταλιπεῖν μὲν τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν, ἐπὶ τὸ θύειν δὲ τοῖς ἀγάλμασιν ἔρχεσθαι. Μήτε μὴν Χριστιανοὺς τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ἄρχοντας γίνεσθαι, λέγων ὡς κελεύει νόμος μὴ χρῆσθαι ξίφει κατὰ τῶν ἄξια θανάτου πεπλημμεληκότων. Πολλοὺς δὲ καὶ κολακείαις καὶ δωρεαῖς ἐπὶ τὸ θύειν προετρέπετο. Αὐτίκα γοῦν ὡς ἐν χωνευτηρίῳ, οἵ τε ὄντες Χριστιανοὶ καὶ οἱ νομιζόμενοι, φανεροὶ πᾶσιν ἐγίνοντο. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὀρθῇ γνώμῃ Χριστιανίζοντες, εὐθυμότεροι τὴν ζώνην ἀπετίθεντο, πάντα μᾶλλον ὑπομένειν ἢ ἀρνεῖσθαι τὸν Χριστὸν αἰρούμενοι. Ἐν τούτοις ἦσαν Ἰοβιανὸς, Οὐαλεντινιανός τε καὶ Οὐάλης, οἱ καὶ ὕστερον βασιλεύσαντες. Ἕτεροι δὲ ὅσοι μὴ ὀρθῇ γνώμῃ ἐχριστιάνιζον, ὅσοι τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὴν ἐνταῦθα τιμὴν, τῆς ἀληθοῦς εὐδαιμονίας προκρίναντες, μὴ μελλήσαντες πρὸς τὸ θύειν ἀπέκλινον. Ὧν εἷς ἦν καὶ ὁ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως σοφιστὴς Ἐκηβόλιος. Ὅστις τοῖς ἤθεσι τῶν βασιλέων ἑπόμενος, ἐπὶ μὲν Κωνσταντίου διαπύρως Χριστιανίζειν ὑπεκρίνατο · ἐπὶ δὲ Ἰουλιανοῦ, γοργὸς Ἕλλην ἐφαίνετο· καὶ αὖθις μετὰ Ἰουλιανὸν, Χριστιανίζειν ἤθελε. Ῥίψας γὰρ ἑαυτὸν πρηνῆ πρὸ τῆς πύλης τοῦ εὐκτηρίου οἴκου, Πατήσατέ με, ἐβόα, τὸ ἄλας τὸ ἀναίσθητον. Τοιοῦτος μὲν οὖν κοῦφος καὶ εὐχερὴς Ἐκηβόλιος πρότερόν τε καὶ ὕστερον ἦν. Τότε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, Πέρσας ἀμύνεσθαι ι βουλόμενος, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου τὴν Ῥωμαίων χώραν κατέδραμον, σπουδαίως διὰ τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἐπὶ τὰ ἑῷα μέρη διέβαινεν. Εἰδὼς δὲ ὅσα πόλεμος ἔχει κακὰ, καὶ ὡς πολλῶν δεῖται χρημάτων, καὶ ἄνευ τούτων οὐ κατορθοῦται, πανούργως ἐπενόησε συλλέγειν τὰ χρήματα παρὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν. Τοῖς γὰρ μὴ βουλομένοις θύειν, ἐπέθηκε χρηματικὴν καταδίκην κ. Καὶ ἀπαίτησις κατὰ τῶν ἀληθῶς Χριστιανιζόντων ἐγίνετο σύντονος. Ἕκαστος γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ὕπαρξιν ἀναλόγως εἰσέφερε. Καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐκ τῆς ἀδίκου συλλογῆς τῶν ἀδίκων χρημά των, ταχὺ πλούσιος ἦν. Ἐχρῆτο γὰρ τῷ νόμῳ, ὅπου τε μὴ παρῆν, καὶ ὅπου διέβαινε. Τηνικαῦτα καὶ οἱ Ἕλληνες τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων κατέτρεχον· σύῤῥοιά τε τῶν φιλοσοφεῖν λεγόντων ἐγίνετο. Καὶ τελετάς τινας συνίστασαν, ὡς καὶ σπλαγχνοσκοπούμενοι παῖδας καταθύειν ἀφθόρους, ἄῤῥενας καὶ θηλείας, καὶ τῶν σαρκῶν ἀπογεύεσθαι. Καὶ ταῦτα ἐποίουν κατά τε τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, καὶ κατὰ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Ἔνθα καὶ κατὰ ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου σκευωρίαν ποιησάμενοι, γνωρίζουσι βασιλεῖ, ὡς λυμαίνοιτο τὴν πόλιν καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν Αἴγυπτον, καὶ δεῖν αὐτὸν ἀπαλλάττειν τῆς πόλεως. Κεκίνητό τε κατ' αὐτοῦ, ἐκ προστάγματος βασιλικοῦν καὶ ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἔπαρχος.
Ekeleue de, mēde kata ta basileia strateuesthai tous mē boulomenous katalipein men ton Christianismon, epi to thyein de tois agalmasin erchesthai. Mēte mēn Christianous tōn eparchiōn archontas ginesthai, legōn hōs keleuei nomos mē chrēsthai xiphei kata tōn axia thanatou peplēmmelēkotōn. Pollous de kai kolakeiais kai dōreais epi to thyein proetrepeto. Autika goun hōs en chōneutēriǭ, hoi te ontes Christianoi kai hoi nomizomenoi, phaneroi pasin eginonto. Hoi men gar orthę̄ gnōmę̄ Christianizontes, euthymoteroi tēn zōnēn apetithento, panta mallon hypomenein ē arneisthai ton Christon airoumenoi. En toutois ēsan Iobianos, Oualentinianos te kai Oualēs, hoi kai hysteron basileusantes. Heteroi de hosoi mē orthę̄ gnōmę̄ echristianizon, hosoi ta chrēmata kai tēn entautha timēn, tēs alēthous eudaimonias prokrinantes, mē mellēsantes pros to thyein apeklinon. Hōn heis ēn kai ho Kōnstantinoupoleōs sophistēs Ekēbolios. Hostis tois ēthesi tōn basileōn hepomenos, epi men Kōnstantiou diapyrōs Christianizein hypekrinato ; epi de Ioulianou, gorgos Hellēn ephaineto; kai authis meta Ioulianon, Christianizein ēthele. Rhipsas gar heauton prēnē pro tēs pylēs tou euktēriou oikou, Patēsate me, eboa, to alas to anaisthēton. Toioutos men oun kouphos kai eucherēs Ekēbolios proteron te kai hysteron ēn. Tote de ho basileus, Persas amynesthai i boulomenos, anth᾽ hōn epi Kōnstantiou tēn Rhōmaiōn chōran katedramon, spoudaiōs dia tēs ᾿Asias epi ta heǭa merē diebainen. Eidōs de hosa polemos echei kaka, kai hōs pollōn deitai chrēmatōn, kai aneu toutōn ou katorthoutai, panourgōs epenoēse syllegein ta chrēmata para tōn Christianōn. Tois gar mē boulomenois thyein, epethēke chrēmatikēn katadikēn k. Kai apaitēsis kata tōn alēthōs Christianizontōn egineto syntonos. Hekastos gar kata tēn hyparxin analogōs eisephere. Kai ho basileus ek tēs adikou syllogēs tōn adikōn chrēma tōn, tachy plousios ēn. Echrēto gar tǭ nomǭ, hopou te mē parēn, kai hopou diebaine. Tēnikauta kai hoi Hellēnes tōn Christianizontōn katetrechon; syrrhoia te tōn philosophein legontōn egineto. Kai teletas tinas synistasan, hōs kai splanchnoskopoumenoi paidas katathyein aphthorous, arrhenas kai thēleias, kai tōn sarkōn apogeuesthai. Kai tauta epoioun kata te tas allas poleis, kai kata tas ᾿Athēnas, kai kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Entha kai kata ᾿Athanasiou tou episkopou skeuōrian poiēsamenoi, gnōrizousi basilei, hōs lymainoito tēn polin kai pasan tēn Aigypton, kai dein auton apallattein tēs poleōs. Kekinēto te kat' autou, ek prostagmatos basilikoun kai ho ᾿Alexandreias eparchos.
He also ordered that those who would not give up Christianity and come to sacrifice to the statues should not serve in the palace; nor should Christians be governors of the provinces, saying that their law commands them not to use the sword against those who have committed offences deserving death. Many he urged to sacrifice by flatteries and gifts. At once, as in a furnace, both those who were Christians and those who were thought to be so became plain to all. Those who were Christians with a right mind laid aside their belts of office the more cheerfully, choosing to endure anything rather than deny Christ. Among them were Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens, who later became emperors. But others who were not Christians with a right mind, who preferred money and honour here to true happiness, without delay turned to sacrifice. One of them was Ecebolius, the sophist of Constantinople. Following the ways of the emperors, under Constantius he pretended to be an ardent Christian; under Julian he appeared a zealous pagan; and again after Julian he wanted to be a Christian. Throwing himself face down before the door of the house of prayer, he cried, “Trample on me, the salt that has lost its savour.” Such a light and fickle man was Ecebolius, before and after.
At that time the emperor, wishing to take vengeance on the Persians for overrunning Roman territory under Constantius, crossed eagerly through Asia to the eastern parts. Knowing what evils war brings, and that it needs much money and cannot succeed without it, he cunningly devised to collect money from the Christians. He laid a money penalty on those who would not sacrifice; and the exaction against those who were truly Christians was strict, for each contributed in proportion to his property. The emperor quickly grew rich from the unjust collection of unjust money; for he applied the law both where he was not present and where he passed through. At that time the pagans attacked the Christians, and there was a flocking together of those who claimed to be philosophers. They established certain rites, so that, inspecting entrails, they sacrificed pure children, boys and girls, and tasted their flesh. They did this in the other cities and at Athens and Alexandria. There, having contrived a plot against bishop Athanasius, they informed the emperor that he was ruining the city and all Egypt and that he must be removed from the city. And the prefect of Alexandria was set in motion against him by imperial order.
3.14PG 67:415–417
Ὁ δὲ φεύγει πάλιν, εἰπὼν τοῖς γνωρίμοις, Υποσταλῶμεν μικρὸν, ὦ φίλοι· νεφύδριον γάρ ἐστι, καὶ παρέρχεται. Ταῦτα εἰπὼν, εὐθὺς ὡς εἶχε, πλοίῳ διὰ τοῦ Νείλου εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἔφυγεν. Ἐδίωκον δὲ κατόπιν οἱ συλλαβεῖν αὐτὸν σπεύδοντες. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ οὐ πόρρωθεν εἶναι ἐπύθετο τοὺς διώκοντας, οἱ μὲν συνόντες, ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν ἔρημον αὖθις φεύγειν ἐκέλευον · ὁ δὲ, σοφῇ γνώμῃ χρησάμενος, διέφυγε τοὺς διώκοντας. Τοῖς γὰρ διώκουσιν, ἐξυποστρέψαντας, ἀπαντᾶν συνεβούλευε. Καὶ τοῦτο ᾗ τάχος ἐγίνετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πλησίον τῶν διωκόντων οἱ πρὸ μικροῦ φεύγοντες ἦσαν, οὐδὲν οἱ ζητοῦντες ἠρώτων τοὺς περὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον, ἡ που ᾿Αθανάσιον τεθέανται. Οἱ δὲ, ἐγγὺς αὐτοῦ που εἶναι ἐμήνυον· καὶ εἰ ἐπισπεύσειεν, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν αὐτὸν καταλήψεσθαι ἔλεγον. Καὶ οὕτως οἱ μὲν παρατραπέντες, συντόνως μάτην ἐδίωκον. Ὁ δὲ διαφυγών, τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν λαθραίως κατέλαβε. Καὶ ἐκεῖ λανθάνων διῆγεν, ἕως οὗ ὁ διωγμὸς ἐπαύσατο. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν μετὰ τοὺς πολλοὺς Χριστιανικοὺς διωγμοὺς, καὶ τὰ παρ᾿ Ἑλλήνων κακά, τὸν ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον διεδέξατο. Οἱ μέντοι κατὰ τὰς ἐπαρχίας ἄρχοντες, καιρὸν οἰκείου κέρδους τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως θρησκείαν νομίσαντες, πέρα τῶν βασιλικῶν προσταγμάτων τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς κακῶς διετίθεσαν· χρήματα μὲν πλείονα ἢ ἐχρῆν εἰσπραττόμενοι· ἔστι δὲ ὅτε καὶ σωματικὰς τιμωρίας προςάγοντες. Ταῦτα μανθάνων ὁ βασιλεὺς περιεώρα, καὶ τους Χριστιανοῖς περὶ τούτου προσελθοῦσιν αὐτῷ, Ὑμέτερόν ἐστιν, ἔλεγεν, αὐτοὺς πάσχοντας κακῶς ὑπομένειν· τοῦτο γὰρ τοῦ ὑμετέρου Θεοῦ παράγγελμα.
Ho de pheugei palin, eipōn tois gnōrimois, Ypostalōmen mikron, ō philoi; nephydrion gar esti, kai parerchetai. Tauta eipōn, euthys hōs eiche, ploiǭ dia tou Neilou eis tēn Aigypton ephygen. Ediōkon de katopin hoi syllabein auton speudontes. Epeidē de ou porrōthen einai epytheto tous diōkontas, hoi men synontes, hōs epi tēn erēmon authis pheugein ekeleuon ; ho de, sophę̄ gnōmę̄ chrēsamenos, diephyge tous diōkontas. Tois gar diōkousin, exypostrepsantas, apantan synebouleue. Kai touto hę̄ tachos egineto. Epei de plēsion tōn diōkontōn hoi pro mikrou pheugontes ēsan, ouden hoi zētountes ērōtōn tous peri ᾿Athanasion, hē pou ᾿Athanasion tetheantai. Hoi de, engys autou pou einai emēnyon; kai ei epispeuseien, ouk eis makran auton katalēpsesthai elegon. Kai houtōs hoi men paratrapentes, syntonōs matēn ediōkon. Ho de diaphygōn, tēn ᾿Alexandreian lathraiōs katelabe. Kai ekei lanthanōn diēgen, heōs hou ho diōgmos epausato. Toiauta men oun meta tous pollous Christianikous diōgmous, kai ta par᾿ Hellēnōn kaka, ton ᾿Alexandreias episkopon diedexato. Hoi mentoi kata tas eparchias archontes, kairon oikeiou kerdous tēn tou basileōs thrēskeian nomisantes, pera tōn basilikōn prostagmatōn tous Christianous kakōs dietithesan; chrēmata men pleiona ē echrēn eisprattomenoi; esti de hote kai sōmatikas timōrias prosagontes. Tauta manthanōn ho basileus perieōra, kai tous Christianois peri toutou proselthousin autǭ, Hymeteron estin, elegen, autous paschontas kakōs hypomenein; touto gar tou hymeterou Theou parangelma.
He fled again, saying to his friends, “Let us withdraw a little, friends; it is a little cloud, and it passes.” Saying this, he at once, just as he was, fled by boat up the Nile into Egypt. Those eager to seize him pursued behind. When he learned that the pursuers were not far off, those with him urged him to flee again into the desert; but he, using a wise plan, escaped the pursuers. He advised them to turn back and meet the pursuers, and this was done quickly. When those who had a little before been fleeing were near the pursuers, the searchers asked Athanasius’s companions nothing but whether they had seen Athanasius anywhere. They told them that he was somewhere near, and that if they hurried they would soon catch him. So they were turned aside and pursued hard in vain, while he escaped and secretly reached Alexandria, and lived there in hiding until the persecution ended. Such were the evils, after the many persecutions by Christians, that came upon the bishop of Alexandria from the pagans too. The governors in the provinces, thinking the emperor’s religion an opportunity for their own gain, treated the Christians badly beyond the imperial orders, exacting more money than they should and sometimes applying bodily punishments too. The emperor, learning this, overlooked it; and to the Christians who came to him about it he said, “It is yours to endure it patiently when you suffer wrong; for this is the command of your God.”
3.15PG 67:417
Ἐν γοῦν τῇ Μηρῷ · πόλει τῆς ἐπαρχίας τῆς Φρυγίας ἄρχων ἦν Ἀμάχιος, τὸ τῇδε ἱερὸν ἀνοιγῆναι προστάξας, ἐκκαθαίρεσθαί τε τὸν ἐκ τοῦ χρόνου συναχθέντα ῥύπον ἐκέλευε, καὶ τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ ἀγάλματα ἐπιμελείας ἠξίου. Τοῦτο γινόμενον, σφόδρα τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἐλύπει. Μακεδόνιος - δέ τις καὶ Θεόδουλος καὶ Τατιανὸς, ζήλῳ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ, τὴν λύπην οὐκ ἤνεγκαν. Αλλ' ἔνθερμον τὸ φρόνημα πρὸς ἀρετὴν κεκτημένοι, νυκτὸς εἰς τὸν ναὸν εἰσπηδήσαντες, συντρίβουσι τὰ ἀγάλματα. Τοῦ δὲ ἡγεμόνος ἐπὶ τῷ γεγονότι σφόδρα χαλεπήναντος, καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν κατὰ πόλιν ἀναιτίων ἀναιρεῖσθαι σπουδάζοντος, προσφέρουσιν ἑαυτοὺς οἱ αὐθένται τοῦ πράγματος· καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτοὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς ἀληθείας ἀποθνήσκειν ἠροῦντο, ἤπερ ἰδεῖν ἑτέρους ἀνθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἀποθνήσκοντας. Τούτους λαβὼν ὁ ἡγεμὼν, ὡς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἀδικήματος τοῦ παρ' αὐτῶν γενομένου διὰ θυσίας ἀπολογεῖσθαι ἐκέλευε· μὴ ποιοῦντας δὲ τοῦτο, τιμωρεῖσθαι ἠπείλει. Οἱ δὲ, γενναῖοι τὸ φρόνημα ὄντες, μικρὰ τῶν ἀπειλῶν φροντίσαντες, πάνθ' ὑπομένειν ἑτοίμως εἶχον· καὶ μᾶλλον θνήσκειν ἡροῦντο, ἢ ταῖς θυσίαις μολύνεσθαι. Τότε δὴ πάσαις βασάνοις ὑποβαλὼν τοὺς ἄνδρας, τέλος ἐσχάραις ἐπιθεὶς, καὶ πῦρ ταύταις ἐπιτεθῆναι κελεύσας, οὕτως ἀπόλλυσιν. Οἱ δὲ, τὴν κορωνίδα τῆς ἀνδρίας τηνικαῦτα ἐπέδειξαν, πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα τοιαῦτα εἰπόντες· Εἰ ἐπεθύμησας ὀπτῶν, ὦ Ἀμάχιε, κρεῶν ἀπογεύσασθαι, στρέψον ἡμᾶς καὶ εἰς τὰς ἑτέρας πλευρὰς, ἵνα μὴ εἰς τὴν γεῦσιν ἡμίοπτοι φανῶμέν σοι. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον οὗτοι τὸν βίον ἐτέλεσαν.
En goun tę̄ Mērǭ ; polei tēs eparchias tēs Phrygias archōn ēn Amachios, to tę̄de hieron anoigēnai prostaxas, ekkathairesthai te ton ek tou chronou synachthenta rhypon ekeleue, kai ta en autǭ agalmata epimeleias ēxiou. Touto ginomenon, sphodra tous Christianous elypei. Makedonios - de tis kai Theodoulos kai Tatianos, zēlǭ tou Christianismou, tēn lypēn ouk ēnenkan. All' enthermon to phronēma pros aretēn kektēmenoi, nyktos eis ton naon eispēdēsantes, syntribousi ta agalmata. Tou de hēgemonos epi tǭ gegonoti sphodra chalepēnantos, kai pollous tōn kata polin anaitiōn anaireisthai spoudazontos, prospherousin heautous hoi authentai tou pragmatos; kai mallon autoi hyper tēs alētheias apothnēskein ērounto, ēper idein heterous anth᾽ heautōn apothnēskontas. Toutous labōn ho hēgemōn, hōs hyper tou adikēmatos tou par' autōn genomenou dia thysias apologeisthai ekeleue; mē poiountas de touto, timōreisthai ēpeilei. Hoi de, gennaioi to phronēma ontes, mikra tōn apeilōn phrontisantes, panth' hypomenein hetoimōs eichon; kai mallon thnēskein hērounto, ē tais thysiais molynesthai. Tote dē pasais basanois hypobalōn tous andras, telos escharais epitheis, kai pyr tautais epitethēnai keleusas, houtōs apollysin. Hoi de, tēn korōnida tēs andrias tēnikauta epedeixan, pros ton hēgemona toiauta eipontes; Ei epethymēsas optōn, ō Amachie, kreōn apogeusasthai, strepson hēmas kai eis tas heteras pleuras, hina mē eis tēn geusin hēmioptoi phanōmen soi. Touton men oun ton tropon houtoi ton bion etelesan.
At Merus, a city of the province of Phrygia, the governor was Amachius. He ordered the temple there to be opened, the filth gathered over time to be cleared out, and the statues in it to be cared for. This greatly grieved the Christians. Macedonius, Theodulus, and Tatian, out of zeal for Christianity, could not bear the grief; having a mind fervent for virtue, they burst into the temple by night and smashed the statues. When the governor was very angry at what had happened and was eager to put to death many innocent people of the city, the authors of the deed gave themselves up, choosing rather to die themselves for the truth than to see others die in their place. The governor seized them and ordered them to clear themselves of the offence they had committed by sacrificing; if they did not, he threatened punishment. But they, being noble of mind, cared little for the threats and were ready to endure anything, choosing rather to die than to be defiled by sacrifices. Then, having subjected the men to every torture, he finally placed them on gridirons and ordered fire to be put under them, and so put them to death. They then showed the crown of their courage, saying to the governor: “If you want to taste roast meat, Amachius, turn us over on the other side too, so that we may not seem half-cooked to your taste.” In this way they ended their lives.
3.16PG 67:417–423
Ὁ μέντοι τοῦ βασιλέως νόμος, ὃς τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς Ἑλληνικῆς παιδείας μετέχειν ἐκώλυε, τοὺς Ἀπολιναρίους, ὧν καὶ πρότερον ἐμνημονεύσαμεν, φανερωτέρους ἀπέδειξεν. Ὡς γὰρ ἄμφω ἤστην ἐπιστήμονες λόγων, ὁ μὲν πατήρ γραμματικῶν, σοφιστικῶν δὲ ὁ υἱὸς, χρειώδεις ἑαυτοὺς πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς ἀπεδείκνυον. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ εὐθὺς γραμματικὸς ἄτε, τὴν τέχνην γραμματικὴν Χριστιανικῷ τύπῳ συνέταττε· τά τε Μωϋσέως Β:βλία ο, διὰ τοῦ ἡρωϊκοῦ λεγομένου μέτρου μετέβαλε· καὶ ὅσα κατὰ τὴν Παλαιὰν Διαθήκην ἐν ἱστορίας τύπῳ συγγέγραπται, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τῷ δακτυλικῷ μέτρῳ συνέταττε, τοῦτο δὲ, καὶ τῷ τῆς τραγῳδίας τύπῳ δραματικῶς ἐξειργάζετο. Καὶ παντὶ μέτρῳ ῥυθμικῷ ἐχρῆτο, ὅπως ἂν μηδεὶς τρόπος τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς γλώττης τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς ἀνήκοος ᾖ. Ὁ δὲ νεώτερος Ἀπολινάριος εὖ πρὸς τὸ λέγειν παρεσκευασμένος, τὰ Εὐαγγέλια, καὶ τὰ ἀποστολικὰ δόγματα, ἐν τύπῳ διαλόγων ἐξέθετο, καθὰ καὶ Πλάτων παρ' Ἕλλησιν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ χρειώδεις φανέντες, τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ σόφισμα διὰ τῶν οἰκείων πόνων ἐνίκησαν. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ἡ πρόνοια τοῦ Θεοῦ κρείσσων ἐγένετο, καὶ τῆς τούτων σπουδῆς, καὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὁρμῆς. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ νόμος, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἀπέσβη τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὡς προϊόντες δηλώσομεν· τῶν δὲ οἱ πόνοι, ἐν ἴσῳ τοῦ μὴ γραφῆναι λογίζονται Β. 'Αλλ' ἐρεῖ τις γοργῶς πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπαντῶν • Πῶς φὴς προνοίᾳ Θεοῦ ταῦτα γενέσθαι; Τὴν μὲν γὰρ τοῦ βασιλέως ταχεῖαν τελευτὴν, λυσιτελῆσαι τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ δῆλόν ἐστι. Τὸ δὲ παρεῤῥίφθαι τὰ τῶν Ἀπολιναρίων χριστιανικά ποιήματα, καὶ πάλιν τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς τὴν Ἑλλήνων μανθάνειν παιδείαν, οὐκέτι τοῦτο λυσιτελεῖν τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ. Πρὸς βλάβης γὰρ εἶναι τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν παιδείαν, πολυθεΐαν διδάσκουσαν. Πρὸς ταῦτα οὖν, τὰ ὑποπίπτοντα ἡμῖν ὡς οἷόν τε λέξομεν. Ἡ Ἑλληνικὴ παίδευσις, οὔτε παρὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ, οὔτε παρὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ μαθητῶν, ἢ ὡς θεόπνευστος ἐδέχθη, ἢ ὡς ἐπιβλαβὴς ἐξεβλήθη. Καὶ Ο τοῦτο, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, οὐκ ἀπρονοήτως ἐποίησαν. Πολλοί γὰρ τῶν παρ' Ἕλλησι φιλοσοφησάντων, οὐ μακρὰν τοῦ γνῶναι τὸν Θεὸν ἐγένοντο. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ πρὸς τοὺς ἀπρονοησίαν εἰσάγοντας, οἷον Ἑπικουρίους, ἢ ἄλλως ἐριστικοὺς, μετὰ τῆς λογικῆς ἐπιστήμης γενναίως ἀπήντησαν, τὴν ἁμαθίαν αὐτῶν ἀνατρέποντες· καὶ διὰ τούτων τῶν λόγων, χρειώδεις μὲν τοῖς τὴν εὐσέβειαν ἀγαπῶσι κατέστησαν· οὐ μὴν τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ λόγου ἐκράτησαν, τοῦ μὴ γνῶναι τὸ ἀποκρυπτόμενον ἀπὸ τῶν γενεῶν καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν αἰώνων κατὰ Χριστὸν μυστήριον. Καὶ τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχειν, ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους Ἐπιστολῇ ὁ ᾿Απόστολος δείκνυσι, δι' ὧν φησιν· Ἀποκαλύπτεται γὰρ ὀργὴ Θεοῦ ἀπ᾿ οὐρανῶν, ἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἀσέβειαν καὶ ἀδικίαν ἀνθεώπων, τῶν τὴ» ἀήθειαν ἐν ἀδικίᾳ. των, διότι τὸ γνωστὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ “αγερόν ἐστιν ἐν αὐτοῖς. Ὁ Θεὸς γὰρ αὐτοῖς Τὰ γὰρ ἀόρατα αὐτοῦ, ἀπὸ κτίσεως κόσμου τοῖς ποιήμασι γοούμενα καθορᾶται, ἢ τε ἀΐδιος αὐτοῦ δύγειμις καὶ θειότης, εἰς τὸ εἶναι αὐτοὺς ἀναπο.Ἰογήτους διότι γγόγτες τὸν Θεὺν', οὐχ ὡς Θεὸν ἐδόξασαν. Διὰ τούτων φαίνονται γνῶσιν μὲν ἀληθείας ἔχοντες, ἣν ὁ Θεὸς αὐτοῖς ἐφανέρωσεν. δὲ γίνονται, διότι γνόντες τὸν Θεὸν, οὐχ ὡς Θεὸν ἐδόξασαν. Οὐκοῦν τὸ μὴ χωλύσαι τὰ Ἑλλήνων μανθάνειν, τῇ γνώμῃ τῶν βουλομένων κατέλιπον. Εἷς μὲν οὖν οὗτος λόγος εἰρήσθω ἡμῖν πρὸς τὸ προχείμενον. Ἕτερος δὲ τοιοῦτος Αἱ θεόπνευστοι Γραφαὶ, δόγματα μὲν θαυμαστὰ καὶ ὄντως θεῖα διδάσκουσι. Καὶ πολλὴν μὲν εὐλάδειαν βίον ὀρθὸν τοῖς ἐντιθέασι, πίστιν τε θεοφιλῆ τοῖς σπουδαίοις παρέχουσιν. Οὐ μὴν τέχνην διδάσκουσι λογιχὴν, πρὸς τὸ δύνασθαι ἀπαντᾷν τοῖς βουλομένοις τῇ ἀληθείᾳ προσπολεμεῖν. Σφόδρα δὲ χαταπολεμοῦνται οἱ πολέμιοι, ὅταν τοῖς αὐτῶν ὅπλοις χρώμεθα αὐτῶν. Τοῦτο δὲ οὐχ ἐνῆν ὑπάρξειν τοῖς Χριστιανί-ζουσι, ὧν οἱ ᾿Απολινάριοι ἔγραψαν. Τοῦτο ὁ βασιλεὺς Ἰουλιανὸς σχοπήσας, νόμῳ τοὺς Χριστιαγνοὺς ἀπέτρεπε τὰ Ἑλλήνων παιδεύεσθαι. Εὖ γὰρ ἠπίστατο, ὡς οἱ μῦθοι εὐδιάδολον αὐτοῦ τὴν δόξαν ποιήσουσιν. Ὧν καὶ καταγνοὺς Σωχράτης ὁ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς χορυφαιότατος φιλόσοφος, ὡς παραχαράσσων τὰ παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς: δαιμόνια κατεκρίθη. "Αλλως τε παρεγγυῶσιν ἡμῖν ὅ τε Χριστὸς καὶ ὁ τούτου ᾿Απόστολος, γίνεσθαι τραπεζίται δόχιμοι, ὥστε τὰ πάντα δοχιμάζειν, τὸ καλὸν χατέχοντας. Προστέχειν δὲ μή τις ὑμᾶς ἔσται συλαγωγῶν διὰ τῆς φιλοσοφίας καὶ κενῆς ἀπάτης. Τοῦτο δὲ οὐχ ἂν πεισόμεθα, εἰ μὴ ὅπλα τῶν πολεμίων χτησαίμεθα,, καὶ ἐν τῷ χτᾶσθαι, μὴ τὰ τῶν πολεμίων φρονῶμεν " ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν χαχὺν ἐχτρεπόμεθα τὸ καλὸν τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἔχοντε:, πάντα προσλαμθάνομεν δοχιμάζοντες. Τὸ γὰρ καλὸν ἔνθα ἧ, ἴδιον τῆς ἀληθείας ἐστίν. Εἰ δέ τις ἡμᾶς βιαίως ταῦτα λέγειν νομίζει, σχοπησάτω ὅτι ὁ Ἀπόστολος, οὐ μόνον οὐ κωλύει μανθάνειν ᾿Ελληνιχὴν παίδευσιν ἀλλὰ γὰρ φαίνετα! αὐτὸς μὴ ἀμελήσας αὐτῆς, ἕνεκεν τοῦ “γνῶναι πολλὰ τῶν εἰρημένων τοῖς. "Ἕλλησιν. Ἐπεὶ πόθεν το. ὁρμώμενος ἔλεγε Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, κακὰ , γαστέρες ἀργαὶ, εἰ μὴ τοὺς Ἐπιμενίδου τοῦ Κρητὸς, ἀνδρὸς τελεστοῦ, ἀνεγνώκει χρησμούς; Ἢ πόθεν ἐγνώκει τὸ, Τοῦ γὰρ καὶ γένος ἐσμὲν, εἰ μὴ τὰ Φαινόμενα τοῦ ἀστρονόμου Αράτου ἠπίστατο; ᾿Αλλὰ καὶ τὸ, Φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρηστὰ ὁμιλίαι κακαὶ, δείκνυσι μὴ ἀνήκοον τῶν Εὐριπίδου δραμάτων τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ τί δεῖ περὶ τούτων μηκύνειν τὸν λόγον ; Καὶ ἀνέκαθεν ὡς ἔκ τινος μὴ κεκωλυμένης συνηθείας, οἱ κατὰ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας διδάσκαλοι, δείκνυνται ἄχρι γήρως τὰ Ἑλλήνων ἀσκούμενοι· τοῦτο μὲν εὐγλωττίας χάριν καὶ γυμνασίας τοῦ νοῦ · τοῦτο δὲ, καὶ πρὸς τὴν αὐτῶν ἐκείνων κατάγνωσιν, περὶ ὧν ἀπεσφάλησαν. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἕνεκεν τῶν Ἀπολιναρίων οἷόν τε εἰρήσθω.
Ho mentoi tou basileōs nomos, hos tous Christianous Hellēnikēs paideias metechein ekōlye, tous Apolinarious, hōn kai proteron emnēmoneusamen, phanerōterous apedeixen. Hōs gar amphō ēstēn epistēmones logōn, ho men patēr grammatikōn, sophistikōn de ho huios, chreiōdeis heautous pros ton paronta kairon tois Christianois apedeiknyon. Ho men gar euthys grammatikos ate, tēn technēn grammatikēn Christianikǭ typǭ synetatte; ta te Mōÿseōs B:blia o, dia tou hērōïkou legomenou metrou metebale; kai hosa kata tēn Palaian Diathēkēn en historias typǭ syngegraptai, kai touto men tǭ daktylikǭ metrǭ synetatte, touto de, kai tǭ tēs tragǭdias typǭ dramatikōs exeirgazeto. Kai panti metrǭ rhythmikǭ echrēto, hopōs an mēdeis tropos tēs Hellēnikēs glōttēs tois Christianois anēkoos ę̄. Ho de neōteros Apolinarios eu pros to legein pareskeuasmenos, ta Euangelia, kai ta apostolika dogmata, en typǭ dialogōn exetheto, katha kai Platōn par' Hellēsin. Houtō men oun tǭ Christianismǭ chreiōdeis phanentes, tou basileōs to sophisma dia tōn oikeiōn ponōn enikēsan. ᾿All᾿ hē pronoia tou Theou kreissōn egeneto, kai tēs toutōn spoudēs, kai tēs tou basileōs hormēs. Ho men gar nomos, ouk eis makran apesbē tǭ basilei, hōs proïontes dēlōsomen; tōn de hoi ponoi, en isǭ tou mē graphēnai logizontai B. 'All' erei tis gorgōs pros hēmas apantōn • Pōs phēs pronoią Theou tauta genesthai? Tēn men gar tou basileōs tacheian teleutēn, lysitelēsai tǭ Christianismǭ dēlon esti. To de parerrhiphthai ta tōn Apolinariōn christianika poiēmata, kai palin tous Christianous tēn Hellēnōn manthanein paideian, ouketi touto lysitelein tǭ Christianismǭ. Pros blabēs gar einai tēn Hellēnikēn paideian, polytheïan didaskousan. Pros tauta oun, ta hypopiptonta hēmin hōs hoion te lexomen. Hē Hellēnikē paideusis, oute para tou Christou, oute para tōn autou mathētōn, ē hōs theopneustos edechthē, ē hōs epiblabēs exeblēthē. Kai O touto, hōs hēgoumai, ouk apronoētōs epoiēsan. Polloi gar tōn par' Hellēsi philosophēsantōn, ou makran tou gnōnai ton Theon egenonto. Kai gar kai pros tous apronoēsian eisagontas, hoion Hepikourious, ē allōs eristikous, meta tēs logikēs epistēmēs gennaiōs apēntēsan, tēn hamathian autōn anatrepontes; kai dia toutōn tōn logōn, chreiōdeis men tois tēn eusebeian agapōsi katestēsan; ou mēn tēs kephalēs tou logou ekratēsan, tou mē gnōnai to apokryptomenon apo tōn geneōn kai apo tōn aiōnōn kata Christon mystērion. Kai touth᾽ houtōs echein, en tę̄ pros Rhōmaious Epistolę̄ ho ᾿Apostolos deiknysi, di' hōn phēsin; Apokalyptetai gar orgē Theou ap᾿ ouranōn, epi pasan asebeian kai adikian antheōpōn, tōn tē» aētheian en adikią. tōn, dioti to gnōston tou Theou “ageron estin en autois. Ho Theos gar autois Ta gar aorata autou, apo ktiseōs kosmou tois poiēmasi gooumena kathoratai, ē te aïdios autou dygeimis kai theiotēs, eis to einai autous anapo.Iogētous dioti ngogtes ton Theun', ouch hōs Theon edoxasan. Dia toutōn phainontai gnōsin men alētheias echontes, hēn ho Theos autois ephanerōsen. de ginontai, dioti gnontes ton Theon, ouch hōs Theon edoxasan. Oukoun to mē chōlysai ta Hellēnōn manthanein, tę̄ gnōmę̄ tōn boulomenōn katelipon. Heis men oun houtos logos eirēsthō hēmin pros to procheimenon. Heteros de toioutos Hai theopneustoi Graphai, dogmata men thaumasta kai ontōs theia didaskousi. Kai pollēn men euladeian bion orthon tois entitheasi, pistin te theophilē tois spoudaiois parechousin. Ou mēn technēn didaskousi logichēn, pros to dynasthai apantąn tois boulomenois tę̄ alētheią prospolemein. Sphodra de chatapolemountai hoi polemioi, hotan tois autōn hoplois chrōmetha autōn. Touto de ouch enēn hyparxein tois Christiani-zousi, hōn hoi ᾿Apolinarioi egrapsan. Touto ho basileus Ioulianos schopēsas, nomǭ tous Christiagnous apetrepe ta Hellēnōn paideuesthai. Eu gar ēpistato, hōs hoi mythoi eudiadolon autou tēn doxan poiēsousin. Hōn kai katagnous Sōchratēs ho par᾽ autois choryphaiotatos philosophos, hōs paracharassōn ta par᾽ autois: daimonia katekrithē. "Allōs te parengyōsin hēmin ho te Christos kai ho toutou ᾿Apostolos, ginesthai trapezitai dochimoi, hōste ta panta dochimazein, to kalon chatechontas. Prostechein de mē tis hymas estai sylagōgōn dia tēs philosophias kai kenēs apatēs. Touto de ouch an peisometha, ei mē hopla tōn polemiōn chtēsaimetha,, kai en tǭ chtasthai, mē ta tōn polemiōn phronōmen " alla to men chachyn echtrepometha to kalon tēn alētheian echonte:, panta proslamthanomen dochimazontes. To gar kalon entha hē, idion tēs alētheias estin. Ei de tis hēmas biaiōs tauta legein nomizei, schopēsatō hoti ho Apostolos, ou monon ou kōlyei manthanein ᾿Ellēnichēn paideusin alla gar phaineta! autos mē amelēsas autēs, heneken tou “gnōnai polla tōn eirēmenōn tois. "Hellēsin. Epei pothen to. hormōmenos elege Krētes aei pseustai, kaka , gasteres argai, ei mē tous Epimenidou tou Krētos, andros telestou, anegnōkei chrēsmous? Ē pothen egnōkei to, Tou gar kai genos esmen, ei mē ta Phainomena tou astronomou Aratou ēpistato? ᾿Alla kai to, Phtheirousin ēthē chrēsta homiliai kakai, deiknysi mē anēkoon tōn Euripidou dramatōn tynchanonta. Kai ti dei peri toutōn mēkynein ton logon ? Kai anekathen hōs ek tinos mē kekōlymenēs synētheias, hoi kata tas Ekklēsias didaskaloi, deiknyntai achri gērōs ta Hellēnōn askoumenoi; touto men euglōttias charin kai gymnasias tou nou ; touto de, kai pros tēn autōn ekeinōn katagnōsin, peri hōn apesphalēsan. Tauta men oun heneken tōn Apolinariōn hoion te eirēsthō.
The emperor’s law forbidding Christians to share in Greek education made the Apollinarii, whom we mentioned before, more prominent. For since both were skilled in letters, the father in grammar and the son in rhetoric, they showed themselves useful to the Christians at the present time. The father, being a grammarian, at once composed a grammar in Christian form; he turned the books of Moses into what is called heroic metre, and all that is written in the form of history in the Old Testament he put partly into dactylic metre and partly worked up dramatically in the form of tragedy. He used every kind of rhythmic metre, so that no form of the Greek language might be unheard by Christians. The younger Apollinaris, well equipped for speaking, set out the Gospels and the doctrines of the apostles in the form of dialogues, as Plato did among the Greeks. Showing themselves so useful to Christianity, they overcame the emperor’s sophistry by their own labours. But the providence of God proved stronger than both their zeal and the emperor’s onset. For the law was soon extinguished with the emperor, as we shall show as we go on; and their labours are reckoned as if they had not been written.
But someone will meet us sharply and say: “How do you say that these things happened by the providence of God? That the emperor’s speedy death benefited Christianity is plain; but that the Christian poems of the Apollinarii were cast aside, and that Christians again learn the education of the Greeks, does not benefit Christianity; for Greek education is harmful, since it teaches polytheism.” To this we will say what occurs to us, as far as we can. Greek education was neither received as divinely inspired nor rejected as harmful by Christ or his disciples; and they did this, I think, not without forethought. For many of those who practised philosophy among the Greeks came not far from knowing God. Against those who introduced the denial of providence, such as the Epicureans or other contentious men, they made noble answer with logical science, overturning their ignorance; and by these arguments they became useful to those who love piety. Yet they did not grasp the head of the matter, since they did not know the mystery in Christ that was hidden from the generations and from the ages. The apostle shows that this is so in the letter to the Romans, where he says: “For the wrath of God is revealed from heaven against all ungodliness and unrighteousness of men who suppress the truth in unrighteousness, because what can be known of God is plain to them, for God has shown it to them. For his invisible things, from the creation of the world, are clearly seen, being understood through the things made, both his eternal power and divinity, so that they are without excuse; because, knowing God, they did not glorify him as God.” From this they appear to have had knowledge of the truth, which God revealed to them; but they became liable to judgment, because knowing God they did not glorify him as God. So by not forbidding the learning of Greek things, they left it to the judgment of those who wished. Let this be one argument from us on the matter in hand. Another is this. The divinely inspired Scriptures teach wonderful and truly divine doctrines, implant much reverence and a right life in those who hear them, and furnish a faith pleasing to God to the earnest. But they do not teach the art of reasoning by which one can answer those who wish to make war on the truth. Enemies are most effectively defeated when we use their own weapons against them. This the Christians could not have from what the Apollinarii wrote. The emperor Julian, seeing this, by law turned Christians away from being educated in Greek learning; for he knew well that the myths would make his opinion easy to discredit. Socrates, the most eminent of their philosophers, condemning these myths, was condemned as one who corrupted their divinities. Besides, Christ and his apostle urge us to become approved money-changers, testing all things and holding fast what is good; and to take heed lest anyone carry us off as spoil through philosophy and empty deceit. This we could not do unless we acquired the weapons of the enemy, and, in acquiring them, did not think as the enemy thinks, but, rejecting the evil and holding the good and the truth, received everything after testing it. For the good, wherever it is, is the property of the truth. If anyone thinks we say this forcibly, let him consider that the apostle not only does not forbid learning Greek education, but appears himself not to have neglected it, for he knew many things said by the Greeks. For from what did he say, “Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, idle bellies,” unless he had read the oracles of Epimenides the Cretan, a man skilled in rites? Or how did he know “For we are also his offspring,” unless he was acquainted with the Phaenomena of Aratus the astronomer? And “Bad company corrupts good morals” shows that he was not unacquainted with the dramas of Euripides. What need is there to lengthen the discourse about these things? From of old, as by a custom not forbidden, the teachers of the churches are seen to have practised Greek learning to old age, partly for the sake of eloquence and the training of the mind, and partly for the refutation of those very writers in what they erred. Let this much be said, as far as possible, on account of the Apollinarii.
3.17PG 67:423–425
( βασιλικοῦ προστάγματος ζημίαν, τῆς ἐμπορίας τότε Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς πλεῖστα ἐκ τῶν Χριστιανῶν κομισάμενος χρήματα, ἐπὶ Πέρσας τε τὴν σπουδὴν ποιούμενος, τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ καταλαμβάνει ᾿Αντιόχειαν. Ἐνᾗ γενόμενος, τὸ προσόν τε αὐτῷ φιλότιμον καὶ ᾿Αντιοχεῦσιν ἐπιδεῖξαι βουλόμενος, τὰς τιμὰς τῶν ὠνίων · πλέον ἢ ἔδει, εἰς ἔλαττον κατεβίβασε, μὴ στοχασάμενος τοῦ καιροῦ · μηδὲ λογισάμενος, ὡς παρουσία πολυπληθίας στρατοπέδου, τοῖς τε ἐπαρχιώταις ἐξανάγκης ζημία γίνεται, καὶ τὴν ἀφθονίαν ἐκκόπτει τῶν πόλεων. Διόπερ οἱ μεταβολεῖς καὶ οἱ τῶν ὠνίων κάπηλοι, μὴ ἐνεγκόντες τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀπέσχοντο. Ἐκ δὲ τούτου, τὰ ὧνια ἀπελείπετο. Καὶ τὴν προσβολὴν μὴ ἐνεγκόντες οἱ Ἀντιοχεῖς· εὐρίπιστοι γὰρ οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἰς ὕβρεις · μὴ μελλήσαντες, κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐχώρησαν· κατεβόων τε αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἀπέσκωπτον εἰς τὸν πώγωνα · βαθυγένειος γὰρ ἦν· κείρειν τε ἔλεγον τοῦτον ὰ καὶ σχοινία πλέκειν ἐξ αὐτοῦ· τὸ νόμισμά τε αὐτοῦ ταῦρον ἔχειν «, τὸν κόσμον ἀνατετράφθαι. Ὢν γὰρ δὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς πολὺ δεισιδαίμων, ταύρους τε συνεχῶς θύων πρὸς τοῖς βωμοῖς τῶν εἰδώλων, βωμὸν καὶ ταῦρον ἐντυπωθῆναι κεκελεύκει τῷ ἑαυτοῦ νομίσματι. Ἐκ τούτων δὴ τῶν σκωμμάτων εἰς ὀργὴν ἐκπεσὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς, διηπείλει πᾶν ποιῆσαι κακὸν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχέων πόλει· καὶ ἐπὶ Ταρσὸν τῆς Κιλικίας ἐξυποστρέφει · ἐκεῖ τε τὰ ἐπιτήδεια κελεύσας εὐτρεπισθῆναι, ἀπαίρειν ἐσπούδαζεν. Ὅθεν ὑπόθεσιν ἔσχεν ὁ σοφιστής Λιβάνιος, γράψαι τόν τε πρεσβευτικὸν ὑπὲρ ᾿Αντιοχέων, καὶ τὸν πρὸς ᾿Αντιοχεῖς περὶ τῆς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργῆς. Ἀλλὰ τούτους μὲν τοὺς λόγους φασὶ γράψαντα τὸν σοφιστὴν, μηκέτι εἰς πολλοὺς εἰρηκέναι. Ὁ βασιλεὺς δὲ ἀφέμενος ἔργοις τοὺς ὑβρικότας ἀμύνασθαι, τῷ ἀντισκῶψαι τὴν ὀργὴν διελύσατο· τὸν γὰρ πεπονημένον αὐτῷ Β' Ἀντιοχικὸν, ἤτοι μισοπώγωνα λόγον διεξελθών, στίγματα διηνεκῆ τῇ Ἀντιοχέων πόλει κατέλιπεν. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτων τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Λεκτέον δὲ καὶ οἷα τοῖς ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ Χριστιανοῖς ὁ βασιλεὺς τότε πεποιήκει.
( basilikou prostagmatos zēmian, tēs emporias tote Ho mentoi basileus pleista ek tōn Christianōn komisamenos chrēmata, epi Persas te tēn spoudēn poioumenos, tēn en Syrią katalambanei ᾿Antiocheian. Enę̄ genomenos, to proson te autǭ philotimon kai ᾿Antiocheusin epideixai boulomenos, tas timas tōn ōniōn ; pleon ē edei, eis elatton katebibase, mē stochasamenos tou kairou ; mēde logisamenos, hōs parousia polyplēthias stratopedou, tois te eparchiōtais exanankēs zēmia ginetai, kai tēn aphthonian ekkoptei tōn poleōn. Dioper hoi metaboleis kai hoi tōn ōniōn kapēloi, mē enenkontes tēn ek tou apeschonto. Ek de toutou, ta hōnia apeleipeto. Kai tēn prosbolēn mē enenkontes hoi Antiocheis; euripistoi gar hoi anthrōpoi eis hybreis ; mē mellēsantes, kata tou basileōs echōrēsan; kateboōn te autou, kai apeskōpton eis ton pōgōna ; bathygeneios gar ēn; keirein te elegon touton a kai schoinia plekein ex autou; to nomisma te autou tauron echein «, ton kosmon anatetraphthai. Ōn gar dē ho basileus poly deisidaimōn, taurous te synechōs thyōn pros tois bōmois tōn eidōlōn, bōmon kai tauron entypōthēnai kekeleukei tǭ heautou nomismati. Ek toutōn dē tōn skōmmatōn eis orgēn ekpesōn ho basileus, diēpeilei pan poiēsai kakon tę̄ ᾿Antiocheōn polei; kai epi Tarson tēs Kilikias exypostrephei ; ekei te ta epitēdeia keleusas eutrepisthēnai, apairein espoudazen. Hothen hypothesin eschen ho sophistēs Libanios, grapsai ton te presbeutikon hyper ᾿Antiocheōn, kai ton pros ᾿Antiocheis peri tēs tou basileōs orgēs. Alla toutous men tous logous phasi grapsanta ton sophistēn, mēketi eis pollous eirēkenai. Ho basileus de aphemenos ergois tous hybrikotas amynasthai, tǭ antiskōpsai tēn orgēn dielysato; ton gar peponēmenon autǭ B' Antiochikon, ētoi misopōgōna logon diexelthōn, stigmata diēnekē tę̄ Antiocheōn polei katelipen. Peri men dē toutōn tosauta eirēsthō. Lekteon de kai hoia tois en Antiocheią Christianois ho basileus tote pepoiēkei.
The emperor, having collected very much money from the Christians and pressing on against the Persians, reached Antioch in Syria. Arriving there and wishing to show the Antiochenes the love of honour that was in him, he lowered the prices of goods more than he should, not considering the circumstances nor reckoning that the presence of a numerous army necessarily brings loss to the provincials and cuts off the plenty of the cities. So the merchants and retail dealers, not bearing the loss caused by the imperial order, gave up trading then; and from this goods ran short. The Antiochenes, not bearing the affront (for the people are easily stirred to insolence), without delay turned against the emperor. They cried out against him and mocked his beard, for he wore a long one, saying that he should shave it and make ropes from it; and that his coin had a bull, and the world was turned upside down. For the emperor, being very superstitious and continually sacrificing bulls on the altars of the idols, had ordered an altar and a bull to be stamped on his coinage. Falling into anger at these jibes, the emperor threatened to do every evil to the city of Antioch, and turned back to Tarsus in Cilicia, ordering supplies to be prepared there, and was eager to depart. This gave the sophist Libanius occasion to write both the speech of embassy on behalf of the Antiochenes and the one addressed to the Antiochenes on the emperor’s anger. But they say that the sophist, having written these speeches, never delivered them before many. The emperor, giving up taking vengeance on those who had insulted him by deeds, discharged his anger by mocking them in return: by reading the Antiochicus or Misopogon (“Beard-hater”), which he had composed, he left lasting marks of disgrace on the city of Antioch. Let this much be said about these things. We must also tell what the emperor then did to the Christians at Antioch.
3.18PG 67:425
Τὰ γὰρ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀνοιγῆναι κελεύσας, χρησμὸν λαβεῖν παρὰ τοῦ ἐν Δάφνῃ ᾿Απόλλωνος ὁ ἔσπευδεν. Ὡς δὲ ὁ ἐνοικῶν τῷ ἱερῷ δαίμων τὸν γείτονα δεδοικὼς, λέγω δὴ Βαβυλᾶν τὸν μάρτυρα, οὐκ ἀπεκρίνατο· πλησίον γὰρ ἦν ἡ σορὸς ἡ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ μάρτυρος κρύπτουσα· γνοὺς τὴν αἰτίαν σοφὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς, τὴν σορὸν τάχος κελεύει μετοικίζεσθαι. Τοῦτο μαθόντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν Χριστιανοὶ, ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ νέᾳ ἡλικίᾳ, χαίροντες καὶ ψαλμῳδοῦντες, ἀπὸ τῆς Δάφνης ἐπὶ τὴν πόλιν μετέφερον τὴν σορόν· αἱ δὲ ψαλμῳδίαι ἤπτοντο τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν θεῶν, καὶ τῶν πεπιστευκότων αὐτοῖς τε καὶ τοῖς εἰδώλοις αὐτῶν.
Ta gar kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian hiera tōn Hellēnōn anoigēnai keleusas, chrēsmon labein para tou en Daphnę̄ ᾿Apollōnos ho espeuden. Hōs de ho enoikōn tǭ hierǭ daimōn ton geitona dedoikōs, legō dē Babylan ton martyra, ouk apekrinato; plēsion gar ēn hē soros hē to sōma tou martyros kryptousa; gnous tēn aitian sophos ho basileus, tēn soron tachos keleuei metoikizesthai. Touto mathontes hoi kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian Christianoi, hama gynaixi kai neą hēlikią, chairontes kai psalmǭdountes, apo tēs Daphnēs epi tēn polin metepheron tēn soron; hai de psalmǭdiai ēptonto tōn Hellēnikōn theōn, kai tōn pepisteukotōn autois te kai tois eidōlois autōn.
He ordered the temples of the pagans at Antioch to be opened and was eager to receive an oracle from Apollo at Daphne. But the demon dwelling in the temple, fearing his neighbour, I mean the martyr Babylas, gave no answer; for the coffin containing the martyr’s body was nearby. The emperor, perceiving the cause, ordered the coffin to be removed at once. When the Christians at Antioch learned this, together with women and children they carried the coffin from Daphne to the city, rejoicing and singing psalms; and the psalms they sang attacked the gods of the pagans and those who trusted in them and in their idols.
3.19PG 67:427
δεσμωτήριον οἰκεῖν προσέταξεν. Ἕνα δὲ νεανίσκον, Τότε δὴ καὶ τὸ κρυπτόμενον ἦθος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐξηλέγχετο. Οὐ γὰρ ἔτι κατεῖχεν ἑαυτοῦ, ὁ πρώην φιλοσοφεῖν ἐπαγγελλόμενος. ᾿Αλλ' ἐκ τῶν ὀνειδιστικῶν ὕμνων, εὐέμπτωτος ἦν εἰς ὀργὴν, ἕτοιμός τε ἦν ταῦτα ποιεῖν τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς, οἷα οἱ περὶ Διοκλητιανὸν πρότερον πεποιήκεισαν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἡ κατὰ Περσῶν σπουδὴ οὐ παρεῖχε τῇ προθέσει καιρὸν, κελεύει Σαλουστίῳ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ, συλλαβεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ κολάσαι τοὺς μάλιστα σπουδαίους ἡ τῶν ψαλμῳδῶν. Ὁ δὲ ἔπαρχος, καίτοι Ἕλλην ὢν τὴν θρησκείαν, τὸ μὲν ἐπίταγμα ἡδέως οὐκ ἐδέξατο. Αντιλέγειν δὲ οὐκ ἔχων, συλλαμβάνει μὲν πολλοὺς τῶν Χριστιανῶν, καὶ τινας ὀνόματι Θεόδωρον, αὐτῷ παρὰ τῶν Ἑλληνιζόντων προσαχθέντα, βασάνοις καὶ διαφόροις κολαστηρίοις ὑπέβαλλε, καταξανθῆναι κατὰ παντὸς κελεύσας τοῦ σώματος· καὶ αὐτὸν τότε ἠφίει τῶν βασάνων, ὅτε μηκέτι ζήσεσθαι ᾤετο. ᾿Αλλὰ Θεὸς ἦν ὁ σώζων τὸν ἄνδρα. Ἐπεβίω γὰρ χρόνον μετ' ἐκείνην τὴν ὁμολο γίαν πολύν. Τούτῳ τῷ Θεοδώρῳ, Ῥουφῖνος ὁ τῇ Ῥωμαίων γλώσσῃ τὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἱστορίαν συγγράψας, φησὶ μεταταῦτα χρόνῳ ὕστερον πολλῷ συντετυχηκέναι, καὶ ἡρωτηκέναι, εἰ τυπτόμενος καὶ στρεβλούμενος μεγίστης τῆς ὀδύνης ᾐσθάνετο. Τὸν δὲ εἰρηκέναι, βραχεῖαν μὲν αὐτῷ σφόδρα γενέσθαι τὴν ἐκ τῶν βασάνων ὀδύνην· παραστῆναι δέ τινα νεαΟ νίσκον, καὶ ἀπομάττειν αὐτοῦ τὸν ἐκ τοῦ ἀγῶνος ἰδρῶτα ἐπιγινόμενον, ἐπιῤῥωννύειν τε αὐτοῦ τὴν ψυ χὴν, καὶ τέρψιν αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἢ ἀγῶνα τὸν χρόνον τῆς βασάνου ποιεῖν. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τοῦ θαυμαστοῦ Θεοδώρου τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθῳ. Τότε δὲ παρῆσαν πρέσβεις Περσῶν, αἰτοῦντες ἐπὶ φανεροῖς καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον 16. Ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψεν, εἰπών Αὐτόν με ὄψεσθε μετ'οὐ πολὺ, καὶ οὐδέν μοι δεήσει πρεσβείας.
desmōtērion oikein prosetaxen. Hena de neaniskon, Tote dē kai to kryptomenon ēthos tou basileōs exēlencheto. Ou gar eti kateichen heautou, ho prōēn philosophein epangellomenos. ᾿All' ek tōn oneidistikōn hymnōn, euemptōtos ēn eis orgēn, hetoimos te ēn tauta poiein tois Christianois, hoia hoi peri Dioklētianon proteron pepoiēkeisan. Epei de hē kata Persōn spoudē ou pareiche tę̄ prothesei kairon, keleuei Saloustiǭ tǭ eparchǭ, syllabein epi to kolasai tous malista spoudaious hē tōn psalmǭdōn. Ho de eparchos, kaitoi Hellēn ōn tēn thrēskeian, to men epitagma hēdeōs ouk edexato. Antilegein de ouk echōn, syllambanei men pollous tōn Christianōn, kai tinas onomati Theodōron, autǭ para tōn Hellēnizontōn prosachthenta, basanois kai diaphorois kolastēriois hypeballe, kataxanthēnai kata pantos keleusas tou sōmatos; kai auton tote ēphiei tōn basanōn, hote mēketi zēsesthai ǭeto. ᾿Alla Theos ēn ho sōzōn ton andra. Epebiō gar chronon met' ekeinēn tēn homolo gian polyn. Toutǭ tǭ Theodōrǭ, Rhouphinos ho tę̄ Rhōmaiōn glōssę̄ tēn ekklēsiastikēn historian syngrapsas, phēsi metatauta chronǭ hysteron pollǭ syntetychēkenai, kai hērōtēkenai, ei typtomenos kai strebloumenos megistēs tēs odynēs ę̄sthaneto. Ton de eirēkenai, bracheian men autǭ sphodra genesthai tēn ek tōn basanōn odynēn; parastēnai de tina neaO niskon, kai apomattein autou ton ek tou agōnos idrōta epiginomenon, epirrhōnnyein te autou tēn psy chēn, kai terpsin autǭ mallon ē agōna ton chronon tēs basanou poiein. Kai peri men tou thaumastou Theodōrou tosauta eirēsthǭ. Tote de parēsan presbeis Persōn, aitountes epi phanerois katathesthai ton polemon 16. Ho de autous apepempsen, eipōn Auton me opsesthe met'ou poly, kai ouden moi deēsei presbeias.
Then the emperor’s hidden character was exposed. For he who had formerly professed to be a philosopher no longer restrained himself, but, provoked by the reproachful hymns, he was easily roused to anger and ready to do to the Christians what Diocletian and his colleagues had done before. But since his zeal against the Persians gave his purpose no opportunity, he ordered Sallustius the prefect to seize those who had been most zealous in the psalm-singing, to punish them. The prefect, though a pagan in religion, did not receive the order gladly; but having no means of refusing, he arrested many of the Christians and ordered them to be kept in prison. One young man named Theodore, brought to him by the pagans, he subjected to tortures and various punishments, ordering him to be torn all over his body, and released him from the tortures only when he thought he would not live. But God preserved the man; for he survived that confession by a long time. Rufinus, who wrote the Church History in Latin, says that he met this Theodore long afterwards and asked him whether, when he was beaten and racked, he felt very great pain. He said that the pain of the tortures was very brief for him; that a young man stood by him, wiping away the sweat that came from the struggle and strengthening his soul, and made the time of torture a delight to him rather than a struggle. Let this much be said about the wonderful Theodore. At that time envoys of the Persians came, asking to end the war on clear terms. But he sent them away, saying, “You will see me myself before long, and I will need no embassy.”
3.20PG 67:427–431
Καὶ κατ᾿ ἄλλον δὲ τρόπον ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς βλάπτειν σπουδάζων, τὴν οἰκείαν δεισιδαιμονίαν ἔξήλεγχε, Φιλοθύτης γὰρ ὧν, οὐ μόνον αὐτὸς τῷ αἴματι ἔχαιρεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὴ ἄλλοι τοῦτο ζημίσν ἐνόμιζεν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὀλίγους τοὺς τοιούτους ἐφεύρισκεν, ᾿Ἰουδαΐους μεταπέμπεται " παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπυνθάνετο, τοῦ χάριν τοῦ Μωσαϊκοῦ νόμου κελεύσαντος θύειν, ἀπέχονται. Τῶν δὲ μὴ ἀλλαχοῦ φησάντων δύνασθαι τοῦτο ποιεῖν, εἰ μὴ μόνον ἐν τοῖς Ἱεροσολύμοις, χελεύξι τάχος χτίζεσθαι τὸν Σολομῶναῦν. Καὶ αὐτὸ; ἐπὶ Πέρσας ἤλαυνε. Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ δράξασθαι πάλαι ἐπιθυμοῦντες, ἐν ᾧ τὸ ἑερὸν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸ θύειν ἀνοιχοδομηθήσεται, τότε σπουδαῖοι μὲν πρὴς τὸ ἔργον ἐγίνοντο" φοβεροὺς δὲ τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς ἐ πεδείχνυσαν ἑαυτοὺς, ἢλαζονεύοντό τε αὐτῶν, ἐπαπειλοῦντες τοσαῦτα ποιήσειν, ὅσα αὐτὸ παρὰ Ῥωμαίων πάλαι πεπόνθασι. Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐκ δημοσίων τὴν δαπάνην παρατχεθῆναι κελεύσαντος, εὐτρέπιστο πάντα, ξύλα καὶ λίθοι, πλίνθος ὀπτὴ, καὶ πηλὸς ἄσδεστος, τὰ ἄλλα ὅσα πρὸς οἰχοδομὴν ἐπιτήδεια γίνεται. Τότε δὴ Κύριλλος ὁ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπίσκοπος, τὸ τοῦ προφή - του Δανιὴλ κατὰ νοῦν ἐλάμβανεν, ὅπερ ὁ Χριστὸς ἐν τοῖς ἀγίοις Εὐαγγελίοι: ἐπεσφραγίσατο, πολλοῖς τε πρηέλεγεν, ὡς ἄρα νῦν ἤχει ὁ χαιρὺς, ὅτε λίθος ἔπι λίθον οὐχ ἂν μένοι εἰς τὸν ναῦν, ἀλλὰ τὸ τοῦ Σωτῆρος λόγιον πληρωθήσεται. Ταῦτα ἔλεγεν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος. Καὶ διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς σεισμὸς μέγας ἐπιγενόμενος, ἀνέθδρασε τοὺς λίθους τῶν πάλαι θεμελίων τοῦ ναοῦ, πάντας διέσπειρε, σὺν τοῖς παραχειμένοις οἰκήμασι. Δέος δὲ ἐκ τοῦ γενομένου Ἰονδαίους κατέλαβε - καὶ φήμη ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ἦγε τοὺς πόῤῥω διάγοντα. Παρόντων οὖν σφόδρα πολλῶν, ἕτερον τεράστιον ἐπιγίνεται. γὰρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ χατασκηψαν), πάντα τὰ τῶν οἰχοδόμων ἐργαλεῖα διέφθειρεν. Ἦν γοὺν ἰδεῖν, ὑπὸ τῆς φλογὸς ἀπολλυμένας τὰς σφύρας, τὰς γλαρίδας, τοὺς πρίονας, τοὺς πελέχει-:, τὰ σχέπαρνα, πάντα ἀπλῶς ὅσα πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ἐπιτέδεια εἶχον οἱ ἐργαζόμενωι. Ἐπενέμετο μὲν οὖν ταῦτα τὸ πῦρ, 50 τῆς ἡμέρας. Ἰουδαῖοι δὲ ἐν μεγίστῳ φόθδῳ γενόμενοι, ἄκοντες ὡμολόγουν τὸν Χριστὸν Θεὸν λέγοντες. Οὐχ ἐποίουν ὃὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ θέλημα, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμενον τῇ τοῦ Ἰουδαϊσμοῦ προλήψει χρατούμενο!. Οὐδὲ γὰρ τὸ τρίτον θαῦμα τὸ ὕστερον ἐπιγενόμενον, εἰς πίστιν τῆς ἀληθείας ἦγεν αὐτοὺς · καὶ γὰρ τῇ ἐρχομένῃ νυκτὶ, σφραγίδες σταυροῦ ἀκτινοειδεῖς, τοῖς ἱματίοις αὐτῶν ἐντετυπωμέναι ἐφάνησαν Κ. "Ας ἡμέρας ἐπιγενομένης ἰδόντες, ἀποπλύνειν καὶ ἀποσμήχειν θέλοντες, οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἡδύναντο. Πεπώρωντο οὖν κατὰ τὸν ᾿Απόστολον, καὶ τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἐν χερσὶν ἔχοντες ἔρῥιπτον. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν ὁ ναὸς τότε ἀντὶ τοῦ οἰκοδομηθῆναι, εἰς τέλεον ἀνατέτραπτο.
Kai kat᾿ allon de tropon ho basileus tous Christianous blaptein spoudazōn, tēn oikeian deisidaimonian exēlenche, Philothytēs gar hōn, ou monon autos tǭ aimati echairen, all᾽ ei mē alloi touto zēmisn enomizen. Epeidē de oligous tous toioutous epheurisken, ᾿Ioudaïous metapempetai " par᾽ autōn epynthaneto, tou charin tou Mōsaïkou nomou keleusantos thyein, apechontai. Tōn de mē allachou phēsantōn dynasthai touto poiein, ei mē monon en tois Hierosolymois, cheleuxi tachos chtizesthai ton Solomōnaun. Kai auto? epi Persas ēlaune. Ioudaioi de draxasthai palai epithymountes, en hǭ to heeron autois pros to thyein anoichodomēthēsetai, tote spoudaioi men prēs to ergon eginonto" phoberous de tois Christianois e pedeichnysan heautous, ēlazoneuonto te autōn, epapeilountes tosauta poiēsein, hosa auto para Rhōmaiōn palai peponthasi. Tou de basileōs ek dēmosiōn tēn dapanēn paratchethēnai keleusantos, eutrepisto panta, xyla kai lithoi, plinthos optē, kai pēlos asdestos, ta alla hosa pros oichodomēn epitēdeia ginetai. Tote dē Kyrillos ho tōn Hierosolymōn episkopos, to tou prophē - tou Daniēl kata noun elambanen, hoper ho Christos en tois agiois Euangelioi: epesphragisato, pollois te prēelegen, hōs ara nyn ēchei ho chairys, hote lithos epi lithon ouch an menoi eis ton naun, alla to tou Sōtēros logion plērōthēsetai. Tauta elegen ho episkopos. Kai dia tēs nyktos seismos megas epigenomenos, anethdrase tous lithous tōn palai themeliōn tou naou, pantas diespeire, syn tois paracheimenois oikēmasi. Deos de ek tou genomenou Iondaious katelabe - kai phēmē epi ton topon ēge tous porrhō diagonta. Parontōn oun sphodra pollōn, heteron terastion epiginetai. gar ex ouranou chataskēpsan), panta ta tōn oichodomōn ergaleia diephtheiren. Ēn goun idein, hypo tēs phlogos apollymenas tas sphyras, tas glaridas, tous prionas, tous pelechei-:, ta scheparna, panta aplōs hosa pros to ergon epitedeia eichon hoi ergazomenōi. Epenemeto men oun tauta to pyr, 50 tēs hēmeras. Ioudaioi de en megistǭ phothdǭ genomenoi, akontes hōmologoun ton Christon Theon legontes. Ouch epoioun hoe autou to thelēma, all᾽ emenon tę̄ tou Ioudaïsmou prolēpsei chratoumeno!. Oude gar to triton thauma to hysteron epigenomenon, eis pistin tēs alētheias ēgen autous ; kai gar tę̄ erchomenę̄ nykti, sphragides staurou aktinoeideis, tois himatiois autōn entetypōmenai ephanēsan K. "As hēmeras epigenomenēs idontes, apoplynein kai aposmēchein thelontes, oudeni tropǭ hēdynanto. Pepōrōnto oun kata ton ᾿Apostolon, kai to agathon en chersin echontes errhipton. Houtō men oun ho naos tote anti tou oikodomēthēnai, eis teleon anatetrapto.
Eager to harm the Christians in another way as well, the emperor exposed his own superstition. Being fond of sacrifices, he not only delighted in blood himself, but counted it a loss if others did not do the same. Since he found few such, he sent for the Jews and asked them why they abstained from sacrifice, since the law of Moses commanded it. When they said that they could not do this anywhere except in Jerusalem alone, he ordered the temple of Solomon to be built quickly, and himself marched against the Persians. The Jews, who had long desired to seize an opportunity in which the temple would be rebuilt for them to sacrifice, were then zealous for the work. They showed themselves menacing to the Christians and boasted over them, threatening to do to them as much as they had suffered long ago from the Romans. The emperor having ordered the expense to be supplied from public funds, everything was made ready: timber and stones, baked brick, clay, lime, and everything else useful for building. Then Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, called to mind the word of the prophet Daniel, which Christ sealed in the holy Gospels, and foretold to many that now the time had come when not one stone would remain upon another in the temple, but the Saviour’s saying would be fulfilled. So said the bishop. And in the night a great earthquake came, threw up the stones of the old foundations of the temple, and scattered them all, together with the neighbouring buildings. Fear seized the Jews at what had happened, and the report brought those who lived far off to the place. When very many were present, another wonder followed: fire falling from heaven destroyed all the builders’ tools. One could see the hammers, the chisels, the saws, the axes, the adzes, simply everything the workmen had suitable for the work, being consumed by the flame. The fire fed on these throughout the day. The Jews, in very great fear, unwillingly confessed Christ, calling him God; yet they did not do his will, but remained held by the prejudice of Judaism. Not even the third wonder, which came afterwards, led them to faith in the truth. For on the following night luminous marks of the cross appeared imprinted on their garments; and when day came and they saw them, they wished to wash and rub them off, but could in no way do so. So they were hardened, according to the apostle, and having the good in their hands, they threw it away. Thus the temple, instead of being rebuilt, was then utterly overthrown.
3.21PG 67:431–433
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν τῶν Περσῶν 1 ἐνέβαλλε μικρὸν πρὸ τοῦ ἔαρος, πυθόμενος ἀσθενέστατα καὶ δὲ, ἐπίφθονον · πεπιστευκὼς δὲ μαντίαις οι τισὶν, ἀνανδρότατα εἶναι χειμῶνος τὰ ἔθνη Περσῶν. Κρυμόν γὰρ μὴ φέροντες, ἀπόμαχοι μένουσι κατὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον. ᾿Αλλ' οὐδὲ χεῖρα, τὸ τοῦ λόγου, βάλλοι ἂν τότε ἔξω τοῦ φάρους Μήδος ἀνήρ. Ῥωμαίους δ' εἰδὼς καὶ χειμῶνος ἀγωνίζεσθαι δυναμένους, ἐπαφῆκε τῇ χώρᾳ τὸν στρατόν. Πολλὰς οὖν χώρας καὶ κώμας καὶ φρούρια πορθήσαντες, ἤδη καὶ τὰς πόλεις ἐλάμβανον. Περιστοιχίσας δὲ Κτησιφῶντα τὴν μεγάλην πόλιν, τοσοῦτον ἐπολιόρκει τὸν βασιλέα, ὥστε ἐκεῖνον πρεσβείαις χρήσασθαι συχναῖς, ἱκετεύειν τε ζημιωθῆναι μέρος τι τῆς αὐτοῦ πατρίδος, εἰ καταλύσας τὸν πόλεμον ἀποχωρήσῃ Ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔπαθε τὴν ψυχὴν, οὐδὲ τοὺς ἱκετεύοντας ἠλέησεν· ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸ τοῦ λόγου κατὰ νοῦν ἔλαβεν, ὡς ἄρα νικᾶν μὲν, καλόν · ὑπερνικᾷν ἃς αὐτῷ συμπαρὼν ὁ φιλόσοφος Μάξιμος ὑπετίθετο, καὶ ὀνειροπολήσας τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος δόξαν λαβεῖν, ἢ καὶ μᾶλλον ὑπερβαίνειν, τὰς ἱκεσίας Περσῶν ἀπεκρούσατο· καὶ ἐνόμιζε κατὰ τὴν Πυθαγόρου καὶ Πλάτωνος δόξαν, ἐκ μετενσωματώσεως τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἔχειν ψυχήν· μᾶλλον δὲ αὐτὸς εἶναι ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἐν ἑτέρῳ σώματι. Αὕτη ἡ οἴησις αὐτὸν ἐξηπάτησε, καὶ παρεσκεύασε τότε τὴν ἱκεσίαν τοῦ Πέρσου μὴ παραδέξασθαι. Διόπερ ἐκεῖνος γνοὺς ἀνήνυτα αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς πρεσβείας γενόμενα, εἰς ἀνάγκην καθἱσταται τῇ ἐχομένῃ μετὰ τὴν πρεσδείαν ἡμέρᾳ, πᾶσαν ἣν εἶχε δύναμιν ἀντιτάττει Ῥωμαίῳ 6556 4110 στρατῷ. Διεμέμφοντο μὲν οὖν τὸν βασιλέα Ῥωμαῖοι, διότι μὴ ἐπιχερδῶς ὑφῆχε τῆς μάχης " ὅμως δὲ τοῖς παροῦσιν ἀντεπράττοντο " καὶ αὖθις τοὺς πολεμίους , τρέπουσιν εἰς φυγήν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς παρῆν ἱππότης — μὲν, ἐπεῤῥώννυε τὸν στρατόν" ἄοπλος δὲ α τῇ τῆς εὐτυχίας ἐλπίδι μόνῃ θαῤῥῶν. Ἐξ ἀφανοῦς δὲ ἀχόντιον φέρεται χατ᾽ αὐτοῦ, διὰ βραχίονος δια- — , δραμὸν, εἰς τὴν πλευρὰν εἰσέδυ. ταύτης δὲ τὴς — πληγῆς τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν, ἀδήλου γενομένου τοῦ : ἀνελόντος αὐτόν“. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ, ὑπό τινος Πέρτον αὐτο. — μόλου βληθῆναΐ φασιν οἱ δὲ, ὑπὸ οἰκείου στρατιώτου, ὡς ὁ πολὺς λόγος κρατεῖ. Κάλλιστος δὲ ὁ ἐν τοῖς κείοις τοῦ βασιλέως: στρατευόμενος, ἱστορήσας ^ τὰ αὐτὸν ἐν ἡρωϊκῷ μέτρῳ, τὸν τότε πόλεμον διηγούμενος, ὑπὸ δαίμονος βληθέντα τελευτῆσαί φησιν. ορτίο ἃ Ὅπερ τυχὸν μὲν ὡς ποιητὴς ἔπλασε, τυχὸν δὲ | οὕτως ἔχει. Πολλοὺς γὰρ ἐριννύες μετῆλθον, Ἢ — δ' ἂν τὰ χατ᾽ αὑτὸν, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ἐχεῖνά γε οὐχ — ἐλάνθανεν, ὡς ἦν ὁ ἀνὴρ διὰ προθυμίαν οὐκ ἀσφαλὴς, — δι εὐπαιδευσίαν χενόδοξος, δι᾽ ἐπιείκειαν πεπλασμέ- — νην εὐκαταφρόνητος. Ἰουλιανὸς μὲν οὖν τῇ τες ἃ - τάρτῃ ἑαυτοῦ ὑπατείᾳ, ἣν ἅμα Σαλουστίῳ ἐδεδώχει, — περὶ τὴν ἔχτην εἰκάδα τοῦ Ἰουνίου μηνὸς ἐν τῇ Περτῶν χώρᾳ, ὡς ἔφην, τὸν βίον κατέλυσεν. Τοῦτοξὲ — ἔτος ἣν τρίτον τῆς βασιλείας αὐτοῦ" δὲ, οὗ Καῖσαρ ἀπὸ Κωνσταντίου προεδλήθη' τριαχοστὸν δὲ πρῶτον 4 ἣν τῆς αὐτοῦ. : ; νῷ
Ho de basileus eis tēn tōn Persōn 1 eneballe mikron pro tou earos, pythomenos asthenestata kai de, epiphthonon ; pepisteukōs de mantiais oi tisin, anandrotata einai cheimōnos ta ethnē Persōn. Krymon gar mē pherontes, apomachoi menousi kata tonde ton chronon. ᾿All' oude cheira, to tou logou, balloi an tote exō tou pharous Mēdos anēr. Rhōmaious d' eidōs kai cheimōnos agōnizesthai dynamenous, epaphēke tę̄ chōrą ton straton. Pollas oun chōras kai kōmas kai phrouria porthēsantes, ēdē kai tas poleis elambanon. Peristoichisas de Ktēsiphōnta tēn megalēn polin, tosouton epoliorkei ton basilea, hōste ekeinon presbeiais chrēsasthai sychnais, hiketeuein te zēmiōthēnai meros ti tēs autou patridos, ei katalysas ton polemon apochōrēsę̄ Ho de ouk epathe tēn psychēn, oude tous hiketeuontas ēleēsen; all᾽ oude to tou logou kata noun elaben, hōs ara nikan men, kalon ; hypernikąn has autǭ symparōn ho philosophos Maximos hypetitheto, kai oneiropolēsas tēn ᾿Alexandrou tou Makedonos doxan labein, ē kai mallon hyperbainein, tas hikesias Persōn apekrousato; kai enomize kata tēn Pythagorou kai Platōnos doxan, ek metensōmatōseōs tēn ᾿Alexandrou echein psychēn; mallon de autos einai ᾿Alexandros en heterǭ sōmati. Hautē hē oiēsis auton exēpatēse, kai pareskeuase tote tēn hikesian tou Persou mē paradexasthai. Dioper ekeinos gnous anēnyta autǭ ta tēs presbeias genomena, eis anankēn kathistatai tę̄ echomenę̄ meta tēn presdeian hēmerą, pasan hēn eiche dynamin antitattei Rhōmaiǭ 6556 4110 stratǭ. Diememphonto men oun ton basilea Rhōmaioi, dioti mē epicherdōs hyphēche tēs machēs " homōs de tois parousin anteprattonto " kai authis tous polemious , trepousin eis phygēn. Ho de basileus parēn hippotēs — men, eperrhōnnye ton straton" aoplos de a tę̄ tēs eutychias elpidi monę̄ tharrhōn. Ex aphanous de achontion pheretai chat᾽ autou, dia brachionos dia- — , dramon, eis tēn pleuran eisedy. tautēs de tēs — plēgēs ton bion katestrepsen, adēlou genomenou tou : anelontos auton“. Hoi men gar, hypo tinos Perton auto. — molou blēthēnaï phasin hoi de, hypo oikeiou stratiōtou, hōs ho polys logos kratei. Kallistos de ho en tois keiois tou basileōs: strateuomenos, historēsas ^ ta auton en hērōïkǭ metrǭ, ton tote polemon diēgoumenos, hypo daimonos blēthenta teleutēsai phēsin. ortio ha Hoper tychon men hōs poiētēs eplase, tychon de | houtōs echei. Pollous gar erinnyes metēlthon, Ē — d' an ta chat᾽ hauton, all᾽ oun echeina ge ouch — elanthanen, hōs ēn ho anēr dia prothymian ouk asphalēs, — di eupaideusian chenodoxos, di᾽ epieikeian peplasme- — nēn eukataphronētos. Ioulianos men oun tę̄ tes ha - tartę̄ heautou hypateią, hēn hama Saloustiǭ ededōchei, — peri tēn echtēn eikada tou Iouniou mēnos en tę̄ Pertōn chōrą, hōs ephēn, ton bion katelysen. Toutoxe — etos hēn triton tēs basileias autou" de, hou Kaisar apo Kōnstantiou proedlēthē' triachoston de prōton 4 hēn tēs autou. : ? nǭ
The emperor invaded the land of the Persians a little before spring, having learned that the nations of the Persians are very weak and unwarlike in winter. For not bearing the cold, they remain out of action at this season; and, as the saying goes, a Mede will not then put his hand out of his cloak. Knowing that the Romans could fight even in winter, he let his army loose on the country. After ravaging many districts, villages, and forts, they were already taking cities. Surrounding the great city of Ctesiphon, he besieged the king so closely that he sent many embassies and begged to give up some part of his country if the emperor would end the war and withdraw. But he was not moved in soul and did not pity the suppliants; nor did he call to mind the saying that to conquer is noble, but to over-conquer invites envy. Trusting in certain oracles which the philosopher Maximus, who was with him, suggested to him, and dreaming of gaining the glory of Alexander of Macedon or even surpassing it, he rejected the supplications of the Persians. He thought, according to the opinion of Pythagoras and Plato, that he had the soul of Alexander by transmigration, or rather that he was Alexander himself in another body. This conceit deceived him and led him then not to accept the Persian king’s supplication. So the king, recognizing that his embassies had achieved nothing, was compelled on the day after the embassy to set all the force he had against the Roman army. The Romans blamed the emperor for not having withdrawn from battle with advantage; nevertheless they fought against those present and again put the enemy to flight. The emperor was present on horseback and encouraged the army …, without armour, trusting only in the hope of good fortune. From an unseen hand a javelin was hurled at him, passed through his arm, and entered his side. From this wound he ended his life, it being unknown who had killed him. Some say he was struck by a Persian deserter, others by one of his own soldiers, as the general report holds. Callistus, who served in the emperor’s household guard and wrote a history of him in heroic verse narrating that war, says that he died struck by a demon. Perhaps he invented this as a poet, perhaps it is so; for avenging furies have pursued many. However that may be, this did not escape notice: that the man was imprudent through his eagerness, vain through his learning, and contemptible through his affected mildness. Julian, then, ended his life in the land of the Persians, as I said, in his fourth consulship, which he held together with Sallustius, about the twenty-sixth of June. This was the third year of his reign, the … since he was made Caesar by Constantius, and the thirty-first of his age.
3.22PG 67:435–437
Οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἐν μεγίστῃ περιστάσει γενόμε νοι Γ, μηδὲν ὑπερθέμενοι, τῇ ἑξῆς ἡμέρᾳ ἀναδεικνύουσι βασιλέα Ἰοβιανὸν, ἄνδρα γενναῖον καὶ εὐγενῆ. Ὅστις χιλίαρχος ὢν ἡνίκα Ἰουλιανὸς αἴρεσιν τοῖς στρατευομένοις νόμῳ προὐτίθει, ἢ θύειν ἢ ἀποστρατεύεσθαι, μᾶλλον τὴν ζώνην ἀποθέσθαι προῃρεῖτο, ἢ ἐκτελεῖν ἀσεβοῦς βασιλέως ἐπίταγμα. Ἀλλὰ Ἰουλιανὸς μὲν τῇ ἀνάγκῃ τοῦ ἐπικειμένου πολέμου, ἐν τοῖς στρατηγοῦσιν εἶχε · τὸν ἄνδρα. Τότε δὲ αἱρεθεὶς εἰς τὸ βασιλεῦσαι, παρῃτεῖτο· βίᾳ τε ἑλκόμενος ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν, ἐβόα, μὴ βούλεσθαι λέγων βασιλεύειν ἀνθρώπων Ἑλληνίζειν προαιρουμένων, αὐτὸς ὢν Χριστιανός. Ὡς οὖν φωνὴ κοινῇ πάντων ἐγίνετο, ὁμολογοῦσα καὶ αὐτοὺς εἶναι Χριστιανοὺς, δέχεται μὲν τὴν βασιλείαν, ἐν στενῷ δὲ ἐξαίφνης ἀποληφθεὶς ἐν τῇ Περσῶν, καὶ τῶν στρατιωτῶν λιμῷ φθειρομένων, κατέλυσεν ἐπὶ συνθήκαις τὸν πόλεμον. Αἱ συνθῆκαι δὲ, πρὸς μὲν τὴν δόξαν Ῥωμαίων ἦσαν ἀπρεπεῖς· πρὸς δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ἀναγκαῖαι. Ζημιωθεὶς γὰρ τοὺς Σύρους τῆς ἀρχῆς, καὶ παραδοὺς τοῖς Πέρσαις τὴν ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ Νίσιβιν πόλιν, ἐξήλαυνεν ἐκεῖθεν. Τούτων διαγγελθέντων, Χριστιανοὶ μὲν ἀνεῤῥώννυντο · οἱ δὲ τὴν θρησκείαν Ἕλληνες, πένθος ἐποιοῦντο τὴν Ἰουλιανοῦ τελευτήν. Τὸ στρατιωτικὸν δὲ σύμπαν, τὴν ἀφύλακτον αὐτοῦ θερμότητα διεμέμφοντο, καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ζημίας τῶν ὅρων εἰς αὐτὸν ἀνέφερον, ὅτι ὑπὸ αὐτομόλου Πέρσου ἀπατη( θεὶς, τὰ σιτηγοῦντα διὰ τῶν ποταμῶν πλοῖα κατέκαυσε, διὸ καὶ λιμῷ περιέπεσεν ὁ στρατός. Τότε δὴ ὁ σοφιστὴς Λιδάνιος θρῆνον ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανῷ : ταττεν, ὃν Ἰουλιανὸν ἤτοι ἐπιτάφιον ἔγραψεν. ᾧ λόγῳ, πάντα σχεδὸν τὰ χατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐγχωμιαστιχῶς διεξῆλθε μνημονεύσα; τῶν βιδλίων, ὧν κατὰ Χριστιανῶν Ἰουλιανὸς συνέθηκε, καὶ ὡς εἴη ἐν αὖτοῖς γέλωτα φλήναφον ἀποδείξας τὰ; Χριστιανῶν βίβλους. Εἰ μὲν οὖν τὰ ἄλλα τοῦ βασιλέως ὁ σοφιστὴς ἐνεγχωμίαζεν, ἡσύχως ἂν ἐπὶ τὰ ἐχόμενα τῆς ἰστορίας ἐθάδιζον. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὡς δεινὸς ῥήτωρ, τῇ μνήμῃ τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ βιβλίων τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ χαθάπεεται, διατοῦτο εἰπεῖν ἡμεῖς ὀλίγα περὶ τούτων προαιρούμεθα, πρότερον θέντες αὐτοῦ τὰ ῥήματα.
Hoi de stratiōtai en megistę̄ peristasei genome noi G, mēden hyperthemenoi, tę̄ hexēs hēmerą anadeiknyousi basilea Iobianon, andra gennaion kai eugenē. Hostis chiliarchos ōn hēnika Ioulianos airesin tois strateuomenois nomǭ proutithei, ē thyein ē apostrateuesthai, mallon tēn zōnēn apothesthai proę̄reito, ē ektelein asebous basileōs epitagma. Alla Ioulianos men tę̄ anankę̄ tou epikeimenou polemou, en tois stratēgousin eiche ; ton andra. Tote de hairetheis eis to basileusai, parę̄teito; bią te helkomenos hypo tōn stratiōtōn, eboa, mē boulesthai legōn basileuein anthrōpōn Hellēnizein proairoumenōn, autos ōn Christianos. Hōs oun phōnē koinę̄ pantōn egineto, homologousa kai autous einai Christianous, dechetai men tēn basileian, en stenǭ de exaiphnēs apolēphtheis en tę̄ Persōn, kai tōn stratiōtōn limǭ phtheiromenōn, katelysen epi synthēkais ton polemon. Hai synthēkai de, pros men tēn doxan Rhōmaiōn ēsan aprepeis; pros de ton kairon anankaiai. Zēmiōtheis gar tous Syrous tēs archēs, kai paradous tois Persais tēn en Mesopotamią Nisibin polin, exēlaunen ekeithen. Toutōn diangelthentōn, Christianoi men anerrhōnnynto ; hoi de tēn thrēskeian Hellēnes, penthos epoiounto tēn Ioulianou teleutēn. To stratiōtikon de sympan, tēn aphylakton autou thermotēta diememphonto, kai tēn aitian tēs zēmias tōn horōn eis auton anepheron, hoti hypo automolou Persou apatē( theis, ta sitēgounta dia tōn potamōn ploia katekause, dio kai limǭ periepesen ho stratos. Tote dē ho sophistēs Lidanios thrēnon epi Ioulianǭ : tatten, hon Ioulianon ētoi epitaphion egrapsen. hǭ logǭ, panta schedon ta chat᾽ auton enchōmiastichōs diexēlthe mnēmoneusa? tōn bidliōn, hōn kata Christianōn Ioulianos synethēke, kai hōs eiē en autois gelōta phlēnaphon apodeixas ta? Christianōn biblous. Ei men oun ta alla tou basileōs ho sophistēs enenchōmiazen, hēsychōs an epi ta echomena tēs istorias ethadizon. Epeidē de hōs deinos rhētōr, tę̄ mnēmę̄ tōn Ioulianou bibliōn tou Christianismou chathapeetai, diatouto eipein hēmeis oliga peri toutōn proairoumetha, proteron thentes autou ta rhēmata.
The soldiers, being in the greatest straits, without delay proclaimed Jovian emperor on the next day, a brave and noble man. When he was a tribune and Julian by law offered the soldiers the choice of sacrificing or leaving the service, he chose rather to lay aside his belt than to carry out the command of an impious emperor. But Julian, through the necessity of the pressing war, kept the man among his commanders. When chosen to reign, he declined; dragged by force by the soldiers, he cried out that he did not wish to reign over men who chose to be pagans, being himself a Christian. When the voice of all together confessed that they too were Christians, he accepted the empire. Suddenly caught in a strait in the land of the Persians, with the soldiers perishing from hunger, he ended the war on terms. The terms were unbecoming to the glory of the Romans but necessary for the occasion: for losing the Syrians from the empire and handing over to the Persians the city of Nisibis in Mesopotamia, he marched out from there. When this was announced, the Christians took heart, while those of the pagan religion mourned Julian’s death. The whole army found fault with his unguarded rashness and laid on him the blame for the loss of the frontiers, because, deceived by a Persian deserter, he had burned the ships bringing grain by the rivers, so that the army fell into famine. Then the sophist Libanius composed a lament for Julian, which he wrote under the title Julian or Funeral Oration. In this speech he went through almost everything about him in the manner of an encomium, mentioning the books Julian composed against the Christians, and how in them he showed the books of the Christians to be ridiculous nonsense. If the sophist had praised the emperor’s other qualities, I would have gone on quietly to what follows in the history. But since, as a clever orator, he attacks Christianity by mentioning Julian’s books, we choose to say a little about these, first setting down his words.
3.23PG 67:437–449
Τοῦ χειμῶνος, φησὶ, τὰς νύκτας ἐχτείνοντος, ἐπιθέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῖς βίβλοις, ἀϊ τὸν ἐχ Παλαιστίνης ἄνθρωπον, Θεόν τε καὶ Θεοῦ παῖδα ποιοῦσ', μάχη τε μαχρᾷ ἐλέγχων ἰσχύϊ γέλωτα ἀποφήνας φλήναφον τὰ τιμώμενα, σοφώτερος ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς δέδειχται τοῦ Τυρίου γέροντος, “Ἵλεως ὃξ οὗτος ὁ Τύριος εἴη, καὶ δέχοιτο εὐμενῶς τὸ ῥγθὲν ὡς. ἂν υἱέως ἡττώμενος. Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ῥήματα. τοῦ σονιστοῦ Λιβανίου. Ἐγὼ δὲ σοφιστὴν μὲν αὐτὸν ἄριστὴν γενέσθαι φημί" ἐπίσταμαί τε ὡς εἰ μὴ εἴη τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὴν θρησκείαν ὁμόδοξος, πάντα ἂν αὑτὸν εἶπεν ὅσα οἱ Χριστιανοὶ λέγουτι, καὶ ὡς εἰκὸς, ἅτε σοφιστὴν ὄντα, μεγαλύναι τὰ λεγόμενα. καὶ εἰς Κωνστάντιον ζῶντα μὲν ἐπαίνους ἔγραφεν" τεῦ λευτήσαντος δὲ ὕδρεις " μεστὰς ἐγκλημάτων χατέχεεν. Ὥστε εἰ καὶ Πορφύριος ἣν βασιλεὺς, προκρίνειν τὰ ἐκείνου βιδλία τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ καὶ εἰ Ἰουλιανὸς ἣν σοφιστὴς, εἶπεν ἂν αὐτὸν κακὸν σοφιστὴν, ὡς Ἑκηδόλιον τῷ ἐπιταφίῳ Ἰουλιανοῦ. Ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὡς ὁμόδοξος καὶ ὡς σοφιστὴς, καὶ φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅτᾳ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ διεξῆλθε, καὶ ἡμεῖς πρὸς τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γραφέντα, κατὰ δύναμιν ἁπαντήσωμεν. Πρῶτον μὲν γάρ φησιν, αὐτὸν ἐπιθέσθαι ταῖς βίδλοις, τοῦ χειμῶνος τὰς νύκτας ἐχτείνουτος. Τὺ δὲ ἐπιθέσθαι σημαίνει. ὅτι ἔργον ἔθετο ψόγον γράψαι, ὡς ἔθος τοῖς σοφισταῖς ποιεῖν ἐν πῇ τῶν νέων εἰσαγωγῆῇ. Πάλαι γὰρ τὰ: βίδλους ἐπίστατο, τότε δὲ ἐπἐθετο. Καὶ μάχῃ μαχρᾷ σχολάσας, οὐχ 40; φησι θάνιο;, ἐλέγχων ἰσχύϊ, ἀλλὰ ἀσθενείχ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς, τὰ γχαλῶς ἑαυτοῖς ἡσφαλισμένα, ὡς; φιλοτχώδορὶ δία ἃ 6556. ἀβπτης διέσυρε. Πᾶς γὰρ ὁ μαχόμενός τινι, νῦν μὲν παρατρέπων, νῦν δὲ ἐπικρύπτων τὴν ἀλήθειαν, καταψεύδεται τοῦ πρὸς ὂν ἡ μάχη συνίσταται. Καὶ ὁ ἀπεχθῶς ἔχων πρός τινα, πάντα ὡς πολέμιος οὐ μόνον πράττειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγειν ἐσπούδακε· καὶ τὰ αὐτῷ προσόντα φαῦλα, τῷ πρὸς ὃν ἡ ἔχθρα, περιτρέπειν φιλεῖ. Ὅτι μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰουλιανὸς, καὶ Πορφύριος, ὃν Τύριον καλεῖ γέροντα, ἄμφω φιλοσκῶπται ἦσαν, ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων λόγων ἐλέγχονται. Πορφύριος μὲν γὰρ τοῦ κορυφαιοτάτου τῶν φιλοσόφων Σωκράτους τὸν βίον διέσυρεν ἐν τῇ γεγραμμένῃ αὐτῷ φιλο σόφῳ ἱστορίᾳ· καὶ τοιαῦτα περὶ αὐτοῦ γράψας κατέλειπεν, οἷα ἂν μήτε Μέλιτος, μήτε ῎Ανυτος οἱ γραψάμενοι Σωκράτην, εἰπεῖν ἐπεχείρησαν · Σωκράτους φημὶ, τοῦ παρ' Ἕλλησι θαυμαζομένου ἐπί τε σωφροσύνῃ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ, καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρεταῖς. "Ον Πλάτων ὁ θαυμαστὸς παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς φιλόσοφος, καὶ Ξενοφῶν, καὶ ὁ ἄλλος τῶν φιλοσόφων θίασος, οὐ μόνον ὡς θεοφιλή τιμῶσιν, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον φρονεῖν νενομίκασιν. Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ τὸν πατέρα ζηλῶν, τὸ ἴδιον πάθος εἰς τοὺς Καίσαρας ἤλεγξε, πάντας μωμησάμενος τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ φιλοσόφου Μάρκου φεισάμενος. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν φιλοσκῶπται ἄμφω, ἐξ ἑαυτῶν τὸν ἔλεγχον ἔχουσι· καὶ οὐ δεῖ μοι πολλῶν ἢ δεινῶν λόγων, ἀλλὰ ἀπόχρη ταῦτα εἰς παράστασιν τοῦ ἤθους αὐτῶν. Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἑκατέρων λόγων περὶ ἤθους αὐτῶν τεκμαιρόμενος, ταῦτα γράφω. Οἷα δὲ περὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ ὁ Ναζιανζηνός Γρηγόριος εἴρηκε, τῶν αὐτοῦ λόγων ἐπάκουε. Φησὶ γὰρ ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ λόγῳ πρὸς Ἕλληνας κατὰ λέξιν τάδε· « Ταῦτα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἡ πεῖρα παρέστησε, καὶ ἡ δυναστεία προσλαβοῦσα τὴν ἐξουσίαν. Ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ πόρρωθεν τρόπον τινὰ ἑωρᾶτο, ἐξ οὗ τῷ ἀνδρὶ συνεγενόμην ᾿Αθήνῃσιν. Ἦλθε γὰρ κάκεῖσε, ἄρτι τῶν κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ν νεωτερισ θέντων, τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτο αὐτὸ παραιτησάμενος. Διττὸς δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιδημίας ὁ λόγος· ὁ μὲν εὐπρεπέ στερος, καθ' ίστορίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖσε παιδευτηρίων· ὁ δὲ ἀποῤῥητότερος, καὶ οὐ πολλοῖς γνώριμος, ὥστε τοῖς ἐκεῖ θύταις καὶ ἀπατεῶσι περὶ τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὸν συγγενέσθαι, οὔπω παῤῥησίαν ἐχούσης τῆς ἀσεβείας. Τότε τοίνυν οὐ φαῦλος ἐγὼ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἰκαστὴς οἶδα γενόμενος, καίτοι γε οὐ τῶν εὖ πεφυκότων περὶ ταῦτα εἷς ὧν. Αλλ' ἐποίει με μαν τικὸν ἡ τοῦ ἤθους ἀνωμαλία, καὶ τὸ περιττὸν τῆς ἐκστάσεως, εἴπερ μάντις ἄριστος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς· οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἐδόκει μοι σημεῖον εἶναι χρηστοῦ, αὐχὴν ἀπαγὴς 5, ὦμοι παλλόμενοι καὶ ἀνακοπτόμενοι, ὀφθαλμὸς σοβούμενος καὶ περιφερόμενος, καὶ μαν:κὸν βλέπων · πόδες ἀστατοῦντες, καὶ μετοκλάζοντες · μυκτήρ ὕβριν πνέων καὶ περιφρόνησιν · προσώπου σχηματισμοὶ καταγέλαστοι · τὸ αὐτὸ φρονοῦντες γέλωτες, ἀκρατεῖς καὶ βρασματώδεις· νεύσεις καὶ ἀνα νεύσεις, σὺν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ· λόγος ἱστάμενος, καὶ κοπτόμενος πνεύματι · ἐρωτήσεις ἄτακτοι καὶ ἀσύνετοι· ἀποκρίσεις οὐδὲν τούτων ἀμείνους, ἀλλήλαις ἐπεμβαίνουσαι, καὶ οὐκ εὐσταθεῖς, οὐδὲ τάξει προῖοῦσαι παιδεύσεως. Τί ἂν τὰ καθ᾿ ἕκαστον γράφοιμι ; Τοιοῦτον πρὸ τῶν ἔργων ἐθεασάμην, οἷον καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἐγνώρισα. Καὶ εἴ μοι παρῆσάν τινες τῶν : τηνικαῦτα συνόντων καὶ ἀκουσάντων, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἂν ἐμαρτύρησαν · οἷς ἐπειδὴ ταῦτα ἐθεασάμην, εὐθὺς ἐφθεγξάμην, οἷον κακὸν ἡ Ῥωμαίων τρέφει. Καὶ προαγορεύσας, καὶ γενέσθαι ψευδόμαντις ἐμαυτῷ κατηυξάμην. Κρεῖσσον γὰρ, ἢ τοιούτων πλησθῆναι τὴν οἰκουμένην κακῶν, καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀναφανῆναι τέρας, οἷον οὔπω πρότερον· πολλῶν μὲν ἐπικλυσμῶν θρυλλουμένων, πολλῶν δὲ ἐμπρησμῶν καὶ βρασμῶν γῆς καὶ χασμάτων· ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀπάνθρωποι καὶ θηριώδεις, ἀλλοκότων τε καὶ συνθέτων φύσεις καινοτομηθείσαι. Ταύτητοι καὶ τέλος ἄξιον ἠνέγκατο τῆς ἀπονοίας. » Τοιαῦτα μὲν Γρηγόριος περὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ διεξῆλθεν. Ὅτι δὲ καὶ κατὰ Χριστιανῶν λόγους πολλοὺς ἀναλώσαντες, τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐπεχείρησαν σ βιάσασθαι, τινὰ μὲν τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων παρατρέψαντες · τὰ δὲ ἐγκαταλέξαντες, πάντα δὲ πρὸς τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐκλαβόντες σκοπὸν, πολλοὶ μὲν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπαντήσαντες ἔδειξαν, ἀνατρέψαντές τε καὶ ἐξελέγξαντες αὐτῶν τὰ σοφίσματα. Πρὸ δὲ ἁπάντων Ωριγένης, καὶ πολλῷ τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ χρόνων ἀνώτερος ὧν, τὰ δυχοῦντα ταράττειν τοὺς ἐντυγχά(θα » Προ νοντας ταῖς ἱεραῖς Βίβλοις ἀνθυπενεγχὼν ἑαυτῷ, ἐρμηντύσας, τὰς τῶν ἀγνωμονούντων σοφιστιχὰς εὑρεσιλογίας ἀπέχλεισεν. Οἷς εἰ μὴ παρέργως ἐντετυχήχασιν Ἰουλιανὸς καὶ Πορφύριος, εὐγνωμόνως τε αὐτὰ ἐδέξαντο, πάντω: ἂν εἰς ἕτερά τινὰ τοὺς λόγους ἔτρεψαν, οὐχ ἂν εἰς τὰ σοφίσματα βλάσφημα γράφειν ἐτράπησαν. Ὅτι δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς σχῶψαι ετήδευσξ πρὸς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἀπλουστέρους τοὺς λόγους ποιούμενος, οὐ μὴν πρὸς τοὺς τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων, μόρφωσιν τῆς ἀληθείας ἔχοντας, ἐκεῖθεν δῆλόν ἐστι" λαθὼν γὰρ τὰ ῥήματα, ὅτλ χρείας ἔνεχεν οἱκονομιχῶς ἐπὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀνθρωπιχώτερον τέτακται, καὶ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπισυνείρα:, τέλος ἐπιφέρει κατὰ λέξιν τάδε. Τούτων τοίνυν ἔχαστον, εἰ μὴ λόγο; ἐστὶν ἀπόῤῥητον ἔχων τινὰ θεωρίαν, ὅπερ ἐγὼ νενόμινχα, οἱ πολλῆς γέμουσιν λόγοι περὶ αὐτοῦ βλασφημίας. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ αὑτοῦ κατὰ Χριττιανῶν βιθλίῳ αὐταῖς λέξεσιν εἴρηκε. Καὶ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ δὲ αὖτοῦ ὃν περὶ Κυνισμοῦ ἐπέγραψε, διδάσκων ὅπως ὃεῖ τοὺς ἱεροὺς πλάττειν μύθους, φησὶ δεῖν χρύπτειν τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ῥημάτων ἀλήθειαν, λέγων αὐτοῖς ῥήματι τάδε" Φιλεῖ γὰρ ἡ φύσις κρύπτεσθαι τὸ χεχρυμμένον τῆ: τῶν θεῶν οὐσίας οὐχ ἀνέχεται γυμνοῖς εἰς ἀκαθάρτους ἀγοὰς ῥίπτεσθαι ῥήμασι. Φαίνεται δὴ διὰ τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπόἔγειν περὶ τῶν θείων Γραφῶν, ὡ; εἴησαν λόγοι μυστιχοὶ, ἀπόῤδητόν τινὰ θεωρίαν ἔχοντες ἀγαναχτεῖ 05, ἐφ᾽ οἷς μὴ πάντες τὴν αὐτὴν περὶ τούτων ὑπόνοιαν ἔχουσι, χατατρέχει τῶν ἐν Χριστιανοῖς ἀπλουστέρων δεχομένων τὰ λόγια. Οὐχ ἔδει ὃὲ τοσοῦτον καταδραμεῖν τῆς ἀπλότητο: τῶν πολλῶν, οὐδὲ τυφωθῆναι δι᾽ ἐκείνους κατὰ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων οὐδὲ μισῆσαι καὶ ἀποστραφῆναι τὰ καλῶς αὐτῷ νοούμενα, ὅτι μὴ πάντες αὐτὰ ἐνόουν, ὡς αὑτὸς ἐδούλετο. Νῦν δὲ, ὡς ἔοικε, τὰ αὐτὰ Πορφυρίῳ : πέπονθεν. μὲν γὰρ πληγὰς ἐν Καισαρείᾳ τῆς Παλαιστίνης ὑπό τινων Χριστιανῶν εἰληφὼς, μὴ ἐνεγκὼν τὴν ὀργὴν, μελαγχολίας, τὸν μὲν Χριττιανισμὸν ἀπέλειπε. μίσει δὲ τῶν τυπτησάντων αὐτὸν, εἰς τὸ βλάσφημα κατὰ Χριστιανῶν γράφειν ἐξέπεσεν, ὡς αὐτὸν Εὐσέβιος ὁ Παμφίλου ἐξήλεγξεν, ἀνασκευάσας τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ὑπεροπτικῶς κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐσχηκὼς, ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πάθους εἰς τὴν Πορφυρίου βλασφημίαν ἀπέκλινεν. ᾿Αμφότεροι οὖν ἑκουσίως δυσσεβήσαντες, ἐν γνώσει ἁμαρτίας τὸ ἐπιτίμιον ἔχουσιν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ὁ σοφιστὴς Λιβάνιος ἐπιχλευάζων, Τὸν ἐκ Παλαιστίνης, φησὶν, ἄνθρωπον, Θεόν τε καὶ Θεοῦ Παῖδα ποιοῦσιν, ἐκλελῆσθαί μοι δοκεῖ, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τέλει τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου τὸν Ἰουλιανὸν ἀπεθέωσε. Τὸν γὰρ πρῶτον φησὶ ἄγγελον τῆς τελευτῆς μικροῦ κατέλευσαν, ὡς Θεοῦ καταψευδόμενον. Εἶτα πρόσω μικρὸν ὑποβὰς, Ὦ δαιμόνων μὲν, φησὶ, τρόφιμε, δαιμόνων δὲ μαθητὰ, δαιμόνων δὲ παρεδρευτά! Εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς ἄλλως ἐνόει· ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν τοῦ χείρονος μὴ ἐκκλίνας, ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε λέγειν, ἃ καὶ οἱ Χριστιανοὶ ὀνειδίζοντες λέγουσιν. Εἰ οὖν ἐπαίνων ἐφρόντιζεν, ἔδει φυγεῖν τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν, ὥπερ ἔφυγε καὶ ἑτέραν λέξιν, δι᾽ ἣν λοιδορηθεὶς, τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λόγων ἐξέκοψεν. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν ὁ κατὰ Χριστὸν ἄνθρωπος θεολογεῖται, καὶ ὅπως τὸ μὲν φανερὸν ἄνθρωπος ἦν, τὸ δὲ ἀφανὲς Θεὸς, ὅπως τε ἀληθῆ ἄμφω ἐστὶ, Χριστιανῶν μὲν οἱ θεῖοι λόγοι ἐπίστανται · Ἕλληνες δὲ πρὸ τοῦ πιστεῦσαι, συνιέναι οὐ δύνανται. Καὶ γὰρ λόγιόν ἐστι τὸ λέγον, ὅτι ὰ Ἐὰν μὴ πιστεύσητε, οὐδ᾽ οὐ μὴ συνῆτε. Διὸ οὐκ αἰσχύνονται, πολλοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀποθεώσαντες, καὶ εἴθε γε κἂν χρηστοὺς τὸν τρόπον, ἢ δικαίους, ἢ σώφρονας· ἀλλὰ ἀνάγνους, ἀδίκους, μέθῃ δεδουλωμένους· Ἡρακλέας φημὶ καὶ Διονύσους, καὶ Ἀσκληπιούς · καθ' ὧν συνεχῶς ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ λόγοις ὀμνύων Λιβάνιος οὐκ αἰσχύνεται· ὧν τοὺς ἀῤῥενικοὺς καὶ θηλυκοὺς ἔρωτας εἰ ἀπαριθμησαίμην, μακρὸς ἡμῖν ἔσται ὁ τῆς παρεκβάσεως λόγος. ᾿Αρκέσει δὲ τοῖς ταῦτα γνῶναι ἐθέλουσιν ὁ ᾿Αριστοτέλους Πέπλος, καὶ Διονύσου Στέφανος, καὶ Ῥηγίνου ὁ Πολυμνήμων, καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν τὸ πλῆθος · οἱ περὶ αὐτῶν γράψαντες, γέλωτα ὄντως καὶ φλήναφον παρὰ πᾶσι τῆς Ἑλλήνων θεολογίας δεικνύουσιν ὅτι δὲ ἴδιον Ἑλλήνων τὸ εὐχερῶς ἀνθρώπους ἀποθεοῦν, ἀρκέσει ὀλίγων ὑπομνησθῆναι. Ῥοδίοις μὲν γὰρ συμφορᾷ περιπεσοῦσιν ἐδόθη χρησμός, ὅπως ἂν τὸν Φρύγιον Αττιν, τὸν ἱερέα τῆς μανικῆς ἐν Φρυξὶν τελετῆς θεραπεύωσιν. Ἔχει δὲ ὁ χρησμὸς ὧδε · "Αττιν ἱλάσκεσθαι, θεὸν μέγαν, ἀγνὸν [῞Αδωνιν, Εὔβιον, ὀλβιόδωρον, ἐυπλόκαμον Διόνυσον. Ὁ μὲν δὴ χρησμὸς ῎Αττιν τὸν ἐκ μανίας ἐρωτικῆς ἑαυτὸν ἀποκόψαντα, τὸν ῎Αδωνιν καὶ Διόνυσον εἶναι φησι. Τοῦ δὲ Μακεδόνων βασιλέως ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν διαβαίνοντος, οἱ Αμφικτύονες ᾿Αλεξάν δρῳ ἐχαρίζοντο, καὶ ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τάδε · Ζῆνα θεῶν ὕπατον, καὶ ᾿Αθηνῶν Τριτογένειαν Τιμᾶτε, βροτέων ἐν σώματι κρυπτὸν ἄνακτα, Ὃν Ζεὺς ἀρίσταις γοναῖς ἔσπειρεν, ἀρωγὸι· Εὐνομίης θνητοῖσιν ᾿Αλέξανδρον βασιλῆα. Ταῦτα τὸ ἐν Πυθοῖ δαιμόνιον ἐχρημάτισεν· ὅ καὶ αὐτὸ τοὺς δυνάστας κολακεῦον ἐθεοποίει. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἴσως κολακείᾳ ἐποίει. Τί δ' ἂν εἴποι τις ὡς Κλεομήδην τὸν πύκτην ἀποθεώσαντες, ἔχρησαν περὶ αὐτοῦ τάδε "Υστατος ἡρώων Κλεομήδης ᾿Αστυπαλιεύς · Ἐν θυσίαις τιμᾶτ᾽, ὡς μηκέτι θνητὸν ἐόντα. Διὰ μὲν οὖν τὸν χρησμὸν τόνδε Διογένης ὁ Κύων, καὶ Οἰνόμαος ὁ φιλόσοφος, κατέγνωσαν τοῦ Πυθίου Απόλλωνος. Κυζικηνοὶ δὲ τρισκαιδέκατον θεὸν ᾿Αδριανὸν ἀνηγόρευσαν. Αὐτός τε ᾿Αδριανὸό: ᾿Αντίνοονὸ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἐρώμενον ἀπεθέωσε. Καὶ ταῦτα γέλωτα καὶ φλήναφον οὐκ ὀνομάζει Λιβάνιος · καίτοι καὶ τοὺς χρησμοὺς καὶ τὸ μονόβιβλον ὁ ᾿Αδρίας εἰς τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου βίον ἐπέγραψεν, ἐπιστάμενος, οὐκ ἐγκαλύπτεται καὶ αὐτὸν ἀποθεῶν τὸν Πορφύριον. Ἴλεως γὰρ, φησὶν, ὁ Τύριος εἴη, προκρίνων αὐτοῦ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως βιβλία. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν τοῦ σοφιστοῦ λοιδορίαν, ἐν παρεκβάσει αὐτάρκως εἰρήσθω· ἰδίας τε πραγματείας δεόμενα παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ. Τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐπιτεθείη ἡμῖν.
Tou cheimōnos, phēsi, tas nyktas echteinontos, epithemenos ho basileus tais biblois, aï ton ech Palaistinēs anthrōpon, Theon te kai Theou paida poious', machē te machrą elenchōn ischyï gelōta apophēnas phlēnaphon ta timōmena, sophōteros en tois autois dedeichtai tou Tyriou gerontos, “Hileōs hox houtos ho Tyrios eiē, kai dechoito eumenōs to rhgthen hōs. an huieōs hēttōmenos. Tauta men ta rhēmata. tou sonistou Libaniou. Egō de sophistēn men auton aristēn genesthai phēmi" epistamai te hōs ei mē eiē tǭ basilei kata tēn thrēskeian homodoxos, panta an hauton eipen hosa hoi Christianoi legouti, kai hōs eikos, hate sophistēn onta, megalynai ta legomena. kai eis Kōnstantion zōnta men epainous egraphen" teu leutēsantos de hydreis " mestas enklēmatōn chatecheen. Hōste ei kai Porphyrios hēn basileus, prokrinein ta ekeinou bidlia tōn Ioulianou kai ei Ioulianos hēn sophistēs, eipen an auton kakon sophistēn, hōs Hekēdolion tǭ epitaphiǭ Ioulianou. Epei oun ekeinos kai hōs homodoxos kai hōs sophistēs, kai philos tǭ basilei, hotą edokei autǭ diexēlthe, kai hēmeis pros ta hyp᾽ autou graphenta, kata dynamin hapantēsōmen. Prōton men gar phēsin, auton epithesthai tais bidlois, tou cheimōnos tas nyktas echteinoutos. Ty de epithesthai sēmainei. hoti ergon etheto psogon grapsai, hōs ethos tois sophistais poiein en pę̄ tōn neōn eisagōgēę̄. Palai gar ta: bidlous epistato, tote de epetheto. Kai machę̄ machrą scholasas, ouch 40? phēsi thanio?, elenchōn ischyï, alla astheneich tou alēthous, ta nchalōs heautois hēsphalismena, hōs? philotchōdori dia ha 6556. abptēs diesyre. Pas gar ho machomenos tini, nyn men paratrepōn, nyn de epikryptōn tēn alētheian, katapseudetai tou pros on hē machē synistatai. Kai ho apechthōs echōn pros tina, panta hōs polemios ou monon prattein, alla kai legein espoudake; kai ta autǭ prosonta phaula, tǭ pros hon hē echthra, peritrepein philei. Hoti men oun kai Ioulianos, kai Porphyrios, hon Tyrion kalei geronta, amphō philoskōptai ēsan, hypo tōn oikeiōn logōn elenchontai. Porphyrios men gar tou koryphaiotatou tōn philosophōn Sōkratous ton bion diesyren en tę̄ gegrammenę̄ autǭ philo sophǭ historią; kai toiauta peri autou grapsas kateleipen, hoia an mēte Melitos, mēte ᾿Anytos hoi grapsamenoi Sōkratēn, eipein epecheirēsan ; Sōkratous phēmi, tou par' Hellēsi thaumazomenou epi te sōphrosynę̄ kai dikaiosynę̄, kai tais allais aretais. "On Platōn ho thaumastos par᾿ autois philosophos, kai Xenophōn, kai ho allos tōn philosophōn thiasos, ou monon hōs theophilē timōsin, alla dē kai hyper anthrōpon phronein nenomikasin. Ioulianos de ton patera zēlōn, to idion pathos eis tous Kaisaras ēlenxe, pantas mōmēsamenos tous pro autou basileis, kai oude tou philosophou Markou pheisamenos. Kai hoti men philoskōptai amphō, ex heautōn ton elenchon echousi; kai ou dei moi pollōn ē deinōn logōn, alla apochrē tauta eis parastasin tou ēthous autōn. Egō men oun tauta ek tōn hekaterōn logōn peri ēthous autōn tekmairomenos, tauta graphō. Hoia de peri Ioulianou ho Nazianzēnos Grēgorios eirēke, tōn autou logōn epakoue. Phēsi gar en tǭ deuterǭ logǭ pros Hellēnas kata lexin tade; « Tauta tois men allois hē peira parestēse, kai hē dynasteia proslabousa tēn exousian. Emoi de kai porrōthen tropon tina heōrato, ex hou tǭ andri synegenomēn ᾿Athēnę̄sin. Ēlthe gar kakeise, arti tōn kata ton adelphon autou n neōteris thentōn, ton basilea touto auto paraitēsamenos. Dittos de autou tēs epidēmias ho logos; ho men euprepe steros, kath' istorian tēs Hellados, kai tōn ekeise paideutēriōn; ho de aporrhētoteros, kai ou pollois gnōrimos, hōste tois ekei thytais kai apateōsi peri tōn kath' heauton syngenesthai, oupō parrhēsian echousēs tēs asebeias. Tote toinyn ou phaulos egō tou andros eikastēs oida genomenos, kaitoi ge ou tōn eu pephykotōn peri tauta heis hōn. All' epoiei me man tikon hē tou ēthous anōmalia, kai to peritton tēs ekstaseōs, eiper mantis aristos hostis eikazei kalōs; oudenos gar edokei moi sēmeion einai chrēstou, auchēn apagēs 5, ōmoi pallomenoi kai anakoptomenoi, ophthalmos soboumenos kai peripheromenos, kai man:kon blepōn ; podes astatountes, kai metoklazontes ; myktēr hybrin pneōn kai periphronēsin ; prosōpou schēmatismoi katagelastoi ; to auto phronountes gelōtes, akrateis kai brasmatōdeis; neuseis kai ana neuseis, syn oudeni logǭ; logos histamenos, kai koptomenos pneumati ; erōtēseis ataktoi kai asynetoi; apokriseis ouden toutōn ameinous, allēlais epembainousai, kai ouk eustatheis, oude taxei proiousai paideuseōs. Ti an ta kath᾿ hekaston graphoimi ? Toiouton pro tōn ergōn etheasamēn, hoion kai epi tōn ergōn egnōrisa. Kai ei moi parēsan tines tōn : tēnikauta synontōn kai akousantōn, ou chalepōs an emartyrēsan ; hois epeidē tauta etheasamēn, euthys ephthenxamēn, hoion kakon hē Rhōmaiōn trephei. Kai proagoreusas, kai genesthai pseudomantis emautǭ katēuxamēn. Kreisson gar, ē toioutōn plēsthēnai tēn oikoumenēn kakōn, kai toiouton anaphanēnai teras, hoion oupō proteron; pollōn men epiklysmōn thrylloumenōn, pollōn de emprēsmōn kai brasmōn gēs kai chasmatōn; eti de kai andrōn apanthrōpoi kai thēriōdeis, allokotōn te kai synthetōn physeis kainotomētheisai. Tautētoi kai telos axion ēnenkato tēs aponoias. » Toiauta men Grēgorios peri Ioulianou diexēlthen. Hoti de kai kata Christianōn logous pollous analōsantes, tēn alētheian epecheirēsan s biasasthai, tina men tōn hierōn Grammatōn paratrepsantes ; ta de enkatalexantes, panta de pros ton oikeion eklabontes skopon, polloi men pros autous apantēsantes edeixan, anatrepsantes te kai exelenxantes autōn ta sophismata. Pro de hapantōn Ōrigenēs, kai pollǭ tōn Ioulianou chronōn anōteros hōn, ta dychounta tarattein tous entyncha(tha » Pro nontas tais hierais Biblois anthypenenchōn heautǭ, ermēntysas, tas tōn agnōmonountōn sophistichas heuresilogias apechleisen. Hois ei mē parergōs entetychēchasin Ioulianos kai Porphyrios, eugnōmonōs te auta edexanto, pantō: an eis hetera tina tous logous etrepsan, ouch an eis ta sophismata blasphēma graphein etrapēsan. Hoti de ho basileus schōpsai etēdeusx pros tous idiōtas aplousterous tous logous poioumenos, ou mēn pros tous tōn hierōn Grammatōn, morphōsin tēs alētheias echontas, ekeithen dēlon esti" lathōn gar ta rhēmata, hotl chreias enechen hoikonomichōs epi tou Theou anthrōpichōteron tetaktai, kai polla toiauta episyneira:, telos epipherei kata lexin tade. Toutōn toinyn echaston, ei mē logo? estin aporrhēton echōn tina theōrian, hoper egō nenomincha, hoi pollēs gemousin logoi peri autou blasphēmias. Tauta men en tǭ tritǭ hautou kata Chrittianōn bithliǭ autais lexesin eirēke. Kai en tǭ logǭ de autou hon peri Kynismou epegrapse, didaskōn hopōs hoei tous hierous plattein mythous, phēsi dein chryptein tēn peri tōn toioutōn rhēmatōn alētheian, legōn autois rhēmati tade" Philei gar hē physis kryptesthai to chechrymmenon tē: tōn theōn ousias ouch anechetai gymnois eis akathartous agoas rhiptesthai rhēmasi. Phainetai dē dia toutōn ho basileus hypoegein peri tōn theiōn Graphōn, hō? eiēsan logoi mystichoi, apordēton tina theōrian echontes aganachtei 05, eph᾽ hois mē pantes tēn autēn peri toutōn hyponoian echousi, chatatrechei tōn en Christianois aplousterōn dechomenōn ta logia. Ouch edei hoe tosouton katadramein tēs aplotēto: tōn pollōn, oude typhōthēnai di᾽ ekeinous kata tōn hierōn grammatōn oude misēsai kai apostraphēnai ta kalōs autǭ nooumena, hoti mē pantes auta enooun, hōs hautos edouleto. Nyn de, hōs eoike, ta auta Porphyriǭ : peponthen. men gar plēgas en Kaisareią tēs Palaistinēs hypo tinōn Christianōn eilēphōs, mē enenkōn tēn orgēn, melancholias, ton men Chrittianismon apeleipe. misei de tōn typtēsantōn auton, eis to blasphēma kata Christianōn graphein exepesen, hōs auton Eusebios ho Pamphilou exēlenxen, anaskeuasas tous logous autou. Ho de basileus pros tous idiōtas hyperoptikōs kata tōn Christianōn eschēkōs, ek tou autou pathous eis tēn Porphyriou blasphēmian apeklinen. ᾿Amphoteroi oun hekousiōs dyssebēsantes, en gnōsei hamartias to epitimion echousin. Epeidē de kai ho sophistēs Libanios epichleuazōn, Ton ek Palaistinēs, phēsin, anthrōpon, Theon te kai Theou Paida poiousin, eklelēsthai moi dokei, hopōs autos epi telei tou autou logou ton Ioulianon apetheōse. Ton gar prōton phēsi angelon tēs teleutēs mikrou kateleusan, hōs Theou katapseudomenon. Eita prosō mikron hypobas, Ō daimonōn men, phēsi, trophime, daimonōn de mathēta, daimonōn de paredreuta! Ei kai autos allōs enoei; all᾽ oun ge tēn homōnymian tou cheironos mē ekklinas, taut᾽ edoxe legein, ha kai hoi Christianoi oneidizontes legousin. Ei oun epainōn ephrontizen, edei phygein tēn homōnymian, hōper ephyge kai heteran lexin, di᾽ hēn loidorētheis, tōn heautou logōn exekopsen. Hopōs men oun ho kata Christon anthrōpos theologeitai, kai hopōs to men phaneron anthrōpos ēn, to de aphanes Theos, hopōs te alēthē amphō esti, Christianōn men hoi theioi logoi epistantai ; Hellēnes de pro tou pisteusai, synienai ou dynantai. Kai gar logion esti to legon, hoti a Ean mē pisteusēte, oud᾽ ou mē synēte. Dio ouk aischynontai, pollous anthrōpous apotheōsantes, kai eithe ge kan chrēstous ton tropon, ē dikaious, ē sōphronas; alla anagnous, adikous, methę̄ dedoulōmenous; Hērakleas phēmi kai Dionysous, kai Asklēpious ; kath' hōn synechōs en tois autou logois omnyōn Libanios ouk aischynetai; hōn tous arrhenikous kai thēlykous erōtas ei aparithmēsaimēn, makros hēmin estai ho tēs parekbaseōs logos. ᾿Arkesei de tois tauta gnōnai ethelousin ho ᾿Aristotelous Peplos, kai Dionysou Stephanos, kai Rhēginou ho Polymnēmōn, kai tōn poiētōn to plēthos ; hoi peri autōn grapsantes, gelōta ontōs kai phlēnaphon para pasi tēs Hellēnōn theologias deiknyousin hoti de idion Hellēnōn to eucherōs anthrōpous apotheoun, arkesei oligōn hypomnēsthēnai. Rhodiois men gar symphorą peripesousin edothē chrēsmos, hopōs an ton Phrygion Attin, ton hierea tēs manikēs en Phryxin teletēs therapeuōsin. Echei de ho chrēsmos hōde ; "Attin hilaskesthai, theon megan, agnon [῾Adōnin, Eubion, olbiodōron, euplokamon Dionyson. Ho men dē chrēsmos ᾿Attin ton ek manias erōtikēs heauton apokopsanta, ton ᾿Adōnin kai Dionyson einai phēsi. Tou de Makedonōn basileōs ᾿Alexandrou epi tēn ᾿Asian diabainontos, hoi Amphiktyones ᾿Alexan drǭ echarizonto, kai aneilen hē Pythia tade ; Zēna theōn hypaton, kai ᾿Athēnōn Tritogeneian Timate, broteōn en sōmati krypton anakta, Hon Zeus aristais gonais espeiren, arōgoi; Eunomiēs thnētoisin ᾿Alexandron basilēa. Tauta to en Pythoi daimonion echrēmatisen; ho kai auto tous dynastas kolakeuon etheopoiei. Kai touto men isōs kolakeią epoiei. Ti d' an eipoi tis hōs Kleomēdēn ton pyktēn apotheōsantes, echrēsan peri autou tade "Ystatos hērōōn Kleomēdēs ᾿Astypalieus ; En thysiais timat᾽, hōs mēketi thnēton eonta. Dia men oun ton chrēsmon tonde Diogenēs ho Kyōn, kai Oinomaos ho philosophos, kategnōsan tou Pythiou Apollōnos. Kyzikēnoi de triskaidekaton theon ᾿Adrianon anēgoreusan. Autos te ᾿Adrianoo: ᾿Antinoono ton heautou erōmenon apetheōse. Kai tauta gelōta kai phlēnaphon ouk onomazei Libanios ; kaitoi kai tous chrēsmous kai to monobiblon ho ᾿Adrias eis ton Alexandrou bion epegrapsen, epistamenos, ouk enkalyptetai kai auton apotheōn ton Porphyrion. Ileōs gar, phēsin, ho Tyrios eiē, prokrinōn autou ta tou basileōs biblia. Tauta men oun dia tēn tou sophistou loidorian, en parekbasei autarkōs eirēsthō; idias te pragmateias deomena paralipein moi dokō. Ta de loipa tēs historias epitetheiē hēmin.
“When winter lengthened the nights,” he says, “the emperor, attacking those books which make the man from Palestine God and child of God, and refuting them in a long battle and with strength, showed the things they honour to be laughable nonsense, and proved himself in this wiser than the old man of Tyre. May the Tyrian be gracious, and receive kindly what has been said, as one defeated by his son.” These are the words of the sophist Libanius. I say that he was an excellent sophist; and I know that if he had not been of the same religion as the emperor, he would have said of him everything the Christians say, and, as was natural for a sophist, magnified what was said. For he wrote praises of Constantius while he lived, but after his death poured out insults full of accusations on him. So if Porphyry had been emperor, he would have preferred his books to Julian’s; and if Julian had been a sophist, he would have called him a bad sophist, as he calls Ecebolius in his funeral oration on Julian. Since, then, he, as one of the same religion, as a sophist, and as a friend of the emperor, went through what he thought fit, let us too answer what he wrote as far as we can.
First he says that the emperor attacked the books when winter lengthened the nights. “Attacked” means that he set himself to write an attack, as sophists are accustomed to do in training the young; for he had long known the books, but then he attacked them. And spending himself in a long battle, he disparaged, not, as he says, refuting with strength, but by weakness of truth, things well secured among them, as a lover of mockery. For everyone who fights with someone, now distorting and now hiding the truth, lies against the one with whom he is at war; and he who is hostile to someone is eager not only to do but also to say everything as an enemy, and usually turns his own faults onto the one he hates. That both Julian and Porphyry, whom he calls the old man of Tyre, were lovers of mockery is proved by their own writings. For Porphyry disparaged the life of Socrates, the most eminent of the philosophers, in the history of philosophy he wrote, and left such things written about him as neither Melitus nor Anytus, who prosecuted Socrates, would have tried to say: Socrates, I say, admired among the Greeks for self-control, justice, and the other virtues, whom Plato, the admired philosopher among them, and Xenophon and the rest of the company of philosophers not only honour as dear to God, but have thought to be wise beyond man. Julian, emulating his “father” (Porphyry, whose “son” Libanius called him), showed his own failing in the Caesars, finding fault with all the emperors before him and not sparing even the philosopher Marcus. That both were lovers of mockery they show from themselves, and I need no many or clever words; these things suffice to show their character. I write these things judging their character from the writings of each. Hear also what Gregory of Nazianzus said about Julian in his own words. He says in the second discourse against the pagans, word for word:
“These things experience made plain to others, when power was joined to authority; but to me they were seen in some way even from afar, from the time I was with the man at Athens. For he came there too, just after the troubles concerning his brother, having asked the emperor for this very thing. His stay had a twofold reason: the more seemly one, to see Greece and its schools; the more secret, known to few, to consult the sacrificers and impostors there about his own affairs, since impiety did not yet have freedom of speech. At that time I know that I proved no bad judge of the man, though I am not one of those gifted in such things. But the unevenness of his character and the excess of his excitement made me a prophet, if he is the best prophet who guesses well. For it seemed to me a sign of nothing good: a neck unsteady, shoulders jerking and shrugging, an eye restless and rolling and looking madly, feet unsteady and shifting, a nose breathing insolence and contempt, ridiculous contortions of the face, bursts of laughter unrestrained and convulsive, nods and shakes of the head for no reason, speech stopping and cut short by breath, questions disorderly and senseless, answers no better than these, tumbling over one another, unsteady, and not proceeding in the order of learning. Why should I describe each thing? I saw him before his deeds as I recognized him in his deeds. If some of those who were with me then and heard me were present, they would readily bear witness; for when I saw these things I said at once, ‘What an evil the Roman world is nourishing!’ And having foretold it, I prayed that I might prove a false prophet. For that would have been better than that the world should be filled with such evils, and such a monster appear as never before, though many floods are told of, many fires, earthquakes, and chasms, and also inhuman and bestial natures of men, and of strange and compound creatures newly produced. Truly he met an end worthy of his madness.”
Such things Gregory related about Julian. That they spent many words against the Christians and attempted to force the truth, distorting some passages of the sacred writings and inserting others, and taking everything to suit their own aim, many have shown who answered them and overturned and refuted their sophisms. Above all Origen, who lived long before Julian’s times, raising against himself the passages that seem to trouble readers of the sacred books and interpreting them, shut out the sophistical inventions of the unfair. If Julian and Porphyry had read these not carelessly but fairly, they would certainly have turned their words to other things, and not to writing blasphemous sophisms. That the emperor practised mockery while addressing his words to the simpler sort, not to those who have the form of the truth from the sacred writings, is plain from this: having taken the expressions which are used of God in a more human way, by condescension, for the sake of need, and stringing many such together, he finally adds these words: “Each of these, then, unless it is a discourse having some secret meaning, as I have supposed, the words about him are full of much blasphemy.” This he said in these very words in the third book of his work against the Christians. And in his discourse entitled On Cynicism, teaching how sacred myths should be composed, he says that the truth about such words must be hidden, saying these very words to them: “For nature loves to hide itself, and the hidden part of the essence of the gods does not bear to be thrown in naked words to impure ears.” From this the emperor appears to suspect about the divine Scriptures that they are mystical discourses with some secret meaning. He is indignant that not all have the same understanding of them, and he attacks the simpler among Christians who receive the oracles. He ought not so to attack the simplicity of the many, nor be puffed up against the sacred writings on their account, nor hate and turn from what he well understood because not all understood it as he wished. As it is, it seems, he suffered the same as Porphyry. For Porphyry, having received blows from some Christians at Caesarea in Palestine, did not bear his anger, and, from melancholy, abandoned Christianity; and from hatred of those who beat him he fell into writing blasphemies against the Christians, as Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, proved against him, refuting his writings. The emperor, having become contemptuous of the Christians in respect of the simple, through the same failing turned to the blasphemy of Porphyry. Both, then, having been impious willingly, bear the penalty of sin with knowledge.
Since the sophist Libanius, mocking, says, “They make the man from Palestine God and child of God,” he seems to me to have forgotten how he himself at the end of the same speech deified Julian. For he says that they almost stoned the first messenger of his death as lying against a god. Then, going on a little, he says: “O nursling of the daemons, disciple of the daemons, attendant of the daemons!” Even if he himself meant it otherwise, by not avoiding the ambiguity of the worse sense he seemed to say the very things the Christians say in reproach. If he cared for praise, he should have avoided the ambiguity, as he avoided another word, for which he was reviled and cut it out of his speech. How the man in Christ is spoken of as God, and how what was seen was man and what was unseen God, and how both are true, the divine oracles of the Christians know; but the pagans cannot understand it before they believe. For there is an oracle which says, “If you do not believe, you will not understand.” So they are not ashamed of having deified many men, and would that they had at least been good in character, or just, or self-controlled; but impure, unjust, enslaved to drunkenness: I mean such as Heracles, Dionysus, and Asclepius, by whom Libanius is not ashamed to swear continually in his speeches. If I were to count their loves of males and females, the account of our digression would be long. For those who wish to know these things, the Peplos of Aristotle, the Crown of Dionysius, the Polymnemon of Rheginus, and the crowd of poets will suffice, who by writing about them show to all that the theology of the Greeks is truly laughable nonsense. That it is peculiar to the Greeks to deify men easily, it will suffice to recall a few instances. When the Rhodians fell into misfortune, an oracle was given them that they should worship the Phrygian Attis, the priest of the frenzied rite among the Phrygians. The oracle runs thus: “Propitiate Attis, the great god, the holy Adonis, Euius, giver of wealth, Dionysus of the lovely locks.” The oracle, then, says that Attis, who castrated himself from erotic madness, is Adonis and Dionysus. When Alexander king of the Macedonians crossed into Asia, the Amphictyons were courting Alexander, and the Pythia delivered this: “Honour Zeus, highest of gods, and Athena Tritogeneia, and the king hidden in a mortal body, whom Zeus begot of the best seed as a helper of good order for mortals, Alexander the king.” This the daemon at Pytho uttered; and it too deified rulers in flattery. And this perhaps it did from flattery. But what would one say of their deifying Cleomedes the boxer and giving this oracle about him: “Last of the heroes, Cleomedes of Astypalaea; honour him with sacrifices, as being no longer mortal”? Because of this oracle Diogenes the Cynic and Oenomaus the philosopher condemned the Pythian Apollo. The people of Cyzicus proclaimed Hadrian the thirteenth god; and Hadrian himself deified his beloved Antinous. These things Libanius does not call laughable nonsense, though he knows the oracles and the single book Adrias wrote on the life of Alexander; nor is he ashamed of deifying Porphyry himself, for he says, “May the Tyrian be gracious,” preferring the emperor’s books to his. Let these things, said because of the sophist’s abuse, suffice as a digression; things that need a treatise of their own I think I should leave aside. Let us go on to the rest of the history.
3.24PG 67:449–451
Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως Ἰοβιανοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς Περσίδος ἀναχωρήσαντος, αὖθις ἀνεκινεῖτο τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν, οἱ τε προεστῶτες τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν προτρέχειν ἐσπούδαζον, προσδοκῶντες ἕκαστος τῇ ἑαυτῶν πίστει προσθήσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. Ὁ δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ πίστει προσέκειτο· τοῦτο δὲ πᾶσιν εἰρηκὼς προέκρινε. Καὶ ἀναῤῥώννυσι μὲν διὰ γραμμάτων ε τὸν τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αθανάσιον, ὃς εὐθὺς, μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν Ἰουλιανοῦ, τῆς Ἐκκλησίας τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο· τότε δὴ παρῥησιαίτερος ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων γενόμενος, καὶ τοῦ πανταχόθεν δέους ἀπήλλακτο. ᾿Ανεκάλει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς ὑπὸ Κωνσταντίου μὲν ἐξορισθέντας ἐπισκόπους, ὑπὸ Ἰουλιανοῦ δὲ ἀνακληθῆναι μὴ φθάσαντας. Τηνικαῦτα δὴ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πάντα ἀπεκλείετο· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἄλλως ἀλλαχῆ κατεδύοντο. Οἱ τε τριβωνοφόροι τοὺς τρίβωνας ἀπέθεντο, καὶ εἰς τὸ κοινὸν σχῆμα μετημφιέννυντο. Πέπαυτο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὁ δι' αἵματος δημοσίᾳ γινόμενος μολυσμὸς, ᾧ κατακόρως ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ κατεχρήσαντο. ἐδ!
Tou de basileōs Iobianou apo tēs Persidos anachōrēsantos, authis anekineito ta tōn Ekklēsiōn, hoi te proestōtes tōn Ekklēsiōn protrechein espoudazon, prosdokōntes hekastos tę̄ heautōn pistei prosthēsesthai ton basilea. Ho de ex archēs men tę̄ homoousiǭ pistei prosekeito; touto de pasin eirēkōs proekrine. Kai anarrhōnnysi men dia grammatōn e ton tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopon ᾿Athanasion, hos euthys, meta tēn teleutēn Ioulianou, tēs Ekklēsias tōn ᾿Alexandreōn enkratēs egeneto; tote dē parrhēsiaiteros ek tōn grammatōn genomenos, kai tou pantachothen deous apēllakto. ᾿Anekalei de ho basileus tous hypo Kōnstantiou men exoristhentas episkopous, hypo Ioulianou de anaklēthēnai mē phthasantas. Tēnikauta dē kai ta hiera tōn Hellēnōn panta apekleieto; autoi de allōs allachē katedyonto. Hoi te tribōnophoroi tous tribōnas apethento, kai eis to koinon schēma metēmphiennynto. Pepauto de autois kai ho di' haimatos dēmosią ginomenos molysmos, hǭ katakorōs epi Ioulianou katechrēsanto. ed!
When the emperor Jovian had withdrawn from Persia, the affairs of the churches were stirred up again. The presidents of the churches were eager to run to him first, each expecting that the emperor would side with his own faith. But he had from the beginning held to the homoousian faith, and he declared to all that he preferred it. He encouraged by letter Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, who immediately after Julian’s death had taken possession of the church of the Alexandrians; and then, made bolder by the letter, he was freed from fear on every side. The emperor recalled the bishops exiled by Constantius who had not been recalled by Julian. Then all the temples of the pagans were shut, and they themselves slipped away in one direction or another. Those who wore the philosopher’s cloak put it off and dressed in the common garb. The public defilement by blood, which they had used to excess under Julian, also ceased for them.
3.25PG 67:451–455
Τὰ μέντοι Χριστιανῶν οὐχ ἡσύχαζεν. Οἱ γὰρ προεστῶτες τῶν θρησκειῶν προελεύσεις ἐποΐνυν τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὴν παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ κατὰ τῶν νομιζομένων αὐτοῖς ἀντιπάλων παῤῥησίαν ὑπάρχειν νομίζοντες. Καὶ πρῶτοι μὲν Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίσαντες, βιβλίον προσφέρουσιν, ἀξιοῦντες ἐξωθεῖσθαι μὲν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοὺς τὸ ἀνόμοιον δογματίξοντας, τοὺς δὲ ἀντεισάγεσθαι, Ἦσαν δὲ οἱ τὸ βιδλίον τῶν δεήσεων ἐπιδόντες, Βασίλειος ὁ ᾿Αγκύρα:, Σιλδανὺς Ταρσοῦ, Σωφρόνιος Πομπηϊουπόλεως, Πασίνιχος Ζήνων, Λεόντιος Κομάνων, Καλλιχράτης Ἰέλαυδίου πόλεως, Θεόφιλος Κασταβάλων. Τούτων δεξάμενος τὸ βιβλίον ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἀναποχρίτους αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψε, μόνον δὲ τοῦτο ἐφθέγξατο" Ἐγὼ, ἔφη, φιλονεικίαν μισῶ " τοὺς ὃὲ τῇ ὁμονοίᾳ προστρέχοντας ἀγαπῶ καὶ τιμῶ, Ταῦτα εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς τῶν ἄλλων δοθέντα, τὸν τόνον τῶν φιλονειχεῖν αἱρουμένων ἐχαύνωσε " τοῦτο κατὰ σκοπὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγίνετο. Καὶ γὰρ δὴ τηνικαῦτα ὁ τῶν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον φιλόνειχος τρόπος ἠλέγχετο, ὡς εἴησαν ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς κρατοῦντας ἀποχλίνοντες, φανερῶς ἐπέδειξαν. Συνελθόντες γὰρ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἃ τῆς Ξυ-ρίας, εἰς λόγους ἔρχονται Μελιτίῳ, ὅς μικρὸν ἔμπροσῦεν αὑτῶν χωρισθεὶς, τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ προσέθετο. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίησαν, ἐπειδὴ τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ βατιλέως ἑώρων ἐκεῖ τότε διάγοντος. Κοινῇ οὖν γνώμτ, 11 ἃ βιβλίον συντάξαντες, χαθομολογοῦσι τὸ ὁμοούσιον, τὴν ἐν πίστιν κυρώσαντες, τῷ βασιλεῖ --͵ροσχομίζουσιν. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν τοῖσδε Τῷ εὐσεδεστάτῳ θευφιϊεστάτῳ Δεσπότῃ ἡμῶν Ἰοδιανῷ Νικητῇ Αὐγούστῳ, ἡ τῶν ἐν χείᾳ παρόντων ἐπισκόπων διαφόρων χιῶν σύνοδος. Τὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν εἰρήνην τε καὶ ὁμόνοιαν, ὅτι σοῦ πρώτη πρεσβεύειν ἐσπούδασεν εὐσέβεια, εὖ ἴσμεν αὐτοὶ, θεοφιλέστατε βασιλεῦ. Ὅτι δὲ κεφάλαιον τῆς τοιαύτης ἑνότττο;, τῆς ἀληθοῦς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως καλῶς ὑπείληφας τὸν χαρακτῆρα, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦμεν. Ἵνα μὴ τοίνυν μετὰ τῶν παραχαραπσόντων τὸ δόγμα τῆς ἀληθείας τετάχθα: μιζώμεθα, ἀναφέρομεν τῇ σῇ εὐλαύείχ, ὅτι τῆς ἁγίας συνόδου τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ πάλαι πρότερον συγχροτηθείτὴν πίστιν ἀποδεχόμεθα, καὶ κατέχομεν. Ὁπότε καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν ἐν αὐτῇ ξένον τισὶν δνομα, τὸ τοῦ ὁμουυσίου φαμὲν, ἀσφαλοῦς τετύχηκε παρὰ ποῖ: πατράσιν ἑρμηνείας, σημαινούσης ὅτι ἐχ τῆς οὐπίας τοῦ Πατρὺς ὁ Υἱὸς ἐγευνέθη, καὶ ὅτι ὅμοιος χατ᾽ οὐσίαν τῷ Πατρί. Οὔτε δὲ ὡς πάθηυς περὶ τὴν ἄῤῥητον γέννησιν ἐπινοουμένου, οὔτε κατά τινὰ χρῆσιν ᾿Ελληνιχὴν λαμδάνεται τοῖς Πατράσι τὸ ὄνομα τῆς οὐσίας" εἰς ἀνατροπὴν δὲ τοῦ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων, περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀπτεθῶς τολμηθέντος παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου, ὅπερ οἱ νῦν ἐπιτοιτήσαντες ἀνόμοιοι, ἔτι θρασύπῖρον τολμηρότερον ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς; ἐχχλησιᾶστιὁμονοίας ἀναισχύντως παῤῥησιάζονται. Διὸ τυνετάξαπιεν τῇδε ἡμῶν τῇ ἀναφορᾷ τὸ ἀντίγραφην τῆς πίστεως τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν συγκροτηθέντων ἐπισκόπων ἐκτεθείσης, τινα καὶ ἀγαπῶμεν, ἥτις ἐστίν" Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ μαθήματος πλήρης. Μελίἐπίσχοπο; ᾿Αντιοχείας, ἔδωχα συναινῶν τοῖς πεογεγραμμένοις. Εὐσέβιος Σαμοσάτων, Εὐάγριος Σικελῶν, Οὑράνιος ᾿Απαμείας, Ζώϊλος Λαρίσων, ᾿Ακάκιος Καισαρείας, ᾿Αντίπατρο:ς Ρώσου, ᾿Αβράθὐρίμων, ᾿Αριστόνιχος Σελευχοθήλου, μένος Περγάμου, Οὐράνιο: Μελιτινῆς, Μάγνος Χαλχηδόνο:, Εὐτύχιο:; Ἐλευθεροπόλεως, Ἰσαχό-χις ᾿Αρμενίας μεγάλης, Τίτος Βόστρων, Πέτρος ἃ Σίππων, Πελάγιος Λαοδικείας, Αραβιανὸς ῎Αντρου, Πίσων ᾿Αδάνων διὰ Λαμυδρίωνος πρεσβυτέρου, Σαβινιανὸς Ζεύγματος, ᾿Αθανάσιος ᾿Αγκύρων διὰ Ὀρφίτου καὶ ᾿Αετίου πρεσβυτέρων, Εἰρηνίων Γάζης, Πίσων Αὐγούστης, Πατρίκιος Πάλτου διὰ Λαμυρίωνος πρεσβυτέρου, Ανατόλιος Βεροίων, Θεότιμος ᾿Αράβων, Λουκιανός "Αρκων. Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ βιβλίον τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνοδικῶν Σαβίνου γεγραμμένον εὑρήκαμεν. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς πρόθεσιν εἶχε, κολακείᾳ καὶ πειθοῖ τῶν διεστώτων τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἐκκόψαι, φήσας μηδενὶ ὀχληρὸς τῶν ὁπωσούν πιστευόντων ἔσεσθαι· ἀγαπήσειν δὲ καὶ ὑπερτιμήσειν τοὺς ἀρχὴν τῇ ἑνώσει τῆς Ἐκκλησίας παρέξοντας. Ταῦτα δὲ οὕτως αὐτὸν πρᾶξαι καὶ Θεμίστιός ε φησιν ὁ φιλόσοφος. Ὑπατικὸν γὰρ λόγον εἰς αὐτὸν διελθὼν, θαυμάζει τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τὸ ἐφεῖναι θρησκεύειν ὡς ἕκαστοι βούλονται, νικήσαντα τῶν κολάκων τοὺς τρόπους · οὓς καὶ διασύρων πάνυ γελοίως ἔψη, ἐλέγχεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἁλουργίδα, οὐ Θεὸν θεραπεύοντας · μηδέν τε διαφέρειν αὐτοὺς Εὐρίπου, νῦν μὲν ἐπὶ τάδε, νῦν δὲ εἰς τοὺναντίον τὰ ῥεύματα μεταβάλλοντος.
Ta mentoi Christianōn ouch hēsychazen. Hoi gar proestōtes tōn thrēskeiōn proeleuseis epoïnyn tǭ basilei, tēn par᾽ hautou kata tōn nomizomenōn autois antipalōn parrhēsian hyparchein nomizontes. Kai prōtoi men Makedonianoi chrēmatisantes, biblion prospherousin, axiountes exōtheisthai men tōn ekklēsiōn tous to anomoion dogmatixontas, tous de anteisagesthai, Ēsan de hoi to bidlion tōn deēseōn epidontes, Basileios ho ᾿Ankyra:, Sildanys Tarsou, Sōphronios Pompēïoupoleōs, Pasinichos Zēnōn, Leontios Komanōn, Kallichratēs Ielaudiou poleōs, Theophilos Kastabalōn. Toutōn dexamenos to biblion ho basileus, anapochritous autous apepempse, monon de touto ephthenxato" Egō, ephē, philoneikian misō " tous hoe tę̄ homonoią prostrechontas agapō kai timō, Tauta eis tas akoas tōn allōn dothenta, ton tonon tōn philoneichein hairoumenōn echaunōse " touto kata skopon tou basileōs egineto. Kai gar dē tēnikauta ho tōn peri ᾿Akakion philoneichos tropos ēlencheto, hōs eiēsan aei pros tous kratountas apochlinontes, phanerōs epedeixan. Synelthontes gar en ᾿Antiocheią ha tēs Xy-rias, eis logous erchontai Melitiǭ, hos mikron emprosyen hautōn chōristheis, tǭ homoousiǭ prosetheto. Touto de epoiēsan, epeidē timōmenon hypo tou batileōs heōrōn ekei tote diagontos. Koinę̄ oun gnōmt, 11 ha biblion syntaxantes, chathomologousi to homoousion, tēn en pistin kyrōsantes, tǭ basilei --͵roschomizousin. Esti de to biblion en toisde Tǭ eusedestatǭ theuphiïestatǭ Despotę̄ hēmōn Iodianǭ Nikētę̄ Augoustǭ, hē tōn en cheią parontōn episkopōn diaphorōn chiōn synodos. Tēn ekklēsiastikēn eirēnēn te kai homonoian, hoti sou prōtē presbeuein espoudasen eusebeia, eu ismen autoi, theophilestate basileu. Hoti de kephalaion tēs toiautēs henottto?, tēs alēthous orthodoxou pisteōs kalōs hypeilēphas ton charaktēra, oude touto agnooumen. Hina mē toinyn meta tōn paracharapsontōn to dogma tēs alētheias tetachtha: mizōmetha, anapheromen tę̄ sę̄ eulaueich, hoti tēs hagias synodou tēs en Nikaią palai proteron synchrotētheitēn pistin apodechometha, kai katechomen. Hopote kai to dokoun en autę̄ xenon tisin dnoma, to tou homouysiou phamen, asphalous tetychēke para poi: patrasin hermēneias, sēmainousēs hoti ech tēs oupias tou Patrys ho Huios egeunethē, kai hoti homoios chat᾽ ousian tǭ Patri. Oute de hōs pathēus peri tēn arrhēton gennēsin epinooumenou, oute kata tina chrēsin ᾿Ellēnichēn lamdanetai tois Patrasi to onoma tēs ousias" eis anatropēn de tou ex ouch ontōn, peri tou Christou aptethōs tolmēthentos para tou ᾿Areiou, hoper hoi nyn epitoitēsantes anomoioi, eti thrasypiron tolmēroteron epi lymę̄ tēs? echchlēsiastiomonoias anaischyntōs parrhēsiazontai. Dio tynetaxapien tę̄de hēmōn tę̄ anaphorą to antigraphēn tēs pisteōs tēs en Nikaią hypo tōn synkrotēthentōn episkopōn ektetheisēs, tina kai agapōmen, hētis estin" Pisteuomen eis hena Theon Patera pantokratora, kai ta loipa tou mathēmatos plērēs. Meliepischopo? ᾿Antiocheias, edōcha synainōn tois peogegrammenois. Eusebios Samosatōn, Euagrios Sikelōn, Houranios ᾿Apameias, Zōïlos Larisōn, ᾿Akakios Kaisareias, ᾿Antipatro:s Rōsou, ᾿Abrathyrimōn, ᾿Aristonichos Seleuchothēlou, menos Pergamou, Ouranio: Melitinēs, Magnos Chalchēdono:, Eutychio:? Eleutheropoleōs, Isacho-chis ᾿Armenias megalēs, Titos Bostrōn, Petros ha Sippōn, Pelagios Laodikeias, Arabianos ᾿Antrou, Pisōn ᾿Adanōn dia Lamydriōnos presbyterou, Sabinianos Zeugmatos, ᾿Athanasios ᾿Ankyrōn dia Orphitou kai ᾿Aetiou presbyterōn, Eirēniōn Gazēs, Pisōn Augoustēs, Patrikios Paltou dia Lamyriōnos presbyterou, Anatolios Beroiōn, Theotimos ᾿Arabōn, Loukianos "Arkōn. Touto men dē to biblion tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodikōn Sabinou gegrammenon heurēkamen. Ho mentoi basileus prothesin eiche, kolakeią kai peithoi tōn diestōtōn tēn philoneikian ekkopsai, phēsas mēdeni ochlēros tōn hopōsoun pisteuontōn esesthai; agapēsein de kai hypertimēsein tous archēn tę̄ henōsei tēs Ekklēsias parexontas. Tauta de houtōs auton praxai kai Themistios e phēsin ho philosophos. Hypatikon gar logon eis auton dielthōn, thaumazei ton basilea, hōs to epheinai thrēskeuein hōs hekastoi boulontai, nikēsanta tōn kolakōn tous tropous ; hous kai diasyrōn pany geloiōs epsē, elenchesthai autous halourgida, ou Theon therapeuontas ; mēden te diapherein autous Euripou, nyn men epi tade, nyn de eis tounantion ta rheumata metaballontos.
The affairs of the Christians, however, were not quiet. For the leaders of the sects made approaches to the emperor, thinking they would have freedom from him against those they considered their opponents. First the so-called Macedonians presented a petition, asking that those who taught the anomoion be expelled from the churches and they themselves brought in instead. Those who presented the petition were Basil of Ancyra, Silvanus of Tarsus, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis, Pasinicus of Zela, Leontius of Comana, Callicrates of Claudiopolis, and Theophilus of Castabala. The emperor, receiving their petition, sent them away without an answer, saying only this: “I hate contentiousness; but those who hasten to concord I love and honour.” When this reached the ears of the others, it slackened the vigour of those who chose to contend; and this happened according to the emperor’s aim. For at that time the contentious way of Acacius and his party was exposed: they showed plainly that they always inclined towards those in power. For meeting at Antioch in Syria they came to terms with Meletius, who a little before had separated from them and gone over to the homoousios. This they did because they saw him honoured by the emperor, who was then staying there. With common consent, then, they composed a statement, confessed the homoousios, confirmed the faith of Nicaea, and brought it to the emperor. The statement reads as follows:
“To our most pious and most God-loving lord Jovian, Victor Augustus, the synod of bishops from various provinces present at Antioch. That your piety has above all been eager to promote the peace and concord of the church we know well, most God-loving emperor. Nor are we unaware that you have rightly understood the character of the true orthodox faith to be the chief point of such unity. So that we may not be counted among those who falsify the doctrine of the truth, we declare to your piety that we accept and hold the faith of the holy synod convened long ago at Nicaea. Since the name in it which seems strange to some, I mean that of homoousios, has received a safe interpretation from the fathers, signifying that the Son was begotten from the essence of the Father and that he is like the Father in essence; and the name of essence is not taken by the fathers as though any passion were conceived in the ineffable generation, nor according to any Greek usage, but for the overthrow of ‘from things that are not’, impiously dared by Arius about Christ, which the Anomoeans who have now sprung up shamelessly assert with still greater boldness and daring, to the ruin of the church’s concord. Therefore we have attached to this our report the copy of the faith set out by the bishops convened at Nicaea, which we also love; it is: ‘We believe in one God, the Father Almighty’, and the rest of the creed in full. I, Meletius, bishop of Antioch, have given this, agreeing to what is written above. Eusebius of Samosata, Evagrius of Sicilia, Uranius of Apamea, Zoilus of Larissa, Acacius of Caesarea, Antipater of Rhosus, Abramius of Urimi, Aristonicus of Seleucobelus, Barlamenus of Pergamum, Uranius of Melitene, Magnus of Chalcedon, Eutychius of Eleutheropolis, Isacocis of Greater Armenia, Titus of Bostra, Peter of Sippi, Pelagius of Laodicea, Arabianus of Antros, Piso of Adana through Lamydrion the presbyter, Sabinianus of Zeugma, Athanasius of Ancyra through Orphitus and Aetius, presbyters, Irenion of Gaza, Piso of Augusta, Patricius of Paltus through Lamyrion the presbyter, Anatolius of Beroea, Theotimus of the Arabs, Lucianus of Arca.”
This statement we have found written in Sabinus’s collection of synodal acts. The emperor’s purpose was to cut off the contentiousness of those at variance by kindness and persuasion, saying that he would be troublesome to none, however they believed, but would love and greatly honour those who made a beginning of the church’s union. The philosopher Themistius too says that he acted so. In the consular speech he delivered for him, he admires the emperor for allowing each to worship as they wished, overcoming the ways of flatterers; and ridiculing them very wittily he said that they were shown to serve the purple, not God, and to differ in no way from the Euripus, which changes its currents now this way, now the opposite.
3.26PG 67:455–457
Οὕτω μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς τότε τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐρεσχελεῖν προαιρουμένων ἐπέσχεν. Ἡ τάχος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἀναχωρήσας, τὴν Ταρσόν τε καταλαβών τῆς Κιλικίας, ἐκεῖ τὸ Ἰουλιανοῦ σῶμα ἔθαψε· καὶ πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ κηδείᾳ τὰ νόμιμα πληρώσας, ὕπατός τι ἀναγορεύεται. Καὶ αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινού - πολιν διαθαίνειν σπουδάζων, ἐν χωρίῳ τινὶ παραγίνεται, ᾧ προσωνυμία Δαδάστανα " μεθόριον δέ ἔστι τοῦτο Γαλατίας καὶ Βιθυνίας. Ἔνθα Θεμί7:106 ὁ φιλόσοφος μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων συγκλητικῶν ἀπαντήσας, τὸν ὑπατιχὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διεξῆλθε λόγον, ὃν ὕστερον ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐπὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπεδείξατο. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εὐτυχῶς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἕπραξεν ἂν, τά τε δημοσίᾳ, καὶ τὰ ἐχ τῶν Ἐκχχλησιῶν, οὕτως ἀγαθοῦ βασιλέως εὐτυχήσαντα, εἰ μὴ ἀφνίδιος ἐπιγενόμενος θάνατος, τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα τῶν πραγμάτων ἀφείλετο. γὰρ τῷ προῤῥηθέντι χωρίῳ, χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ τῷ τῆς ἐμφράξεως νοσήματι συσχεθεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ καὶ Βαρωνιανοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὑτοῦ, τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Φεδρουαρίου ! μηνός" βασιλεύσας μῆνας ἑπτὰ, ζήσας ἔτη τριακοντατρία. Περιέχει δὲ ἡ βίόλος χρόνον ἐτῶν δύο, μηνῶν πέντε 5.
Houtō men oun basileus tote tēn hormēn tōn ereschelein proairoumenōn epeschen. Hē tachos de tēs ᾿Antiocheias anachōrēsas, tēn Tarson te katalabōn tēs Kilikias, ekei to Ioulianou sōma ethapse; kai panta epi tę̄ kēdeią ta nomima plērōsas, hypatos ti anagoreuetai. Kai authis epi tēn Kōnstantinou - polin diathainein spoudazōn, en chōriǭ tini paraginetai, hǭ prosōnymia Dadastana " methorion de esti touto Galatias kai Bithynias. Entha Themi7:106 ho philosophos meta tōn allōn synklētikōn apantēsas, ton hypatichon ep᾽ autou diexēlthe logon, hon hysteron en Kōnstantinou polei epi tou plēthous epedeixato. ᾿All᾽ eutychōs ta Rhōmaiōn hepraxen an, ta te dēmosią, kai ta ech tōn Ekchchlēsiōn, houtōs agathou basileōs eutychēsanta, ei mē aphnidios epigenomenos thanatos, ton toiouton andra tōn pragmatōn apheileto. gar tǭ prorrhēthenti chōriǭ, cheimōnos hōrą tǭ tēs emphraxeōs nosēmati syschetheis eteleutēsen, en hypateią tę̄ autou kai Barōnianou tou huiou hautou, tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Phedrouariou ! mēnos" basileusas mēnas hepta, zēsas etē triakontatria. Periechei de hē biolos chronon etōn dyo, mēnōn pente 5.
So the emperor then checked the impulse of those who chose to wrangle. Leaving Antioch with all speed and reaching Tarsus in Cilicia, he buried Julian’s body there; and having fulfilled all that was customary for the funeral, he was proclaimed consul. Eager again to cross to Constantinople, he came to a place called Dadastana, on the border of Galatia and Bithynia. There the philosopher Themistius, meeting him with the other senators, delivered the consular speech before him, which he later delivered before the people at Constantinople. The affairs of the Romans, both public and those of the churches, would have prospered, blessed with so good an emperor, had not sudden death taken such a man away from affairs. For at the place mentioned, in winter, he was seized by an obstruction and died, in his own consulship and that of his son Varronianus, on the seventeenth of February, having reigned seven months and lived thirty-three years. This book covers a period of two years and five months.
Chapter 4
4.1PG 67:463–465
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως Ἰοδιανοῦ ἐν Δαδαστάνοις, ὡς ἔφημεν, τελευτήσαντος τῇ ἕαυτου ὑπατείᾳ Βαρωνιανοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτιῦ, τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Φεθρουαρίον μηνὸς, οἱ στρατιῶται τῆς Γαλατῶν ἑδδομαῖοι ὃ εἰς τῆς Βιθυνίας ἐλθόντες, κοινῇ — ψήφῳ Οὐαλεντινιανὸν ἀναχηρύττουσι βασιλέα, τῇ πέμπτῃ εἰκάδι τοῦ αὑτοῦ Φεθροναρίου μηνὸς, τῇ αὐτοῦ ὑπατείᾳ. Ὅστις μὲν ἣν τὸ γένος, πόλεως Κιθάλεως. Τάξιν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἐγχειρισάμενος, πολλὴν ἐπεδείξατο τῶν ταχτιχῶν ἐπιστήμην. Ἦν δὲ μεγαλόψυχο: ὁ ἀνὴρ, ἀεὶ τῆς παρούσης τύχης μείζων ἐφαίνετο, Ὡς οὖν αὐτὸν ἀνεστήσαντο βασιλέα, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν γενόμενος, κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας προσλαμθάνεῖ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Οὐάλεντα, μετὰ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ! : τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναχηρύξεως, ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄμφω μὲν ἧσαν στιανοὶ, διεφώνουν δὲ περὶ τὴν τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ πίστιν, ὑὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν γὰρ τὴν πίστιν τῆς ἐν Νι; συνόδου ἔσεθεν Οὐάλης δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρειανῷ δόγματι — προλήψεως μᾶλλον προσέκειτο, Τὴν δὲ πρόληψιν ἐποιήσατο, ὑπὸ Εὐδοξίου τοῦ προεστῶτος τῆς ἐν 91/4 Κωνσταντίνου πόλει 'λρειανῇς θρησκείας βεθαπτίσθαι αὐτόν. Καὶ ζῆλον μὲν εἶχον ἄμφω σπουδαῖον περὶ ὅ ἔκαστος ἔσεθξ " τῷ δὲ τρόπῳ πολὺ διεστήχεισαν ἀλλήλων, γενόμενοι βασιλεῖς. Πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ, ὅτε ὁ μὲν Οὐαλεντινιανὸς χιλίαρχος ἦν, θύάλλης δὲ ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐστρατεύετο, οἷον εἶχεν ἔκαστος ζῆλον ἐπέδειξαν. Θύειν γὰρ χαζόμενοι, τὰς ζώνας τῆς στρατείας μᾶλλον ἀφιέναι ἠροῦντο, ἣ ἀφιέναι τὸν Χριστιανισμόν. ᾿Αλλὰ τότε μὲν Ἰουλιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς, χειρώδεις τοὺς ἄνρας τοῖς δημοσίοις εἰδὼς, οὐδένα τῆς στρατείας — ὥσπερ οὐδὲ Ἰοδιανὸν τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν βασιλεύσαντα, Ὕστερον δὲ βασιλεύσαντες, περὶ μὲν τὴν τῶν δημοσίων πρόνοιαν ἐν ἀρχῇ παραπλήσιοι ἀλλήλοις ὄντες ἐτύγχανον · περὶ δὲ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν, ὡς ἔφην, διαφωνοῦντες, οὐκέθ' ὁμοίῳ τρόπῳ κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων ἐκέχρηντο. Οὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν γὰρ, τοὺς μὲν οἰκείους συνεκρότει· τοῖς δὲ ἀρειανίζουσιν οὐδαμῶς ἦν ὀχληρός. Οὐάλης δὲ ᾿Αρειανοὺς αὐξῆσαι προαιρούμενος, δεινὰ κατὰ τῶν μὴ τοιαῦτα φρονούντων εἰργάσατο, ὡς προϊὼν ὁ τῆς ἱστορίας δηλώσει λόγος. Κατὰ δὴ τὸν χρόνον τόνδε, τῆς μὲν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας προεστήκει Λιβέριος · ἐν δὲ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, τῆς μὲν ὁμοουσίου πίστεως ᾿Αθανάσιος, τῆς δὲ ᾿Αρειανιζούσης Λούκιος, ὃν μετὰ Γεώργιον κατ· ἑστησαν οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες. Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἡγεῖτο Εὐζώϊος. Διήρηντο δὲ καὶ οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου· τῶν μὲν γὰρ Παυλίνος, τῶν δὲ Μελίτιος προειστήκεισαν. Τῶν δὲ περὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα, Κύριλλος αὖθις ἐκράτει. Ἐν δὲ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, Εὐδόξιος μὲν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτει, τὴν ᾿Αρείου δόξαν διδάσκων · οἱ δὲ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φρονήματος, ἐν μικρῷ οἰκίσκῳ τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως. Τῆς δὲ Μακεδονιανῆς θρησκείας, ἔτι κατὰ τὰς πόλεις ἑκράτουν τῶν εὐκτηρίων οἴκων οἱ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ διδαχθέντες τοὺς περὶ Ἀκάκιον. Ἐν τοιαύτῃ μὲν δὴ καταστάσει, τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἦν.
Tou dē basileōs Iodianou en Dadastanois, hōs ephēmen, teleutēsantos tę̄ heautou hypateią Barōnianou tou huiou autiy, tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Phethrouarion mēnos, hoi stratiōtai tēs Galatōn heddomaioi ho eis tēs Bithynias elthontes, koinę̄ — psēphǭ Oualentinianon anachēryttousi basilea, tę̄ pemptę̄ eikadi tou hautou Phethronariou mēnos, tę̄ autou hypateią. Hostis men hēn to genos, poleōs Kithaleōs. Taxin de stratiōtōn encheirisamenos, pollēn epedeixato tōn tachtichōn epistēmēn. Ēn de megalopsycho: ho anēr, aei tēs parousēs tychēs meizōn ephaineto, Hōs oun auton anestēsanto basilea, euthys epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin genomenos, koinōnon tēs basileias proslamthanei ton adelphon Oualenta, meta triakonta hēmeras ! : tēs autou anachēryxeōs, ᾿All᾽ amphō men hēsan stianoi, diephōnoun de peri tēn tou Christianismou pistin, hyyalentinianos men gar tēn pistin tēs en Ni? synodou esethen Oualēs de tǭ ᾿Areianǭ dogmati — prolēpseōs mallon prosekeito, Tēn de prolēpsin epoiēsato, hypo Eudoxiou tou proestōtos tēs en 91/4 Kōnstantinou polei 'lreianę̄s thrēskeias bethaptisthai auton. Kai zēlon men eichon amphō spoudaion peri ho ekastos esethx " tǭ de tropǭ poly diestēcheisan allēlōn, genomenoi basileis. Proteron men gar epi Ioulianou, hote ho men Oualentinianos chiliarchos ēn, thyallēs de en tois oikeiois tou basileōs estrateueto, hoion eichen ekastos zēlon epedeixan. Thyein gar chazomenoi, tas zōnas tēs strateias mallon aphienai ērounto, hē aphienai ton Christianismon. ᾿Alla tote men Ioulianos ho basileus, cheirōdeis tous anras tois dēmosiois eidōs, oudena tēs strateias — hōsper oude Iodianon ton met᾽ auton basileusanta, Hysteron de basileusantes, peri men tēn tōn dēmosiōn pronoian en archę̄ paraplēsioi allēlois ontes etynchanon ; peri de ton Christianismon, hōs ephēn, diaphōnountes, ouketh' homoiǭ tropǭ kata tōn Christianizontōn ekechrēnto. Oualentinianos men gar, tous men oikeious synekrotei; tois de areianizousin oudamōs ēn ochlēros. Oualēs de ᾿Areianous auxēsai proairoumenos, deina kata tōn mē toiauta phronountōn eirgasato, hōs proïōn ho tēs historias dēlōsei logos. Kata dē ton chronon tonde, tēs men en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias proestēkei Liberios ; en de tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią, tēs men homoousiou pisteōs ᾿Athanasios, tēs de ᾿Areianizousēs Loukios, hon meta Geōrgion kat; hestēsan hoi areianizontes. Tōn de kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian ᾿Areianōn hēgeito Euzōïos. Diērēnto de kai hoi tou homoousiou; tōn men gar Paulinos, tōn de Melitios proeistēkeisan. Tōn de peri ta Hierosolyma, Kyrillos authis ekratei. En de Kōnstantinou polei, Eudoxios men tōn ekklēsiōn ekratei, tēn ᾿Areiou doxan didaskōn ; hoi de tou homoousiou phronēmatos, en mikrǭ oikiskǭ tas synagōgas epoiounto endon tēs poleōs. Tēs de Makedonianēs thrēskeias, eti kata tas poleis hekratoun tōn euktēriōn oikōn hoi en Seleukeią didachthentes tous peri Akakion. En toiautę̄ men dē katastasei, ta tōn Ekklēsiōn ēn.
When the emperor Jovian had died at Dadastana, as we said, in the consulship of himself and of his son Varronianus, on the seventeenth of February, the soldiers came from Galatia to Bithynia and on the seventh day by common vote proclaimed Valentinian emperor, on the twenty-fifth of the same month of February, in the same consulship. By birth he was of the city of Cibalis. Having been given a command of soldiers, he had shown great knowledge of tactics. The man was great-souled, and always appeared greater than his present fortune. As soon as they had raised him to be emperor, he went to Constantinople and took his brother Valens as partner in the empire, thirty days after his own proclamation. Both were Christians, but they differed about the Christian faith: Valentinian revered the faith of the synod at Nicaea, while Valens was attached rather to the Arian doctrine by a prior commitment. He had formed this commitment by being baptized by Eudoxius, who presided over the Arian worship in Constantinople. Both had earnest zeal for what each revered, but in their conduct, once they became emperors, they differed widely from each other. Earlier, under Julian, when Valentinian was a tribune and Valens served in the emperor's household troops, each showed what zeal he had: when compelled to sacrifice, they chose to give up the belts of their service rather than give up Christianity. But at that time the emperor Julian, knowing that the men were useful to the state, dismissed neither of them from the service, nor did Jovian, who reigned after him. Later, when they had become emperors, they were at first alike in their care for public affairs; but differing, as I said, about Christianity, they no longer treated Christians in the same way. Valentinian supported those of his own faith but was in no way troublesome to the Arianizers; Valens, wishing to increase the Arians, did terrible things against those who did not think as they did, as the course of the history will show. At this time Liberius presided over the church in Rome. In Alexandria, Athanasius presided over those of the faith of the 'same essence' (homoousios), and Lucius over the Arianizing party, whom the Arianizers had installed after George. Euzoius led the Arians at Antioch. Those of the 'same essence' there were also divided: one group was headed by Paulinus, the other by Meletius. Cyril again held those of Jerusalem. In Constantinople Eudoxius held the churches, teaching the opinion of Arius, while those of the 'same essence' held their assemblies in a small house within the city. Of the Macedonian worship, those who at Seleucia had parted from Acacius and his party still held the houses of prayer in the cities. Such was the state of the churches.
4.2PG 67:465–467
Τῶν δὲ βασιλέων, Οὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἱ ταχέως κατέλαβεν. Εἶλκε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων φροντίς. Οὐάλεντι δὲ μικρὸν κατὰ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐπιμείναντι, προσέρχονται πλεῖστοι τῶν ἐπισκόπων τῆς Μακεδονιανῶν θρησκείας, ἐξαιτοῦσίν τε ἄλλην γενέσθαι σύνοδον ἐπὶ διορθώσει τῆς πίστεως. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς, νομίσας συναινέσαι αὐτοὺς τοῖς περὶ Ἀκάκιον καὶ Εὐδόξιον, γενέσθαι ἐπέτρεψε. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν συγκροτεῖν σύνοδον ἐν τῇ Λαμψάκιῳ ἔσπευδον. Οὐάλης δὲ ᾗ τάχος, ἐπὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν, ὑφορώμενος μὴ οἱ Πέρσαι τὰς γενομένας ἐπὶ Ἰοβιανοῦ τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς παραλύσαντες, τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅροις ἐπέλθοιεν. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν Περσικὰ ἡσύχασεν. Αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ ἡσυχίᾳ καταχρώμενος, κατὰ τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων ἄσπονδον ἤγειρε πόλεμον. Καὶ Παυλῖνον μὲν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐλάβειαν οὐδὲν κακὸν ἐποίησεν. Μελίτιον δὲ ἐξορίᾳ ἐζημίωσε. Τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ὅσοι μὴ ἐβούλοντο Εὐζωΐῳ κοινωνεῖν, τῶν μὲν ἐκκλησιῶν τῶν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ ἐξήλαυνεν · ζημίαις δὲ καὶ τιμωρίαις διαφόροις ὑπέβαλλεν. Λέγεταί δὲ, ὅτι καὶ πολλοὺς εἰς τὸν παρακείμενον ποταμὸν Ὀῤῥόντην ἀπέπνιξεν.
Tōn de basileōn, Oualentinianos men ta hesperia merē hi tacheōs katelaben. Eilke gar auton hē tōn ekei pragmatōn phrontis. Oualenti de mikron kata tēn Kōnstantinou polin epimeinanti, proserchontai pleistoi tōn episkopōn tēs Makedonianōn thrēskeias, exaitousin te allēn genesthai synodon epi diorthōsei tēs pisteōs. Ho de basileus, nomisas synainesai autous tois peri Akakion kai Eudoxion, genesthai epetrepse. Kai houtoi men synkrotein synodon en tę̄ Lampsakiǭ espeudon. Oualēs de hę̄ tachos, epi tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen, hyphorōmenos mē hoi Persai tas genomenas epi Iobianou triakontouteis spondas paralysantes, tois Rhōmaiōn horois epelthoien. ᾿Alla ta men Persika hēsychasen. Autos de tę̄ hēsychią katachrōmenos, kata tōn to homoousion phronountōn aspondon ēgeire polemon. Kai Paulinon men ton episkopon, di᾽ hyperballousan tou andros eulabeian ouden kakon epoiēsen. Melition de exorią ezēmiōse. Tous de allous hosoi mē eboulonto Euzōïǭ koinōnein, tōn men ekklēsiōn tōn en Antiocheią exēlaunen ; zēmiais de kai timōriais diaphorois hypeballen. Legetai de, hoti kai pollous eis ton parakeimenon potamon Orrhontēn apepnixen.
Of the emperors, Valentinian quickly went to the western parts, for the care of affairs there drew him. While Valens stayed a short time at Constantinople, a great many bishops of the Macedonian worship came to him and asked that another synod be held to set the faith right. The emperor, thinking that they agreed with Acacius and Eudoxius, allowed it to be held. These hastened to assemble a synod at Lampsacus. Valens set out with all speed for Antioch in Syria, suspecting that the Persians would break the thirty-year treaty made under Jovian and invade Roman territory. But the Persian front stayed quiet. He, taking advantage of the quiet, raised a truceless war against those who held the 'same essence'. To Paulinus the bishop he did no harm, because of the man's exceeding piety; Meletius he punished with exile. All the others who would not communicate with Euzoius he drove out of the churches at Antioch and subjected to various fines and punishments. It is said that he also drowned many in the river Orontes that flows by the city.
4.3PG 67:467
Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ποιοῦντος, ἐπανίστατο ἐκ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως τύραννος, Προκόπιος κ ὄνομα αὐτῷ. Ὃς πολλὴν συγκροτήσας ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ δύναμιν, ὁρμᾶν κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐσπούδαζεν. Τοῦτο ἀπαγγελθὲν, εἰς ἀγωνίαν μεγίστην τὸν βασιλέα κατέστησεν, ἥτις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν κατὰ τῶν διωκομένων ὁρμὴν, πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐπέσχεν. Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου ταραχή τέως ὠδίνετο, σεισμὸς ἐπιγενόμενος πολλὰς τῶν πόλεων ἔβλαψεν. Η τε θάλασσα τοὺς οἰκείους ὅρους ἐνήλλαξεν · ἔν τισι μὲν γὰρ τόποις τοσοῦτον ἐπέκλυσεν, ὡς τοὺς πρώην βασίμους τόπους πλεῖσθαι · ἑτέρων δὲ τόπων τοσοῦτον ἀπέστη, ὡς ἐν ξηρᾷ εὑρεθῆναι. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ὑπατείαν τῶν δύο βασιλέων.
Tauta de autou kata tēn Syrian poiountos, epanistato ek tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs tyrannos, Prokopios k onoma autǭ. Hos pollēn synkrotēsas en brachei chronǭ dynamin, horman kata tou basileōs espoudazen. Touto apangelthen, eis agōnian megistēn ton basilea katestēsen, hētis autou kai tēn kata tōn diōkomenōn hormēn, pros oligon epeschen. Hōs de ek tou polemou tarachē teōs ōdineto, seismos epigenomenos pollas tōn poleōn eblapsen. Ē te thalassa tous oikeious horous enēllaxen ; en tisi men gar topois tosouton epeklysen, hōs tous prōēn basimous topous pleisthai ; heterōn de topōn tosouton apestē, hōs en xērą heurethēnai. Kai touto egeneto kata tēn prōtēn hypateian tōn dyo basileōn.
While he was doing these things in Syria, a usurper rose up at Constantinople, Procopius by name. He gathered a large force in a short time and was eager to march against the emperor. This news put the emperor in the greatest anxiety, which for a while held back his assault on those he was persecuting. While turmoil from the war was still in labour, an earthquake came and damaged many of the cities. The sea also changed its own bounds: in some places it flooded so far that places once walked on were sailed over, and from other places it drew back so far that they were found dry land. This happened in the first consulship of the two emperors.
4.4PG 67:467–469
Τούτων δὴ γενομένων, οὐδέτερα ἡσύχαζεν, οὔτε τὰ δημόσια πράγματα, οὔτε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν. Οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν σύνοδον συγκροτηθῆναι αἰτήσαντες, ἐν τῇ Λαμψάκῳ συνῆλθον ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ γενομένης συνόδου. Κἀκεῖ πάλιν τὴν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πίστιν ἐπιβεβαιώσαντες, ᾗ καὶ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ ὑπέγραψαν, ἀναθεματίζουσι τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ ὑπὸ τῶν πρώην ὁμοδόξων ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν. Καὶ αὖθις καταψηφίζονται τῶν περὶ Ἀκάκιον καὶ Εὐδόξιον, ὡς δικαίως χαθαιρεθέντων. Τούτοις οὐδὲν ειλέγειν Εὐδόξιος ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπίσχοπος ἴσχνεν. Οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἀμύνατθαι τούτους ὁ ἐνεστηχὼς δημόσιος συνεχώρει πόλεμος. Διὸ οἱ περὶ Ἐλεύσιον τὸν Κυζέχου ἐπίσκοπον, ἐπιχρατέστε - τότε πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐγένοντο, συγκροτήσαντες τὸ χρηματίσαν Μακεδονίου δόγμα, μικρόν τε ἔμπροσθεν καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Λάμψακον συνόδῳ γενόμενον φανερώτερον, Ταύτην ἐγὼ νομίζω τὴν σύνοδον, αἰτίαν γενέσθαι τοῦ πλεονάζειν ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ τοὺς Μακεδονιανοὺς χρηματίζοντας ἡ γὰρ Λάμψαχος ἐν τῷ στενῷ τοῦ ᾿Ελλησπόντου κεῖται πορθμῷ. Αὕτη μὲν οὖν ἡ σύνοδος τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἔκβασιν.
Toutōn dē genomenōn, oudetera hēsychazen, oute ta dēmosia pragmata, oute mēn ta tōn ekklēsiōn. Hoi men oun para tou basileōs tēn synodon synkrotēthēnai aitēsantes, en tę̄ Lampsakǭ synēlthon en hypateią tę̄ autę̄. Touto de ēn hebdomon etos apo tēs en Seleukeią genomenēs synodou. Kakei palin tēn en ᾿Antiocheią pistin epibebaiōsantes, hę̄ kai en Seleukeią hypegrapsan, anathematizousi tēn en ᾿Arimēnǭ hypo tōn prōēn homodoxōn ektetheisan pistin. Kai authis katapsēphizontai tōn peri Akakion kai Eudoxion, hōs dikaiōs chathairethentōn. Toutois ouden eilegein Eudoxios ho tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs epischopos ischnen. Ou gar autǭ amynatthai toutous ho enestēchōs dēmosios synechōrei polemos. Dio hoi peri Eleusion ton Kyzechou episkopon, epichrateste - tote pros oligon egenonto, synkrotēsantes to chrēmatisan Makedoniou dogma, mikron te emprosthen kai to en tę̄ kata Lampsakon synodǭ genomenon phanerōteron, Tautēn egō nomizō tēn synodon, aitian genesthai tou pleonazein en Hellēspontǭ tous Makedonianous chrēmatizontas hē gar Lampsachos en tǭ stenǭ tou ᾿Ellēspontou keitai porthmǭ. Hautē men oun hē synodos toiautēn esche tēn ekbasin.
While these things were happening, neither public affairs nor those of the churches were at rest. Those who had asked the emperor that the synod be assembled met at Lampsacus in the same consulship. This was the seventh year after the synod held at Seleucia. There they again confirmed the creed of Antioch, which they had also signed at Seleucia, and anathematized the creed set out at Ariminum by those who had formerly been of their opinion. And they again condemned Acacius and Eudoxius and their party as justly deposed. Eudoxius, bishop of Constantinople, was not strong enough to answer them, for the public war then going on did not allow him to take revenge on them. Therefore Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, and his party, who for a while became the stronger, built up the doctrine named after Macedonius, which had been made more evident a little before and at the synod of Lampsacus. I think this synod was the cause of the great number of those called Macedonians in the Hellespont, for Lampsacus lies on the narrow strait of the Hellespont. Such was the outcome of this synod.
4.5PG 67:469
Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείχ, ἥτις ἣν Γρατιανοῦ Δαγαλαίφου, τὰ τῶν πολέμων ἐπέθετο. Ὡς γὰρ ὁ τύραννος Προκόπιος ἀπὸ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεω: δρμηθεὶς, ἔτοιμος ἦν ἐπιστρατεύειν τῷ βασιλεῖ" πυθόμενος ὁ θὑάλης φθάνει τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐλάσας, συμδάλλει τῷ Προκοπίῳ περὶ πόλιν τῆς Φρυγίας, προσωνυμία Ναχώλεια τὴν μὲν πρώμάχην ἡττήθη" μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ, ζωγρῆσας εἶχε τὸν Προκόπιον, ᾿Αγγέλωνος Γοματῶν στρατηγῶν προδεδωχότων αὐτόν" οὖς ξέναις τιμωρίαις ὑπέδαλλεν. Τοὺς μὲν προδότας, ὑπεριδὼν τοὺς ὄρχους αὐτοῖς ὁμωμόχει, πρίοσι διελὼν ἀπέχτεινε " τοῦ δὲ τυράννου δύο δένδρων χαμφθέντων γειτνιαζόντων ἀλλήλοις, ἑκάτερον σκέλος ἐχδήσας, ἐπιχαμφθέντων ἀφῆκεν ὀρθοῦσθαι τὰ δὲ ἀνεγειρόμενα, διέσπασε τὸν Προκόπιον. Καὶ οὕτως ὁ τύραννος διχοτομγθεὶς ἀπώλετο.
Tę̄ de hexēs hypateich, hētis hēn Gratianou Dagalaiphou, ta tōn polemōn epetheto. Hōs gar ho tyrannos Prokopios apo tēs Kōnstantinou poleō: drmētheis, etoimos ēn epistrateuein tǭ basilei" pythomenos ho thyalēs phthanei tēs ᾿Antiocheias elasas, symdallei tǭ Prokopiǭ peri polin tēs Phrygias, prosōnymia Nachōleia tēn men prōmachēn hēttēthē" met᾽ ou poly de, zōgrēsas eiche ton Prokopion, ᾿Angelōnos Gomatōn stratēgōn prodedōchotōn auton" ous xenais timōriais hypedallen. Tous men prodotas, hyperidōn tous orchous autois homōmochei, priosi dielōn apechteine " tou de tyrannou dyo dendrōn champhthentōn geitniazontōn allēlois, hekateron skelos echdēsas, epichamphthentōn aphēken orthousthai ta de anegeiromena, diespase ton Prokopion. Kai houtōs ho tyrannos dichotomgtheis apōleto.
In the next consulship, that of Gratian and Dagalaifus, the business of the wars began. When the usurper Procopius, having set out from Constantinople, was ready to march against the emperor, Valens learned of it, hastened from Antioch first, and engaged Procopius near a city of Phrygia named Nacolia. In the first battle he was defeated; but not long after he took Procopius alive, when his generals Agelo and Gomarius betrayed him. These he subjected to unheard-of punishments. The traitors, disregarding the oaths he had sworn to them, he killed by having them sawn apart. As for the usurper, two neighbouring trees were bent down, he tied one of his legs to each, and then let the bent trees straighten; as they rose, they tore Procopius apart. So the usurper perished, split in two.
4.6PG 67:469–471
Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς εὐτυχῶς τότε πράξας, αὖθις κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων θορύβους ἐκίνει, πᾶσαν θρησκείαν Αρειανίζειν βουλόμενος. Μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς ὀργὴν ἦγεν ἡ κατὰ τὴν Λάμψακον γενομένη σύνοδος, οὐ μόνον ὅτι τοὺς ᾿Αρειανίζοντας ἀπεκήρυξεν ἐπισκόπους, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ τῆς πίστεως ἀνεθεμάτισεν ἔκθεσιν. Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν Νικομηδεία τῆς Βιθυνίας, μεταπέμπεται παρ' ἑαυτὸν Ἑλεύσιον τὸν Κυζίκου ἐπίσκοπον · οὗτος δὲ τῇ Μακεδονίου δόξῃ προσέκειτο μᾶλλον, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Καθίσας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς συνέδριον ἐπισκόπων τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς αἱρέσεως, συντίθεσθαι τὸν Ἐλεύσιον τῇ πίστει ἐκείνων ἡνάγκαζεν. Ὁ δὲ, πρότερον μὲν ἀπηρνεῖτο · ἐξορίας δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ δημεύσεως ἀπειληθείσης, περιδεής γενόμενος, τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ συντίθεται. Συνθέμενος δὲ, εὐθὺς μετεμέλετο · καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Κύζικον, ἐπὶ παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ τὴν βίαν ἀπωδύρατο, φάσκων τὴν συγκατάθεσιν ἐκ βίας, οὐ μὴν ἐκ προαιρέσεως πεποιῆσθαι. Ζητεῖν τε αὐτοὺς ἕτερον ἐπίσκοπον, διότι αὐτοὺς τῇ ἀνάγκῃ τὸ οἰκεῖον δόγμα ἠρνήσατο. Κυζικηνοὶ δὲ φιλοστοργίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν, ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ ἐπισκόπῳ τάττεσθαι οὐκ ἐβούλοντο, οὔτε μὴν ἑτέρῳ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας παραχωρεῖν. Ἔμενον μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῷ ταττόμενοι, μὴ μετατιθέμενοι δὲ τῆς οἰκείας αἱρέσεως.
Ho de basileus eutychōs tote praxas, authis kata tōn Christianizontōn thorybous ekinei, pasan thrēskeian Areianizein boulomenos. Malista de auton eis orgēn ēgen hē kata tēn Lampsakon genomenē synodos, ou monon hoti tous ᾿Areianizontas apekēryxen episkopous, all᾽ hoti kai tēn en ᾿Arimēnǭ tēs pisteōs anethematisen ekthesin. Genomenos oun en Nikomēdeia tēs Bithynias, metapempetai par' heauton Heleusion ton Kyzikou episkopon ; houtos de tę̄ Makedoniou doxę̄ prosekeito mallon, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Kathisas oun ho basileus synedrion episkopōn tēs ᾿Areianēs haireseōs, syntithesthai ton Eleusion tę̄ pistei ekeinōn hēnankazen. Ho de, proteron men apērneito ; exorias de autǭ kai dēmeuseōs apeilētheisēs, perideēs genomenos, tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄ syntithetai. Synthemenos de, euthys metemeleto ; kai katalabōn tēn Kyzikon, epi pantos tou laou tēn bian apōdyrato, phaskōn tēn synkatathesin ek bias, ou mēn ek proaireseōs pepoiēsthai. Zētein te autous heteron episkopon, dioti autous tę̄ anankę̄ to oikeion dogma ērnēsato. Kyzikēnoi de philostorgią tę̄ pros auton, hyph᾽ heterǭ episkopǭ tattesthai ouk eboulonto, oute mēn heterǭ tēs Ekklēsias parachōrein. Emenon men oun hyp' autǭ tattomenoi, mē metatithemenoi de tēs oikeias haireseōs.
The emperor, having succeeded then, again stirred up troubles against the Christians, wishing every worship to become Arian. Above all the synod held at Lampsacus provoked his anger, not only because it had proscribed the Arianizing bishops, but also because it had anathematized the exposition of faith of Ariminum. So, being at Nicomedia in Bithynia, he summoned to himself Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, who, as I have said before, was attached rather to the opinion of Macedonius. The emperor convened a council of bishops of the Arian heresy and tried to compel Eleusius to agree to their faith. He at first refused; but when exile and confiscation were threatened, he grew afraid and agreed to the Arian opinion. Having agreed, he at once repented. Returning to Cyzicus, he lamented before the whole people the force he had suffered, saying that he had given his assent under compulsion and not by his own choice, and he told them to seek another bishop, since under compulsion he had denied his own doctrine. But the people of Cyzicus, from their affection for him, did not wish to be placed under another bishop, nor to yield the church to another. So they remained under him, without changing their own party.
4.7PG 67:471–473
Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐπίσκοπος, προβάλλεται πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Κυζί κου Εὐνόμιον, ὡς δυνάμενον δεινότητι λόγων πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἑλκύσαι τὰ πλήθη. Κατελθόντος δὲ τοῦ Εὐνομίου, πρόσταγμα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκέλευσεν ἐξωθεῖσθαι μὲν τὸν Ἐλεύσιον, ἐνθρονίζεσθαι δὲ τὸν Εὐνόμιον. Καὶ δὴ τούτου γενομένου, οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεύσιον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως εὐκτήριον οἶκον κατασκευάσαντες, τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιήσαντο. Καὶ περὶ μὲν Ἐλευσίου, τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Περὶ δὲ Εὐνομίου, ἐκεῖνα λεκτέον. Εὐνόμιος ὑπογραφεὺς γέγονεν ᾿Αετίου, τοῦ ἐπικληθέντος ᾿Αθέου, οὗ καὶ ἀνωτέρω πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Συνὼν δὲ αὐτῷ, τὸν ἐκείνου σοφιστικὸν τρόπον ἐζήλωσε· λεξειδίοις τε σχολάζων, καὶ ποιῶν ἑαυτῷ σοφίσματα, οὐκ ἠσθάνετο. Ἐκ τούτων τε τυφωθεὶς εἰς βλασφημίαν ἐξέπεσε, τὸ ᾿Αρείου μὲν δόγμα ζηλῶν, κατὰ πολλὰ δὲ τοῖς τῆς ἀληθείας δόγμασι πολεμῶν· ὀλιγομαθῶς μὲν ἔχων πρὸς τὰ ἱερὰ γράμματα, καὶ μηδὲ συνιέναι αὐτὰ δυνάμενος · πολύχους δὲ τὴν λέξιν, καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ περιστρέφων ἀεὶ, καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος περιγενέσθαι τοῦ προ τεθέντος σκοποῦ · ὡς δεικνύουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ἑπτὰ τόμοι, οὓς ἐματαιοπόνησεν εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου Ἐπιστολήν. Πολλοὺς γάρ λόγους εἰς αὐτὴν ἀναλώσας, τῆς Ἐπιστολῆς τὸν σκοπὸν λαβεῖν οὐ δεδύνηται. Ἐφάμιλλοι δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ φερόμενοι λόγοι τυγχάνουσιν · ὧν ὁ βουλόμενος πεῖραν λαβεῖν, εὐρήσοι ἐν πολυλεξίᾳ τὴν τῶν νοημάτων εὐτέν λειαν. Τοῦτον τοίνυν τὸν Εὐνόμιον Εὐδόξιος πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Κυζίκου. προὐβάλλετο. Ὡς οὖν ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν, τῇ συνήθει διαλεκτικῇ χρώμενος, ἐξενοφώνει τοὺς ἀκροωμένους αὐτοῦ, καὶ ταραχὴ κατὰ τὴν Κύζικον ἦν. Μὴ ἐνεγκόντες οὖν αὐτοῦ τὸν λεξικὸν τύφον οἱ Κυζικηνοὶ, τῆς πόλεως ἐλαύνουσιν. Ὁ δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν, συνῆν μὲν τῷ Εὐδοξίῳ, σχολαῖος δὲ ἐπίσκοπος ἦν. Ἵνα δὲ μὴ δόξωμεν λοιδορίας χάριν ταῦτα λέγειν, αὐτῆς ἐπάκουε τῆς Εὐνομίου φωνῆς, οἷα σοφιζόμενος περὶ Θεοῦ λέγειν τολμᾷ. Φησὶ γὰρ κατὰ λέξιν τάδε · Ὁ Θεὸς περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ οὐσίας οὐδὲν πλέον ἡμῶν ἐπίσταται· οὐδὲ ἐστιν αὕτη μᾶλλον μὲν ἐκείνῳ, ἧττον δὲ ἡμῖν γινωσκομένη. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ὅπερ ἂν εἰδείημεν ἡμεῖς περὶ αὐτῆς, τοῦτο πάντως κἀκεῖνος οἶδεν · ὃ δ' αὖ πάλιν ἐκεῖνος, τοῦτο εὑρήσεις ἀπαραλλάκτως ἐν ἡμῖν. Ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τοιαῦτα Εὐνόμιος συφίσματα ποιῶν οὐκ ἠσθάνετο. Ὅπως δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐχωρίσθη, κατὰ χώραν ἐρῶ.
Tauta akousas ho tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs episkopos, proballetai pros tēn episkopēn tēs Kyzi kou Eunomion, hōs dynamenon deinotēti logōn pros heauton helkysai ta plēthē. Katelthontos de tou Eunomiou, prostagma tou basileōs ekeleusen exōtheisthai men ton Eleusion, enthronizesthai de ton Eunomion. Kai dē toutou genomenou, hoi peri ton Eleusion exō tēs poleōs euktērion oikon kataskeuasantes, tas synagōgas epoiēsanto. Kai peri men Eleusiou, tosauta eirēsthō. Peri de Eunomiou, ekeina lekteon. Eunomios hypographeus gegonen ᾿Aetiou, tou epiklēthentos ᾿Atheou, hou kai anōterō pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Synōn de autǭ, ton ekeinou sophistikon tropon ezēlōse; lexeidiois te scholazōn, kai poiōn heautǭ sophismata, ouk ēsthaneto. Ek toutōn te typhōtheis eis blasphēmian exepese, to ᾿Areiou men dogma zēlōn, kata polla de tois tēs alētheias dogmasi polemōn; oligomathōs men echōn pros ta hiera grammata, kai mēde synienai auta dynamenos ; polychous de tēn lexin, kai ta auta peristrephōn aei, kai mē dynamenos perigenesthai tou pro tethentos skopou ; hōs deiknyousin autǭ hoi hepta tomoi, hous emataioponēsen eis tēn pros Rhōmaious tou ᾿Apostolou Epistolēn. Pollous gar logous eis autēn analōsas, tēs Epistolēs ton skopon labein ou dedynētai. Ephamilloi de autou kai hoi alloi hoi pheromenoi logoi tynchanousin ; hōn ho boulomenos peiran labein, eurēsoi en polylexią tēn tōn noēmatōn euten leian. Touton toinyn ton Eunomion Eudoxios pros tēn episkopēn tēs Kyzikou. prouballeto. Hōs oun egeneto kata tēn, tę̄ synēthei dialektikę̄ chrōmenos, exenophōnei tous akroōmenous autou, kai tarachē kata tēn Kyzikon ēn. Mē enenkontes oun autou ton lexikon typhon hoi Kyzikēnoi, tēs poleōs elaunousin. Ho de katalabōn tēn Kōnstantinoupolin, synēn men tǭ Eudoxiǭ, scholaios de episkopos ēn. Hina de mē doxōmen loidorias charin tauta legein, autēs epakoue tēs Eunomiou phōnēs, hoia sophizomenos peri Theou legein tolmą. Phēsi gar kata lexin tade ; Ho Theos peri tēs heautou ousias ouden pleon hēmōn epistatai; oude estin hautē mallon men ekeinǭ, hētton de hēmin ginōskomenē. ᾿All᾿ hoper an eideiēmen hēmeis peri autēs, touto pantōs kakeinos oiden ; ho d' au palin ekeinos, touto heurēseis aparallaktōs en hēmin. Tauta men kai alla polla toiauta Eunomios syphismata poiōn ouk ēsthaneto. Hopōs de tōn ᾿Areianōn mikron hysteron echōristhē, kata chōran erō.
On hearing this, the bishop of Constantinople put forward Eunomius for the bishopric of Cyzicus, as able by his skill in speaking to draw the crowds to himself. When Eunomius arrived, an order of the emperor commanded that Eleusius be expelled and Eunomius enthroned. When this had been done, Eleusius's followers built a house of prayer outside the city and held their assemblies there. So much about Eleusius. About Eunomius the following must be said. Eunomius had been secretary to Aetius, surnamed 'the Atheist', whom we mentioned above. Living with him, he copied his sophistical manner, and busying himself with petty terms and making sophisms for himself, he did not notice what he was doing. Puffed up by these things he fell into blasphemy, emulating the doctrine of Arius and in many points warring against the doctrines of the truth. He had little learning in the sacred writings and could not even understand them; he was profuse in words, always turning the same things round, and unable to master the aim he had set himself, as his seven volumes on the Apostle's Letter to the Romans show, on which he laboured in vain: though he spent many words on it, he could not grasp the aim of the letter. His other works in circulation are of the same kind; whoever wishes to test them will find in a multitude of words a poverty of thought. This Eunomius, then, Eudoxius put forward for the bishopric of Cyzicus. When he came there, using his usual dialectic, he bewildered his hearers with strange talk, and there was turmoil in Cyzicus. The Cyzicenes, unable to bear his conceit of words, drove him from the city. He went to Constantinople and lived with Eudoxius, a bishop without a see. That we may not seem to say this for the sake of abuse, hear the very words of Eunomius, what in his sophistry he dares to say about God. He says, word for word: 'God knows nothing more about his own essence than we do; nor is it known more to him and less to us. But whatever we know about it, that he too knows entirely; and again what he knows, that you will find in us without any difference.' These and many other such sophisms Eunomius produced without perceiving it. How a little later he separated from the Arians I shall tell in its place.
4.8PG 67:475–477
Ὃ μέντοι βασιλεὺς, Χαλκηδόνος τῆς χατ᾽ ἀντικρὺ Βυζαντίου πόλεως τὰ τείχη λύειν προσέταττεν, Ὁμωμόχει γὰρ τοῦτο ποιήσειν, νικήσας τὸν τύραννον, ὅτι Χαλκχηδόνιο: τῷ τυράννῳ προσθέμενοι αἰσχρῶς αὐτὸν περιύθρισαν ", καὶ τὰς πύλας τῆς πόλεως, προϊόντος ἀπέκλεισαν. Τὸ μὲν οὖν τεϊχος χελεύσει τοῦ βασιλέως ἐλύετο" καὶ οἱ λίθοι εἰς τὸ Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως δημόσιον λουτρὸν μετεφέροντο, ᾧ προσωνυμία Κωνσταντιαναί. Εὕρηται δὲ ἐν ἑνὶ τῶν λίθων ἐπιγεγραμμένος χρησμὸς, ὃς ἐχέχρυπτο μὲν παλαιοῦ. Τότε δὲ φανερὺς ἐγένετο, δηλῶν, ὡς ἡνίκα δαψιλὲς ὕδωρ ὑπάρξαι τῇ πόλει τότε τὸ μὲν τεῖχος λουτρῷ ὑπουργήσει. Μυρία δὲ φῦλα βαρβάρων δραμόντα τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν, πολλὰ κακὰ δράσαντα, τελευταῖον καὶ αὐτὰ φθαρήσεται. Οὐδὲν δὲ κωλύει, φιλομαθίας ἕνεκεν, τὸν χρησμὸν ἐνταῦθα προσθεῖναι. ὅτε δὴ νύμφαι δροσερὴν κατὰ ἄστυ χορείην Τερπόμεναι στήσωνται ἐῦστεφέας κατ᾽ ἀγυιὰς, τεῖχος λουτροῖο πολύστονον ἔσσεται ἄϊλκαρ" Δὴ τότε μυρία φύλα πολυσπερέων ἀνθρώπων, "Αγρια, μαρμαίροντα, κακὴν ἐπιειμένα ἀλκὴν, Ἴστρου καλλιρόοιο πόρον διαβάντα σὺν αἰχμῇ, Καὶ Σκυθικὴν ὀλέσει χώρην καὶ Μυσηΐδα γαϊαν, Θρηϊκίης δ' ἐπιβάντα σὺν ἐλπίσι μαινομένῃσιν, Αὐτοῦ κεν βιότοιο τέλος, καὶ πότμον ἐπίσποι. Οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ χρησμός. Συνέβη δὲ μετὰ χρόνον, τὸν ὀλκὸν τοῦ ὕδατος ὑπὸ Οὐάλεντος κατασκευασθέντα δαψιλὲς παρασχεῖν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ τότε τὰ βαρβαρικὰ ἐκινήθη, ὡς ὕστερον λέξομεν. Τὸν μέντοι χρησμὸν καὶ κατὰ ἄλλον τρόπον συνέπεσεν ἐκληφθῆναι. Τοῦ ὑδραγωγοῦ γὰρ εἰσαχθέντος εἰς τὴν πόλιν, Κλέαρχος ἔπαρχος ὢν τῆς πόλεως ὑδρεῖον μέγιστον κατεσκεύασεν, ἐν τῇ νῦν Θεοδοσίου ἀγορᾷ καλουμένῃ· ὁ ἐφημίσθη δαψιλὲς ὕδωρ. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ ἑορτὴν ἱλαρὰν ἦγεν ἡ πόλις· καὶ τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ λεγόμενον τῷ χρησμῷ· τὸ Τὸ χορείην τερπόμεναι Στήσονται ἐϋστεφέας κατ' ἀγυιάς. δαψιλὲς ὕδωρ, ᾿Ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὸν χρησμὸν, μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐγένετο. Τότε δὲ λυομένου, Κωνσταντινουπολίται παρεκάλουν τὸν βασιλέα παῦσαι τὴν τοῦ τείχους κατάλυσιν. Συμπαρεκάλουν δὲ καὶ οἱ ἐκ Βιθυνίας παρόντες ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Νικομηδεῖς τε καὶ οἱ ἐνοικοῦντες τὴν Νίκαιαν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς περιοργής ὧν, μόλις μὲν ἐδέχετο τῶν ἱκετευόντων τὴν δέησιν. ᾿Αφοσιούμενος δὲ τῷὄρκῳ, ἅμα τε λύειν ἐκέλευε, καὶ ἅμα πληροῦν τὰ λυόμενα ἑτέροις λίθοις μικροῖς. Καὶ νῦν ἔστιν ἰδεῖν ἔν τισι τοῦ τείχους μέρεσιν, ὅπως τοῖς μεγίστοις καὶ θαυμαστοῖς λίθοις, ἡ τότε γενομένη εὐτελὴς οἰκοδομὴ ἐπίκειται. Τοσαῦτα καὶ περὶ τοῦ Χαλκηδονίων τείχους εἰρήσθω μοι.
Ho mentoi basileus, Chalkēdonos tēs chat᾽ antikry Byzantiou poleōs ta teichē lyein prosetatten, Homōmochei gar touto poiēsein, nikēsas ton tyrannon, hoti Chalkchēdonio: tǭ tyrannǭ prosthemenoi aischrōs auton periythrisan ", kai tas pylas tēs poleōs, proïontos apekleisan. To men oun teïchos cheleusei tou basileōs elyeto" kai hoi lithoi eis to Kōnstantinou poleōs dēmosion loutron metepheronto, hǭ prosōnymia Kōnstantianai. Heurētai de en heni tōn lithōn epigegrammenos chrēsmos, hos echechrypto men palaiou. Tote de phanerys egeneto, dēlōn, hōs hēnika dapsiles hydōr hyparxai tę̄ polei tote to men teichos loutrǭ hypourgēsei. Myria de phyla barbarōn dramonta tēn Rhōmaiōn gēn, polla kaka drasanta, teleutaion kai auta phtharēsetai. Ouden de kōlyei, philomathias heneken, ton chrēsmon entautha prostheinai. hote dē nymphai droserēn kata asty choreiēn Terpomenai stēsōntai eustepheas kat᾽ aguias, teichos loutroio polystonon essetai aïlkar" Dē tote myria phyla polyspereōn anthrōpōn, "Agria, marmaironta, kakēn epieimena alkēn, Istrou kallirooio poron diabanta syn aichmę̄, Kai Skythikēn olesei chōrēn kai Mysēïda gaïan, Thrēïkiēs d' epibanta syn elpisi mainomenę̄sin, Autou ken biotoio telos, kai potmon epispoi. Houtos men oun ho chrēsmos. Synebē de meta chronon, ton olkon tou hydatos hypo Oualentos kataskeuasthenta dapsiles paraschein tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei to hydōr kai tote ta barbarika ekinēthē, hōs hysteron lexomen. Ton mentoi chrēsmon kai kata allon tropon synepesen eklēphthēnai. Tou hydragōgou gar eisachthentos eis tēn polin, Klearchos eparchos ōn tēs poleōs hydreion megiston kateskeuasen, en tę̄ nyn Theodosiou agorą kaloumenę̄; ho ephēmisthē dapsiles hydōr. Eph᾽ hǭ heortēn hilaran ēgen hē polis; kai touto einai to legomenon tǭ chrēsmǭ; to To choreiēn terpomenai Stēsontai eÿstepheas kat' aguias. dapsiles hydōr, ᾿Alla ta men kata ton chrēsmon, mikron hysteron egeneto. Tote de lyomenou, Kōnstantinoupolitai parekaloun ton basilea pausai tēn tou teichous katalysin. Symparekaloun de kai hoi ek Bithynias parontes en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei Nikomēdeis te kai hoi enoikountes tēn Nikaian. Ho de basileus periorgēs hōn, molis men edecheto tōn hiketeuontōn tēn deēsin. ᾿Aphosioumenos de tǭorkǭ, hama te lyein ekeleue, kai hama plēroun ta lyomena heterois lithois mikrois. Kai nyn estin idein en tisi tou teichous meresin, hopōs tois megistois kai thaumastois lithois, hē tote genomenē eutelēs oikodomē epikeitai. Tosauta kai peri tou Chalkēdoniōn teichous eirēsthō moi.
The emperor ordered the walls of Chalcedon, the city opposite Byzantium, to be pulled down. He had sworn to do this if he defeated the usurper, because the Chalcedonians had sided with the usurper, shamefully insulted him, and shut the gates of the city against him as he passed. So the wall was demolished at the emperor's command, and the stones were carried off to the public bath of Constantinople named the Constantian. On one of the stones an oracle was found inscribed, which had long lain hidden. It then came to light. It declared that when the city should have abundant water, the wall would then serve a bath, and that countless tribes of barbarians, overrunning the land of the Romans and doing much harm, would at last themselves be destroyed. Nothing prevents setting the oracle down here for the sake of learning:
'When nymphs, delighting in the dewy dance through the town, take their stand in the well-crowned streets, the wall shall become a defence for a bath of many groans. Then countless tribes of far-scattered men, wild, flashing, clothed in evil strength, crossing with the spear the passage of fair-flowing Ister, shall lay waste the Scythian land and the Mysian country; and setting foot in Thrace with frenzied hopes, there shall they meet the end of life and their doom.'
Such was the oracle. It happened in time that the aqueduct built by Valens supplied Constantinople with abundant water, and then the barbarian peoples were set in motion, as we shall tell later. But the oracle happened to be taken in another way too. When the aqueduct had been brought into the city, Clearchus, prefect of the city, built a very large reservoir in what is now called the Forum of Theodosius, which was named 'Abundant Water'. At its opening the city held a joyful festival, and this, they said, was what the oracle meant by 'delighting in the dance, they shall take their stand in the well-crowned streets'. But the things of the oracle came about a little later. At that time, while the wall was being demolished, the people of Constantinople begged the emperor to stop the demolition, and the Nicomedians from Bithynia who were present in Constantinople and the inhabitants of Nicaea joined in the plea. The emperor, being very angry, hardly accepted the petition of the suppliants. But to discharge his oath he ordered at one and the same time that the wall be demolished and that the demolished parts be filled with other, small stones. Even now one can see in some parts of the wall how the cheap building done then rests on very large and admirable stones. So much let me say about the wall of the Chalcedonians.
4.9PG 67:477–479
Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς, τοῦ διώκειν τοὺς τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φρονήματος, οὐκ ἐπαύετο· ἀλλ᾽ ἐξήλαυνε μὲν αὐτοὺς τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως. Σὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ, καὶ Ναυατιανοὺς ὡς ὁμόφρονας · καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν κλεισθῆναι ἐκέλευσε. Καὶ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον αὐτῶν, ἐξορίᾳ ζημιοῦν προσέταττε· ᾿Αγέλιος ὄνομα αὐτῷ· ἀνὴρ ἤδη πάλαι ἐκ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων, τῶν ἐκκλη- : σιῶν προεστὼς, καὶ βίον ἀποστολικὸν βιούς. Ανυπόδητος γὰρ διόλου διῆγε, καὶ ἑνὶ χιτῶνι ἐκέχρητο, τὸ τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου φυλάττων ῥητόν. Ἐπέσχε δὲ τὴν κατὰ Ναυατιανῶν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργὴν, ἀνὴρ εὐλαβὴς καὶ πρεσβύτερος τῆς Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίας τυγχάνων, γραμματικοὺς λόγους Αναστασίαν καὶ Κάρωσαν τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως θυγατέρας ἐδίδασκεν, ὧν ἐπ᾿ ὀνόματι καὶ δημόσια λουτρά ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει κατεσκευασμένα ὑπὸ Οὐάλεντος δείκνυται. Αἰδοῖ οὖν τῇ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, πρὸς ὀλίγον κλεισθεῖσαι αἱ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίαι, αὖθις ἠνοίγοντο. Οὐ μέντοι ταραχῆς τῆς παρὰ ᾿Αρειανῶν ἐπιφερομένης. τελέως ἦσαν ἐλεύθεροι. Ἐμισοῦντο γὰρ ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν, ὅτι τοὺς ὁμόφρονας ἠγάπων καὶ ἔστεργον. Τὰ μὲν οὖν περὶ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον οὕτω διέκειτο. Ἰστέον δὲ, ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ ἐλλόγιμος, Μαρκιανὸς τοῦνομα· ὅς πάλαι μὲν κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια ἐστρατεύετο· τότε δὲν ὅτι ὁ μὲν πρὸς τὸν τύραννον Προκόπιον πόλεμος ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Γρατιανοῦ καὶ Δαγαλαίφου ἐγένετο, περὶ τὰ τελευταῖα τοῦ Μαΐου μηνός
Ho mentoi basileus, tou diōkein tous tou homoousiou phronēmatos, ouk epaueto; all᾽ exēlaune men autous tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs. Syn autois de, kai Nauatianous hōs homophronas ; kai tas ekklēsias autōn kleisthēnai ekeleuse. Kai ton episkopon autōn, exorią zēmioun prosetatte; ᾿Agelios onoma autǭ; anēr ēdē palai ek tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn, tōn ekklē- : siōn proestōs, kai bion apostolikon bious. Anypodētos gar diolou diēge, kai heni chitōni ekechrēto, to tou Euangeliou phylattōn rhēton. Epesche de tēn kata Nauatianōn tou basileōs orgēn, anēr eulabēs kai presbyteros tēs Nauatianōn ekklēsias tynchanōn, grammatikous logous Anastasian kai Karōsan tas tou basileōs thygateras edidasken, hōn ep᾿ onomati kai dēmosia loutra en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei kateskeuasmena hypo Oualentos deiknytai. Aidoi oun tę̄ pros ton andra, pros oligon kleistheisai hai tōn Nauatianōn ekklēsiai, authis ēnoigonto. Ou mentoi tarachēs tēs para ᾿Areianōn epipheromenēs. teleōs ēsan eleutheroi. Emisounto gar hyp᾿ autōn, hoti tous homophronas ēgapōn kai estergon. Ta men oun peri tonde ton chronon houtō diekeito. Isteon de, en tautǭ kai ellogimos, Markianos tounoma; hos palai men kata ta basileia estrateueto; tote den hoti ho men pros ton tyrannon Prokopion polemos en hypateią Gratianou kai Dagalaiphou egeneto, peri ta teleutaia tou Maïou mēnos
The emperor did not cease persecuting those of the 'same essence' mind; he drove them out of Constantinople, and with them the Novatians too, as holding the same faith, and ordered their churches to be closed. He also commanded that their bishop be punished with exile; his name was Agelius, a man who had presided over the churches ever since the times of Constantine and lived an apostolic life: he always went barefoot and used one tunic, keeping the saying of the Gospel. But the emperor's anger against the Novatians was checked by a devout man who was a presbyter of the Novatian church, Marcian by name, also a learned man, who had formerly served in the palace troops and at that time was teaching grammar to Anastasia and Carosa, the emperor's daughters, in whose names public baths built by Valens are shown in Constantinople. So, out of respect for the man, the Novatian churches, which had been closed for a little while, were opened again. Yet they were not entirely free of the trouble brought on by the Arians, for they were hated by them because they loved and cherished those who shared their faith. So stood matters at this time. Let it be known that the war against the usurper Procopius took place in the consulship of Gratian and Dagalaifus, about the end of May.
4.10PG 67:479–481
Ὀλίγον δὲ ὕστερον τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου, κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπατείαν, Οὐαλεντινιανῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ έν τοῖς ἐσπερίοις μέρεσιν, ἐτέχθη υἱὸς ὁμώνυμος αὐτῷ· Γρατιανὸς γὰρ ἤδη πρότερον πρὸ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ γεγέννητο.
Oligon de hysteron toude tou polemou, kata tēn autēn hypateian, Oualentinianǭ tǭ basilei en tois esperiois meresin, etechthē huios homōnymos autǭ; Gratianos gar ēdē proteron pro tēs basileias autǭ gegennēto.
A little after this war, in the same consulship, a son of the same name was born to the emperor Valentinian in the western parts; for Gratian had already been born to him earlier, before he became emperor.
4.11PG 67:481–483
Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἦν Λουπικίνου καὶ Ἰοβιανοῦ, χειροπληθής κατηνέχθη χάλαζα ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, τῇ δευτέρᾳ τοῦ Ἰουλίου μηνός, λίθοις ἐμφερής. Τὴν δὲ χάλαζαν πολλοὶ ἔφασκον κατὰ μῆνιν Θεοῦ κατενηνέχθαι, ὅτι πολλοὺς τῶν ἱερωμένων ἀνδρῶν ἐξορίστους ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐποίει, μὴ βουλομένους κοινωνεῖν Εὐδοξίῳ. Ὀλίγον δὲ μετὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπατείαν, Οὐαλεντινιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν υἱὸν Γρατιανὸν βασιλέα κατέστησε, τῇ τετάρτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνός. Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἦν Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ Οὐάλεντος τὸ δεύτερον, σεισμὸς περὶ τὴν Βιθυνίαν γενόμενος, Νίκαιαν τὴν πόλιν κατέστρεψεν τῇ ἐνδεκάτῃ τοῦ μηνὸς Ὀκτωβρίου. Τοῦτο ἦν δωδέκατον ἔτος · μετὰ τὴν Νικομηδείας πτῶσιν. Ὁλίγον δὲ μετὰ τόνδε τὸν σεισμὸν, καὶ Γέρμης τῆς Ἑλλησπόν του τὰ πολλὰ μέρη ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου σεισμοῦ κατηνέχθη. Καὶ τούτων γινομένων, οὐδεμία εὐλάβεια οὔτε Εὐδόξιον ὑπεισῄει τὸν τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἐπίσκοπον, οὔτε μὴν τὸν βασιλέα Ουάλεντα · τοῦ γὰρ διώκειν τοὺς μὴ τὸ αὐτῶν φρονοῦντας οὐκ ἐπαύοντο. Τεκμήρια δὲ ἐδόκει εἶναι τὰ τῶν σεισμῶν, τῆς τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ταραχῆς. Ἐγίνοντο οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἐξόριστοι πολλοὶ τῶν ἱερωμένων ἀνδρῶν· μόνοι δὲ ἔκ τινος Θεοῦ προνοίας, δι' ὑπερβάλλουσαν εὐλάβειαν οὐκ ὑπεβλήθησαν ἐξορίαις, Βασίλειος καὶ Γρηγόριος. Ὧν ὁ μὲν Καισαρείας τῆς ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος ἦν· Γρηγόριος δὲ Ναζιανζοῦ πόλεως εὐτελοῦς γειτνιαζούσης τῇ Και· σαρείᾳ. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Βασιλείου καὶ Γρηγορίου, προϊόντες ἐροῦμεν.
Tę̄ de hexēs hypateią, hētis ēn Loupikinou kai Iobianou, cheiroplēthēs katēnechthē chalaza en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, tę̄ deuterą tou Iouliou mēnos, lithois empherēs. Tēn de chalazan polloi ephaskon kata mēnin Theou katenēnechthai, hoti pollous tōn hierōmenōn andrōn exoristous ho basileus epoiei, mē boulomenous koinōnein Eudoxiǭ. Oligon de meta tonde ton chronon kata tēn autēn hypateian, Oualentinianos ho basileus ton huion Gratianon basilea katestēse, tę̄ tetartę̄ kai eikadi tou Augoustou mēnos. Tę̄ de hexēs hypateią, hētis ēn Oualentinianou to deuteron kai Oualentos to deuteron, seismos peri tēn Bithynian genomenos, Nikaian tēn polin katestrepsen tę̄ endekatę̄ tou mēnos Oktōbriou. Touto ēn dōdekaton etos ; meta tēn Nikomēdeias ptōsin. Holigon de meta tonde ton seismon, kai Germēs tēs Hellēspon tou ta polla merē hypo tou heterou seismou katēnechthē. Kai toutōn ginomenōn, oudemia eulabeia oute Eudoxion hypeisę̄ei ton tōn ᾿Areianōn episkopon, oute mēn ton basilea Oualenta ; tou gar diōkein tous mē to autōn phronountas ouk epauonto. Tekmēria de edokei einai ta tōn seismōn, tēs tōn Ekklēsiōn tarachēs. Eginonto oun, hōs ephēn, exoristoi polloi tōn hierōmenōn andrōn; monoi de ek tinos Theou pronoias, di' hyperballousan eulabeian ouk hypeblēthēsan exoriais, Basileios kai Grēgorios. Hōn ho men Kaisareias tēs en Kappadokią episkopos ēn; Grēgorios de Nazianzou poleōs eutelous geitniazousēs tę̄ Kai; sareią. Peri men oun Basileiou kai Grēgoriou, proïontes eroumen.
In the next consulship, that of Lupicinus and Jovinus, hail as big as a fist fell at Constantinople on the second of July, like stones. Many said that the hail had come down through the wrath of God, because the emperor was making exiles of many consecrated men who would not communicate with Eudoxius. A little after this, in the same consulship, the emperor Valentinian made his son Gratian emperor, on the twenty-fourth of August. In the next consulship, Valentinian's second and Valens's second, an earthquake in Bithynia overthrew the city of Nicaea on the eleventh of October. This was the twelfth year after the fall of Nicomedia. Shortly after this earthquake, most of Germa on the Hellespont was thrown down by another earthquake. Even when these things happened, no reverence entered either Eudoxius, bishop of the Arians, or the emperor Valens, for they did not cease persecuting those who did not think as they did. The earthquakes seemed to be tokens of the disturbance of the churches. Many consecrated men, as I said, were exiled; only Basil and Gregory, by a providence of God, because of their exceeding piety, were not subjected to exile. Of these, the one was bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, and Gregory of Nazianzus, a small city near Caesarea. We shall speak of Basil and Gregory further on.
4.12PG 67:483–495
Τῶν δὲ φρονούντων τὸ ὁμοούσιον σφοδρῶς τότε συνελαθέντων, αὖθις οἱ διώκοντες κατὰ τῶν Μακεδονιανῶν ἐχώρουν· οἱ δὲ, φόβῳ μᾶλλον καὶ βίᾳ στενοχωρούμενοι, κατὰ πόλεις διεπρεσβεύοντο πρὸς ἀλλήλους· δηλοῦντες δεῖν ἐξ ἀνάγκης καταφεύγειν, ἐπί τε τὸν ἀδελφὸν τοῦ βασιλέως, καὶ ἐπὶ Λιβέριον τὸν Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπον. ᾿Ασπάζεσθαί τε τὴν ἐκείνων πίστιν μᾶλλον, ἢ κοινωνεῖν τοῖς περὶ Εὐδόξιον. Πέμπουσιν οὖν Εὐστάθιον τὸν ἐκ Σεβαστείας, ὃς πολλάκις καθήρητο· Σιλβανὴν Ταρσοῦ τῆς Κιλικίας, καὶ Θεόφιλον Κασταβάλων · Κιλικίας δὲ καὶ ἥδε πόλις· ἐντειλάμενοι μὴ διακριθῆναι πρὸς Λιβέριον περὶ πίστεως, ἀλλὰ κοινωνῆσαι τῇ Ῥωμαίων Ἐκκλησίᾳ, καὶ κυρῶσαι τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν. Οὗτοι γράμματα τῶν ἐν Σελευκείᾳ διακριθέντων ἐπικομιζόμενοι, τὴν παλαιὰν Ῥώμην κατέλαβον· καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ μὲν οὐκ ἐντυγχάνουσι · περὶ τὰς Γαλλίας γὰρ ἡσχολεῖτο, Σαυρομάτας ἐκεῖ πολεμῶν · Λιβερίῳ δὲ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐγχειρίζουσιν · ὁ δὲ αὐτοὺς προσδέξασθαι οὐδαμῶς ἐβούλετο. Τῆς γὰρ ᾿Αρειανῶν μοίρας εἶναι, καὶ μὴ δύνασθαι δεχθῆναι ὑπὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἔλεγεν, ὡς τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν ἀθετήσαντας. Οἱ δὲ ἀπεκρίναντο, ἐκ μεταμελείας ἐπεγνωκέναι τὴν ἀλήθειαν, καὶ ἠρνῆσθαι μὲν ἤδη πρότερον τὴν τῶν ἀνομοίων πίστιν, ὅμοιόν τε ὡμολογηκέναι κατὰ πάντα τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρί· μηδέν τε διαφέρειν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου τὰ ὅμοιον. Ταῦτα λέγοντας, Λιβέριος ἔγγραφον τὴν ὁμο - λογίαν τῆς γνώμης ἀπήτησεν. Οἱ δὲ αὐτῷ βιβλίον ὥρεξαν, ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὰ ῥήματα τῆς κατὰ Νίκαιαν ἐκδοθείσης πίστεως προσεγέγραπτο. Τὰς μὲν οὖν ἐπιστο- « λὰς, ἃς ἀπὸ Σμύρνης τῆς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ, καὶ ἀπὸ Πισιδίας, Ἰσαυρίας τε καὶ Παμφυλίας καὶ Λυκίας, συνόδους ποιησάμενοι ἔγραψαν, ἐνταῦθα διὰ τὸ μῆκος οὐ προσέγραψα. Τὸ μέντοι βιβλίον, ὁ οἱ περὶ Εὐστάθιον πρέσβεις Λιβερίῳ ἐπέδοσαν, ἔστι τόδε · Κυρίῳ ἀδελφῷ καὶ συλλειτουργῷ Λιβερίῳ Εὐστάθιος, Θεόφιλος, Σιλβανὸς ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν. Διὰ τὰς τῶν αἱρετικῶν μανιώδεις ὑπονοίας, οἱ οὐ παύονται ταῖς Καθολικαῖς Ἐκκλησίαις σκάνδαλα ἐπιφέροντες, τούτου χάριν πᾶσαν ἀφορμὴν αὐτῶν ἀναιροῦντες, ὁμολογοῦμεν τὴν σύνοδον τὴν γενομένην ἐν Λαμψάκῳ καὶ ἐν Σμύρνῃ, καὶ ἐν ἑτέροις διαφόροις τόποις τῶν ὀρθοδόξων ἐπισκόπων· ἧς συνόδου πρεσβείαν ποιούμενοι, πρὸς τὴν χρηστότητά σου καὶ γράμμα κομίζομεν, τὴν Καθολικὴν πίστιν κρατεῖν καὶ φυλάττειν, ἥτις ἐν τῇ ἁγίᾳ Νικαέων συνόδῳ ἐπὶ τοῦ μακαρίου Κωνσταντίνου, ὑπὸ τριακοσίων δέκα καὶ ὀκτὼ ἐπισκόπων βεβαιωθεῖσα, ἀκεραίᾳ καὶ ἀσαλεύτῳ καταστάσει ἕως νῦν καὶ διηνεκῶς διαμένει · ἐν ᾗ τὸ ὁμοούσιον ἁγίως καὶ εὐσεβῶς κεῖται ὑπεναντίως τῆς ᾿Αρείου διαστροφῆς· ὁμοίως καὶ ἡμᾶς καὶ τὰ τῶν προειρημένων τὴν αὐτὴν πίστιν κεκρατηκέναι, καὶ κρατεῖν, καὶ ἄχρι τέλους φυλάσσειν, ἰδίᾳ χειρὶ ὁμολογοῦμεν, κατακρίνοντες "Αρειον, καὶ τὴν ἀσεβῆ διδαχὴν αὐτοῦ, σὺν τοῖς μαθηταῖς αὐτοῦ, καὶ τοὺς ὁμόφρονας αὐτοῦ, καὶ πᾶσαν αἵρεσιν Σαβελλίου, Πατροπασσιανοὺς, Μαρκιωνιστὰς, Φωτιανοὺς, Μαρκελλιανοὺς, καὶ Παύλου τοῦ Σαμοτατέως, καὶ τούπάντας τοὺς Ιταλούς τε καὶ Δυτικοὺς ἐπισκόπους των τὴν διδαχὴν καὶ πάντας τοὺς ὁμόφρονας αὐτῶν, καὶ πάσας τὰς αἱρέσεις τὰς ἐναντιουμένας τῇ προειρημένῃ ἁγίᾳ πίστει, ἥτις εὐσεβῶς καὶ καθολικῶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἁγίων ἐξετέθη Πατέρων ἐν Νικαίᾳ. ᾿Αναθεματίζοντες ἐξαιρέτως καὶ τὴν ἐν Ἀριμήνῳ συνόδῳ ἀναγνωσθεῖσαν ἔκθεσιν, ὡς ὑπεναντίως τῆς προειρημένης ταύτης πίστεως τῆς ἁγίας συνόδου τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ πραχθεῖσαν· οἷς δόλῳ καὶ ἐπιορκίᾳ ὑποπεισθέντες ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει κομισθεῖσαν ἀπὸ Νίκης - τῆς Θράκης ὑπέγραψαν. Ἔστι δὲ ἡ πίστις ἡμῶν, καὶ αὐτῶν ὧν προείρηται, ὧν καὶ τὴν πρεσβείαν ποιούμεθα, αὕτη· Πι στεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν, Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, πάντων ὁρατῶν καὶ ἀοράτων ποιητήν· καὶ εἰς ἕνα μονογενῆ Θεὸν, Κύριον Ἰησοῦν Χριστὸν, τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ · γεννηθέντα ἐκ τοῦ Πατρὸς, τουτέστιν ἐκ τῆς οὐσίας τοῦ Πατρὸς, Θεὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ, φῶς ἐκ φωτὸς, Θεὸν ἀληθινὸν ἐκ Θεοῦ ἀληθινοῦ· γεννηθέντα, οὐ ποιηθέντα, ὁμοούσιον τῷ Πατρὶ, δι' οὗ τὰ πάντα ἐγένετο, τά τε ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ, καὶ τὰ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. Τὸν δι᾽ ἡμᾶς τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν σωτηρίαν κατελθόντα· καὶ σαρκωθέντα, καὶ ἐνανθρωπήσαντα · καὶ παθόντα, καὶ ἀναστάντα • τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ· ἀνελθόντα εἰς οὐρανούς· καὶ ἐρχόμενον κρίναι ζῶντας καὶ νεκρούς. Καὶ εἰς τὸ Πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον. Τοὺς δὲ λέγοντας, ὧν ποτε ὅτε οὐκ ἦν, καὶ Πρὶν γεννηθῆναι οὐκ ἦν, καὶ ὅτι ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων ἐγένετο, ἢ Ἐξ ἑτέρας ὑποστάσεως ἢ οὐσίας φάσκοντας εἶναι, ἢ τρεπτὸν, ἢ ἀλλοιωτὸν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, τούτους ἀναθεματίζει ἡ Καθολικὴ καὶ ἀποστολικὴ Ἐκκλησία τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ἐγὼ δὲ Εὐστάθιος ἐπί σχοποὸς πόλεως Σεβαστείας, καὶ Θεόφιλος, Σιλθα- , νὸς, συνόδου Λαμνάχων, Σμύρνης, τῶν λοιπῶν, ταύτην τὴν ὁμολογίαν χερσὶν ἡμῶν, οἱχείαις προαιρέσεσιν ἐγράψαμεν. Εἰ δέ τις μετὰ τὴν ἐκτεθεῖσαν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν πίστιν, καθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἤτοι τῶν ἀποστειλάντων ἡμᾶς ἔγχλημά τι προσενεγκεῖν θελήσει, μετὰ γραμμάτων» τῆς σῆς ἁγιωσύνης, πρὸς οὖς ἐὰν (ἐ])δοχιμάσῃ ἡ σὴ ἀγιότης ὀρθοδόξους ἐπισκόπους ἔρχεσθαι, καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὑτῶν μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν διαδιχάζεσθαι εἴ τι ἐγκλήματος ἕνεκεν συσταθῇ, εἰς τὸν αἴτιον ἐχδιχηθείη. Τούτῳ δὴ τῷ βιδλίῳ τοὺς πρέσβεις ἀσφαλισάμενος ὁ Λιθέριοξ, εἰς κοινωνίαν τε ἐδέξατο, τάδε τὰ γράμματα δοὺς, ἀπέλυσεν. 296 ἃ Ἐπιστο.ϊὴ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἐπισκύπους τῶν Μακεδογιανῶν. Τοῖς ἀγαπητοῖς ἀδελφοῖς συλλειτουργοῖς, Εὐηθίῳ, Κυρῶλῳ, Ὑπερεχίῳ, Οὐρανίῳ, Ἥρωνι, Ἐλπιδίῳ, Μαξίμῳ, Εὐσεβίῳ, Εὐχαρπίῳ, 'Ἑορτασίῳ, Νέων:, Εὐμαθέῳ, Φαυστίνῳ, Προχλίνῳ, Πασινίχῳ, ᾿Αρσενίῳ, Σευήρῳ, Διδυμίωνι, Βρεττανίῳ, Καλλιχράτει, Δαλματίῳ, Αἰδεσίῳ, Εὐστοχίῳ, ᾿Αμβροσίῳ, Γελωνίῳ, Παρδαλίῳ, Μακεδονίῳ, Παύλῳ, Μαρκέλλῳ, Ἡραχλείῳ, ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ, ᾿Αδολίῳ, Μαρχιανῷ, Σθενέλῳ, Ἰωάννῃ, Μάχερι, Χαρισίῳ Σιλθανῷ, Φωτεινῷ, ᾿Αντωνίῳ, ᾿Ανύθῳ, Κέλσῳ, Εὐφράνορι, Μιλησίῳ, Πατριχίω, Σενηριανῷ, Εὐσεδίῳ, Εὐμολ᾿Αθανασίῳ, Διοφάντῳ, Μηνοξώρῳ,, Διοχλεῖ, Χρυσαμπέλῳ, Νέωνι, Εὐγενίῳ, Εὐσταθίῳ, Καλλι- αὶ , , χράτει, ᾿Αρσενίῳ, Εὐγενίῳ, Μαρτυρίῳ, Ἱεραχίῳ, Λεοντίῳ, Φιλαγρίῳ, Λουκίῳ, πᾶσι τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἀνατολῇ ὀρθοδόξοις ἐπισκόποις Λιβέριος ἐπίσκοπος Ἰταλίας, καὶ οἱ κατὰ τὴν δύσιν ἐπίσκοποι, ἐν Κυρίῳ πάντοτε χαίρειν. Τὴν εὐχταιοτάτην ἡμῖν χαβὰν τῆς εἰρήνης καὶ τῆς ὁμονοίας ἤνεγκε τὰ ὑμέτερα ἀδελφοὶ ἀγαπητοὶ, τὰ ἀποδοθέντα ἡμῖν διὰ τῶν τι μιωτάτων ἀδελφῶν τῶν ἐπισκόπων, Ευσταθίου, Σιλβανοῦ καὶ Θεοφίλου · καὶ ταύτῃ μάλιστα, ὅτι τὴν ὑμετέραν γνώμην καὶ τὰ ὑμέτερα φρονήματα συμφωνεῖν καὶ συνάδειν, πρός τε τὴν ἐμὴν ἐλαχιστότητα, καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ, καὶ δυτικῶν πάντων διεβεβαιώσαντο καὶ ἀπέδειξαν. Καὶ ταύτην εἶναι γινώσκομεν τὴν καθολικὴν καὶ ἀποστολικὴν πίστιν, ἥτις μέχρι τῆς κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδου ἀκεραία καὶ ἀσάλευτος διέμεινε. Ταύτην τε αὐτοῖς ἔχειν ὡμολόγησαν, καὶ χαρᾶς ἀναπλησθέντες, πᾶν ἴχνος καὶ ζώπυρον ἀτόπου ὑπονοίας ἐκβαλόντες, οὐ μόνον διὰ λόγου, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐγγράφως ταύτην ἐξέθεντο. Ἧς καὶ τὸ ἀντίτυπον ἀναγκαίως τούτοις τοῖς γράμμασιν γράμματα, τῷ τῆς πίστεως φωτὶ προλαμπόμενοι, ὑποτάξαι ἡγησάμεθα δεῖν, μή τινα πρόφασιν τοῖς – ᾿Αρείου μανίας· ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ὅσῳ ἀριθμῷ ὁ μακάριος αἱρετικοῖς εἰς ἐπιβουλὴν αὖθις καταλείπωμεν, ἐν ᾗ πάλιν τὰ ὑπεκκαύματα τῆς ἰδίας κακίας ἀνακινοῦντες, πυρκαῖὰς διὰ διχοστασιῶν συνήθως ἐξάπτοιεν. Ἐπεί τε καὶ τοῦτο ὡμολόγησαν οἱ τιμιώτατοι ἀδελφοὶ ἡμῶν, Εὐστάθιος καὶ Σιλβανὸς καὶ Θεόφιλος, ἑαυτούς τε καὶ τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀγάπην πάντοτε ταύτην τὴν πίστιν ἐσχηκέναι, καὶ ταύτην μέχρι τέλους διαφυλάξειν, δηλαδὴ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ δοκιμασθεῖσαν ὑπὸ τριακοσίων δέκα καὶ ὀκτὼ ὀρθοδόξων ἐπισκόπων ἥτις τὴν τελείαν περιέχει ἀλήθειαν, καὶ πάντα τὰ τῶν αἱρετικῶν πλήθη ἐπιστομίζει τε καὶ ἀνατρέπει. Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἀπὸ ταὐτομάτου, ἀλλὰ θείῳ νεύματι, ὁ τῶν τοσούτων ἀριθμὸς ἐπισκόπων συνεκροτήθη κατὰ τῆς ᾿Ἀβραὰμ τοσαύτας χιλιάδας διὰ πίστεως κατεστρέψατο. Ἥτις πίστις ἐν τῇ ὑποστάσει καὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τοῦ ὁμοουσίου περιεχομένη, ὥσπερ ἔρυμα ὀχυρὸν καὶ ἄμαχον, πάσας τὰς προσβολὰς καὶ τὰς κακομηχανίας τῆς ᾿Αρείου κενοδοξίας καθαιρεῖ τε καὶ ἀποτρέπεται. Τοιγαροῦν πάντων τῶν κατὰ τὴν δύσιν ἐπισκόπων, τῶν εἰς τὸ Ἀρίμηνον συνελθέντων, ὁπότε τούτους ἡ κακοήθεια τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν συνεκρό τησεν, ὅπως ἢ διὰ πειθοῦς τινος, ἢ, ἵνα ἀληθέστερον εἶπω, κοσμικῆς δυναστείας, τοῦθ᾽ ὅπερ ἀσφαλέστατον ἦν ἐν τῇ πίστει κείμενον ἀνέλοιεν, ἢ πλαγίως ἀρνήσωνται, οὐδὲν τούτων ὠφέλησεν ἡ πανουργία. Καὶ γὰρ σχεδὸν πάντες ἐκεῖνοι οἱ ἐν τῇ Ἀριμήνῳ γενόμενοι, καὶ δελεασθέντες ἢ ὑπάχθέντες τότε, νῦν ἀναφρονήσαντες, καὶ ἀναθεματίσαντες τὴν ἔκθεσιν τῶν ἐν Ἀριμήνῳ συνελθόντων, καὶ ὑπογράψαντες τῇ καθολικῇ καὶ ἀποστολικῇ πίστει τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν θεσπισθείσῃ· οἱ καὶ ἡμῖν κοινωνήσαντες, ἐκθυμότερον κατὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου δόγματος, καὶ κατὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ μαθητῶν χαλεπαίνουσιν· οὗ τινος πράγματος τὸν ἔλεγχον καὶ αὐτοὶ οἱ πρέσβεις τῆς ὑμετέρας ἀγάπης ἐπιγνόντες, ὑμᾶς αὐτοὺς τῇ οἰκείᾳ ὑπογραφῇ συνέζευξαν· καὶ ἀναθεματίζοντες ῎Ἄρειον, καὶ τὰ ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ πραχθέντα κατὰ τῆς πίστεως τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ θεσπισθείσης· οἷς καὶ ὑμεῖς αὐτοὶ δελεασθέντες δι᾽ ὁρκωμοσιῶν ὑπεγράψατε. Ὅθεν ἀκόλουθον ἡμῖν ἐφάνη, γράψαι πρὸς τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀγάπην, καὶ βοηθῆσαι τοῖς δίκαια αἰτουμένοις · μάλιστα δὲ, ὅτε διὰ τῆς ὁμολογίας τῶν ὑμετέρων πρεσβειών, ἀναφρονήσαντας τοὺς ἀνατολικοὺς συμφωνεῖν πρὸς τοὺς ὀρθοδόξους τῶν δυτικῶν ἐπέγνωμεν. Καὶ δηλοῦμεν ὅπως εἰδέναι ἔχοιτε τὰς ἐν τῇ Ἁριμήνῳ βλασφημίας, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν δοξασάντων τότε κατὰ συναρπαγὴν παραβεβλάφθαι νῦν ἀναθεματισθείσας, καὶ πάντας πρὸς τὴν κατὰ Νίκαιαν πίστιν συμπεπνευκέναι. Καὶ χρὴ δι᾽ ὑμῶν τοῦτο πᾶσι γνωσθῆναι, ὅπως δυνηθεῖεν καὶ οἱ κατ᾿ ἐπήρειαν παραβλαφθέντες, ἤδη ποτὲ ἐκ τοῦ αἱρετικοῦ σκότους πρὸς τὸ θεῖον φῶς τῆς καθολικῆς ἐλευθερίας ἀνακάμψαι· οἱ τινες μετὰ ταύτην τὴν σύνοδον, εἰ μὴ θελήσειαν ἀποπτύσαι τὸν τῆς κακοδοξίας ἱὸν, καὶ τὰς βλασφημίας Αρείου πάσας ἀνελεῖν, ταύτας τε ἀναθεματίσαι, γινωσκέτωσαν ἑαυτοὺς μετὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου καὶ τῶν τούτου μαθητῶν, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν ὄφεων, ἤτοι Σαβελλιανῶν, ἢ Πατροπασσιανῶν, ἢ οἱασδήποτε ἄλλης αἱρέσεως, ἐκσπόνδους εἶναι καὶ ἀκοινωνήτους τῶν ἐκκλησιαστικῶν συνάξεων, ἥτις τοὺς ἐκ μοιχείας υἱοὺς οὐ προσίεται. Ὁ Θεὸς ὑμᾶς ἐῤῥωμένους διαφυλάξοι, ἀδελφοὶ ἀγαπητοί. Ταῦτα τὰ γράμματα οἱ περὶ Εὐστάθιον δεξάμενοι, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Σικελίαν ὥρμησαν · ἐκεῖ τε παρασκευάσαντες γενέσθαι σύνοδον τῶν Σικελῶν ἐπισκόπων, ἐπ᾿ αυτῶν τε τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν ὁμολογήσαντες,καὶ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν κυρώσαντες, ὁμόψηφά τε καὶ παρ' ἐκείνων δεξάμενοι γράμματα, ἐπανῆκον παρὰ τοὺς πέμψαντας. Οἱ δὲ τὰς Λιβερίου ἐπιστολὰς δεξά μενοι, διεπρεσβεύοντο κατὰ πόλεις πρὸς τοὺς προεστῶτας τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, προτρεπόμενοι συνελθεῖν ὁμοθυμαδὸν εἰς Ταρσὸν τῆς Κιλικίας, ἐπὶ τὸ κυρῶσαι τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν, καὶ λῦσαι πᾶσαν μετά ταῦτα γεγενημένην ἐρεσχελίαν. Καὶ δὴ ἴσως ἂν ταῦτα ἐγεγόνει, εἰ μὴ ὁ μέγιστον τότε δυνάμενος παρὰ βασιλεῖ διεκώλυσε· λέγω δὴ Εὐδόξιος, ὁ τῆς Αρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας· ὃς καὶ πλείω διὰ τὴν κηρυχθεῖσαν σύνοδον ἐξαφθεὶς, μείζονα κακὰ τούτους εἰργάσατο. Ὅτι μὲν οὖν Μακεδονιανοὶ δι' ὧν ἔπεμψαν πρεσβευτῶν κοινωνήσαντες Λιβερίῳ, τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν ἐκύρωσαν, αὐτὸς Σαβῖνος ἐν τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνοδικῶν ὡμολόγησεν.
Tōn de phronountōn to homoousion sphodrōs tote synelathentōn, authis hoi diōkontes kata tōn Makedonianōn echōroun; hoi de, phobǭ mallon kai bią stenochōroumenoi, kata poleis diepresbeuonto pros allēlous; dēlountes dein ex anankēs katapheugein, epi te ton adelphon tou basileōs, kai epi Liberion ton Rhōmēs episkopon. ᾿Aspazesthai te tēn ekeinōn pistin mallon, ē koinōnein tois peri Eudoxion. Pempousin oun Eustathion ton ek Sebasteias, hos pollakis kathērēto; Silbanēn Tarsou tēs Kilikias, kai Theophilon Kastabalōn ; Kilikias de kai hēde polis; enteilamenoi mē diakrithēnai pros Liberion peri pisteōs, alla koinōnēsai tę̄ Rhōmaiōn Ekklēsią, kai kyrōsai tēn tou homoousiou pistin. Houtoi grammata tōn en Seleukeią diakrithentōn epikomizomenoi, tēn palaian Rhōmēn katelabon; kai tǭ basilei men ouk entynchanousi ; peri tas Gallias gar hēscholeito, Sauromatas ekei polemōn ; Liberiǭ de tas epistolas encheirizousin ; ho de autous prosdexasthai oudamōs ebouleto. Tēs gar ᾿Areianōn moiras einai, kai mē dynasthai dechthēnai hypo tēs Ekklēsias elegen, hōs tēn en Nikaią pistin athetēsantas. Hoi de apekrinanto, ek metameleias epegnōkenai tēn alētheian, kai ērnēsthai men ēdē proteron tēn tōn anomoiōn pistin, homoion te hōmologēkenai kata panta ton Huion tǭ Patri; mēden te diapherein tou homoousiou ta homoion. Tauta legontas, Liberios engraphon tēn homo - logian tēs gnōmēs apētēsen. Hoi de autǭ biblion hōrexan, en hǭ kai ta rhēmata tēs kata Nikaian ekdotheisēs pisteōs prosegegrapto. Tas men oun episto- « las, has apo Smyrnēs tēs en ᾿Asią, kai apo Pisidias, Isaurias te kai Pamphylias kai Lykias, synodous poiēsamenoi egrapsan, entautha dia to mēkos ou prosegrapsa. To mentoi biblion, ho hoi peri Eustathion presbeis Liberiǭ epedosan, esti tode ; Kyriǭ adelphǭ kai sylleitourgǭ Liberiǭ Eustathios, Theophilos, Silbanos en Kyriǭ chairein. Dia tas tōn hairetikōn maniōdeis hyponoias, hoi ou pauontai tais Katholikais Ekklēsiais skandala epipherontes, toutou charin pasan aphormēn autōn anairountes, homologoumen tēn synodon tēn genomenēn en Lampsakǭ kai en Smyrnę̄, kai en heterois diaphorois topois tōn orthodoxōn episkopōn; hēs synodou presbeian poioumenoi, pros tēn chrēstotēta sou kai gramma komizomen, tēn Katholikēn pistin kratein kai phylattein, hētis en tę̄ hagią Nikaeōn synodǭ epi tou makariou Kōnstantinou, hypo triakosiōn deka kai oktō episkopōn bebaiōtheisa, akeraią kai asaleutǭ katastasei heōs nyn kai diēnekōs diamenei ; en hę̄ to homoousion hagiōs kai eusebōs keitai hypenantiōs tēs ᾿Areiou diastrophēs; homoiōs kai hēmas kai ta tōn proeirēmenōn tēn autēn pistin kekratēkenai, kai kratein, kai achri telous phylassein, idią cheiri homologoumen, katakrinontes "Areion, kai tēn asebē didachēn autou, syn tois mathētais autou, kai tous homophronas autou, kai pasan hairesin Sabelliou, Patropassianous, Markiōnistas, Phōtianous, Markellianous, kai Paulou tou Samotateōs, kai toupantas tous Italous te kai Dytikous episkopous tōn tēn didachēn kai pantas tous homophronas autōn, kai pasas tas haireseis tas enantioumenas tę̄ proeirēmenę̄ hagią pistei, hētis eusebōs kai katholikōs hypo tōn hagiōn exetethē Paterōn en Nikaią. ᾿Anathematizontes exairetōs kai tēn en Arimēnǭ synodǭ anagnōstheisan ekthesin, hōs hypenantiōs tēs proeirēmenēs tautēs pisteōs tēs hagias synodou tēs en Nikaią prachtheisan; hois dolǭ kai epiorkią hypopeisthentes en Kōnstantinou polei komistheisan apo Nikēs - tēs Thrakēs hypegrapsan. Esti de hē pistis hēmōn, kai autōn hōn proeirētai, hōn kai tēn presbeian poioumetha, hautē; Pi steuomen eis hena Theon, Patera pantokratora, pantōn horatōn kai aoratōn poiētēn; kai eis hena monogenē Theon, Kyrion Iēsoun Christon, ton Huion tou Theou ; gennēthenta ek tou Patros, toutestin ek tēs ousias tou Patros, Theon ek Theou, phōs ek phōtos, Theon alēthinon ek Theou alēthinou; gennēthenta, ou poiēthenta, homoousion tǭ Patri, di' hou ta panta egeneto, ta te en tǭ ouranǭ, kai ta epi tēs gēs. Ton di᾽ hēmas tous anthrōpous, kai dia tēn hēmeteran sōtērian katelthonta; kai sarkōthenta, kai enanthrōpēsanta ; kai pathonta, kai anastanta • tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą; anelthonta eis ouranous; kai erchomenon krinai zōntas kai nekrous. Kai eis to Pneuma to hagion. Tous de legontas, hōn pote hote ouk ēn, kai Prin gennēthēnai ouk ēn, kai hoti ex ouk ontōn egeneto, ē Ex heteras hypostaseōs ē ousias phaskontas einai, ē trepton, ē alloiōton ton Huion tou Theou, toutous anathematizei hē Katholikē kai apostolikē Ekklēsia tou Theou. Egō de Eustathios epi schopoos poleōs Sebasteias, kai Theophilos, Siltha- , nos, synodou Lamnachōn, Smyrnēs, tōn loipōn, tautēn tēn homologian chersin hēmōn, hoicheiais proairesesin egrapsamen. Ei de tis meta tēn ektetheisan par᾽ hēmōn pistin, kath᾽ hēmōn ētoi tōn aposteilantōn hēmas enchlēma ti prosenenkein thelēsei, meta grammatōn» tēs sēs hagiōsynēs, pros ous ean (e])dochimasę̄ hē sē agiotēs orthodoxous episkopous erchesthai, kai ep᾽ hautōn meth᾽ hēmōn diadichazesthai ei ti enklēmatos heneken systathę̄, eis ton aition echdichētheiē. Toutǭ dē tǭ bidliǭ tous presbeis asphalisamenos ho Litheriox, eis koinōnian te edexato, tade ta grammata dous, apelysen. 296 ha Episto.ïē tou episkopou tēs pros tous episkypous tōn Makedogianōn. Tois agapētois adelphois sylleitourgois, Euēthiǭ, Kyrōlǭ, Hyperechiǭ, Ouraniǭ, Hērōni, Elpidiǭ, Maximǭ, Eusebiǭ, Eucharpiǭ, 'Heortasiǭ, Neōn:, Eumatheǭ, Phaustinǭ, Prochlinǭ, Pasinichǭ, ᾿Arseniǭ, Seuērǭ, Didymiōni, Brettaniǭ, Kallichratei, Dalmatiǭ, Aidesiǭ, Eustochiǭ, ᾿Ambrosiǭ, Gelōniǭ, Pardaliǭ, Makedoniǭ, Paulǭ, Markellǭ, Hērachleiǭ, ᾿Alexandrǭ, ᾿Adoliǭ, Marchianǭ, Sthenelǭ, Iōannę̄, Macheri, Charisiǭ Silthanǭ, Phōteinǭ, ᾿Antōniǭ, ᾿Anythǭ, Kelsǭ, Euphranori, Milēsiǭ, Patrichiō, Senērianǭ, Eusediǭ, Eumol᾿Athanasiǭ, Diophantǭ, Mēnoxōrǭ,, Diochlei, Chrysampelǭ, Neōni, Eugeniǭ, Eustathiǭ, Kalli- ai , , chratei, ᾿Arseniǭ, Eugeniǭ, Martyriǭ, Hierachiǭ, Leontiǭ, Philagriǭ, Loukiǭ, pasi tois en tę̄ anatolę̄ orthodoxois episkopois Liberios episkopos Italias, kai hoi kata tēn dysin episkopoi, en Kyriǭ pantote chairein. Tēn euchtaiotatēn hēmin chaban tēs eirēnēs kai tēs homonoias ēnenke ta hymetera adelphoi agapētoi, ta apodothenta hēmin dia tōn ti miōtatōn adelphōn tōn episkopōn, Eustathiou, Silbanou kai Theophilou ; kai tautę̄ malista, hoti tēn hymeteran gnōmēn kai ta hymetera phronēmata symphōnein kai synadein, pros te tēn emēn elachistotēta, kai tōn en Italią, kai dytikōn pantōn diebebaiōsanto kai apedeixan. Kai tautēn einai ginōskomen tēn katholikēn kai apostolikēn pistin, hētis mechri tēs kata Nikaian synodou akeraia kai asaleutos diemeine. Tautēn te autois echein hōmologēsan, kai charas anaplēsthentes, pan ichnos kai zōpyron atopou hyponoias ekbalontes, ou monon dia logou, alla kai engraphōs tautēn exethento. Hēs kai to antitypon anankaiōs toutois tois grammasin grammata, tǭ tēs pisteōs phōti prolampomenoi, hypotaxai hēgēsametha dein, mē tina prophasin tois – ᾿Areiou manias; all᾽ en hosǭ arithmǭ ho makarios hairetikois eis epiboulēn authis kataleipōmen, en hę̄ palin ta hypekkaumata tēs idias kakias anakinountes, pyrkaias dia dichostasiōn synēthōs exaptoien. Epei te kai touto hōmologēsan hoi timiōtatoi adelphoi hēmōn, Eustathios kai Silbanos kai Theophilos, heautous te kai tēn hymeteran agapēn pantote tautēn tēn pistin eschēkenai, kai tautēn mechri telous diaphylaxein, dēladē tēn en Nikaią dokimastheisan hypo triakosiōn deka kai oktō orthodoxōn episkopōn hētis tēn teleian periechei alētheian, kai panta ta tōn hairetikōn plēthē epistomizei te kai anatrepei. Oude gar apo tautomatou, alla theiǭ neumati, ho tōn tosoutōn arithmos episkopōn synekrotēthē kata tēs ᾿Abraam tosautas chiliadas dia pisteōs katestrepsato. Hētis pistis en tę̄ hypostasei kai tǭ onomati tou homoousiou periechomenē, hōsper eryma ochyron kai amachon, pasas tas prosbolas kai tas kakomēchanias tēs ᾿Areiou kenodoxias kathairei te kai apotrepetai. Toigaroun pantōn tōn kata tēn dysin episkopōn, tōn eis to Arimēnon synelthentōn, hopote toutous hē kakoētheia tōn ᾿Areianōn synekro tēsen, hopōs ē dia peithous tinos, ē, hina alēthesteron eipō, kosmikēs dynasteias, touth᾽ hoper asphalestaton ēn en tę̄ pistei keimenon aneloien, ē plagiōs arnēsōntai, ouden toutōn ōphelēsen hē panourgia. Kai gar schedon pantes ekeinoi hoi en tę̄ Arimēnǭ genomenoi, kai deleasthentes ē hypachthentes tote, nyn anaphronēsantes, kai anathematisantes tēn ekthesin tōn en Arimēnǭ synelthontōn, kai hypograpsantes tę̄ katholikę̄ kai apostolikę̄ pistei tę̄ kata Nikaian thespistheisę̄; hoi kai hēmin koinōnēsantes, ekthymoteron kata tou ᾿Areiou dogmatos, kai kata tōn autou mathētōn chalepainousin; hou tinos pragmatos ton elenchon kai autoi hoi presbeis tēs hymeteras agapēs epignontes, hymas autous tę̄ oikeią hypographę̄ synezeuxan; kai anathematizontes ᾿Areion, kai ta en ᾿Arimēnǭ prachthenta kata tēs pisteōs tēs en Nikaią thespistheisēs; hois kai hymeis autoi deleasthentes di᾽ horkōmosiōn hypegrapsate. Hothen akolouthon hēmin ephanē, grapsai pros tēn hymeteran agapēn, kai boēthēsai tois dikaia aitoumenois ; malista de, hote dia tēs homologias tōn hymeterōn presbeiōn, anaphronēsantas tous anatolikous symphōnein pros tous orthodoxous tōn dytikōn epegnōmen. Kai dēloumen hopōs eidenai echoite tas en tę̄ Harimēnǭ blasphēmias, kai hypo tōn doxasantōn tote kata synarpagēn parabeblaphthai nyn anathematistheisas, kai pantas pros tēn kata Nikaian pistin sympepneukenai. Kai chrē di᾽ hymōn touto pasi gnōsthēnai, hopōs dynētheien kai hoi kat᾿ epēreian parablaphthentes, ēdē pote ek tou hairetikou skotous pros to theion phōs tēs katholikēs eleutherias anakampsai; hoi tines meta tautēn tēn synodon, ei mē thelēseian apoptysai ton tēs kakodoxias hion, kai tas blasphēmias Areiou pasas anelein, tautas te anathematisai, ginōsketōsan heautous meta tou ᾿Areiou kai tōn toutou mathētōn, kai tōn loipōn opheōn, ētoi Sabellianōn, ē Patropassianōn, ē hoiasdēpote allēs haireseōs, ekspondous einai kai akoinōnētous tōn ekklēsiastikōn synaxeōn, hētis tous ek moicheias huious ou prosietai. Ho Theos hymas errhōmenous diaphylaxoi, adelphoi agapētoi. Tauta ta grammata hoi peri Eustathion dexamenoi, authis epi tēn Sikelian hōrmēsan ; ekei te paraskeuasantes genesthai synodon tōn Sikelōn episkopōn, ep᾿ autōn te tēn tou homoousiou pistin homologēsantes,kai tēn en Nikaią pistin kyrōsantes, homopsēpha te kai par' ekeinōn dexamenoi grammata, epanēkon para tous pempsantas. Hoi de tas Liberiou epistolas dexa menoi, diepresbeuonto kata poleis pros tous proestōtas tēs homoousiou pisteōs, protrepomenoi synelthein homothymadon eis Tarson tēs Kilikias, epi to kyrōsai tēn en Nikaią pistin, kai lysai pasan meta tauta gegenēmenēn ereschelian. Kai dē isōs an tauta egegonei, ei mē ho megiston tote dynamenos para basilei diekōlyse; legō dē Eudoxios, ho tēs Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias; hos kai pleiō dia tēn kērychtheisan synodon exaphtheis, meizona kaka toutous eirgasato. Hoti men oun Makedonianoi di' hōn epempsan presbeutōn koinōnēsantes Liberiǭ, tēn en Nikaią pistin ekyrōsan, autos Sabinos en tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodikōn hōmologēsen.
When those who held the 'same essence' had been hard pressed at that time, the persecutors turned again against the Macedonians. These, squeezed rather by fear and force, sent envoys to one another city by city, declaring that they must of necessity take refuge with the emperor's brother and with Liberius, bishop of Rome, and embrace their faith rather than communicate with Eudoxius and his party. So they sent Eustathius of Sebaste, who had been deposed many times, Silvanus of Tarsus in Cilicia, and Theophilus of Castabala, which is also a city of Cilicia. They charged them not to dispute with Liberius about the faith, but to enter into communion with the church of the Romans and to confirm the faith of the 'same essence'. These men, bearing letters from those who had separated at Seleucia, reached old Rome. They did not meet the emperor, for he was busy in the region of Gaul, making war on the Sarmatians there; but they handed the letters to Liberius. He was quite unwilling to receive them, for he said that they were of the Arian faction and could not be received by the church, since they had set aside the faith of Nicaea. They answered that through repentance they had come to know the truth; that they had already earlier renounced the faith of the Anomoeans and had confessed that the Son is like the Father in all things; and that 'like' did not differ at all from 'of the same essence'. When they said this, Liberius demanded a written confession of their belief. They handed him a document in which the words of the creed issued at Nicaea were also written out. The letters which they wrote from Smyrna in Asia, and from Pisidia, Isauria, Pamphylia and Lycia, where they held synods, I have not added here because of their length. But the document which Eustathius and the other envoys gave to Liberius is as follows:
'To our lord, brother and fellow minister Liberius, Eustathius, Theophilus and Silvanus send greeting in the Lord. Because of the frenzied suspicions of the heretics, who do not cease to bring stumbling blocks upon the catholic churches, and in order to remove every pretext from them, we declare that the synod held at Lampsacus and at Smyrna and in various other places, of orthodox bishops, on whose behalf we have come as envoys and bring a letter to your Goodness and to all the Italian and Western bishops, holds and guards the catholic faith which was confirmed at the holy synod of Nicaea under the blessed Constantine by three hundred and eighteen bishops, and which remains to this day and forever in an entire and unshaken state; in which the "same essence" is set down holily and piously against the perversity of Arius. We confess with our own hand that we likewise, and those named above, have held and hold this same faith and will keep it to the end, condemning Arius and his impious teaching, with his disciples and those who think as he does, and every heresy of Sabellius, the Patripassians, the Marcionites, the Photinians, the Marcellians, and the teaching of Paul of Samosata, and all who think as they do, and all the heresies opposed to the aforesaid holy faith, which was set out piously and catholicly by the holy fathers at Nicaea. We anathematize in particular also the exposition read at the synod of Ariminum, as contrary to this aforesaid faith of the holy synod held at Nicaea, which those who were deceived by fraud and perjury signed at Constantinople, when it had been brought from Nike in Thrace. Our faith, and that of those named above on whose behalf we come as envoys, is this:
"We believe in one God, the Father almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one only-begotten God, the Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, that is, of the essence of the Father, God from God, light from light, true God from true God, begotten, not made, of the same essence as the Father, through whom all things came to be, both those in heaven and those on earth; who for us men and for our salvation came down and was made flesh and became man, suffered and rose on the third day, ascended into the heavens, and is coming to judge the living and the dead. And in the Holy Spirit. But those who say, 'There was once when he was not', and 'Before he was begotten he was not', and that he came to be from things that are not, or who say that the Son of God is of another hypostasis or essence, or changeable or alterable, these the catholic and apostolic church of God anathematizes."
I, Eustathius, bishop of the city of Sebaste, and Theophilus and Silvanus, envoys of the synod of Lampsacus, of Smyrna and of the rest, have written this confession with our own hands, of our own free choice. And if anyone, after the faith set out by us, wishes to bring any charge against us or against those who sent us, let him come with letters of your Holiness before whatever orthodox bishops your Holiness approves, and let him go to judgment with us before them; and if any charge is established, let it be avenged on the guilty party.'
Having secured the envoys by this document, Liberius received them into communion and dismissed them, giving them this letter:
'Letter of Liberius, bishop of Rome, to the bishops of the Macedonians. To his beloved brothers and fellow ministers Evethius, Cyril, Hyperechius, Uranius, Heron, Elpidius, Maximus, Eusebius, Eucarpius, Heortasius, Neon, Eumathius, Faustinus, Proclinus, Pasinicus, Arsenius, Severus, Didymion, Brittanius, Callicrates, Dalmatius, Aedesius, Eustochius, Ambrose, Gelonius, Pardalius, Macedonius, Paul, Marcellus, Heraclius, Alexander, Adolius, Marcian, Sthenelus, John, Macer, Charisius, Silvanus, Photinus, Antony, Anythus, Celsus, Euphranor, Milesius, Patricius, Severian, Eusebius, Eumolpius, Athanasius, Diophantus, Menodorus, Diocles, Chrysampelus, Neon, Eugenius, Eustathius, Callicrates, Arsenius, Eugenius, Martyrius, Hieracius, Leontius, Philagrius, Lucius, and to all the orthodox bishops in the East, Liberius, bishop of Italy, and the bishops of the West, send ever greeting in the Lord.
Your letter, beloved brothers, shining with the light of faith, delivered to us by the most honoured brothers the bishops Eustathius, Silvanus and Theophilus, has brought us the much-desired joy of peace and concord, and above all for this reason: that they have assured us and shown that your mind and your thoughts agree and are in harmony with my littleness and with those of Italy and all the West. We know that this is the catholic and apostolic faith which until the synod of Nicaea remained entire and unshaken. They confessed that they hold it, and, filled with joy, casting out every trace and spark of unworthy suspicion, they set it out not only in word but also in writing. We thought it necessary to append a copy of it to this letter, so that we leave the heretics no pretext for plotting again, in which they might once more stir up the kindling of their own malice and, as is their habit, light fires through dissension. Our most honoured brothers Eustathius, Silvanus and Theophilus also confessed that they themselves and your Charity have always held this faith and will keep it to the end, namely the faith approved at Nicaea by three hundred and eighteen orthodox bishops, which contains the perfect truth and silences and overthrows all the hosts of the heretics. For it was not by chance but by divine assent that so great a number of bishops was assembled against the madness of Arius, as great as the number with which blessed Abraham through faith overthrew so many thousands. This faith, contained in the substance and the name of the "same essence", like a strong and unassailable fortress, throws down and turns back all the assaults and wicked contrivances of Arius's vainglory. Accordingly, when all the bishops of the West had come together at Ariminum, whom the malice of the Arians had assembled so that by some persuasion, or, to speak more truly, by worldly power, they might abolish or obliquely deny what had been set down in the faith most securely, this craftiness gained nothing. For nearly all those who were at Ariminum, and who were then enticed or led astray, have now come to their senses, anathematized the exposition of those who met at Ariminum, and signed the catholic and apostolic faith decreed at Nicaea; and they, having entered into communion with us, are the more angry against the doctrine of Arius and against his disciples. The envoys of your Charity, recognizing the proof of this, have joined you yourselves to them by their own signature, anathematizing Arius and what was done at Ariminum against the faith decreed at Nicaea, to which you yourselves, enticed by oaths, had subscribed. Hence it seemed fitting to us to write to your Charity and to help those who ask what is just, especially since we have learned through the confession of your envoys that the Easterners have come to their senses and agree with the orthodox of the West. And we inform you, so that you may know, that the blasphemies of Ariminum have now been anathematized also by those who seemed then to have been harmed by being taken by surprise, and that all have agreed with the faith of Nicaea. This must be made known to all through you, so that those who were harmed by violence may at last return from heretical darkness to the divine light of catholic freedom. If any of them after this synod will not spit out the poison of false doctrine and do away with all the blasphemies of Arius and anathematize them, let them know that, with Arius and his disciples and the other serpents, whether Sabellians or Patripassians or of any other heresy whatever, they are out of fellowship and excluded from communion with the church's assemblies, which does not admit sons born of adultery. May God keep you in health, beloved brothers.'
Having received this letter, Eustathius and his companions set out again for Sicily; there they arranged for a synod of the Sicilian bishops to be held, confessed before them the faith of the 'same essence', confirmed the faith of Nicaea, received from them too letters of the same tenor, and returned to those who had sent them. These, on receiving the letters of Liberius, sent envoys city by city to the leaders of the faith of the 'same essence', urging them to meet with one mind at Tarsus in Cilicia to confirm the faith of Nicaea and to put an end to all the wrangling that had arisen since. And perhaps this would have happened, had it not been prevented by the man who then had the greatest power with the emperor, I mean Eudoxius, the head of the Arian worship. He, the more inflamed because of the synod that had been announced, did them still greater harm. That the Macedonians, through the envoys they sent, entered into communion with Liberius and confirmed the faith of Nicaea, Sabinus himself admits in his collection of synodal acts.
4.13PG 67:495–497
Περὶ δὲ τούσδε τοὺς χρόνους Εὐνόμιος Εὐδοξίου χωρισθεὶς, κατ' ἰδίαν τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιήσατο, ὅτι πολλάκις αὐτοῦ παρακαλοῦντος δεχθῆναι τὸν καθηγητὴν ἑαυτοῦ ᾿Αέτιον, Εὐδόξιος οὐχ ὑπήκουσε. Τοῦτο δὲ οὐχ ἑκὼν ἐποίησεν· οὐ γὰρ τὴν ᾿Αετίου δόξαν ἠθέτει, τὴν αὐτὴν οὖσαν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ · ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι πάντες οἱ ὁμόφρονες ὡς ἑτερόδοξον περιΐσταντο · αὕτη ἡ αἰτία τοῦ Εὐδοξίου τὸν Εὐνόμιον χωρισθῆναι πεποίηκε. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἐγένετο. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, πρόσταγμα ἐπάρχων σπουδῇ Εὐδοξίου πεμφθέν τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἐτάραξεν· ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους ἄλογον ὀρμὴν ὑφορώμενος, δεδοικώς τε μὴ τῶν γενησομένων ἀτόπων αὐτὸς τὴν αἰτίαν λάβῃ, τέσσαρας ὅλους μῆνας ἐν μνημείῳ πατρῴῳ ἀπέκρυ πτεν ἑαυτόν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ διὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπουσίαν ὁ λαὸς πόθῳ τῷ πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐστασίαζε, μαθὼν ὁ βασιλεὺς στυγνάζειν διατοῦτο τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, διὰ γραμμάτων ἐσήμανεν, ἀδεῶς κρατεῖν τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ᾿Αθανάσιον. Καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἣν αἴτιον τοῦ μὴ ταραχθῆναι τὴν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἕως τῆς ᾿Αθανασίου τελευτῆς, Ὅτι μὲν οὖν, μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ, πάλιν οἱ τοῦ 'Λρειανοῦ μέρους τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτῆσαν, μικρῷ ὕστερον λέξομεν.
Peri de tousde tous chronous Eunomios Eudoxiou chōristheis, kat' idian tas synagōgas epoiēsato, hoti pollakis autou parakalountos dechthēnai ton kathēgētēn heautou ᾿Aetion, Eudoxios ouch hypēkouse. Touto de ouch hekōn epoiēsen; ou gar tēn ᾿Aetiou doxan ēthetei, tēn autēn ousan tę̄ heautou ; all᾽ hoti pantes hoi homophrones hōs heterodoxon periïstanto ; hautē hē aitia tou Eudoxiou ton Eunomion chōristhēnai pepoiēke. Tauta men en Kōnstantinou polei touton ton tropon egeneto. Kata de tēn ᾿Alexandreian, prostagma eparchōn spoudę̄ Eudoxiou pemphthen tēn Ekklēsian etaraxen; ᾿Athanasios de tēn ek tou plēthous alogon ormēn hyphorōmenos, dedoikōs te mē tōn genēsomenōn atopōn autos tēn aitian labę̄, tessaras holous mēnas en mnēmeiǭ patrǭǭ apekry pten heauton. Epeidē de dia tēn autou apousian ho laos pothǭ tǭ pros auton estasiaze, mathōn ho basileus stygnazein diatouto tēn ᾿Alexandreian, dia grammatōn esēmanen, adeōs kratein tōn Ekklēsiōn ᾿Athanasion. Kai tout᾽ hēn aition tou mē tarachthēnai tēn ᾿Alexandreōn heōs tēs ᾿Athanasiou teleutēs, Hoti men oun, meta tēn teleutēn autou, palin hoi tou 'Lreianou merous tōn Ekklēsiōn ekratēsan, mikrǭ hysteron lexomen.
About this time Eunomius separated from Eudoxius and held his assemblies on his own, because Eudoxius would not listen when Eunomius often begged that his teacher Aetius be received. Eudoxius did not do this willingly, for he did not reject the opinion of Aetius, which was the same as his own; but all of their party shunned Aetius as holding another doctrine. This was the reason that made Eunomius separate from Eudoxius. These things happened in this way at Constantinople. At Alexandria an order from the prefects, sent at Eudoxius's urging, threw the church into turmoil. Athanasius, suspecting the senseless impulse of the multitude and fearing that he himself would be blamed for any outrages that might happen, hid himself for four whole months in his father's tomb. But when the people rioted from longing for him because of his absence, the emperor, learning that Alexandria was gloomy on this account, signified by letter that Athanasius should hold the churches without fear. This was the reason why the church of the Alexandrians was not disturbed until the death of Athanasius. How after his death those of the Arian side again took possession of the churches we shall tell a little later.
4.14PG 67:497
Τοιγαροῦν ὁ βασιλεὺς Οὐάλης πάλιν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν σπεύδων ἀπῆρεν ἀπὸ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως γενόμενος ἐν Νιχομηδείχ πόλει τῆς Βιθυνίας, ἐπεσχέθη κατ᾽ αὐτὴν αἰτίαν τοιαύτην. Εὐδόξιος οὗτος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς ἐχχλυσίας ἐπίσκοπος, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ἔξοδον τέλει τοῦ βίου ἐχρήσατο, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ τὸ τρίτον θὐάλεντος τὸ τρίτον, δεκαεννέα ἐνιαυτοὺς τῆς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Ἐκκλησίας τὸν θρόνον χατεσχηχώς " διὸ οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ καθιστῶσι Δημόφιλον Καιροῦ δὲ νομίσαντες δ:δράχθαι οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου, τῆς ἑαυτῶν πίστεως Εὐάγριόν τινα προεδάλλοντο " καὶ χειροτονεῖ τοῦτον Εὐστάθιος, ὁ πάλα: ποτὲ ἐπίσκοπος ᾿Αντιοχείλς γεγονώς" ὃς πρότερον μὲν ὑπὸ Ἰοδιανοῦ τῆς ἐξορίας ἀναχέχλητο, τότε δὲ παρῆν εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντ:νούπολιν,, σκοπῷ τοῦ στηρίξαι τοὺς τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως αὐτὴν λανθάνων διέτριβεν.
Toigaroun ho basileus Oualēs palin epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian speudōn apēren apo tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs genomenos en Nichomēdeich polei tēs Bithynias, epeschethē kat᾽ autēn aitian toiautēn. Eudoxios houtos ho tēs ᾿Areianēs echchlysias episkopos, euthys meta tēn tou basileōs exodon telei tou biou echrēsato, en hypateią Oualentinianou to triton thyalentos to triton, dekaennea eniautous tēs en Kōnstantinou polei Ekklēsias ton thronon chateschēchōs " dio hoi ᾿Areianoi eis ton topon autou kathistōsi Dēmophilon Kairou de nomisantes d:drachthai hoi tou homoousiou, tēs heautōn pisteōs Euagrion tina proedallonto " kai cheirotonei touton Eustathios, ho pala: pote episkopos ᾿Antiocheils gegonōs" hos proteron men hypo Iodianou tēs exorias anachechlēto, tote de parēn eis tēn Kōnstant:noupolin,, skopǭ tou stērixai tous tēs homoousiou pisteōs autēn lanthanōn dietriben.
So the emperor Valens, hurrying again to Antioch, left Constantinople, and coming to Nicomedia, a city of Bithynia, he was detained there for the following reason. Eudoxius, the bishop of the Arian church, died immediately after the emperor's departure, in the consulship of Valentinian for the third time and Valens for the third time, having held the throne of the church in Constantinople for nineteen years. So the Arians appointed Demophilus in his place. But those of the 'same essence', thinking they had seized their opportunity, put forward one Evagrius, a man of their own faith; and Eustathius, who had long ago been bishop of Antioch, ordained him. He had earlier been recalled from exile by Jovian, and was at that time in Constantinople, living there in secret with the aim of strengthening those of the faith of the 'same essence'.
4.15PG 67:499
Τούτου δὲ γενομένου, αὖθις ἐξ ἑτέρας ἀρχῆς ἀνεκίνουν οἱ Ἀρειανοὶ τὸν διωγμὸν κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. Εἰς γνῶσιν οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως ταχέως ἔρχεται τὰ γινόμενα · εὐλαβούμενός τε μή τις ἐκ τῆς παρατριβῆς τῶν ὄχλων γενομένη στάσις ἀνατρέψει τὴν πόλιν, στρατιωτικὴν χεῖρα ἐκ τῆς Νικομηδείας εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἔπεμψεν· ἐκέλευσέν τε ἐν ταὐτῷ συλ ληφθέντας τὸν χειροτονήσαντα καὶ τὸν χειροτονηθέντα, ἄλλον ἀλλαχοῦ περιορίζεσθαι. Εὐστάθιος μὲν οὖν ἐν Βιζύῃ τῆς Θράκης πόλει περιωρίζετο · Εὐάγριος δὲ εἰς ἄλλον τόπον ἀπήχθη. Τούτων οὕτω καταπραχθέντων, πλέον οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες καταθρασυνόμενοι, τοὺς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἔβλαπτον· τύπτοντες, καθυβρίζοντες, κατακλείστους δεσμωτηρίοις ποιοῦντες, χρήμασι ζημιοῦντες, πάντα ἁπλῶς τὰ ἀνήκεστα πράττοντες κατ' αὐτῶν· ἅπερ μὴ φέροντες, ἐπὶ τῷ δεηθῆναι τοῦ βασιλέως ἤρχοντο, εἴ πως δύναιντο μερικῶς γοῦν ἀνεθῆναι τῆς βίας· ἀλλὰ τοῦτο σκεψάμενοι, πολὺ τῆς ἐλπίδος διήμαρτον, ὅτι παρὰ τοῦ ἀδικοῦντος τῶν δικαίων προσεδόκων τυχεῖν.
Toutou de genomenou, authis ex heteras archēs anekinoun hoi Areianoi ton diōgmon kat᾿ autōn. Eis gnōsin oun tou basileōs tacheōs erchetai ta ginomena ; eulaboumenos te mē tis ek tēs paratribēs tōn ochlōn genomenē stasis anatrepsei tēn polin, stratiōtikēn cheira ek tēs Nikomēdeias eis tēn Kōnstantinoupolin epempsen; ekeleusen te en tautǭ syl lēphthentas ton cheirotonēsanta kai ton cheirotonēthenta, allon allachou periorizesthai. Eustathios men oun en Bizyę̄ tēs Thrakēs polei periōrizeto ; Euagrios de eis allon topon apēchthē. Toutōn houtō kataprachthentōn, pleon hoi ᾿Areianizontes katathrasynomenoi, tous tēs Ekklēsias eblapton; typtontes, kathybrizontes, katakleistous desmōtēriois poiountes, chrēmasi zēmiountes, panta haplōs ta anēkesta prattontes kat' autōn; haper mē pherontes, epi tǭ deēthēnai tou basileōs ērchonto, ei pōs dynainto merikōs goun anethēnai tēs bias; alla touto skepsamenoi, poly tēs elpidos diēmarton, hoti para tou adikountos tōn dikaiōn prosedokōn tychein.
When this had been done, the Arians, starting afresh, renewed the persecution against them. What was happening quickly came to the emperor's knowledge. Fearing that some riot arising from the clash of the crowds might overturn the city, he sent a body of soldiers from Nicomedia to Constantinople and ordered that the ordainer and the ordained be arrested together and banished, each to a different place. So Eustathius was banished to Bizye, a city of Thrace, and Evagrius was taken away to another place. When this had been done, the Arianizers, grown bolder, injured the people of the church: they beat them, insulted them, shut them up in prisons, fined them, and in short did every outrage against them. Unable to bear it, they went to petition the emperor, in the hope of being relieved of the violence at least in part. But in making this plan they fell far short of their hope, because they expected to obtain justice from the one who wronged them.
4.16PG 67:499–501
Ὡς γὰρ ἐπιλεχθέντες ἄνδρες εὐλαβεῖς, τοῦ ἐκκλη( σιαστικοῦ τυγχάνοντες τάγματος, τὸν ἀριθμὸν ὄντες ὀγδοήκοντα, ὧν ἡγοῦντο Οὐρβανὸς, Θεόδωρος, Μενέδημος, εἰς τὴν Νικομήδειαν παρεγένοντο, καὶ ἱκεσίας ὥρεγον τῷ βασιλεῖ, ἀναδιδάσκοντες τὴν βίαν καὶ ὅσα ὑπέμενον· περιοργής γενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, τοσοῦτον ἐπέκρυψε τῆς ὀργῆς, ὅσον λαθραίως Μοδέστῳ τῷ ἐπάρχῳ κελεῦσαι, συλλαβεῖν καὶ θανάτῳ ζημιῶσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας. Ὁ δὲ τρόπος τοῦ θανάτου ξένος τις ἦν· διὸ καὶ μνήμη παραδοθήσεται. Δεδιὼς ὁ ὕπαρχος μὴ στάσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἄλογον ὑποκείνῃ ἐν τῷ φανερῷ φονεύων αὐτοὺς, πλάττεται εἰς ἐξορίαν πέμπειν τοὺς ἄνδρας. Τῶν δὲ εὐγενῶς καταδεξαμένων, ὁ ὕπαρχος κελεύει, πλοίῳ ἐμβληθέντας ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξορίαν δῆθεν ἀπάγεσθαι · ἐντειλάμενος τοῖς ναύταις, ἐπειδὰν κατὰ μέσου γένωνται τοῦ πελάγους, ὑφάψαι τὸ πλοῖον · ἵνα τὸν τρόπον τοῦτον ἀπο θανόντες μὴ ἕξωσι τοὺς κηδεύοντας. Ταῦτα ἐγίνοντο. Καὶ ἀναχθέντες, κατὰ μέσον τε τοῦ ᾿Αστακηνοῦ πελάγους γενόμενοι, ποιοῦσι τὸ προσταχθέν· εἰς ἕτερόν τε παρεπόμενον ἀκάτιον μεταβάντες ἀπεχώρησαν, τὸ πλοῖον ὑφάψαντες. Συμβὰν δὲ ἄνεμον πνεῖν ἀφηλιώτην σφοδρὸν, ἐξωθεῖται ἐπιπολὺ καιομένη ἡ ναῦς · ὥστε τάχιον μὲν τὴν ὀρμὴν ποιεῖσθαι, διαρκέσαι δὲ ἄχρι τοῦ ἐπινείου, ᾧ προσωνυμία Δακίδιζος, κἀκεῖ τελέως σὺν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀναλωθῆναι. Τοῦτο οὐκ ἀτιμώρητον ἔλεγον γεγενῆσθαι πολ-" λοί · λιμὸν γὰρ σύντονον ἐπισυνέβη γενέσθαι περὶ τὰ Φρυγῶν ἔθνη, ὡς ἀνάγκην ἔχειν πρὸς ὀλίγον τῆς χώρας ἀπανίστασθαι τῶν ἐνοικούντων τοὺς πλείονας, καὶ καταφεύγειν ἐπί τε Κωνσταντινούπολιν καὶ ἄλλας ἐπαρχίας. ᾿Αεὶ γὰρ δὴ Κωνσταντινούπολις, καὶ ἄπειρα τρέφουσα πλήθη, τὰ πολλὰ εὐθηνεῖται, τῷ τε διὰ θαλάσσης ἔχειν τῶν πανταχόθεν ἐπιτηδείων τὴν προσκομιδὴν, καὶ ὅτι ὁ Εύξεινος Πόντος παρακείμενος ἄφθονον αὐτῇ, ἡνίκα προσδεηθῇ, παρέχει τὸν σἴτον.
Hōs gar epilechthentes andres eulabeis, tou ekklē( siastikou tynchanontes tagmatos, ton arithmon ontes ogdoēkonta, hōn hēgounto Ourbanos, Theodōros, Menedēmos, eis tēn Nikomēdeian paregenonto, kai hikesias hōregon tǭ basilei, anadidaskontes tēn bian kai hosa hypemenon; periorgēs genomenos ho basileus, tosouton epekrypse tēs orgēs, hoson lathraiōs Modestǭ tǭ eparchǭ keleusai, syllabein kai thanatǭ zēmiōsai tous andras. Ho de tropos tou thanatou xenos tis ēn; dio kai mnēmē paradothēsetai. Dediōs ho hyparchos mē stasin hypo tou plēthous alogon hypokeinę̄ en tǭ phanerǭ phoneuōn autous, plattetai eis exorian pempein tous andras. Tōn de eugenōs katadexamenōn, ho hyparchos keleuei, ploiǭ emblēthentas hōs epi tēn exorian dēthen apagesthai ; enteilamenos tois nautais, epeidan kata mesou genōntai tou pelagous, hyphapsai to ploion ; hina ton tropon touton apo thanontes mē hexōsi tous kēdeuontas. Tauta eginonto. Kai anachthentes, kata meson te tou ᾿Astakēnou pelagous genomenoi, poiousi to prostachthen; eis heteron te parepomenon akation metabantes apechōrēsan, to ploion hyphapsantes. Symban de anemon pnein aphēliōtēn sphodron, exōtheitai epipoly kaiomenē hē naus ; hōste tachion men tēn ormēn poieisthai, diarkesai de achri tou epineiou, hǭ prosōnymia Dakidizos, kakei teleōs syn tois andrasin analōthēnai. Touto ouk atimōrēton elegon gegenēsthai pol-" loi ; limon gar syntonon episynebē genesthai peri ta Phrygōn ethnē, hōs anankēn echein pros oligon tēs chōras apanistasthai tōn enoikountōn tous pleionas, kai katapheugein epi te Kōnstantinoupolin kai allas eparchias. ᾿Aei gar dē Kōnstantinoupolis, kai apeira trephousa plēthē, ta polla euthēneitai, tǭ te dia thalassēs echein tōn pantachothen epitēdeiōn tēn proskomidēn, kai hoti ho Euxeinos Pontos parakeimenos aphthonon autę̄, hēnika prosdeēthę̄, parechei ton siton.
For when eighty chosen devout men, belonging to the clergy, led by Urbanus, Theodore and Menedemus, came to Nicomedia and handed the emperor petitions, informing him of the violence and of all they suffered, the emperor, though very angry, concealed his anger only so far as to order Modestus the prefect secretly to arrest the men and punish them with death. The manner of their death was a strange one, and for that reason it will be put on record. The prefect, fearing that he would incur a senseless riot from the multitude if he killed them openly, pretended to send the men into exile. When they accepted this nobly, the prefect ordered them to be put on a ship, as though they were being taken off to exile, and instructed the sailors, when they were in the middle of the sea, to set the ship on fire, so that by dying in this way they would have no one to bury them. This was done. They put to sea, and when they were in the middle of the gulf of Astacus they did what they had been ordered: they crossed into another small boat that followed and went away, having set the ship on fire. But a strong east wind happened to blow, and the burning ship was driven a long way, so that it sped along quickly and held together as far as the harbour called Dacidizus, and there it was entirely consumed together with the men. Many said that this did not go unpunished, for a severe famine followed in the regions of Phrygia, so that most of the inhabitants had for a time to leave the country and take refuge in Constantinople and other provinces. For Constantinople, though it feeds countless multitudes, is generally well supplied, both because it receives provisions by sea from every quarter and because the Euxine Sea, lying nearby, supplies it with grain in abundance whenever it needs it.
4.17PG 67:501
Οὐάλης δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς, μικρὰ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ λιμοῦ γενομένων φροντίσας, ἐπὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν παραγίνεται · · διατρίβων τε κατ᾿ αὐτὴν, ἐπόρθει τοὺς μὴ ᾿Αρειανίζοντας. Τέλεον γὰρ ἐξελάσας τοὺς τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονοῦντας τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν σχεδὸν τῶν ἀνατολικῶν πόλεων, οὐκ ἠρκεῖτο τούτῳ, ἀλλὰ καὶ διαφόροις κολαστηρίοις ὑπέβαλλεν ἀπώλλυεν δὲ πολλῷ πλείους τῶν πρότερον, διαφόροις μὲν θανάτοις παραδιδοὺς, ἐξαιρέτως δὲ τῷ ποταμῷ.
Oualēs de ho basileus, mikra tōn ek tou limou genomenōn phrontisas, epi tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian paraginetai ; ; diatribōn te kat᾿ autēn, eporthei tous mē ᾿Areianizontas. Teleon gar exelasas tous to homoousion phronountas tōn Ekklēsiōn schedon tōn anatolikōn poleōn, ouk ērkeito toutǭ, alla kai diaphorois kolastēriois hypeballen apōllyen de pollǭ pleious tōn proteron, diaphorois men thanatois paradidous, exairetōs de tǭ potamǭ.
The emperor Valens, caring little about what the famine was causing, went to Antioch in Syria, and while staying there he ravaged those who would not Arianize. For having driven those who held the 'same essence' out of the churches of nearly all the cities of the East, he was not content with that, but also subjected them to various punishments; and he destroyed many more than before, handing them over to various deaths, and especially to the river.
4.18PG 67:503
Λεκτέον δὲ οἷα καὶ ἐν Ἐδέσῃ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας ἐγίνετο. Ἐν δὲ τῇδε τῇ πόλει Θωμᾶ τοῦ ἀποστόλου μαρτύριόν ἐστι λαμπρὸν καὶ περιφανές, συνεχεῖς τε ἐν αὐτῷ συνάξεις ἐπιτελοῦνται, διὰ τὴν τοῦ τόπου ἁγιότητα. Τοῦτο ἱστορῆσαι ὁ βασιλεὺς Οὐάλης θελήσας, καὶ μαθὼν πᾶν τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀπεχθεῖς αἱρέσεως εἶναι τῶν συνερχομένων τὸ πλῆθος, λέγεται τῇ χειρὶ πλῆξαι τὸν ὕπαρχον, ὅτι μὴ προϋνόησε ἐξελάσαι κάκεῖθεν αὐτούς. Ὡς δὲ ὁ ὕπαρχος περιυβρισθεὶς, ἕτοιμος ἦν ἄκων ὑπουργεῖν τῇ βασιλέως ὀργῇ, οὐ γὰρ ἐβούλετο τοσούτων ἀνδρῶν φόνον ἐργάζεσθαι, λαθραίως δηλοῖ, ὅπως ἂν μηδεὶς ἐν τῷ μαρτυρίῳ καταληφθῇ. ᾿Αλλὰ προσεῖχεν οὐδεὶς, οὐδὲ τῇ συμβουλῇ, οὐδὲ τῇ ἀπειλῇ· πάντες γὰρ τῇ ἐξῆς εἰς τὸν εὐκτήριον τόπον συνέῤῥεον. Ὡς δὲ ὁ ὕπαρχος σὺν χειρὶ πολλῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ μαρτύριον ἔσπευδεν, ἐκπληρώσων τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργὴν, γυνή τις πενιχρὰ τὸ ἑαυτῆς παιδίον ἐκ χειρὸς ἕλκουσα, ἐπὶ τὸ μαρτύριον ἔτρεχε, καὶ διακόπτει τὸ τάγμα τῶν δορυφορούντων τὸν ὕπαρχον. ῾Αγανακτήσας δὲ ὁ ὕπαρχος προσάγεσθαι αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα κελεύει, καί φησι πρὸς αὐτήν· Ὦ ταλαίπωρον γύναιον, ποῦ τρέχεις οὕτως ἀκόσμως; Ἡ δὲ, Ἔνθα, φησὶ, καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι συντρέχουσι. Ὁ δὲ, Οὐκ ἀκήκοας, ἔφη, ὅτι ὁ ὕπαρχος μέλλει πάντας ἀναιρεῖν οὓς ἂν εὑρίσκῃ; Καὶ ἡ γυνὴ, Ἤκουσα, ἔφη, καὶ διατοῦτο σπεύδω, ὥστε ἐκεῖ εὑρεθῆναι. Καὶ ποῦ τοῦτο τὸ μικρὸν ἕλκεις παιδίον; φήσαντος τοῦ ἐπάρχου, ἡ γυνή φησιν, ὥστε καὶ αὐτὸ μαρτυρίου καταξιωθῆναι. Ταῦτα ὡς ἤκουσεν ὁ ἀνὴρ, ἐτεκμήρατο τῶν συνερχομένων τὴν ἀπόνοιαν. Καὶ εὐθὺς παραγενόμενος πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα, ἐδίδασκεν αὐτὸν, ὡς εἴησαν πάντες ἕτοιμοι ὑπὲρ τῆς αὐτῶν ἀποθνήσκειν πίστεως· καὶ ἄλογον εἶναι εἰπὼν τοσούτους ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ ἀνελεῖν, παρέπεισε τὸν βασιλέα παύσασθαι τῆς ὀργῆς. Τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον Ἐδεσηνοὶ τὸ μὴ καταπολεμηθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰκείου βασιλέως ἐξέφυγον.
Lekteon de hoia kai en Edesę̄ tēs Mesopotamias egineto. En de tę̄de tę̄ polei Thōma tou apostolou martyrion esti lampron kai periphanes, synecheis te en autǭ synaxeis epitelountai, dia tēn tou topou hagiotēta. Touto historēsai ho basileus Oualēs thelēsas, kai mathōn pan tēs autou apechtheis haireseōs einai tōn synerchomenōn to plēthos, legetai tę̄ cheiri plēxai ton hyparchon, hoti mē proÿnoēse exelasai kakeithen autous. Hōs de ho hyparchos periybristheis, hetoimos ēn akōn hypourgein tę̄ basileōs orgę̄, ou gar ebouleto tosoutōn andrōn phonon ergazesthai, lathraiōs dēloi, hopōs an mēdeis en tǭ martyriǭ katalēphthę̄. ᾿Alla proseichen oudeis, oude tę̄ symboulę̄, oude tę̄ apeilę̄; pantes gar tę̄ exēs eis ton euktērion topon synerrheon. Hōs de ho hyparchos syn cheiri pollōn stratiōtōn epi to martyrion espeuden, ekplērōsōn tēn tou basileōs orgēn, gynē tis penichra to heautēs paidion ek cheiros helkousa, epi to martyrion etreche, kai diakoptei to tagma tōn doryphorountōn ton hyparchon. ῾Aganaktēsas de ho hyparchos prosagesthai autǭ tēn gynaika keleuei, kai phēsi pros autēn; Ō talaipōron gynaion, pou trecheis houtōs akosmōs? Hē de, Entha, phēsi, kai hoi alloi syntrechousi. Ho de, Ouk akēkoas, ephē, hoti ho hyparchos mellei pantas anairein hous an heuriskę̄? Kai hē gynē, Ēkousa, ephē, kai diatouto speudō, hōste ekei heurethēnai. Kai pou touto to mikron helkeis paidion? phēsantos tou eparchou, hē gynē phēsin, hōste kai auto martyriou kataxiōthēnai. Tauta hōs ēkousen ho anēr, etekmērato tōn synerchomenōn tēn aponoian. Kai euthys paragenomenos pros ton basilea, edidasken auton, hōs eiēsan pantes hetoimoi hyper tēs autōn apothnēskein pisteōs; kai alogon einai eipōn tosoutous en brachei chronǭ anelein, parepeise ton basilea pausasthai tēs orgēs. Touton ton tropon Edesēnoi to mē katapolemēthēnai hypo tou oikeiou basileōs exephygon.
We must also tell what happened at Edessa in Mesopotamia. In that city there is a splendid and famous martyr-shrine of the apostle Thomas, and assemblies are held in it continually because of the holiness of the place. The emperor Valens wished to see it, and on learning that the whole crowd of those who gathered there was hostile to his own heresy, he is said to have struck the prefect with his hand, because he had not taken care to drive them out of there too. The prefect, thus insulted, was ready, though unwillingly, to serve the emperor's anger, for he did not wish to bring about the slaughter of so many men; so he secretly gave notice that no one should be found in the martyr-shrine. But no one paid heed either to his advice or to his threat; on the next day they all streamed together to the place of prayer. As the prefect was hurrying to the shrine with a strong body of soldiers to carry out the emperor's anger, a poor woman, dragging her little child by the hand, was running to the shrine, and she broke through the ranks of the prefect's guard. The prefect, angered, ordered the woman to be brought to him and said to her, 'Wretched woman, where are you running in such disorder?' She said, 'Where the others are running too.' He said, 'Have you not heard that the prefect is going to kill all whom he finds?' And the woman said, 'I have heard, and that is why I am hurrying, so as to be found there.' 'And where are you dragging this little child?' said the prefect. The woman said, 'So that it too may be counted worthy of martyrdom.' When the man heard this, he judged what desperate resolve those who were gathering had. He went at once to the emperor and informed him that they were all ready to die for their faith; and saying that it was senseless to kill so many in a short time, he persuaded the emperor to cease from his anger. In this way the people of Edessa escaped being warred down by their own emperor.
4.19PG 67:503–505
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν γοόνον καὶ δαίμων τις ἀλάστωρ τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως ὠμότητι ἀπεχρήσατο. ᾿Ανέπεισε γάρ τινας περιεργαζομένους, τίς μετὰ Οὐάλεντα βασιλεύσειεν, νεκυομαντείαν ποιήσασθαι. Οἷς τισι μαγικῇ τινι μαγγανείᾳ χρωμένοις, ἀνεῖλεν ὁ δαίμων οὐ φανερά, ἀλλὰ συνήθως λοξά, δείξας τέσσαρα γράμματα θ, καὶ ε, καὶ ο, καὶ δ· εἰπὼν ἐκ τούτων ἄρχεσθαι τούνομα τοῦ μετὰ Οὐάλεντα βασιλεύσοντος · εἶναι δὲ αὐτῷ σύνθετον. Ἥκει δὲ εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ἡ τῶν γενομένων φήμη. Καὶ γὰρ οὐ παρεχώρει τὸ μέλλον εἰδέναι Θεῷ, καὶ ποιεῖν ὁ ἐδόκει τῷ πάντα διοικοῦντι καλῶς· ἀλλὰ παρεὶς τὰ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ παραγγέλματα, ὧν ζῆλον ἔχειν ἐνόμιζεν, πολλοὺς ἀπώλλυεν, οὓς τυραννήσειν ὑπώπτευεν. Ἀπεκτίννυντο οὖν Θεόδωροι, καὶ Θεόδοτοι, καὶ Θεοδόσιοι, καὶ Θεόδουλοι, καὶ ὅσοι τούτοις εἶχον ὀνόματα παραπλήσια. Ἐν οἷς καὶ Θεοδοσίολός τις, ἀνὴρ γενναῖος ἐκ τῶν εὐπατριδῶν τῆς Ἱσπανίας καταγόμενος, ἀνῃρεῖτο. Ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ ἐπικειμένου δέους, πολλοὶ τὰ ἑαυτῶν ὀνόματα μετετίθεσαν, ἀπαρνούμενοι ἃ οἱ γονεῖς τεχθεῖσιν ἐπέθεσαν, ὡς κίνδυνον ἔχοντα. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτου τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω.
Hypo de ton auton goonon kai daimōn tis alastōr tę̄ tou basileōs ōmotēti apechrēsato. ᾿Anepeise gar tinas periergazomenous, tis meta Oualenta basileuseien, nekyomanteian poiēsasthai. Hois tisi magikę̄ tini manganeią chrōmenois, aneilen ho daimōn ou phanera, alla synēthōs loxa, deixas tessara grammata th, kai e, kai o, kai d; eipōn ek toutōn archesthai tounoma tou meta Oualenta basileusontos ; einai de autǭ syntheton. Hēkei de eis tas akoas tou basileōs hē tōn genomenōn phēmē. Kai gar ou parechōrei to mellon eidenai Theǭ, kai poiein ho edokei tǭ panta dioikounti kalōs; alla pareis ta tou Christianismou parangelmata, hōn zēlon echein enomizen, pollous apōllyen, hous tyrannēsein hypōpteuen. Apektinnynto oun Theodōroi, kai Theodotoi, kai Theodosioi, kai Theodouloi, kai hosoi toutois eichon onomata paraplēsia. En hois kai Theodosiolos tis, anēr gennaios ek tōn eupatridōn tēs Hispanias katagomenos, anę̄reito. Hypo de tou epikeimenou deous, polloi ta heautōn onomata metetithesan, aparnoumenoi ha hoi goneis techtheisin epethesan, hōs kindynon echonta. Peri men dē toutou tosauta eirēsthō.
About the same time an avenging demon also made use of the emperor's cruelty. It persuaded some who were curious to know who would reign after Valens to practise necromancy. When they used some magical trickery, the demon gave them an answer that was not plain but, as usual, oblique: it showed four letters, Th, E, O, D, and said that the name of the one who would reign after Valens began with these, and that it was a compound name. The report of what had happened reached the emperor's ears. He did not leave knowledge of the future to God and do what seemed good to him who orders all things well; but, setting aside the precepts of Christianity, for which he thought he had zeal, he put to death many whom he suspected of aiming at the throne. So men named Theodore, Theodotus, Theodosius, Theodulus, and all who had names like these were killed. Among them was a certain Theodosiolus, a noble man descended from the patricians of Spain, who was put to death. Under the fear that hung over them, many changed their names, renouncing what their parents had given them at birth as dangerous. So much about this.
4.20PG 67:505–507
Ἰστέον δὲ, ὅτι ἕως περιῆν ᾿Αθανάσιος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐπίσκοπος, ἔκ τινος Θεοῦ προνοίας ὑπερέθετο ταράξαι τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν καὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὁ βασιλεὺς, πυνθανόμενος πλεῖστον εἶναι κατ' αὐτὴν τὸ πλῆθος τῶν προσκειμένων ᾿Αθανασίῳ, καὶ τούτου ὑφορώμενος μήποτε, γενομένης κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν στάσεως, φύσει τὸ δημῶδες ἔνθερμον ἂν προσβλάψῃ τὰ δημόσια πράγματα. Ὁ δὲ Ἀθανάσιος, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Γρατιανοῦ τὸ δεύτερον καὶ Πρόβου, μετὰ πολλοὺς ἐκείνους τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἀγῶνας τὸν τῇδε βίον κατέλειπε, τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἓξ ἔτη σὺν πολλοῖς κινδύνοις τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν διανύσας, καταλιπὼν εἰς τὸν ἑαυτοῦ τόπον Πέτρον, ἄνδρα εὐλαβῆ καὶ ἐλλόγιμον.
Isteon de, hoti heōs periēn ᾿Athanasios ho tēs ᾿Alexandreōn episkopos, ek tinos Theou pronoias hyperetheto taraxai tēn ᾿Alexandreian kai tēn Aigypton ho basileus, pynthanomenos pleiston einai kat' autēn to plēthos tōn proskeimenōn ᾿Athanasiǭ, kai toutou hyphorōmenos mēpote, genomenēs kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian staseōs, physei to dēmōdes enthermon an prosblapsę̄ ta dēmosia pragmata. Ho de Athanasios, en hypateią Gratianou to deuteron kai Probou, meta pollous ekeinous tous hyper tēs Ekklēsias agōnas ton tę̄de bion kateleipe, tessarakonta kai hex etē syn pollois kindynois tēn episkopēn dianysas, katalipōn eis ton heautou topon Petron, andra eulabē kai ellogimon.
It should be known that while Athanasius, bishop of the Alexandrians, was alive, the emperor, by some providence of God, put off disturbing Alexandria and Egypt, learning that the number of those attached to Athanasius there was very great, and suspecting on this account that if a riot broke out in Alexandria, the populace, hot-tempered by nature, might damage public affairs. But Athanasius, in the consulship of Gratian for the second time and Probus, after those many struggles on behalf of the church, departed this life, having fulfilled his episcopate for forty-six years amid many dangers, and leaving in his place Peter, a devout and learned man.
4.21PG 67:507
Εὐθὺς οὖν ἀνεθάῤῥουν οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες, τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως αὐχοῦντες θρησκείᾳ. Καὶ μηδὲν μελλήσαντες, γνωρίζουσι βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν τότε διάγοντι. Τότε δὴ καὶ Εὐζώῖος, ὁ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς - προεστὼς θρησκείας, ἁρπάζει τὸ εὐεπιχείρητον τοῦ – καιροῦ· κατασκευάζει τε αὐτὸς κατελθεῖν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἐπὶ τῷ παραδοῦναι Λουκίῳ τῷ ᾿Αρειανῷ τὰς ἐκεῖ ἐκκλησίας. Ταῦτ᾽ ἐδόκει καὶ βασιλεῖ. Καὶ ᾗ τάχος σὺν δυνάμει βασιλινῇ παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάν δρειαν. Καὶ γὰρ Μάγνος ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν θησαυρῶν συγκατῆλθεν αὐτῷ. Καὶ βασιλέως πρόσταγμα Παλλαδίῳ τῷ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπάρχῳ ἐγέγραπτο, καὶ στρατιωτικὴ χεὶρ ὑπουργεῖν προσετέτακτο• διὸ τὸν μὲν Πέτρον συλλαβόντες κατάκλειστον πεποιήκασι· τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους κληρικοὺς ἄλλον ἀλλαχῇ διασπείραντες, τὸν Λούκιον ἐνθρονίζουσιν.
Euthys oun anetharrhoun hoi ᾿Areianizontes, tę̄ tou basileōs auchountes thrēskeią. Kai mēden mellēsantes, gnōrizousi basilei kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian tote diagonti. Tote dē kai Euzōios, ho en ᾿Antiocheią tēs ᾿Areianēs - proestōs thrēskeias, harpazei to euepicheirēton tou – kairou; kataskeuazei te autos katelthein eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian, epi tǭ paradounai Loukiǭ tǭ ᾿Areianǭ tas ekei ekklēsias. Taut᾽ edokei kai basilei. Kai hę̄ tachos syn dynamei basilinę̄ parēn epi tēn ᾿Alexan dreian. Kai gar Magnos ho epi tōn basilikōn thēsaurōn synkatēlthen autǭ. Kai basileōs prostagma Palladiǭ tǭ ᾿Alexandreias eparchǭ egegrapto, kai stratiōtikē cheir hypourgein prosetetakto• dio ton men Petron syllabontes katakleiston pepoiēkasi; tous de allous klērikous allon allachę̄ diaspeirantes, ton Loukion enthronizousin.
At once the Arianizers took heart again, priding themselves on the emperor's religion. Without delay they informed the emperor, who was then staying at Antioch. Then Euzoius, who presided over the Arian worship at Antioch, seized the favourable moment, and arranged to go down to Alexandria himself to hand over the churches there to Lucius the Arian. The emperor approved. And with all speed he arrived at Alexandria with imperial forces, for Magnus, the treasurer, went down with him. An order of the emperor had been written to Palladius, prefect of Alexandria, and a body of soldiers had been ordered to assist. So they arrested Peter and shut him up in prison, scattered the other clergy one here, one there, and enthroned Lucius.
4.22PG 67:507–509
Οἷα μὲν οὖν κακὰ ἐπὶ τῆς εἰσόδου Λουκίου γεγέ νηται, ἢ ὅσα κατὰ τῶν ἐξωθισθέντων, ἔν τε δικαστη - ρίοις καὶ ἐκτὸς δικαστηρίων ἐπράχθη, ὅπως τε οἱ μὲν βασάνοις ποικίλαις ὑπεβλήθησαν, οἱ δὲ καὶ μετὰ τὰς βασάνους ἐξωρίσθησαν· Σαβίνος μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἡντιναοὖν πεποίηται μνήμην. Αρειανίζων γὰρ τὸ ἥμισυ κρύπτει τὰ τῶν φίλων ἀδικήματα. Πέτρος δὲ τοι γράμμασιν οἰκείοις, ἃ μετὰ τὴν ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν φυγὴν ταῖς πανταχοῦ ἐκκλησίαις διεπέμψατο, φανερὰ τοῖς πᾶσι κατέστησεν. Οὗτος μὲν οὖν, διαδράσαι τῆς εἰρκτῆς ἰσχύσας, πρὸς Δάμασον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον Ῥώμης ἀνέδραμε. Πάλιν δὲ οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ καὶ ὀλίγοι τυγχάνοντες, τῶν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἐκκλησιῶν ὅμως ἐκράτησαν. Οὐ πολὺς δὲ ἐν μέσῳ χρόνος ἐγίνετο, καὶ βασιλέως ἐκέλευσε πρόσταγμα, τῆς τε ᾿Αλεξανδρείας καὶ πανταχόθεν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐλαύνεσθαι τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον. Ἐπετέτακτο δὲ καὶ ὁ ἄρχων, σὺν πολλῷ πλήθει στρατιωτῶν διώκειν πανταχόθεν, ὅσους ἐκέλευε Λούκιος. Ἔσκυλαν δὲ τηνικαῦτα καὶ ἐτάραξαν, καὶ δεινῶς κατεπολέμησαν τὰ ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ μοναστήρια. Ἐπελθόντες γὰρ ἔνοπλοι γυμνοῖς ἀνδράσι, καὶ οὐδὲ τὴν χεῖρα αὐτὴν ἐκτείνειν πρὸς πληγὴν αἰρουμένοις, οὕτως ἐλεεινῶς ἐξεπόρθησαν, ὡς εἶναι λόγου κρείσσονα τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτῶν πάθη γενόμενα.
Hoia men oun kaka epi tēs eisodou Loukiou gege nētai, ē hosa kata tōn exōthisthentōn, en te dikastē - riois kai ektos dikastēriōn eprachthē, hopōs te hoi men basanois poikilais hypeblēthēsan, hoi de kai meta tas basanous exōristhēsan; Sabinos men oud᾽ hēntinaoun pepoiētai mnēmēn. Areianizōn gar to hēmisy kryptei ta tōn philōn adikēmata. Petros de toi grammasin oikeiois, ha meta tēn ek tōn desmōn phygēn tais pantachou ekklēsiais diepempsato, phanera tois pasi katestēsen. Houtos men oun, diadrasai tēs eirktēs ischysas, pros Damason ton episkopon Rhōmēs anedrame. Palin de hoi ᾿Areianoi kai oligoi tynchanontes, tōn kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian ekklēsiōn homōs ekratēsan. Ou polys de en mesǭ chronos egineto, kai basileōs ekeleuse prostagma, tēs te ᾿Alexandreias kai pantachothen tēs Aigyptou elaunesthai tous phronountas to homoousion. Epetetakto de kai ho archōn, syn pollǭ plēthei stratiōtōn diōkein pantachothen, hosous ekeleue Loukios. Eskylan de tēnikauta kai etaraxan, kai deinōs katepolemēsan ta en tę̄ erēmǭ monastēria. Epelthontes gar enoploi gymnois andrasi, kai oude tēn cheira autēn ekteinein pros plēgēn airoumenois, houtōs eleeinōs exeporthēsan, hōs einai logou kreissona ta kat᾿ autōn pathē genomena.
What evils were done at the entry of Lucius, and all that was done against those who were driven out, both in courts and outside courts, and how some were subjected to various tortures and others were exiled even after the tortures, Sabinus makes no mention at all; for, being half an Arianizer himself, he hides the wrongdoing of his friends. But Peter made them plain to all in his own letter, which he sent to the churches everywhere after his escape from his chains. He, having managed to escape from prison, hastened to Damasus, bishop of Rome. Again the Arians, though few, nevertheless took possession of the churches of Alexandria. Not much time passed before an order of the emperor commanded that those who held the 'same essence' be driven out of Alexandria and from every part of Egypt. The governor was also ordered, with a great number of soldiers, to hunt down everywhere all whom Lucius directed. At that time they plundered, troubled, and cruelly warred down the monasteries in the desert. Coming armed against naked men, who would not even stretch out a hand to strike, they ravaged them so pitiably that what they suffered is beyond words.
4.23PG 67:509–521
Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ μοναστηρίων μνήμην ἐποιησάμην, οὐδὲν κωλύει περὶ αὐτῶν βραχέα διεξελθεῖν. Τὰ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἀσκητήρια ἴσως μὲν ἐκ μακρῶν τῶν χρόνων ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. Ἐπλατύνθη μέντοι καὶ ἐπὶ μείζον προέκοψεν ἐξ ἀνδρὸς θεοφιλοῦς, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Αμμοῦν. Οὗτος νέος ὧν παρῃτεῖτο τὸν γάμον. Ὡς δέ τινες τῶν προσηκόντων παρήνουν μὴ καθυβρίζειν τὸν γάμον, ἀλλὰ γυναῖκα ἄγεσθαι, πείθεται μὲν, καὶ ἔρχεται ἐπὶ γάμον. Εὐθὺς δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς παστάδος παραλαβὼν τὴν παρθένον, καὶ ἀγαγών ἐπὶ τὴν κοιτῶνα μετὰ τῆς εἰωθυίας πομπῆς, τέλος ἀναχωρησάντων τῶν ἐπιτηδείων, αὐτὸς βιβλίον λαβὼν ἀποστολικὸν, την πρὸς Κορινθίους Παύλου ἐπιστολὴν ἀνεγίνωσκε, καὶ πρὸς τὴν γαμετὴν τὰ τοῦ Ἀποστόλου πρὸς τοὺς γεγαμηκότας παραγγέλματα διεξήρχετο. Πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἔξωθεν αὐτὸς προστιθεὶς ἐδίδασκεν, ὅσα ὁ γάμος ἔχει φορτικά, ὅπως τε ἐπώδυνος ἡ μεταξὺ ἀνδρὸς καὶ γυναικὸς συμβίωσις, καὶ οἷαι ὠδῖνες τὴν κυοφοροῦσαν ἐκδέχονται · καὶ τὰ ἐκ τῆς παιδοτροφίας προσετίθει μοχθηρά. Ἐπῆγε δὲ τὰ ἐκ τῆς ἀγνείας χρηστὰ, καὶ ὅπως ὁ καθαρός βίος ἐστὶν ἐλεύθερος, καὶ ἀμόλυντος, καὶ παντὸς ῥύπου ἐκτὸς · καὶ ὅτι ἡ παρθενία παρὰ Θεὸν εἶναι ποιεῖ. Ταῦτα καὶ πολλα το αῦτα πρὸς τὴν γαμετὴν παρθένον οὖσαν διελθών, πείθει αὐτὴν σὺν αὐτῷ, πρὸ τοῦ συνελθεῖν, ἀποτάξασθαι τῷ βίῳ τῷ κοσμικῷ. Καὶ ταύτος ἄμφω τὰς συνθήκας θέμενοι, ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος τῆς χρόνον καλύβῃ διάγοντες, ἀσκητήριον εἶχον κοινὸν, οὐκ ἔχοντες διάκρισιν θηλείας τε καὶ ἄῤῥενος· ἀλλὰ ὄντες ἓν, κατὰ τὸν ᾿Απόστολον, ἐν Χριστῷ. Οὐ πολλοῦ δὲ παραδραμόντος καιροῦ, ἡ νεόνυμφος καὶ ἀμόλυντος τοιάδε πρὸς τὸν Ἀμμοῦν ἔλεξεν· Οὐ πρέπον, ἔφη, ἀσκοῦντί σοι σωφροσύνην, ὁρᾶν ἐν τοσούτῳ οἱκήματι θήλειαν. Διὸ, εἰ δοκεῖ, ἕκαστος ἰδίᾳ τὴν ἄσκησιν ποιησώμεθα. Αὗται πάλιν αἱ συνθῆκαι ἤρεσκον ἀμφοτέροις · καὶ χωρισθέντες ἀπ᾿ ἀλλήλων, οὗτως τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ βίου διήνυσαν, ἀπεχόμενοι οίνου τε καὶ ἐλαίου, μόνον τε ξηρὸν ἄρτον, καὶ αὐτὸν ποτὲ μὲν ὑπὲρ μίαν ἡμέραν, ποτὲ δὲ ὑπὲρ δύο, ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ πλείους ἐσθίοντες. Τούτου τοῦ Ἀμμοῦν τὴν ψυχὴν μετὰ θάνατον ἀναλαμβανομένην ὑπὸ ἀγγέλων καλουμένης Νιτρίας χωροῦσιν. Ἐκεῖ τε βραχύν ὁ κατ' αὐτὸν βιώσας ᾿Αντώνιος ἐθεάσατο, ὡς φησιν ἑαυτ ἐν τῷ βίῳ αὐτοῦ ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος ᾿Αθανάσιος. Ἐζήλωσαν οὖν τὸν βίον τοῦ ᾿Αμμοῦν πάνυ πολλοὶ, καὶ κατὰ μέρος ἐπληρώθη τὸ τῆς Ν.τρίας ὄρος, καὶ τὸ τῆς Σκίτεως, ἐκ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν μοναχῶν. Ὧν πάντων τὸν βίον συγγράφειν, ἰδίας ἔργον ἐστὶν ὑποθέσεως. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐγένοντο ἐν αὐτοῖς ἄνδρες θεοφιλεῖς, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἀσκήσει διαπρέψαντες, καὶ ἀποστολικὸν βίον βιώσαντες, χρειώδη τέ τινα καὶ ἄξια τοῦ ἀπομνημονεύεσθαι ἐποίησάν τε καὶ ἔλεξαν, χρήσιμον οἶμαι ἐκ πολλῶν ὀλίγα ἐγκαταμίξαι τῇ Ἱστορίᾳ, πρὸς ὠφέλειαν τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων. Λέγεται τοίνυν Αμμοῦν οὗτος γυμνὸν ἑαυτὸν μὴ ἑωρακέναι ποτὲ, λέγων ἀπρεπὲς εἶναι μοναχῷ, καὶ τὸ ἑαυτοῦ σῶμα γυμνὸν θεωρεῖν. Καί ποτε διαβῆναι ποταμὸν βουλόμενος, ὤκνει ἀποδύσασθαι · ηὔξατό τε τῷ Θεῷ, γενέσθαι αὐτῷ τὴν διάβασιν μὴ ἐγκοπτομένῳ τὴν πρόθεσιν · καὶ ἄγγελος μετέθηκεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ. Δίδυμος ἄλλος οὗτος μοναχὸς, ἐννενήκοντα ἔτη βιοὺς, οὐδενὶ ἀνθρώπῳ συνέμεινεν ἄχρι τῆς τελευτῆς. ᾿Αρσήνιος ἄλλος τοὺς τῶν νέων πταίσαντας οὐκ ἀφώριζεν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς προκόψαντας · λέγων ὅτι ὁ νέος ἀφορισθεὶς, καταφρονητής γίνεται, ὁ δὲ προκόψας τῆς ἐκ τοῦ ἀφορισμοῦ ὀδύνης ταχεῖαν λαμβάνει τὴν αἴσθησιν. Πίωρ περι πατῶν ἤσθιεν. Πυθομένου δὲ τινος διὰ τί οὕτως ἐσθίει· Οὐ βούλομαι, ἔφη, ὡς ἔργῳ τῷ βρώματο χρήσασθαι, ἀλλ' ὡς παρέργῳ. Πρὸς ἄλλον δὲ περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐρωτήσαντα ἀπεκρίνατος Ἵνα μηδὲ ἐν τῷ ἐσθίειν, φησὶν, ἡδονῆς σωματικῆς αἰσθάνοιτο ἡ ψυχή. Ἰσίδωρος ἔλεγε τεσσαραχοστὸν ἔτος ἔχειν, ἀφ᾽ οὗ αἰσθόνεσθαι:ι μὲν τῆς κατὰ διάνοιαν ἁμαρτίας, μηδέ ποτε δὲ συγκατατίθεσθαι, μήτε ἐπιθυμίᾳ. μήτε θυμῷ. Παμδὼς δὲ ἀγράμματος ὧν, προσῆλθέ τινι ἐπὶ τῷ διδαχθῆναι ψαλμόν " ἀκούσας τὸν πρῶτον στίχον τοῦ ψαλμοῦ τοῦ λέγοντος" « Εἶπα, Φυλάξω τὰς ὁδηύς τοῦ μὴ ἁμαρτάνειν με ἐν γλώτσῃ » δευτέρου ἀκοῦσαι μὴ ἀνεχόμενοξ, ἀνεχώρησεν" ἀρχεῖσθαι φήσας τούτῳ τῷ ἑνὶ στίχῳ, ἐὰν δυνηθῶ ἔργῳ αὐτὸν ἐκμαθεῖν. ᾿Εγχαλέσαντος δὲ τοῦ παραδεδωχότος τὸν στίχον, διὰ τί ἐξαμηνιαίου παραδραμόντο: χρόνου μὴ ἑωράχει αὐτὸν, ἀπεκρίνατο" ὅτι Τοῦ ψαλμοῦ τὸν στίχον οὕπω τῷ ἔργῳ ἐξέμαθον. Μεταταῦτα δὲ πολλοὺς ἐπιδιοὺς χρόνους, πρός τινα τῶν γνωρίμων ἐρωτήσαντα εἰ τὸν στίχον ἐξέμαθεν Ἐν ὅλοις, ἔφη, ἐννεαχαίδεχα ἔτεσι μόλις αὐτὸν πράττειν ἐξέμαθον. αὐτὸς, δεδωκότος τινὸς ρυσίον εἰς διατροφὴν τῶν πτωχῶν, καὶ εἰπόντος, ᾿Αρίθμησον ὃ δέδωχα, ἔφη, ἀριθμοῦ οὐ χρήζειν, ἀλλ' ὑγιοῦς διαθέσεως. Οὗτος ὁ Παμθὼς, ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου παραχαλέσαντος, κατῆλθεν τῆς ἐρήμου εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Ἰδὼν δὲ ἐκεῖ γυναῖκα θεατοιχὴν, σύνδαχρυς ἐγένετο" τῶν δὲ παρόντων πυθομένων διὰ τί ἐδάκρυσε, Δύο μὲν, ἔφη, ἐχένησεν}" μὲν, ἡ ἐκείνη: ἀπώλεια " ἕτερον δὲ, ὅτι ἐγὼ οὐ τηλικαύτην ἔχω σπουδὴν πρὸς τὸ ἀρέσαι τῷ Θεῷ, ὅσον αὕτη ἵνα ἀρέτῃ ἀνθρώποις αἰσχροῖς. δέ τις ἔλεγεν, ὅτι ὁ μοναχὸς εἰ μὴ ἐργάζοιτο, ἐπίσης τῷ πλεονέχτῃ χρίνεται. Πητιροῦς πολλά τινα φυσιχὰ θεωρήματα ἠπίστατο " καὶ συνεχῶς ἄλλοτε ἄλλα πρὸς τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἔλεγεν καθ' ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν () θεωρημάτων τὔχετο. Ἐγένοντο δὲ ἐν τοῖς μοναχοῖς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον, δύο ἄνδρες θεη)φιλεῖς ὁμώνυμοι ἐχυτοῖ; ἑκατέρῳ γὰρ αὐτῷ ὄνομα 1» Ὧν ὁ μὲν τῆς ἄνω Αἰγύπτου ἣν " ὁ δὲ, τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων πόλεως. ᾿Αμφότεροι δὲ πολλῶν ἕνεκεν ἐγένοντο περιβθόητοι, δι᾽ ἄσκησιν, διὰ βίον, διὰ τὰ ἐν χερσὶν αὐτῶν γενόμενα θαύματα. Ὁ μὲν οὖν Αἰγύπτιος Μακάριος " τοσαύτας θεραπείας ποιησάμενος, γαὶ τοσούτους τῶν δαιμονώντων ἐξήλασε δαίμονα:, ὡς ἰδίας δεῖσθαι συγγραφῆς » ὧν χάριτι Θεοῦ διεπράξατο. Ἦν δὲ μετὰ τοῦ εὐλαθοῦς πρὸς τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐστηρός. Ὃ δὲ ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς : Μακάριος ? πάντα παραπλήσιος ὧν τῷ οἱ , ἃ πτίῳ, τούτῳ διήλλασσεν, ὅτι πρὸς τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἱλαρός τε καὶ τῷ χαριεντίζεοθαι τοὺς ψέους ἣγεν πρὺς ἄσκησιν. Τούτων Εὐάγριος γενόμενος μαθητὴς, τὴν δι᾽ ἔργων φιλοσοφίαν ἐκτήσατο, πρότερον λόγῳ μόνῳ φιλόσοφος Ὃς ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ὑπὸ Γρηγορίον τοῦ Ναζιανζηνοῦ εἰς τὴν τοῦ διακόνου προχειρισθεὶς τάξιν, εἶτα ἅμα αὐτῷ εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατελθὼν, τοῖς προλεχθεῖσιν ἔντυχὼν ἀνδράσι, τὸν ἐκείνων βίον ἐζήλωσε. Καὶ τοσχῦτα τεράστια ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ γέγονεν, ὅσα καὶ ἐν ταῖς τῶν αὐτοῦ καθηγητῶν. Τούτῳ καὶ βιδλία ἄγαν σπουδαῖα συγγέγραπται. Ὧν τὸ μὲν, Μοναχὸς, ἣ περὶ πραχτίχῆς ἐπιγέγραπται " τὸ δὲ, Γνωστιχὸς, πρὸς τὸν χαταξιωθέντα γνώσεως. Κεφάλαια δὲ αὐτοῦ πεντήκοντα. Τὸ δὲ, ᾿Αντιῤῥητιχὸς, ἀπὸ τῶν θείων Γραφῶν πρὸς τοὺς πειράζοντας δαίμονας, ἐν ὀκτὼ διῃρημένον μέρεσι, κατὰ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ὀκτὼ λογισμῶν. Καὶ ἐξαχόσια προγνωστιχὰ ἔτι μὴν στιχηρὰ δύο" πρὸς τοὺς ἐν τοῖς χοινοδίοις 3| ἐν συνοδίαις μοναχούς " καὶ ἕν πρὸς τὴν παρθένον. τινα ὅπως ἐστὶ θαυμαστὰ, οἱ ἐντυγχάνοντες εἴσονται. Εὔχαιροον δὲ, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, μικρὰ τῶν αὐτῷ μνημονευθέντων περὶ τῶν μοναχῶν τούτοις συνάψαι. Φησὶ γὰρ κατὰ λέξιν τάδε " ᾿Αναγκαῖον καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς τῶν προοδευσάντων μοναχῶν ὀρθῶς διερωτᾷν, καὶ πρὸς αὐτὰς χατορθοῦσθα:. Πολλὰ γάρ ἐστιν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ῥηθέντα τε πραχθέντα Ἐν οἷς καὶ τοῦτό τις ἔφησεν, ὅτι τὴν ξηροτέραν καὶ μὴ ἀνώμαλον δίαιταν ἀγάπῃ συζευχθεῖσαν, θᾶττον διάγειν τὸν μοναχὸν εἰς τὸν τῆς ἀπαθεία: λιμένα. Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς ταρασσόμενόν τινα νύκτωρ τῶν ἀδελφῶν τῶν φασμάτων ἀπήλλαξεν, ἀσθενοῦσι μετὰ νηστείας ὑπηρετῆσαι προστάξας. Οὐδενὶ γὰρ οὕτως, ἐρωτηθεὶς ἔφησεν, ὡς ἐλέῳ τὰ τοιαῦτα χατασθέννυται πάθη. Τῷ διχαίῳ ᾿Αντωνέῳ προσῆλθέν τις τῶν τότε σοφῶν, Πῶς διαχαρτερεῖς, εἶπεν, ὦ Πάτερ, τῆς ἐχ τῶν βιθλίων παραμυθίας ἐστερημένος ; Τὸ ἐμὸν βιβλίον, ὁ ᾿Αντώνιο:ξ, ὦ φιλόσοφε, 7) φύσις τῶν γεγονόπων ἐστὶ, καὶ πάρεστιν ὅτε βούλομαι τοὺς λύγους ἀναγινώσκειν τοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ. Ἠρώτησέ τὸ σχεῦος τῆς ἐχλογῆς, ὁ Δἰγύπτιος γέρων Μακάριος, τί δή ποτε μνησικακοῦντες μὲν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, τὴν μνημονευτικὴν δύναμιν τῆς ψυχῆς ἀφανίζομεν· δαίμοσι δὲ μνησικακοῦντες, ἀβλαβεῖς διαμένομεν. Κάμοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἀπόκρισιν ἀπορήσαντος, καὶ παρακαλοῦντος τὸν λόγον μαθεῖν· Διότι, φησὶν ἐκεῖνος, τὸ μὲν πρότερον πάθος παρὰ φύσιν, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον κατὰ φύσιν ἐστὶ τοῦ θυμοῦ. Παρέβαλλον κατ᾿ αὐτὴν τὴν σταθηρὰν μεσημβρίαν τῷ ἁγίῳ Πατρὶ Μακαρίῳ, καὶ λίαν ὑπὸ τῆς δίψης φλεγόμενος, ᾔτουν ὕδωρ πιεῖν. Ὁ δὲ φησιν, Αρκέσθητι τῇ σκιᾷ · πολλοὶ γὰρ ὁδοιποροῦντες νῦν ἢ καὶ πλέοντες καὶ ταύτης ἐστέρηνται. Εἶτα λόγους μου πρὸς αὐτὸν περὶ ἐγκρατείας γυμνάζοντος, Θάρσει, φησὶν, ὦ τέκνον· ἐν ὅλοις εἴκοσιν, οὔτε ἄρτου, οὔτε ὕδατος, οὔτε ὕπνου κόρον εἴληφα. Τὸν μὲν γὰρ ἄρτον μου ἤσθιον σταθμῷ · τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ ἔπινον μέτρῳ· τοῖς τοίχοις δὲ ἐμαυτὸν παρανακλίνων, μικρόν τι τοῦ ὕπνου μέρος ἀφήρπαζον. Ἐμηνύθη τινὶ τῶν μοναχῶν θάνατος τοῦ πατρός. Ὁ δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἀπαγγείλαντα, Παῦσαι, φησί, βλασφημῶν· ὁ γὰρ ἐμὸς πατὴρ ἀθάνατός ἐστιν. Ἐκέκτητό τις τῶν ἀδελφῶν Εὐαγγέλιον μόνον. Καὶ τοῦτο πωλήσας, ἔδωκεν εἰς τροφὴν τοῖς πεινῶσιν, ἄξιον μνήμης ἐπιφθεγξάμενος ῥῆμα · Αὐτὸν γὰρ, φησὶ, τὸν λόγον πεπώληκα τὸν λέγοντα· Πώλησόν σου τὰ ὑπάρχοντα, καὶ δὸς πτωχοῖς. Ἔστι δέ τις περὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν νῆσος, κατ᾿ αὐτὸ τὸ βόρειον, πέραν τῆς λίμνης κειμένη τῆς καλουμένης Μαρίας. Προσοικεῖ δὲ αὐτῇ μοναχὸς, τῆς Παρεμβολῆς τῶν Γνωστικῶν ὁ δοκιμώτατος, ὅστις ἀπεφήνατο πάντα τὰ πραττόμενα ὑπὸ τῶν μοναχῶν πράττεσθαι δι' αἰτίας πέντε· διὰ Θεὸν, διὰ φύσιν, διὰ ἔθος, δι᾽ ἀνάγκην, διὰ ἔργον χειρῶν. Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς ἔλεγε πάλιν, μίαν μὲν εἶναι τῇ φύσει τὴν ἀρετήν· εἰδοποιεῖσθαι δὲ αὐτὴν ἐν ταῖς δυνάμεσι τῆς ψυχῆς. Καὶ γὰρ καὶ τὸ φῶς τὸ ἡλιακὸν, ἀσχημάτιστον μὲν, φησὶν, ἐστί· ταῖς δὲ δι᾽ ὧν εἰσβάλλει θυρίσι σχηματίζεσθαι πέφυκεν. "Αλλος δέ τις τῶν μοναχῶν, Διὰ τοῦτο περιαιρῶ τὰς ἡδονὰς, εἶπεν, ἵνα τὰς τοῦ θυμοῦ περικόψω προφάσεις. Οἶδα γὰρ αὐτὸν ἀεὶ μαχόμενον ὑπὲρ τῶν ἡδονῶν, καὶ ἐκταράσσοντά μου τὸν νοῦν, καὶ τὴν γνῶσιν ἀποδιώκοντα. Ἔλεγε δὲ τις τῶν γερόντων, ὅτι ἡ ἀγάπη παραθήκας βρωμάτων ἢ χρημάτων τηρεῖν οὐκ ἐπίσταται. Ὁ δὲ αὐτὸς, Οὐκ οἶδα, φησὶν, εἰς ταὐτὸ δὲς ὑπὸ δαιμόνων μένῳ αὐτοῦ Πρακτικῷ κατὰ λέξιν ἀπεμνημόνευσεν. Ἐν δὲ τῷ Γνωστικῷ αὐτοῦ τοιαῦτά φησι · Τέσσαρας ἀρετὰς, καὶ τὰς θεωρίας αὐτῶν, παρὰ τοῦ δικαίου Γρηγορίου μεμαθήκαμεν εἶναι· φρόνησιν καὶ ἀνδρείαν, σωφροσύνην καὶ δικαιοσύνην. Καὶ φρονήσεως μὲν ἔργον ἔλεγεν εἶναι, τὸ θεωρεῖν τὰς νοερὰς καὶ ἁγίας δυνάμεις, δίχα τῶν λόγων. Τούτους γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς σοφίας δηλοῦσθαι παραδέδωκεν. ᾿Ανδρείας δὲ, τὸ ἐγκαρτερεῖν τοῖς ἀληθέσι καὶ πολεμούμενον, καὶ μὴ ἐμβατεύειν εἰς τὰ μὴ ὄντα. Τὸ δὲ παρὰ τοῦ πρώτου γεωργοῦ δέχεσθαι σπέρματα, καὶ ἀπωθεῖσθαι τὸν ἐπισπορέα, τῆς σωφροσύνης ἴδιον ἀπεκρίνατο εἶναι. Δικαιοσύνης δὲ πάλιν, τὸ κατ᾿ ἀξίαν ἑκάστου λόγον ἀποδιδόναι, τὰ μὲν σκοτεινῶς ἀπαγγέλλουσαν · τὰ δὲ ἀπατηθείς. Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ Εὐάγριος ἐν τῷ ἐπιγραφοδι' αἰνιγμάτων σημαίνουσαν· τινὰ δὲ καὶ φανεροῦσαν πρὸς ὠφέλειαν τῶν ἁπλουστέρων. Τῆς ἀληθείας στύλος ὁ Καππαδόκης Βασίλειος, Τὴν μὲν ἀπ᾿ ἀνθρώπων, φησὶν, ἐπισυμβαίνουσαν γνῶσιν προσεχής μελέτη καὶ γυμνασία κρείσσονα ποιεῖ · τὴν δὲ ἐκ Θεοῦ χάριτος ἐγγινομένην, δικαιοσύνη καὶ ἀοργησία καὶ ἔλεος. Καὶ τὴν μὲν προτέραν δυνατὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐμπαθεῖς ὑποδέξασθαι· τῆς δὲ δευτέρας οἱ ἀπαθεῖς μόνοι εἰσὶ δεκτικοὶ, οἱ καὶ παρὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς προσευχῆς τὸ οἰκεῖον φέγγος τοῦ νοῦ περιλάμπον αὐτοὺς θεωροῦσι. Τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ὁ ἅγιος φωστήρ ᾿Αθανάσιος · Τὴν τράπεζαν, φησὶ, Μωϋσῆς εἰς τὸ βόρειον μέρος στῆσαι προστάσσεται. Γινωσκέτωσαν οἱ Γνωστικοί, τίς ὁ πνέων ἐστὶ κατ᾿ αὐτῶν, καὶ πάντα πειρασμὸν γενναίως ὑπομενέτωσαν, καὶ μετὰ προθυμίας τοὺς προσιόντας τρεφέιωσαν. Ἔλεγε δὲ ὁ τῆς Θμουϊτῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἄγγελος Σαραπίων, ὅτι ὁ νοῦς μὲν πεπωκὼς πνευματικὴν γνῶσιν τελείως καθαίρεται· ἀγάπη δὲ τὰ φλεγμαίνοντα μόρια τοῦ θυμοῦ θεραπεύει· πονηρὰς δὲ ἐπιθυμίας ἐπιῤῥεούσας ἴστησιν ἐγκράτεια. Τοὺς περὶ Προνοίας καὶ κρίσεως κατὰ σαυτὸν ἀεὶ γύμναζε λόγους, φησὶν ὁ μέγας καὶ γνωστικὸς διδάσκαλος Δίδυμος, καὶ τούτων τὰς ὕλας διὰ μνήμης φέρειν πειράθητι. "Απαντες γὰρ σχεδὸν ἐν τούτοις προσπταίουσι. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν περὶ κρίσεως λόγους, ἐν τῇ διαφορᾷ τῶν σωμάτων καὶ κατὰ τὸν κόσμον εὑρήσεις· τοὺς δὲ περὶ Προνοίας, ἐν τοῖς τρόποις τοῖς ἀπὸ κακίας καὶ ἀγνωσίας ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν ἢ ἐπὶ τὴν γνῶσιν ἡμᾶς ἐπανάγουσι. Τοσαῦτα μὲν ἐκ τῶν Εὐαγρίου ἐνταῦθα παρεθέμεθα. Ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ἀνὴρ θαυμάσιος ἐν τοῖς μοναχοῖς, ᾧ ὄνομα ᾿Αμμώνιος, ὅστις οὕτως ἦν ἀπερίεργος, ὥστε ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἅμα ᾿Αθανασίῳ γενόμενος, μηδὲν ἑλέσθαι ἱστορῆσαι τῶν ἔργων τῆς πόλεως · μόνον δὲ ἰδεῖν τὸ Πέτρου καὶ Παύλου μαρτύριον. Οὗτος ὁ ᾿Αμμώνιος εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν ἑλχόμενος, : διαφυγὼν, τὸ δεξιὸν αὐτοῦ ἐξέκοψεν, ὅπως ἂν τῷ ἀσχήμῳ τοῦ σώματος τὴν χειροτονίαν ἐχφύγῃ. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον Εὐάγριος ὑπὸ θεοφίλον τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ᾿Αλεξανδρείας πρὸς ἐπισκοπὴν συλληφθεὶς ἀπέφυγεν, οὐδὲν ἀχρωτηριάσας τοῦ σώματος, περιτυχὼν τῷ ᾿Αμμωνίῳ χαριεντιζόμενος ἔλεγεν, ὡς κακῶς εἴη πράξας, ἐχχόψας τὴν ἀκοὴν, ἔνοχος εἶναι Θεοῦ τοῦτο ποιήσας. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αμμώνιος πρὸς αὐτόν ᾿Αλλὰ σὺ, ἔφη, Εὐάγριε, οὐχ οἴει δώσειν δίκην, τὴν γλῶσσαν ἀποτεμὼν, διὰ φιλαυτίαν τῇ δοθείσῃ χάριτι μὴ χρησάμενος ; Ἐγένοντο μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὸν αὑτὸν χρόνον ἐν τοῖς μοναστηρίοις καὶ ἄλλοι πλεῖστοι ἄνδρες θαυμαστοὶ καὶ θεοφιλεῖς, ὧν ἐν τῇ προχειμένῃ συγγραφῇ μνημονεύειν μακρὸν ἂν εἴη ἄλλως τε καὶ ἐχθδαίνειν τοῦ προκειμένου ἀνάγκη, εἰ βουλοίμεθα καθέκαστον τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς βίους, καὶ ὅσα ἐποίησαν θαύματα διὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν αὐτοῖς ἁγιότητα λέγειν, Ἐξ δέ τις βούλοιτο τὰ περὶ αὐτῶν μανθάνειν, ὧν τε ἐποίησαν, ὧν τε ἔπραξαν, καὶ ὧν πρὸς ὠφέλειαν τῶν ἀκουσάντων ἐφθέγξαντο, ὅπως τε ἀὐτοῖς τὰ θηρία ὑπήκουον, πεπόνηται Παλλαδίῳ τῷ μοναχῷ ἴδιον μονόβιβλον, ὃς Εὐαγρίου μὲν ἦν μαθητής " πάντα δὲ ἀκριβῶς περὶ αὐτῶν διεξῆλθεν. Ἐν ᾧ γυναικῶν ἐφάμιλλον τοῖς προειρημένοις ἀνδράσιν ἐπανελομένων βίον, μνήμην πεποίηται. Εὐάγριος ? μὲν οὖν Παλλάδιος μικρὸν ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν Οὐάλεντος τελευτὴν ἤνθησαν. Ἐπανέλθωμεν δὲ ὅθεν ἐξέθημεν.
Epeidē de tōn en Aigyptǭ monastēriōn mnēmēn epoiēsamēn, ouden kōlyei peri autōn brachea diexelthein. Ta en Aigyptǭ askētēria isōs men ek makrōn tōn chronōn elabe tēn archēn. Eplatynthē mentoi kai epi meizon proekopsen ex andros theophilous, hǭ onoma ēn Ammoun. Houtos neos hōn parę̄teito ton gamon. Hōs de tines tōn prosēkontōn parēnoun mē kathybrizein ton gamon, alla gynaika agesthai, peithetai men, kai erchetai epi gamon. Euthys de apo tēs pastados paralabōn tēn parthenon, kai agagōn epi tēn koitōna meta tēs eiōthuias pompēs, telos anachōrēsantōn tōn epitēdeiōn, autos biblion labōn apostolikon, tēn pros Korinthious Paulou epistolēn aneginōske, kai pros tēn gametēn ta tou Apostolou pros tous gegamēkotas parangelmata diexērcheto. Polla de kai exōthen autos prostitheis edidasken, hosa ho gamos echei phortika, hopōs te epōdynos hē metaxy andros kai gynaikos symbiōsis, kai hoiai ōdines tēn kyophorousan ekdechontai ; kai ta ek tēs paidotrophias prosetithei mochthēra. Epēge de ta ek tēs agneias chrēsta, kai hopōs ho katharos bios estin eleutheros, kai amolyntos, kai pantos rhypou ektos ; kai hoti hē parthenia para Theon einai poiei. Tauta kai polla to auta pros tēn gametēn parthenon ousan dielthōn, peithei autēn syn autǭ, pro tou synelthein, apotaxasthai tǭ biǭ tǭ kosmikǭ. Kai tautos amphō tas synthēkas themenoi, epi to oros tēs chronon kalybę̄ diagontes, askētērion eichon koinon, ouk echontes diakrisin thēleias te kai arrhenos; alla ontes hen, kata ton ᾿Apostolon, en Christǭ. Ou pollou de paradramontos kairou, hē neonymphos kai amolyntos toiade pros ton Ammoun elexen; Ou prepon, ephē, askounti soi sōphrosynēn, horan en tosoutǭ hoikēmati thēleian. Dio, ei dokei, hekastos idią tēn askēsin poiēsōmetha. Hautai palin hai synthēkai ēreskon amphoterois ; kai chōristhentes ap᾿ allēlōn, houtōs to loipon tou biou diēnysan, apechomenoi oinou te kai elaiou, monon te xēron arton, kai auton pote men hyper mian hēmeran, pote de hyper dyo, esti de kai hyper pleious esthiontes. Toutou tou Ammoun tēn psychēn meta thanaton analambanomenēn hypo angelōn kaloumenēs Nitrias chōrousin. Ekei te brachyn ho kat' auton biōsas ᾿Antōnios etheasato, hōs phēsin heaut en tǭ biǭ autou ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopos ᾿Athanasios. Ezēlōsan oun ton bion tou ᾿Ammoun pany polloi, kai kata meros eplērōthē to tēs N.trias oros, kai to tēs Skiteōs, ek tou plēthous tōn monachōn. Hōn pantōn ton bion syngraphein, idias ergon estin hypotheseōs. Epei de egenonto en autois andres theophileis, kai en tę̄ askēsei diaprepsantes, kai apostolikon bion biōsantes, chreiōdē te tina kai axia tou apomnēmoneuesthai epoiēsan te kai elexan, chrēsimon oimai ek pollōn oliga enkatamixai tę̄ Historią, pros ōpheleian tōn entynchanontōn. Legetai toinyn Ammoun houtos gymnon heauton mē heōrakenai pote, legōn aprepes einai monachǭ, kai to heautou sōma gymnon theōrein. Kai pote diabēnai potamon boulomenos, ōknei apodysasthai ; ēuxato te tǭ Theǭ, genesthai autǭ tēn diabasin mē enkoptomenǭ tēn prothesin ; kai angelos metethēken auton eis to peran tou potamou. Didymos allos houtos monachos, ennenēkonta etē bious, oudeni anthrōpǭ synemeinen achri tēs teleutēs. ᾿Arsēnios allos tous tōn neōn ptaisantas ouk aphōrizen, alla tous prokopsantas ; legōn hoti ho neos aphoristheis, kataphronētēs ginetai, ho de prokopsas tēs ek tou aphorismou odynēs tacheian lambanei tēn aisthēsin. Piōr peri patōn ēsthien. Pythomenou de tinos dia ti houtōs esthiei; Ou boulomai, ephē, hōs ergǭ tǭ brōmato chrēsasthai, all' hōs parergǭ. Pros allon de peri tou autou erōtēsanta apekrinatos Hina mēde en tǭ esthiein, phēsin, hēdonēs sōmatikēs aisthanoito hē psychē. Isidōros elege tessarachoston etos echein, aph᾽ hou aisthonesthai:i men tēs kata dianoian hamartias, mēde pote de synkatatithesthai, mēte epithymią. mēte thymǭ. Pamdōs de agrammatos hōn, prosēlthe tini epi tǭ didachthēnai psalmon " akousas ton prōton stichon tou psalmou tou legontos" « Eipa, Phylaxō tas hodēus tou mē hamartanein me en glōtsę̄ » deuterou akousai mē anechomenox, anechōrēsen" archeisthai phēsas toutǭ tǭ heni stichǭ, ean dynēthō ergǭ auton ekmathein. ᾿Enchalesantos de tou paradedōchotos ton stichon, dia ti examēniaiou paradramonto: chronou mē heōrachei auton, apekrinato" hoti Tou psalmou ton stichon houpō tǭ ergǭ exemathon. Metatauta de pollous epidious chronous, pros tina tōn gnōrimōn erōtēsanta ei ton stichon exemathen En holois, ephē, enneachaidecha etesi molis auton prattein exemathon. autos, dedōkotos tinos rysion eis diatrophēn tōn ptōchōn, kai eipontos, ᾿Arithmēson ho dedōcha, ephē, arithmou ou chrēzein, all' hygious diatheseōs. Houtos ho Pamthōs, ᾿Athanasiou tou episkopou parachalesantos, katēlthen tēs erēmou eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Idōn de ekei gynaika theatoichēn, syndachrys egeneto" tōn de parontōn pythomenōn dia ti edakryse, Dyo men, ephē, echenēsen}" men, hē ekeinē: apōleia " heteron de, hoti egō ou tēlikautēn echō spoudēn pros to aresai tǭ Theǭ, hoson hautē hina aretę̄ anthrōpois aischrois. de tis elegen, hoti ho monachos ei mē ergazoito, episēs tǭ pleonechtę̄ chrinetai. Pētirous polla tina physicha theōrēmata ēpistato " kai synechōs allote alla pros tous entynchanontas elegen kath' hekaston de tōn () theōrēmatōn tycheto. Egenonto de en tois monachois ekeinon ton chronon, dyo andres theē)phileis homōnymoi echytoi? hekaterǭ gar autǭ onoma 1» Hōn ho men tēs anō Aigyptou hēn " ho de, tēs ᾿Alexandreōn poleōs. ᾿Amphoteroi de pollōn heneken egenonto peribthoētoi, di᾽ askēsin, dia bion, dia ta en chersin autōn genomena thaumata. Ho men oun Aigyptios Makarios " tosautas therapeias poiēsamenos, gai tosoutous tōn daimonōntōn exēlase daimona:, hōs idias deisthai syngraphēs » hōn chariti Theou diepraxato. Ēn de meta tou eulathous pros tous entynchanontas austēros. Ho de ᾿Alexandreus : Makarios ? panta paraplēsios hōn tǭ hoi , ha ptiǭ, toutǭ diēllassen, hoti pros tous entynchanontas hilaros te kai tǭ charientizeothai tous pseous hēgen prys askēsin. Toutōn Euagrios genomenos mathētēs, tēn di᾽ ergōn philosophian ektēsato, proteron logǭ monǭ philosophos Hos en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei hypo Grēgorion tou Nazianzēnou eis tēn tou diakonou procheiristheis taxin, eita hama autǭ eis tēn Aigypton katelthōn, tois prolechtheisin entychōn andrasi, ton ekeinōn bion ezēlōse. Kai toschyta terastia en tais chersin autou gegonen, hosa kai en tais tōn autou kathēgētōn. Toutǭ kai bidlia agan spoudaia syngegraptai. Hōn to men, Monachos, hē peri prachtichēs epigegraptai " to de, Gnōstichos, pros ton chataxiōthenta gnōseōs. Kephalaia de autou pentēkonta. To de, ᾿Antirrhētichos, apo tōn theiōn Graphōn pros tous peirazontas daimonas, en oktō dię̄rēmenon meresi, kata ton arithmon tōn oktō logismōn. Kai exachosia prognōsticha eti mēn stichēra dyo" pros tous en tois choinodiois 3| en synodiais monachous " kai hen pros tēn parthenon. tina hopōs esti thaumasta, hoi entynchanontes eisontai. Euchairoon de, hōs hēgoumai, mikra tōn autǭ mnēmoneuthentōn peri tōn monachōn toutois synapsai. Phēsi gar kata lexin tade " ᾿Anankaion kai tas hodous tōn proodeusantōn monachōn orthōs dierōtąn, kai pros autas chatorthoustha:. Polla gar estin hyp᾽ autōn rhēthenta te prachthenta En hois kai touto tis ephēsen, hoti tēn xēroteran kai mē anōmalon diaitan agapę̄ syzeuchtheisan, thatton diagein ton monachon eis ton tēs apatheia: limena. Ho de autos tarassomenon tina nyktōr tōn adelphōn tōn phasmatōn apēllaxen, asthenousi meta nēsteias hypēretēsai prostaxas. Oudeni gar houtōs, erōtētheis ephēsen, hōs eleǭ ta toiauta chatasthennytai pathē. Tǭ dichaiǭ ᾿Antōneǭ prosēlthen tis tōn tote sophōn, Pōs diachartereis, eipen, ō Pater, tēs ech tōn bithliōn paramythias esterēmenos ? To emon biblion, ho ᾿Antōnio:x, ō philosophe, 7) physis tōn gegonopōn esti, kai parestin hote boulomai tous lygous anaginōskein tous tou theou. Ērōtēse to scheuos tēs echlogēs, ho Digyptios gerōn Makarios, ti dē pote mnēsikakountes men tois anthrōpois, tēn mnēmoneutikēn dynamin tēs psychēs aphanizomen; daimosi de mnēsikakountes, ablabeis diamenomen. Kamou pros tēn apokrisin aporēsantos, kai parakalountos ton logon mathein; Dioti, phēsin ekeinos, to men proteron pathos para physin, to de deuteron kata physin esti tou thymou. Pareballon kat᾿ autēn tēn stathēran mesēmbrian tǭ hagiǭ Patri Makariǭ, kai lian hypo tēs dipsēs phlegomenos, ę̄toun hydōr piein. Ho de phēsin, Arkesthēti tę̄ skią ; polloi gar hodoiporountes nyn ē kai pleontes kai tautēs esterēntai. Eita logous mou pros auton peri enkrateias gymnazontos, Tharsei, phēsin, ō teknon; en holois eikosin, oute artou, oute hydatos, oute hypnou koron eilēpha. Ton men gar arton mou ēsthion stathmǭ ; to de hydōr epinon metrǭ; tois toichois de emauton paranaklinōn, mikron ti tou hypnou meros aphērpazon. Emēnythē tini tōn monachōn thanatos tou patros. Ho de pros ton apangeilanta, Pausai, phēsi, blasphēmōn; ho gar emos patēr athanatos estin. Ekektēto tis tōn adelphōn Euangelion monon. Kai touto pōlēsas, edōken eis trophēn tois peinōsin, axion mnēmēs epiphthenxamenos rhēma ; Auton gar, phēsi, ton logon pepōlēka ton legonta; Pōlēson sou ta hyparchonta, kai dos ptōchois. Esti de tis peri tēn ᾿Alexandreian nēsos, kat᾿ auto to boreion, peran tēs limnēs keimenē tēs kaloumenēs Marias. Prosoikei de autę̄ monachos, tēs Parembolēs tōn Gnōstikōn ho dokimōtatos, hostis apephēnato panta ta prattomena hypo tōn monachōn prattesthai di' aitias pente; dia Theon, dia physin, dia ethos, di᾽ anankēn, dia ergon cheirōn. Ho de autos elege palin, mian men einai tę̄ physei tēn aretēn; eidopoieisthai de autēn en tais dynamesi tēs psychēs. Kai gar kai to phōs to hēliakon, aschēmatiston men, phēsin, esti; tais de di᾽ hōn eisballei thyrisi schēmatizesthai pephyken. "Allos de tis tōn monachōn, Dia touto periairō tas hēdonas, eipen, hina tas tou thymou perikopsō prophaseis. Oida gar auton aei machomenon hyper tōn hēdonōn, kai ektarassonta mou ton noun, kai tēn gnōsin apodiōkonta. Elege de tis tōn gerontōn, hoti hē agapē parathēkas brōmatōn ē chrēmatōn tērein ouk epistatai. Ho de autos, Ouk oida, phēsin, eis tauto des hypo daimonōn menǭ autou Praktikǭ kata lexin apemnēmoneusen. En de tǭ Gnōstikǭ autou toiauta phēsi ; Tessaras aretas, kai tas theōrias autōn, para tou dikaiou Grēgoriou memathēkamen einai; phronēsin kai andreian, sōphrosynēn kai dikaiosynēn. Kai phronēseōs men ergon elegen einai, to theōrein tas noeras kai hagias dynameis, dicha tōn logōn. Toutous gar hypo tēs sophias dēlousthai paradedōken. ᾿Andreias de, to enkarterein tois alēthesi kai polemoumenon, kai mē embateuein eis ta mē onta. To de para tou prōtou geōrgou dechesthai spermata, kai apōtheisthai ton episporea, tēs sōphrosynēs idion apekrinato einai. Dikaiosynēs de palin, to kat᾿ axian hekastou logon apodidonai, ta men skoteinōs apangellousan ; ta de apatētheis. Tauta men ho Euagrios en tǭ epigraphodi' ainigmatōn sēmainousan; tina de kai phanerousan pros ōpheleian tōn haplousterōn. Tēs alētheias stylos ho Kappadokēs Basileios, Tēn men ap᾿ anthrōpōn, phēsin, episymbainousan gnōsin prosechēs meletē kai gymnasia kreissona poiei ; tēn de ek Theou charitos enginomenēn, dikaiosynē kai aorgēsia kai eleos. Kai tēn men proteran dynaton kai tous empatheis hypodexasthai; tēs de deuteras hoi apatheis monoi eisi dektikoi, hoi kai para ton kairon tēs proseuchēs to oikeion phengos tou nou perilampon autous theōrousi. Tōn Aigyptiōn ho hagios phōstēr ᾿Athanasios ; Tēn trapezan, phēsi, Mōÿsēs eis to boreion meros stēsai prostassetai. Ginōsketōsan hoi Gnōstikoi, tis ho pneōn esti kat᾿ autōn, kai panta peirasmon gennaiōs hypomenetōsan, kai meta prothymias tous prosiontas trepheiōsan. Elege de ho tēs Thmouïtōn Ekklēsias angelos Sarapiōn, hoti ho nous men pepōkōs pneumatikēn gnōsin teleiōs kathairetai; agapē de ta phlegmainonta moria tou thymou therapeuei; ponēras de epithymias epirrheousas istēsin enkrateia. Tous peri Pronoias kai kriseōs kata sauton aei gymnaze logous, phēsin ho megas kai gnōstikos didaskalos Didymos, kai toutōn tas hylas dia mnēmēs pherein peirathēti. "Apantes gar schedon en toutois prosptaiousi. Kai tous men peri kriseōs logous, en tę̄ diaphorą tōn sōmatōn kai kata ton kosmon heurēseis; tous de peri Pronoias, en tois tropois tois apo kakias kai agnōsias epi tēn aretēn ē epi tēn gnōsin hēmas epanagousi. Tosauta men ek tōn Euagriou entautha parethemetha. Egeneto de kai allos anēr thaumasios en tois monachois, hǭ onoma ᾿Ammōnios, hostis houtōs ēn aperiergos, hōste en tę̄ Rhōmę̄ hama ᾿Athanasiǭ genomenos, mēden helesthai historēsai tōn ergōn tēs poleōs ; monon de idein to Petrou kai Paulou martyrion. Houtos ho ᾿Ammōnios eis episkopēn helchomenos, : diaphygōn, to dexion autou exekopsen, hopōs an tǭ aschēmǭ tou sōmatos tēn cheirotonian echphygę̄. Epeidē de chronǭ hysteron Euagrios hypo theophilon tou episkopou ᾿Alexandreias pros episkopēn syllēphtheis apephygen, ouden achrōtēriasas tou sōmatos, peritychōn tǭ ᾿Ammōniǭ charientizomenos elegen, hōs kakōs eiē praxas, echchopsas tēn akoēn, enochos einai Theou touto poiēsas. Ho de ᾿Ammōnios pros auton ᾿Alla sy, ephē, Euagrie, ouch oiei dōsein dikēn, tēn glōssan apotemōn, dia philautian tę̄ dotheisę̄ chariti mē chrēsamenos ? Egenonto men oun kata ton hauton chronon en tois monastēriois kai alloi pleistoi andres thaumastoi kai theophileis, hōn en tę̄ procheimenę̄ syngraphę̄ mnēmoneuein makron an eiē allōs te kai echthdainein tou prokeimenou anankē, ei bouloimetha kathekaston tōn andrōn tous bious, kai hosa epoiēsan thaumata dia tēn prosousan autois hagiotēta legein, Ex de tis bouloito ta peri autōn manthanein, hōn te epoiēsan, hōn te epraxan, kai hōn pros ōpheleian tōn akousantōn ephthenxanto, hopōs te autois ta thēria hypēkouon, peponētai Palladiǭ tǭ monachǭ idion monobiblon, hos Euagriou men ēn mathētēs " panta de akribōs peri autōn diexēlthen. En hǭ gynaikōn ephamillon tois proeirēmenois andrasin epanelomenōn bion, mnēmēn pepoiētai. Euagrios ? men oun Palladios mikron hysteron meta tēn Oualentos teleutēn ēnthēsan. Epanelthōmen de hothen exethēmen.
Since I have mentioned the monasteries in Egypt, nothing prevents me from going through a few things about them briefly. The ascetic houses in Egypt perhaps took their beginning long ago, but they were extended and made greater progress through a man dear to God whose name was Amoun. As a young man he declined marriage. But when some of his relatives urged him not to insult marriage but to take a wife, he was persuaded and went to his wedding. Immediately, taking the maiden from the bridal chamber and leading her to the bedroom with the customary procession, when at last their friends had withdrawn, he took a book of the Apostle, the letter of Paul to the Corinthians, and read it, and went through with his wife the Apostle's precepts to those who are married. Adding much from outside on his own account, he taught her how many burdens marriage has, how painful the common life of man and woman is, what pangs await a woman who is with child; and he added the hardships of bringing up children. Then he set out the goods of chastity: how the pure life is free and undefiled and outside all stain, and how virginity makes one dwell with God. Having gone through these and many like things with his wife, who was still a virgin, he persuaded her to renounce worldly life together with him before they came together. When they had both made this agreement, they went to the mountain of Nitria. There, living for a short time in a hut, they had a common ascetic dwelling, making no distinction of female and male, but being one in Christ, as the Apostle says. Not much time had passed when the new and undefiled bride said to Amoun: 'It is not fitting for you, who practise self-control, to see a woman in so small a dwelling. So, if you agree, let each of us practise the ascetic life on our own.' This agreement too pleased them both; and separating from each other, they spent the rest of their lives so, abstaining from wine and oil, eating only dry bread, and that sometimes after one day, sometimes after two, and sometimes after more. Antony, who lived in his time, saw the soul of this Amoun taken up by angels after his death, as Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, says in his Life of him. Very many emulated the life of Amoun, and little by little the mountain of Nitria and that of Scetis were filled with the multitude of monks. To write the life of them all would be the task of a separate work. But since there were among them men dear to God who excelled in the ascetic life and lived an apostolic life, and who did and said things that are useful and worth remembering, I think it useful to mix a few out of many into this History, for the benefit of readers.
It is said, then, that this Amoun never saw himself naked, saying that it was unfitting for a monk to look even on his own body naked. Once, wishing to cross a river, he shrank from undressing; he prayed to God that the crossing might be granted him without his breaking his resolve, and an angel carried him across to the other side of the river. Another monk, Didymus, lived ninety years and lived with no human being until his death. Another, Arsenius, did not excommunicate young monks who fell, but those who had advanced, saying that a young man who is excommunicated becomes a despiser, while one who has advanced quickly feels the pain of excommunication. Pior used to eat walking about. When someone asked why he ate like that, he said, 'I do not wish to treat food as a task, but as a by-work.' To another who asked the same thing he answered, 'So that even in eating the soul may not feel bodily pleasure.' Isidore said that it was his fortieth year since he had felt sin in thought, but never consented to it, either to desire or to anger. Pambo, being unlettered, went to someone to be taught a psalm. Hearing the first verse of the psalm, which says, 'I said, I will guard my ways, so that I may not sin with my tongue', he would not stay to hear the second but went away, saying, 'This one verse is enough for me, if I can learn it in practice.' When the one who had taught him the verse blamed him for not having seen him for six months, he answered, 'I have not yet learned the verse of the psalm in practice.' Many years later, when one of his acquaintances asked him whether he had learned the verse, he said, 'In nineteen whole years I have barely learned to do it.' The same Pambo, when someone gave him silver for the support of the poor and said, 'Count what I have given', said that it needed no counting, but a sound disposition. This Pambo, at the request of Athanasius the bishop, came down from the desert to Alexandria. Seeing an actress there, he burst into tears. When those present asked why he wept, he said, 'Two things moved me: one, her perdition; the other, that I have not so much zeal to please God as she has to please shameful men.' Another said that a monk who does not work is judged equal to a covetous man. Petirus knew many speculations about nature and constantly spoke of one or another to those who met him; and before each of the speculations he prayed.
There were among the monks at that time two men dear to God who bore the same name, for each of them was called Macarius. One of them was from Upper Egypt, the other from the city of the Alexandrians. Both became famous for many reasons: for their asceticism, for their life, for the miracles done by their hands. The Egyptian Macarius performed so many healings and drove demons out of so many of the possessed that what he did by the grace of God would need a separate book. With his piety he was austere toward those who met him. The Alexandrian Macarius, though like the Egyptian in all things, differed from him in this, that he was cheerful toward those who met him and by his pleasantness led the young to the ascetic life. Evagrius became their disciple and acquired the philosophy of deeds, having before been a philosopher in word only. He had been advanced to the order of deacon at Constantinople by Gregory of Nazianzus; then, going down to Egypt with him, he met the men just mentioned and emulated their life. And as many wonders were done by his hands as by those of his teachers. He also wrote very valuable books. One of them is entitled The Monk, or On the Practical Life; another, The Gnostic, addressed to one who has been counted worthy of knowledge, in fifty chapters; another, The Refuter, from the divine Scriptures against the tempting demons, divided into eight parts according to the number of the eight thoughts; also six hundred Gnostic problems; and moreover two works in verse, one to the monks who live in coenobia or communities, and one to the virgin. Readers will know how admirable these are. I think it timely to join to this a few things that he records about the monks. He says, word for word, as follows:
'It is necessary to inquire rightly into the ways of the monks who have gone before us, and to set ourselves straight by them. For many things were said and done well by them. Among them one said that a drier and not irregular diet, joined with love, quickly brings the monk into the harbour of freedom from passion. The same man freed one of the brothers who was troubled at night by apparitions, by ordering him to serve the sick while fasting. For when he was asked, he said that such passions are quenched by nothing so much as by mercy. One of the wise men of that time came to the righteous Antony and said, "How do you endure, Father, deprived of the comfort of books?" Antony said, "My book, philosopher, is the nature of created things, and it is at hand whenever I wish to read the words of God." The vessel of election, the old Egyptian Macarius, asked me why it is that when we bear malice against men we destroy the memory's power in the soul, but when we bear malice against demons we remain unharmed. When I was at a loss for an answer and begged to learn the reason, he said, "Because the first is a passion contrary to the nature of anger, the second according to its nature." I visited the holy Father Macarius at the very height of noon, and, being burned up with thirst, I asked for water to drink. He said, "Be content with the shade; for many who are travelling now or sailing are deprived even of this." Then, when I was exercising him with talk about self-control, he said, "Take courage, my child: in twenty whole years I have not taken my fill of bread, or of water, or of sleep. I ate my bread by weight and drank my water by measure, and leaning against the walls I snatched some small part of sleep." The death of his father was announced to one of the monks. He said to the one who brought the news, "Stop blaspheming; my father is immortal." One of the brothers owned only a Gospel book. He sold it too and gave the price for food to the hungry, uttering a saying worth remembering: "I have sold the very word that says, 'Sell your possessions and give to the poor.'" There is an island near Alexandria, right at its northern side, lying beyond the lake called Mareotis. A monk of the Parembole lives there, the most approved of the gnostics, who declared that everything monks do is done for five reasons: for God's sake, by nature, by habit, by necessity, and for the work of the hands. The same man said again that virtue is one by nature, but takes its form in the powers of the soul; for the light of the sun, he says, is without shape, but naturally takes the shape of the windows through which it enters. Another of the monks said, "I cut away pleasures in order to cut off the pretexts of anger; for I know that it always fights for pleasures, disturbs my mind, and drives knowledge away." One of the old men said that love does not know how to keep stores of food or money. The same man said, "I do not know that I have been deceived twice in the same thing by demons."'
These things Evagrius recorded word for word in his work entitled The Practical Life. In his Gnostic he says this: 'We have learned from the righteous Gregory that there are four virtues and their contemplations: prudence and courage, temperance and justice. He said that the work of prudence is to contemplate the intellectual and holy powers apart from their reasons, for he taught that these are revealed by wisdom; the work of courage, to persist in the truth even when attacked, and not to step into what is not; and he answered that it is proper to temperance to receive seeds from the first husbandman and to thrust away the one who sows on top of them; and again of justice, to give each one his due account, declaring some things obscurely, signifying some through riddles, and revealing some for the benefit of the simpler. The pillar of truth, Basil the Cappadocian, says: "The knowledge that comes from men, constant study and exercise make stronger; but the knowledge that comes from the grace of God, righteousness, freedom from anger and mercy. The first even those subject to passions can receive; of the second only the passionless are capable, who also at the time of prayer see the light proper to the mind shining around them." The holy luminary of the Egyptians, Athanasius, says: "Moses is commanded to set the table on the north side. Let the gnostics know who it is that blows against them, and let them nobly endure every temptation and feed with eagerness those who come to them." Serapion, the angel of the church of the Thmuites, said that the mind which has drunk spiritual knowledge is perfectly purified; that love heals the inflamed parts of anger; and that self-control stops the evil desires that flow in. "Always exercise yourself in the doctrines about providence and judgment," says the great and gnostic teacher Didymus, "and try to carry their materials in your memory, for nearly everyone stumbles in these. You will find the doctrines about judgment in the difference of bodies and in the world; and those about providence in the ways that lead us back from evil and ignorance to virtue or to knowledge."'
So much we have set down here from the works of Evagrius. There was also another wonderful man among the monks, named Ammonius, who was so free from curiosity that when he was in Rome with Athanasius he chose to see none of the works of the city, but only the martyr-shrine of Peter and Paul. This Ammonius, when he was being dragged to a bishopric, fled and cut off his right ear, so as to escape ordination by the disfigurement of his body. When later Evagrius was seized for a bishopric by Theophilus, bishop of Alexandria, and escaped without maiming any part of his body, he met Ammonius and said jokingly that he had done wrong in cutting off his ear and was answerable to God for doing it. Ammonius said to him, 'But you, Evagrius, do you not think you will pay the penalty for cutting off your tongue, failing through self-love to use the grace given you?' At the same time there were in the monasteries very many other wonderful men dear to God, whom it would be long to mention in the present work; and besides, I should have to depart from my subject if I wished to tell the lives of each of these men and the miracles they worked because of the holiness that was in them. If anyone wishes to learn about them, what they did and accomplished, and what they said for the benefit of their hearers, and how the wild beasts obeyed them, Palladius the monk has laboured on a book of his own about them; he was a disciple of Evagrius and went through everything about them accurately. In it he also mentions women who took up a life to rival that of the men already mentioned. Evagrius and Palladius flourished a little after the death of Valens. Let us return to where we left off.
4.24PG 67:521–525
Τοῦ τοίνυν βασιλέως Οὐάλεντος νόμῳ κελεύσαντος διώκεσθαι τούς τ᾽ ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τοὺς κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον, πάντα ἐπορθεῖτο ἀνετρέπετο" τῶν μὲν αυἱ έλκομένων εἰς δικαστήρια, τῶν δὲ βαλλομένων εἰς δεσμωτήρια, ἄλλων τε ἄλλως στρεβλουμένων. Διάφοροι γὰρ τιμωρίαι κατὰ τῶν ἡσυχάζειν φιλούντων ἐγίνοντο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ἡ ἐδόκει Λουκίῳ ἐπέπρακτο, Εὐζώϊος δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιό χειαν αὖθις ὑπέστρεψεν· οἱ δὲ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰ τῆς Αἰγύπτου μοναστήρια ἐχώρουν· ὁ δὲ στρατηγὸς σὺν πλήθει πολλῶν στρατιωτῶν, καὶ ὁ ᾿Αρειανὸς Λούκιος. Οὐδὲ γὰρ αὐτὸς ἀπελείπετο, ἀλλὰ στίφος ἁγίων ἀνδρῶν οὐδαμῶς οἰκτιζομένων, χείρονα τῶν στρατιωτῶν διεπράττετο. Ὡς δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν τόπον ἐγίνοντο, κατελάμβανον τοὺς ἄνδρας τὰ συνήθη πράττοντας· εὐχομένους, πάθη θεραπεύοντας, δαίμονας ἐξελαύνοντας. Οἱ δὲ, μικρὰ τῶν τοῦ Θεοῦ θαυμάτων φροντίσαντες, οὐδὲ τὰς συνήθεις εὐχὰς ἐν τοῖς εὐκτηρίοις τόποις συνεχώρουν ἐπιτελεῖσθαι· ἀλλὰ αὐτοὺς καὶ τούτων ἐξέβαλλον. Καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τούτων μόνον ἔστησαν, ἀλλὰ προϊόντες, τοῖς ὄχλοις ἐκέχρηντο κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. Ταῦτα καὶ ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἑωρακέναι παρ' ὧν καὶ πεπονθέναι φησίν. ᾿Ανενεοῦντό τε καὶ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῶν τὰ τοῦ Ἀποστόλου λεγόμενα· ἐνεπαίζοντο γὰρ, καὶ μαστίγων πεῖραν ἐλάμβανον, ἐγυμνοῦντο, ἐδεσμοῦντο, ἐλιθάζοντο, ἐν φόνῳ μαχαίρας ἀπέθνησκον, ἄνδρες περιεχόμενοι κατὰ τὴν ἔρημον ἐν μηλωταῖς, ἐν αἰγείοις δέρμασιν, ὑστερούμενοι, θλιβόμενοι, κακοχούμενοι, ὧν οὐκ ἦν ἄξιος ὁ κόσμος, ἐπ' ἐρημίαις πλανώμενοι, καὶ ὄρεσι, καὶ σπηλαίοις, καὶ ταῖς ὀπαῖς τῆς γῆς· καὶ ταῦτα μαρτυρηθέντες ὑπὸ τε τῆς πίστεως καὶ τῶν ἔργων καὶ τῶν ἰαμάτων, ὅσα ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτῶν ἡ τοῦ Χριστοῦ χάρις εἰργάζετο. ᾿Αλλ' ὡς ἔοικεν, ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ πρόνοια ταῦτα παθεῖν τοὺς ἄνδρας συνεχώρησεν, κρεῖττόν τι προβλεψαμένη, ἵνα δι᾽ ὧν αὐτοὶ κακῶς ἔπασχον, ἕτεροι τὴν ἐν Θεῷ σωτηρίαν εὕρωσιν. Καὶ τοῦτο ἡ ἀπόβασις ἔδειξεν. Ὡς οἱ θαυμάσιοι ἐκεῖνοι ἄνδρες κρείττονες τῆς ἐπιφερο μένης ἀνάγκης ἐγίνοντο, ἀποκνήσας ὁ Λούκιος γνώμην δίδωσι τῷ ἡγουμένῳ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ τάγματος, ὑποβάλλειν ἐξορίᾳ τοὺς Πατέρας τῶν μοναχῶν. Αὐτοὶ δὲ ἦσαν, ὁ Αἰγύπτιος Μακάριος, καὶ ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς, ὁ τούτου ἐπώνυμος. Ἐξωρίζοντο οὖν οἱ ἄνδρες εἰς νῆσόν τινα, ἥτις οὐδένα τῶν Χριστιανῶν εἶχεν οἰκήτορα. Κατ' αὐτὴν τε τὴν νῆσον ἐτύγχανεν ὂν ἱερὸν, καὶ ἱερεὺς ἐν αὐτῷ, ὃν πάντες οἱ ἐκεῖ ἶσα θεῷ ἔσεβον. Γενομένων δὲ τῶν θεοφιλῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ, πάντα μὲν τὰ ἐκεῖ δαιμόνια ἐν θορύβῳ καὶ φόβῳ ἐγίνοντο. Συνέβαινε δὲ κατ' αὐτὸ, καὶ τοιοῦτόν τι πρᾶγμα γενέσθαι. Ἡ τοῦ ἱερέως θυγάτηρ ἄφνω ὑπὸ δαίμονος κάτοχος γενομένη ἐξεμάνη, καὶ πάντα ἀνέτρεπεν. Ακατάσχετός τε ἦν, καὶ οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἡσυχάσαι ἠδύνατο· ἀλλ' ἐβόα μεγάλα, καὶ πρὸς θεοφιλεῖς ἐκείνους ἄνδρας, Τί, φησὶν, ἤλθετε καὶ ἐνταῦθα ἐξελάσαι ἡμᾶς; Πάλιν οὖν οἱ ἄνδρες ἐκεῖ τὸ ἴδιον ἔργον ὁ ἐκ Θεοῦ χάριτος εἰλήφασιν, ἐπεδείκνυντο. Ἐξελάσαντες γὰρ τὸν δαίμονα τῆς παρθένου, καὶ ὑγιῆ αὐτὴν τῷ πατρὶ παραδόντες, εἰς πίστιν τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ ἤγαγον τὸν τε ἱερέα, καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἐκεῖ ἐνοικοῦντας ἐν τῇ νήσῳ. Εὐθὺς οὖν τὰ μὲν ἀγάλματα ἐξέβαλον· τὸ δὲ σχῆμα τοῦ ναοῦ εἰς ἐκκλησίας τύπον μεταποιήσαντες, ἐβαπτίζοντό τε καὶ πάντα τὰ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ χαίροντες ἐδιδάσκοντο. Οὕτω μὲν δὴ ἐλαυνόμενοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν οἱ θαυμάσιοι ἐκεῖνοι ἄνδρες, αὐτοί τε δοκιμώτεροι ἐγίνοντο, καὶ ἄλλους ἔσωζον, καὶ τὴν πίστιν βεβαιοτέραν εἰργάζοντο.
Tou toinyn basileōs Oualentos nomǭ keleusantos diōkesthai tous t᾽ en ᾿Alexandreią tous kat᾽ Aigypton, panta eportheito anetrepeto" tōn men aui elkomenōn eis dikastēria, tōn de ballomenōn eis desmōtēria, allōn te allōs strebloumenōn. Diaphoroi gar timōriai kata tōn hēsychazein philountōn eginonto. Epei de tauta en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią hē edokei Loukiǭ epeprakto, Euzōïos de epi tēn ᾿Antio cheian authis hypestrepsen; hoi de euthys epi ta tēs Aigyptou monastēria echōroun; ho de stratēgos syn plēthei pollōn stratiōtōn, kai ho ᾿Areianos Loukios. Oude gar autos apeleipeto, alla stiphos hagiōn andrōn oudamōs oiktizomenōn, cheirona tōn stratiōtōn diepratteto. Hōs de epi ton topon eginonto, katelambanon tous andras ta synēthē prattontas; euchomenous, pathē therapeuontas, daimonas exelaunontas. Hoi de, mikra tōn tou Theou thaumatōn phrontisantes, oude tas synētheis euchas en tois euktēriois topois synechōroun epiteleisthai; alla autous kai toutōn exeballon. Kai ouk epi toutōn monon estēsan, alla proïontes, tois ochlois ekechrēnto kat᾿ autōn. Tauta kai ho Rhouphinos heōrakenai par' hōn kai peponthenai phēsin. ᾿Aneneounto te kai ep᾿ autōn ta tou Apostolou legomena; enepaizonto gar, kai mastigōn peiran elambanon, egymnounto, edesmounto, elithazonto, en phonǭ machairas apethnēskon, andres periechomenoi kata tēn erēmon en mēlōtais, en aigeiois dermasin, hysteroumenoi, thlibomenoi, kakochoumenoi, hōn ouk ēn axios ho kosmos, ep' erēmiais planōmenoi, kai oresi, kai spēlaiois, kai tais opais tēs gēs; kai tauta martyrēthentes hypo te tēs pisteōs kai tōn ergōn kai tōn iamatōn, hosa en tais chersin autōn hē tou Christou charis eirgazeto. ᾿All' hōs eoiken, hē tou Theou pronoia tauta pathein tous andras synechōrēsen, kreitton ti problepsamenē, hina di᾽ hōn autoi kakōs epaschon, heteroi tēn en Theǭ sōtērian heurōsin. Kai touto hē apobasis edeixen. Hōs hoi thaumasioi ekeinoi andres kreittones tēs epiphero menēs anankēs eginonto, apoknēsas ho Loukios gnōmēn didōsi tǭ hēgoumenǭ tou stratiōtikou tagmatos, hypoballein exorią tous Pateras tōn monachōn. Autoi de ēsan, ho Aigyptios Makarios, kai ho ᾿Alexandreus, ho toutou epōnymos. Exōrizonto oun hoi andres eis nēson tina, hētis oudena tōn Christianōn eichen oikētora. Kat' autēn te tēn nēson etynchanen on hieron, kai hiereus en autǭ, hon pantes hoi ekei isa theǭ esebon. Genomenōn de tōn theophilōn andrōn en tę̄ nēsǭ, panta men ta ekei daimonia en thorybǭ kai phobǭ eginonto. Synebaine de kat' auto, kai toiouton ti pragma genesthai. Hē tou hiereōs thygatēr aphnō hypo daimonos katochos genomenē exemanē, kai panta anetrepen. Akataschetos te ēn, kai oudeni tropǭ hēsychasai ēdynato; all' eboa megala, kai pros theophileis ekeinous andras, Ti, phēsin, ēlthete kai entautha exelasai hēmas? Palin oun hoi andres ekei to idion ergon ho ek Theou charitos eilēphasin, epedeiknynto. Exelasantes gar ton daimona tēs parthenou, kai hygiē autēn tǭ patri paradontes, eis pistin tou Christianismou ēgagon ton te hierea, kai pantas tous ekei enoikountas en tę̄ nēsǭ. Euthys oun ta men agalmata exebalon; to de schēma tou naou eis ekklēsias typon metapoiēsantes, ebaptizonto te kai panta ta tou Christianismou chairontes edidaskonto. Houtō men dē elaunomenoi dia tēn tou homoousiou pistin hoi thaumasioi ekeinoi andres, autoi te dokimōteroi eginonto, kai allous esōzon, kai tēn pistin bebaioteran eirgazonto.
When the emperor Valens had ordered by law that those in Alexandria and throughout Egypt be persecuted, everything was ravaged and overturned: some were dragged into courts, others thrown into prisons, others tortured in various ways; for all kinds of punishments were inflicted on those who loved a quiet life. When these things had been done in Alexandria as Lucius wished, Euzoius returned again to Antioch; and the others went at once to the monasteries of Egypt, the general with a great number of soldiers, and the Arian Lucius too. For he did not stay behind; but against a band of holy men who were in no way pitied, he behaved worse than the soldiers. When they reached the place, they found the men doing what they usually did: praying, healing diseases, driving out demons. But they, caring little for the wonders of God, did not even allow the customary prayers to be offered in the houses of prayer, but drove them out of these too. Nor did they stop there, but went further and used the mobs against them. Rufinus says that he saw these things, and that he suffered at their hands as well. The words of the Apostle were renewed in them: they were mocked and tasted scourging, they were stripped, bound, stoned, they died by the slaughter of the sword, men going about in the desert in sheepskins and goatskins, destitute, afflicted, ill-treated, of whom the world was not worthy, wandering in deserts and mountains and caves and the holes of the earth; and that though they were attested by their faith, by their works, and by the healings that the grace of Christ worked through their hands. But, as it seems, the providence of God allowed the men to suffer this, foreseeing something better, so that through what they suffered others might find salvation in God; and the outcome showed it. When those wonderful men proved stronger than the compulsion brought against them, Lucius, losing heart, advised the commander of the troops to send the fathers of the monks into exile. These were the Egyptian Macarius and his namesake, the Alexandrian. So the men were exiled to an island that had no Christian inhabitant. On that island there happened to be a temple, and a priest in it, whom all who lived there revered as a god. When the men dear to God arrived on the island, all the demons there were thrown into tumult and fear. At that very time something of the following kind happened. The priest's daughter was suddenly seized by a demon; she raved, and overturned everything. She could not be held, and could in no way be calmed, but cried out loudly and said to those men dear to God, 'Why have you come here too, to drive us out?' So there again the men showed the work proper to them, which they had received by the grace of God: they drove the demon out of the girl and gave her back healthy to her father, and they brought the priest and all who lived on the island to the Christian faith. At once they threw out the images, changed the form of the temple into the shape of a church, were baptized, and joyfully learned all the things of Christianity. Thus those wonderful men, persecuted for the faith of the 'same essence', both became more proven themselves and saved others, and made the faith firmer.
4.25PG 67:525–527
Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους καὶ ἕτερον ἄνδρα πιστὸν ἔδειξεν ὁ Θεὸς, δι' αὐτοῦ μαρτυρηθῆναι δικαιώσας τὴν πίστιν. Δίδυμος γὰρ ἀνὴρ θαυμαστὸς καὶ ἐλλόγιμος, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἥνθησε χρόνον, πάσῃ διαπρέψας παιδεύσει. Οὗτος κομιδῇ νέος ῶν, καὶ τὰ πρῶτα τῶν γραμμάτων στοιχεῖα μαθὼν, τῷ τῆς ὀφθαλμίας περιέπεσε πάθει· καὶ κακῶς διατεθεὶς, τὸ ὁρατικὸν ἀπέβαλεν. Ὁ Θεὸς δὲ αὐτῷ ἀντὶ τῶν αἰσθητῶν ὀφθαλμῶν παρέσχε τοὺς νοητούς. "Α γὰρ δι᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν παιδευθῆναι οὐκ ἴσχυσε, ταῦτα δι᾿ ἀκοῆς ἐξεμάνθανε. Ἐκ παιδὸς γὰρ ὧν εὐφυὴς, καὶ ψυχῆς λαχὼν ἀγαθῆς, ἐνίκα τοὺς εὐφυεῖς καὶ ὀξύτατα βλέποντας. Γραμματικῆς τε γὰρ τοὺς κανόνας ῥᾳδίως κατώρθου, καὶ ῥητορικῆς πάλιν θᾶττον ἑλάμβανεν. Ἑλθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ φιλόσοφα, θαυμαστῶς πως καὶ τὴν διαλεκτικὴν ἐξέμαθε, καὶ ἀριθμητικήν τε καὶ μουσικὴν, καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τῶν φιλοσόφων μαθήματα ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ κατέθετο, ὡς προθύμως αὐτὸν ἀπαντᾶν πρὸς τοὺς ταῦτα δι᾽ ὀφθαλμῶν κατορθώσαντας. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ θεῖα λόγια Παλαιᾶς καὶ Καινῆς Διαθήκης οὕτως ἀκριβῶς ἐγνώκει, ὥστε πολλὰ μὲν ἐκδοῦναι βιβλία· ὑπαγορεῦσαι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ Τριάδος τρία βιβλία· ἑρμηνεῦσαι δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ ἀρχῶν Ὠριγένους, ὑπομνήματά τε ἐκδοὺς εἰς αὐτὰ, δι' ὧν συνίστησιν ὡς εἴη ἄριστα γεγραμμένα, καὶ μάτην ἐρεσχελοῦσιν οἱ κατηγορεῖν τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ τὰ βιβλία διασύρειν σπουδάζοντες · μηδὲ γὰρ αὐτοὺς δύνασθαί φησιν ἐλεῖν τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς σύνεσιν. Εἴ τις οὖν τὴν πολυμαθίαν καὶ τὸ διάπυρον τῆς ψυχῆς Διδύμου γνῶναι προήρηται, ἐντυχὼν τοῖς πεπονημένοις αὐτῷ βιβλίοις μαθήσεται. Τούτῳ λέγεται καὶ ᾿Αντώνιον ἤδη πρότερον κατὰ τὸν Οὐάλεντος χρόνον, ὅτε διὰ τοὺς ᾿Αρειανοὺς ἐν τῇ Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ ἐκ τῆς ἐρήμου κατῆλθεν, ἐντυχεῖν τῷ Διδύμῳ, καὶ μαθόντα τὴν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς σύνεσιν, εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτόν· Μηδὲν, ὦ Δίδυμε, ταραττέτω σε ἡ τῶν αἰσθητῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἀποβολή. Τοιοῦτοι γάρ σοι λείπουσιν ὀφθαλμοὶ, οἷς καὶ μυῖαι καὶ κώνωπες βλέψαι ἰσχύουσιν· χαῖρε δὲ ὅτι ἔχεις ὀφθαλμοὺς, οἷς καὶ ἄγγελοι βλέπουσι, δι' ὧν καὶ ὁ Θεὸς θεωρεῖται, καὶ τὸ αὐτοῦ φῶς καταλαμβάνεται. Ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη πρότερον παρὰ τοῦ θεοφιλοῦς ᾿Αντωνίου πρὸς Δίδυμον εἴρητο . Τότε δὲ μέγιστος συνήγορος τῆς οἰκείας πίστεως ἐφαίνετο Δίδυμος, πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αρειανοὺς ἀπαντῶν, καὶ σοφίσματα ἀναλύων αὐτῶν, καὶ τοὺς κιβδήλους καὶ δολερούς αὐτῶν λόγους ἐξελέγχων.
Hypo de tous autous chronous kai heteron andra piston edeixen ho Theos, di' autou martyrēthēnai dikaiōsas tēn pistin. Didymos gar anēr thaumastos kai ellogimos, kata ton auton hēnthēse chronon, pasę̄ diaprepsas paideusei. Houtos komidę̄ neos ōn, kai ta prōta tōn grammatōn stoicheia mathōn, tǭ tēs ophthalmias periepese pathei; kai kakōs diatetheis, to horatikon apebalen. Ho Theos de autǭ anti tōn aisthētōn ophthalmōn paresche tous noētous. "A gar di᾽ ophthalmōn paideuthēnai ouk ischyse, tauta di᾿ akoēs exemanthane. Ek paidos gar hōn euphyēs, kai psychēs lachōn agathēs, enika tous euphyeis kai oxytata blepontas. Grammatikēs te gar tous kanonas rhądiōs katōrthou, kai rhētorikēs palin thatton helambanen. Helthōn de epi ta philosopha, thaumastōs pōs kai tēn dialektikēn exemathe, kai arithmētikēn te kai mousikēn, kai ta alla tōn philosophōn mathēmata en tę̄ psychę̄ katetheto, hōs prothymōs auton apantan pros tous tauta di᾽ ophthalmōn katorthōsantas. Ou mēn alla kai ta theia logia Palaias kai Kainēs Diathēkēs houtōs akribōs egnōkei, hōste polla men ekdounai biblia; hypagoreusai de kai ta peri Triados tria biblia; hermēneusai de kai ta peri archōn Ōrigenous, hypomnēmata te ekdous eis auta, di' hōn synistēsin hōs eiē arista gegrammena, kai matēn ereschelousin hoi katēgorein ton andra kai ta biblia diasyrein spoudazontes ; mēde gar autous dynasthai phēsin elein tēn tou andros synesin. Ei tis oun tēn polymathian kai to diapyron tēs psychēs Didymou gnōnai proērētai, entychōn tois peponēmenois autǭ bibliois mathēsetai. Toutǭ legetai kai ᾿Antōnion ēdē proteron kata ton Oualentos chronon, hote dia tous ᾿Areianous en tę̄ Alexandreią ek tēs erēmou katēlthen, entychein tǭ Didymǭ, kai mathonta tēn tou andros synesin, eipein pros auton; Mēden, ō Didyme, tarattetō se hē tōn aisthētōn ophthalmōn apobolē. Toioutoi gar soi leipousin ophthalmoi, hois kai muiai kai kōnōpes blepsai ischyousin; chaire de hoti echeis ophthalmous, hois kai angeloi blepousi, di' hōn kai ho Theos theōreitai, kai to autou phōs katalambanetai. Tauta men ēdē proteron para tou theophilous ᾿Antōniou pros Didymon eirēto . Tote de megistos synēgoros tēs oikeias pisteōs ephaineto Didymos, pros tous ᾿Areianous apantōn, kai sophismata analyōn autōn, kai tous kibdēlous kai dolerous autōn logous exelenchōn.
About the same time God displayed another faithful man, judging it right that the faith be attested through him. For Didymus, a wonderful and learned man, flourished at that time, distinguished in every branch of learning. When he was very young and had learned only the first elements of letters, he was struck by a disease of the eyes and, badly afflicted, lost his sight. But God gave him the eyes of the mind instead of the eyes of sense. What he could not be taught through his eyes, he learned through his hearing. Being gifted from childhood and endowed with a good soul, he surpassed the gifted and those with the sharpest sight. He mastered the rules of grammar easily and took in rhetoric still more quickly. Coming to philosophy, he learned dialectic too in a wonderful way, and arithmetic and music, and stored the other learning of the philosophers in his soul, so that he readily met those who had mastered these things with their eyes. Moreover, he knew the divine oracles of the Old and New Testament so exactly that he published many books; he also dictated the three books On the Trinity, and he interpreted Origen's On First Principles, publishing commentaries on it in which he maintains that it is excellently written, and that those who are eager to accuse the man and disparage his books quibble in vain; for he says that they cannot even grasp the man's understanding. Whoever wishes to know Didymus's wide learning and the ardour of his soul will learn it by reading the books he laboured on. It is said that Antony too, long before the time of Valens, when he came down from the desert to Alexandria because of the Arians, met Didymus, and, learning the man's understanding, said to him: 'Let not the loss of the eyes of sense trouble you at all, Didymus. You lack such eyes as flies and gnats can see with; but rejoice that you have eyes with which angels too see, by which God is beheld and his light is grasped.' These things had been said earlier by Antony, dear to God, to Didymus. But at this time Didymus appeared as the greatest advocate of his faith, meeting the Arians, unravelling their sophisms, and exposing their counterfeit and deceitful arguments.
4.26PG 67:527–535
Ἀλλὰ Δίδυμον μὲν τοῖς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ᾿Αρειανίζουσιν ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀντέταξε πρόνοια ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν, Βασίλειόν τε τὸν Καισαρέα, καὶ Γρηγόριον τὸν Ναζιανζηνόν· περὶ ὧν βραχέα εἰπεῖν εὔκαιρον ἡγοῦμαι. Ἤρκει μὲν γὰρ ἡ παρὰ πᾶσι τῶν ἀνδρῶν σωζομένη μνήμη, καὶ ἡ τῶν γεγραμμένων αὐτοῖς βιβλίων μάθησις, παραθέσθαι τὴν ἑκατέρου εὔκλειαν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ κατ' ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τὰ πολλὰ ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις αὐτοὶ συνεβάλλοντο, καὶ ὡς ἐμπύρευμα τῆς πίστεως ἐφυλάχθησαν, ἀπαιτεῖ ἡ ὑπόθεσις μάλιστα τούτων μνήμην ποιήσασθαι. Βασιλείου τοίνυν καὶ Γρηγορίου εἴ τις βούλοιτο σύγκρισιν ποιήσασθαι, διεξιέναι τε τὸν ἑκάστου βίον καὶ τρόπον, καὶ τὰς προσούσας αὐτοῖς ἀρετὰς, ἀμφιβάλλοι ἂν ἕτερον τοῦ ἑτέρου προκρίναι. "Αμφω γὰρ ἦσαν ἀλλήλοις ἐφἀμίλλοι, κατά τε τὴν ὀρθὴν πολιτείαν, καὶ κατὰ τὰς παιδεύσεις, τήν τε ἙἙλληνιχήν φημι, τὴν τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων. Νέοι γὰρ δὴ ὄντες οὗτοι, ἐν ταῖς ᾿Αθήναις γενόμενοι τῶν τότε ἀκμασάντων σοφιστῶν, Ἱμερίου Προαιρεσίον ἀχροαταὶ γενόμενοι, μεταταῦτα ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳα τῆς Συρίας Λιβανίῳ συμφοιτήσαντες, ἄκρως τὴν ῥητορικὴν ἐξεπόνη.σαν. "ΑἈξιοί τε τοῦ σοφιστεύειν χριθέντες, ὑπὸ πολλῶν παρεχλήθησαν ἐπὶ τὸν διδασκαλικὸν βίον ἐλθεῖν. "Αλλων δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ διχανιχὴν παρακαλούντων, ἀμφοπέρων χατεφρόνησαν " καταλιπόντες τὸ σοφυιατεύειν, τὸν μονήρη βίον προέκριναν. ᾿Αψάμενοι οὖν φιλοσόφων λόγων παρὰ τῷ τηνικαῦτα ἐν τῇ ᾿᾽Αντιοχείᾳ συμπράττοντι τὰ φιλόσοφα, μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ τὰ Ὠριγένους βιδλία συνάγοντες, ἐξ αὐτῶν τὴν ἑρμηνείαν τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων ἐπέγνωσαν. Μέγα γὰρ κλέος τὸ Ὠριγένους ὅλης τότε τῆς οἰκουμένης ἐφἥπλωτο. Ὧν ἀσχηθέντες, δυνατῶς ἀπήντων πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αρειανίζοντας" καίτοι τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν τὰ Ὦριγένους βιβλία εἰς μαρτυρίαν, ὡς ᾧοντο, τοῦ ἰδίου καλούντων δόγματος, αὐτοὶ ἐξήλεγχον, ἐδείχνυον μὴ νοήσαντας τὴν Ὠριγένους σύνεσιν. Παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς τε τότε οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ, καὶ ὁ τότε ᾿Ἀρειανίζων Εὐνόμιος, ἐλλόγιμοι νομίζοντες εἶναι, τοῖς περὶ Γρηγόριον καὶ Βασίλειον ἐντυγχάνοντες, ἀπαίδευτοι τελείως ἐδείκνυντο. Βασίλειος ἃ μὲν οὖν ὑπὸ Μελετίον τοῦ ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπισκόπου εἰς τὴν τοῦ διακόνου τάξιν προχειρισθεὶς, μεταταῦτα δὲ καὶ ἐπίσκοπος τῆς ἑαυτοῦ πατρίδος, λέγω δὴ τῆς ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ Καισαρείας προβληθεὶς, φροντίδα τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐποιπαρ' ἀμφοτέρων γινόμενα εἰς ἀκοὰς ἥκει τοῦ βασιεἴτο. Δεδιὼς γὰρ μή πως ᾿Αρειανή καινοτομία καὶ τὰς κατὰ τὸν Πόντον ἐπινεμηθῇ ἐπαρχίας, δρομαῖος ἐπὶ τὰ ἐκεῖ μέρη διέβαινεν · ἐκεῖ τε ἀσκητήρια συστησάμενος, καὶ κατηχήσας τοὺς ἄνδρας ταῖς αὐτοῦ διδασκαλίαις, τοὺς σαλευομένους ἐστήριξε. Γρηγόριος - δὲ τῆς Ναζιανζοῦ πόλεως εὐτελοῦς ἐν Καππαδοκίᾳ, ἧς καὶ ὁ αὐτοῦ πατὴρ πρότερον Ἐκκλησίας προέστη, κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῷ Βασιλείῳ διεπράττετο. Περιιὼν γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς τὰς πόλεις, τοὺς ῥαθυμοῦντας περὶ τὴν πίστιν ἀνεῤῥώννυε. Μάλιστα δὲ τὰ πολλὰ τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐπιδημῶν, τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ ὁμόφρονας ταῖς διδασκαλίαις ἐστήριξε· διὸ καὶ μικρὸν ὕστερον ψήφῳ πολλῶν ἐπισκόπων προέστη τοῦ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει λαοῦ. Ὡς οὖν τὰ λέως Οὐάλεντος, αὐτίκα Βασίλειον ἀπὸ τῆς Καισαρείας ἀγώγιμον ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν γενέσθαι ἐκέλευσεν. Ἤγετο οὖν εὐθὺς, καὶ κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὸ τῶν ὑπάρχων εἰσήγετο δικαστήριον. Πεῦσίν τε προσαγαγόντος αὐτῷ τοῦ ὑπάρχου τοῦ χάριν μὴ τὴν πίστιν τοῦ βασιλέως ἀσπάζεσθαι, ὁ Βασίλειος παῤῥησίᾳ πολλῇ, τῇ μὲν τοῦ βασιλέως θρησκείᾳ ἐμέμφετο, τῇ δὲ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστει συνἱστατο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ὕπαρχος θάνατον αὐτῷ διηπείλησεν, Εἴθε, ἔφη ὁ Βασίλειος γένοιτό μοι διὰ τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῶν δεσμῶν τοῦ σώματος. Τοῦ δὲ ὑπάρχου πάλιν ἐπισκέψασθαι εἰπόντος, λέγεται εἰπεῖν τὸν Βασίλειον, Ἐγὼ καὶ σήμερον καὶ αὔριον ὁ αὐτός εἶμι, ὄφελον σὺ ἑαυτὸν μὴ ἐνήλλαττες. Τότε μὲν οὖν κατ' ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν φρουρούμενος διετέλει Βασίλειος. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ δὲ συνέβη νήπιον υἱὸν τοῦ Οὐάλεντος, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Γαλάτης, ἀῤῥωστῆσαι ἰσχυρῶς, ὥστε ἀπογνωσθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν ἰατρῶν. Ἡ δὲ μήτηρ αὐτοῦ, ἡ βασίλισσα Δομνίκα, λόγους πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα προσέφερε, φάσκουσα ἑαυτὴν μὲν ἐν τοῖς ὀνείροις κακῶς διατεθῆναι ὑπὸ φοβερῶν φασμάτων· τὸ δὲ παιδίον κακῶς ἔχειν διὰ τὴν εἰς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ὕβριν. Ταῦτα εἰς νοῦν βαλλόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, μεταπέμπεται τὸν Βασίλειον· καὶ ἀπόπειραν ποιούμενος, φησὶ πρὸς αὐτόν· Εἰ ἀληθῆ τὰ σὰ δόγ ματα, εὔξαι ἵνα μου ὁ υἱὸς μὴ ἀποθάνῃ. Ὁ δὲ, Εἰ πιστεύσειας, ἔφη, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καθάπερ ἐγὼ, καὶ ἡ Ἐκκλησία ἑνωθῇ, ζήσεται τὸ παιδίον. Τοῦ δὲ μὴ συνθεμένου, Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Βασίλειος, περὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τὸ θέλημα γενήσεται τοῦ Θεοῦ. Ταῦτα εἰπόντα τὸν Βα- : σίλειον ἀφεθῆναι ἐκέλευσε. Τὸ μέντοι παιδίον μετ' οὐ πολὺ ἐτελεύτησε. Τοσαῦτα περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ὡς ἐν ἐπιτομῇ εἰρήσθω. Βιβλία δὲ ἑκάτερος αὐτῶν πολλὰ καὶ θαυμαστὰ συνέγραψαν καὶ ἐξέδωκαν. ἀφ᾿ ὧν τινα ὁ Ῥουφῖνος εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων γλῶσσαν μεταβεβληκέναι φησίν. Ἐγένοντο δὲ ἀδελφοὶ Βασιλείου Πέτρος καὶ Γρηγόριος. ᾿Αλλὰ Πέτρος μὲν τὸν μονήρη βίον Βασιλείου ἐζήλωσε· Γρηγόριος δὲ τὸ διδασκαλικὸν τοῦ λόγου · ὃς καὶ τὴν πονηθεῖσαν Βασιλείῳ ἑξαήμερον, ἅτε δὴ καταλειφθεῖσαν, προσανεπλήρωσε μετά θάνατον τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ· καὶ ἐπιτάφιον εἰς Μελέτιον τὸν ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπον ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διεξῆλθε. Φέρονται δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἄλλοι λόγοι διάφοροι.
Alla Didymon men tois en ᾿Alexandreią ᾿Areianizousin hē tou Theou antetaxe pronoia en de tais allais polesin, Basileion te ton Kaisarea, kai Grēgorion ton Nazianzēnon; peri hōn brachea eipein eukairon hēgoumai. Ērkei men gar hē para pasi tōn andrōn sōzomenē mnēmē, kai hē tōn gegrammenōn autois bibliōn mathēsis, parathesthai tēn hekaterou eukleian. Epei de kat' ekeino kairou ta polla tais Ekklēsiais autoi syneballonto, kai hōs empyreuma tēs pisteōs ephylachthēsan, apaitei hē hypothesis malista toutōn mnēmēn poiēsasthai. Basileiou toinyn kai Grēgoriou ei tis bouloito synkrisin poiēsasthai, diexienai te ton hekastou bion kai tropon, kai tas prosousas autois aretas, amphiballoi an heteron tou heterou prokrinai. "Amphō gar ēsan allēlois ephamilloi, kata te tēn orthēn politeian, kai kata tas paideuseis, tēn te HeEllēnichēn phēmi, tēn tōn hierōn Grammatōn. Neoi gar dē ontes houtoi, en tais ᾿Athēnais genomenoi tōn tote akmasantōn sophistōn, Himeriou Proairesion achroatai genomenoi, metatauta en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheiąa tēs Syrias Libaniǭ symphoitēsantes, akrōs tēn rhētorikēn exeponē.san. "AAxioi te tou sophisteuein chrithentes, hypo pollōn parechlēthēsan epi ton didaskalikon bion elthein. "Allōn de autous epi dichanichēn parakalountōn, amphoperōn chatephronēsan " katalipontes to sophuiateuein, ton monērē bion proekrinan. ᾿Apsamenoi oun philosophōn logōn para tǭ tēnikauta en tę̄ ᾿᾽Antiocheią symprattonti ta philosopha, met᾽ ou poly ta Ōrigenous bidlia synagontes, ex autōn tēn hermēneian tōn hierōn Grammatōn epegnōsan. Mega gar kleos to Ōrigenous holēs tote tēs oikoumenēs ephēplōto. Hōn aschēthentes, dynatōs apēntōn pros tous ᾿Areianizontas" kaitoi tōn ᾿Areianōn ta Ōrigenous biblia eis martyrian, hōs hǭonto, tou idiou kalountōn dogmatos, autoi exēlenchon, edeichnyon mē noēsantas tēn Ōrigenous synesin. Para tois pollois te tote hoi ᾿Areianoi, kai ho tote ᾿Areianizōn Eunomios, ellogimoi nomizontes einai, tois peri Grēgorion kai Basileion entynchanontes, apaideutoi teleiōs edeiknynto. Basileios ha men oun hypo Meletion tou ᾿Antiocheias episkopou eis tēn tou diakonou taxin procheiristheis, metatauta de kai episkopos tēs heautou patridos, legō dē tēs en Kappadokią Kaisareias problētheis, phrontida tōn ekklēsiōn epoipar' amphoterōn ginomena eis akoas hēkei tou basieito. Dediōs gar mē pōs ᾿Areianē kainotomia kai tas kata ton Ponton epinemēthę̄ eparchias, dromaios epi ta ekei merē diebainen ; ekei te askētēria systēsamenos, kai katēchēsas tous andras tais autou didaskaliais, tous saleuomenous estērixe. Grēgorios - de tēs Nazianzou poleōs eutelous en Kappadokią, hēs kai ho autou patēr proteron Ekklēsias proestē, kata ta auta tǭ Basileiǭ diepratteto. Periiōn gar kai autos tas poleis, tous rhathymountas peri tēn pistin anerrhōnnye. Malista de ta polla tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei epidēmōn, tous en autę̄ homophronas tais didaskaliais estērixe; dio kai mikron hysteron psēphǭ pollōn episkopōn proestē tou en Kōnstantinou polei laou. Hōs oun ta leōs Oualentos, autika Basileion apo tēs Kaisareias agōgimon epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian genesthai ekeleusen. Ēgeto oun euthys, kai kata gnōmēn tou basileōs eis to tōn hyparchōn eisēgeto dikastērion. Peusin te prosagagontos autǭ tou hyparchou tou charin mē tēn pistin tou basileōs aspazesthai, ho Basileios parrhēsią pollę̄, tę̄ men tou basileōs thrēskeią emempheto, tę̄ de tou homoousiou pistei synistato. Epei de ho hyparchos thanaton autǭ diēpeilēsen, Eithe, ephē ho Basileios genoito moi dia tēn alētheian apallagēnai tōn desmōn tou sōmatos. Tou de hyparchou palin episkepsasthai eipontos, legetai eipein ton Basileion, Egō kai sēmeron kai aurion ho autos eimi, ophelon sy heauton mē enēllattes. Tote men oun kat' ekeinēn tēn hēmeran phrouroumenos dietelei Basileios. Ouk eis makran de de synebē nēpion huion tou Oualentos, hǭ onoma ēn Galatēs, arrhōstēsai ischyrōs, hōste apognōsthēnai hypo tōn iatrōn. Hē de mētēr autou, hē basilissa Domnika, logous pros ton basilea prosephere, phaskousa heautēn men en tois oneirois kakōs diatethēnai hypo phoberōn phasmatōn; to de paidion kakōs echein dia tēn eis ton episkopon hybrin. Tauta eis noun ballomenos ho basileus, metapempetai ton Basileion; kai apopeiran poioumenos, phēsi pros auton; Ei alēthē ta sa dog mata, euxai hina mou ho huios mē apothanę̄. Ho de, Ei pisteuseias, ephē, ō basileu, kathaper egō, kai hē Ekklēsia henōthę̄, zēsetai to paidion. Tou de mē synthemenou, Oukoun, ephē ho Basileios, peri tou paidos to thelēma genēsetai tou Theou. Tauta eiponta ton Ba- : sileion aphethēnai ekeleuse. To mentoi paidion met' ou poly eteleutēse. Tosauta peri tōn andrōn toutōn hōs en epitomę̄ eirēsthō. Biblia de hekateros autōn polla kai thaumasta synegrapsan kai exedōkan. aph᾿ hōn tina ho Rhouphinos eis tēn Rhōmaiōn glōssan metabeblēkenai phēsin. Egenonto de adelphoi Basileiou Petros kai Grēgorios. ᾿Alla Petros men ton monērē bion Basileiou ezēlōse; Grēgorios de to didaskalikon tou logou ; hos kai tēn ponētheisan Basileiǭ hexaēmeron, hate dē kataleiphtheisan, prosaneplērōse meta thanaton tou adelphou; kai epitaphion eis Meletion ton ᾿Antiocheias episkopon en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei diexēlthe. Pherontai de autou kai alloi logoi diaphoroi.
The providence of God set Didymus against the Arianizers in Alexandria, and in the other cities Basil of Caesarea and Gregory of Nazianzus, about whom I think it timely to say a little. The memory of the men preserved by all, and the study of the books they wrote, would indeed be enough to set forth the fame of each. But since at that time they contributed most to the churches and were preserved as a kindling-spark of the faith, the subject requires that we mention them in particular. If anyone wished to compare Basil and Gregory, and to go through the life and character of each and the virtues they possessed, he would hesitate to prefer one to the other; for both were rivals of each other in right conduct and in learning, I mean both the Greek learning and that of the sacred writings. As young men they went to Athens and became hearers of the most eminent sophists of the time, Himerius and Prohaeresius; afterwards they studied together with Libanius at Antioch in Syria, and mastered rhetoric to the highest degree. Judged worthy to teach as sophists, they were urged by many to take up the teacher's life; others urged them to the law; but they despised both, left the sophist's work, and preferred the solitary life. Having touched philosophical studies under the man who then taught philosophy at Antioch, not long afterward they gathered the books of Origen and from them learned the interpretation of the sacred writings; for the great fame of Origen had then spread over the whole world. Trained in these, they met the Arianizers with power; and when the Arians called on Origen's books as witness, so they thought, for their own doctrine, they refuted them and showed that they had not understood Origen's meaning. The Arians at that time, and Eunomius, then an Arianizer, who were thought by most to be learned, when they met Gregory and Basil were shown to be utterly uneducated. Basil was advanced to the order of deacon by Meletius, bishop of Antioch, and afterward was made bishop of his own native city, Caesarea in Cappadocia; and he took care of the churches. Fearing that the Arian innovation might spread also over the provinces of Pontus, he crossed in haste into those parts; there he founded ascetic houses, instructed the men by his teaching, and strengthened those who were wavering. Gregory, at Nazianzus, a small city in Cappadocia whose church his father had earlier governed, did the same as Basil. Going round the cities himself, he strengthened those who were slack about the faith. Above all, spending much time in Constantinople, he strengthened by his teaching those there who held the same faith; and for that reason a little later, by the vote of many bishops, he became head of the people of Constantinople. When what both were doing came to the ears of the emperor Valens, he at once ordered Basil to be brought from Caesarea to Antioch. He was brought at once and, by the emperor's decision, led into the court of the prefects. When the prefect questioned him why he did not embrace the emperor's faith, Basil with great boldness found fault with the emperor's religion and stood by the faith of the 'same essence'. When the prefect threatened him with death, Basil said, 'Would that it might be granted me, for the truth's sake, to be released from the bonds of the body!' When the prefect told him to think it over again, Basil is said to have answered, 'I am the same today and tomorrow; I wish you would not change yourself.' On that day Basil remained under guard. Not long after it happened that the infant son of Valens, whose name was Galates, fell seriously ill, so that the physicians despaired of him. His mother, the empress Dominica, spoke to the emperor, saying that she had been badly troubled in her dreams by frightening apparitions, and that the child was ill because of the insult to the bishop. The emperor, taking this to heart, sent for Basil and, putting him to the test, said to him, 'If your doctrines are true, pray that my son may not die.' He said, 'If you will believe as I do, emperor, and the church is united, the child will live.' When the emperor did not agree, Basil said, 'Then the will of God concerning the child will be done.' When Basil had said this, the emperor ordered him to be released. The child, however, died not long after. Let this much be said about these men, as in an epitome. Each of them wrote and published many admirable books, some of which, Rufinus says, he has translated into the language of the Romans. Basil's brothers were Peter and Gregory. Peter emulated Basil's solitary life, Gregory his teaching in the word; he also completed after his brother's death the Hexaemeron that Basil had laboured on, since it had been left unfinished, and he delivered at Constantinople a funeral oration for Meletius, bishop of Antioch. Various other discourses of his are also in circulation.
4.27PG 67:535
Ἐπειδὴ δέ τινες ἐκ τῆς ὁμωνυμίας πλανῶνται, καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐπιγραφομένων Γρηγορίου βιβλίων, δεῖ εἰδέναι ὅτι ἄλλος ἐστὶν ὁ Ποντικὸς Γρηγόριος, ὅστις ἐκ τῆς ἐν Πόντῳ Νεοκαισαρείας ὁρμώμενος, ἀρχαιότερος τούτων ἐστί · μαθητὴς γὰρ Ωριγένους ἐγένετο. Περὶ τούτου τοῦ Γρηγορίου, πολὺς ὁ λόγος ἔν τε ᾿Αθήναις καὶ Βηρυτῷ, καὶ ὅλῃ τῇ Ποντικῇ διοικήσει, ὡς δὲ εἰπεῖν, καὶ πάσῃ τῇ οἰκουμένῃ. Οὗτος γὰρ ὡς τῶν ᾿Αθήνῃσι παιδευτηρίων ἀναχωρήσας, ἐν τῇ Βηρυτῷ νόμους ἐμάνθανε. Πυθόμενός τε ἐν τῇ Καισαρείᾳ τὰ ἱερὰ Γράμματα ἑρμηνεύειν Ωριγένην, δρομαῖος ἐπὶ τὴν Καισάρειαν παραγίνεται ἀκροασάμενός τε τῆς μεγαλοφώνου θεωρίας τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων, πολλὰ χαίρειν εἰπὼν τοῖς Ῥωμαϊκοῖς νόμοις, ἀχώριστος ἦν τοῦ λοιποῦ· καὶ ὑπ' αὐτοῦ παιδευθεὶς τὴν ἀληθῆ φιλοσοφίαν, καὶ μεταταῦτα ἐπὶ τὴν πατρίδα, τῶν γονέων καλεσάντων, ἀνεχώρησε. Κἀκεῖ πρῶτον μὲν λαϊκὸς ὢν, πολλὰ σημεῖα ἐποίησε, νοσοῦντας θεραπεύων, καὶ δαίμονας δι' ἐπιστολῶν φυγαδεύων, καὶ τοὺς Ἑλληνίζοντας, τοῖς τε λόγοις, καὶ πλέον τοῖς γινομένοις ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ προσαγόμενος. Μέμνηται δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ Πάμφιλος ὁ μάρτυρ ἐν τοῖς περὶ Ὠριγένους πονηθεῖσιν αὐτῷ βιβλίοις, ἐν οἷς καὶ συστατικὸς λόγος Γρηγορίου εἰς Ωριγένην παράκειται. Γεγόνασιν οὖν, ὡς ἐν κεφαλαίῳ εἰπεῖν, Γρηγόριοι · ὅ τε ἀρχαῖος οὗτος καὶ μαθητὴς Ωριγένους, καὶ ὁ Ναζιανζηνὸς, καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς Βασιλείου. Ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ ἄλλος Γρηγόριος ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, ὃν οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς φυγῆς Ἀθανασίου κατέστησαν. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτων τοσαῦτα λελέχθω.
Epeidē de tines ek tēs homōnymias planōntai, kai ek tōn epigraphomenōn Grēgoriou bibliōn, dei eidenai hoti allos estin ho Pontikos Grēgorios, hostis ek tēs en Pontǭ Neokaisareias hormōmenos, archaioteros toutōn esti ; mathētēs gar Ōrigenous egeneto. Peri toutou tou Grēgoriou, polys ho logos en te ᾿Athēnais kai Bērytǭ, kai holę̄ tę̄ Pontikę̄ dioikēsei, hōs de eipein, kai pasę̄ tę̄ oikoumenę̄. Houtos gar hōs tōn ᾿Athēnę̄si paideutēriōn anachōrēsas, en tę̄ Bērytǭ nomous emanthane. Pythomenos te en tę̄ Kaisareią ta hiera Grammata hermēneuein Ōrigenēn, dromaios epi tēn Kaisareian paraginetai akroasamenos te tēs megalophōnou theōrias tōn hierōn Grammatōn, polla chairein eipōn tois Rhōmaïkois nomois, achōristos ēn tou loipou; kai hyp' autou paideutheis tēn alēthē philosophian, kai metatauta epi tēn patrida, tōn goneōn kalesantōn, anechōrēse. Kakei prōton men laïkos ōn, polla sēmeia epoiēse, nosountas therapeuōn, kai daimonas di' epistolōn phygadeuōn, kai tous Hellēnizontas, tois te logois, kai pleon tois ginomenois hyp᾿ autou prosagomenos. Memnētai de autou kai Pamphilos ho martyr en tois peri Ōrigenous ponētheisin autǭ bibliois, en hois kai systatikos logos Grēgoriou eis Ōrigenēn parakeitai. Gegonasin oun, hōs en kephalaiǭ eipein, Grēgorioi ; ho te archaios houtos kai mathētēs Ōrigenous, kai ho Nazianzēnos, kai ho adelphos Basileiou. Egeneto de kai allos Grēgorios en ᾿Alexandreią, hon hoi ᾿Areianoi kata ton kairon tēs phygēs Athanasiou katestēsan. Peri men dē toutōn tosauta lelechthō.
Since some are misled by the sameness of names and by the books inscribed with the name of Gregory, it must be known that the Pontic Gregory is another, who came from Neocaesarea in Pontus and is older than these; for he was a disciple of Origen. About this Gregory there is much talk at Athens and Berytus and in the whole Pontic diocese, and, so to speak, in the whole world. Having left the schools of Athens, he was studying law at Berytus. Learning that Origen was interpreting the sacred writings at Caesarea, he hurried to Caesarea; and having heard Origen's grand contemplation of the sacred writings, he bade a long farewell to Roman law and from then on was inseparable from him. Taught by him the true philosophy, he afterwards returned to his native land when his parents called him. There, while still a layman, he worked many signs, healing the sick, putting demons to flight by letters, and winning over the pagans both by his words and still more by what he did. Pamphilus the martyr also mentions him in the books he laboured on about Origen, in which a commendatory discourse of Gregory on Origen is also included. There were, then, to put it briefly, three Gregories: this ancient one, the disciple of Origen; the Nazianzen; and the brother of Basil. There was also another Gregory at Alexandria, whom the Arians installed at the time of Athanasius's flight. So much about these.
4.28PG 67:537–541
Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τόνδε, καὶ Ναυατιανῶν οἱ περι Φρυγίαν οἰκοῦντες, τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Πάσχα μετέθεσαν. Πῶς δὲ τοῦτο ἐγένετο λέξω· πρότερον εἰπὼν, ὅτου χάριν ἐπικρατεῖ περὶ τὰ Φρυγῶν καὶ Παφλαγόνων ἔθνη ὁ ἀκριβὴς τῆς Ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν κανών. Ναυάτος, πρεσβύτερος ὢν τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Έκκλησίας, διεκρίθη, ἐπειδὴ Κορνήλιος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος τοὺς ἐπιθύσαντας πιστοὺς ἐν τῷ διωγμῷ, ὃν ὁ βασιλεὺς Δέκιος κατὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκίνησεν, εἰς κοινωνίαν ἐδέξατο. Διὰ ταύτην οὖν τὴν αἰτίαν διακριθεὶς, εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν παρὰ τῶν συμφρονησάντων αὐτῷ ἐπισκόπων προχειρισθεὶς, ταῖς πανταχοῦ Ἐκκλησίαις – ἔγραφε, μὴ δέχεσθαι τοὺς ἐπιτεθυκότας εἰς τὰ μυστήρια · ἀλλὰ προτρέπειν μὲν αὐτοὺς εἰς μετάνοιαν, τὴν δὲ συγχώρησιν ἐπιτρέπειν Θεῷ, τῷ δυναμένῳ καὶ ἐξουσίαν ἔχοντι συγχωρεῖν ἁμαρτήματα. Τοιαύτας ἐπιστολὰς οἱ κατ' ἐπαρχίαν δεχόμενοι, πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα ἤθη ἐποιοῦντο τῶν δηλουμένων τὰς κρίσεις. Ὡς γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ἐδήλου μὴ δεῖν ἀξιοῦσθαι τῶν μυστηρίων τοὺς μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα εἰς θάνατον ἁμαρτίαν πεποιηκότας, τοῖς μὲν ἐδόκει πικρὰ καὶ ἀπηνὴς εἶναι τοῦ τοιούτου κανόνος ἡ ἔκθεσις· οἱ δὲ ὡς δικαιον τὸν κανόνα καὶ ὀρθοῦντα τὴν πολιτείαν ἐδέχοντο. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ τούτου κινουμένου τοῦ ζητήματος, ἐπικαταλαμβάνει τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κορνηλίου γράμματα, καὶ τοῖς μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα ἡμαρτηκόσιν ἐπαγγελλόμενα τὴν συγχώρησιν. Οὕτω δὲ ἀμφοτέρων ἐπιστελλόντων τὰ ἐναντία, καὶ ἐκ τῶν θείων ὀχυρούντων ἑκάτερος ἔλεγεν, ἕκαστος κατ' ἔθος εἰς τοῦτο ἔτρεψεν εἰς ὃ καὶ πρότερον μᾶλλον ἐπέκλινεν. Ὅσοι γὰρ φιλαμαρτήμονες, δραξάμενοι τῆς τότε δοθείσης συγχωρήσεως, καὶ εἰς τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον ἐπὶ πάσης ἁμαρτίας αὐτῇ συνεχρήσαντο. Φαίνεται δὲ τὰ Φρυγῶν έθνη σωφρονέστερα εἶναι τῶν ἄλλων ἐθνῶν· καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ σπανιάκις Φρύγες ὀμνύσουσιν. Ἐπικρατεῖ γὰρ τὸ μὲν θυμικὸν παρὰ Σκύθαις καὶ Θραξί· τῷ δὲ ἐπιθυμητικῷ οἱ πρὸς ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον τὴν οἴκησιν ἔχοντες πλέον δουλεύουσι. Τὰ δὲ Παφλαγόνων καὶ Φρυγῶν ἔθνη πρὸς οὐδέτερον τούτων ἐπιῤῥεπῶς ἔχει. Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἱπποδρομίαι, οὐδὲ θέατρα σπουδάζονται : νῦν παρ' αὐτοῖς. Διό μοι δοκεῖ μᾶλλον ἐπινενευκέναι τούτους τε καὶ τοὺς οὕτω φρονοῦντας, πρὸς τὰ παρὰ Ναυάτου τότε γραφόμενα· ὡς μῦσος γὰρ ἐξαίσιον παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ἡ πορνεία νομίζεται. Καὶ γὰρ τοὺς οἱασδήποτε ἄλλης αἱρέσεως σωφρονέστερον βιοῦντας Φρύγας καὶ Παφλαγόνας ἔστιν εὑρεῖν. Τὴν δὲ αὐτὴν αἰτίαν καὶ περὶ τοὺς οἰκοῦντας τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη, καὶ Ναυάτῳ πειθαρχήσαντας, εἶναι νομίζω. Ναυάτος μὲν οὖν, εἰ καὶ περὶ πολιτείας ἀκριβοῦς διεκρίθη, ἀλλ' οὖν γε τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν οὐ μετέθηκεν. ῾Αεὶ γὰρ κατὰ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἐποίει, καὶ οὕτως ἐπετέλεσε. Ποιοῦσι δὲ διαπαντὸς οἱ ἐκεῖ μετ᾿ ἰσημερίαν ἀνέκαθεν, ἀφ' οὗ καὶ Χριστιανίζουσιν. ᾿Αλλ' οὗτος μὲν ὕστερον, ἐπὶ Οὐαλεριανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως διωγμὸν κατὰ Χριστιανῶν κινήσαντος, ἐμαρτύρησεν. Οἱ δὲ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐν Φρυγίᾳ ἐπώνυμοι, κατὰ τὴν κοινωνίαν τούτου συνεχωρήθησαν ἐκτρεπόμενοι, περὶ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον καὶ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Πάσχα μετέθεσαν. Σύνοδον γὰρ ἐν Πάζῳ κώμῃ, ἔνθα τοῦ Σαγγαρίου ποταμοῦ εἰσιν αἱ πηγαὶ, ποιήσαντες ὀλίγοι τινὲς καὶ οὐκ εὔσημοι τῶν περὶ Φρυγίαν Ναυατιανών ἐπίσκοποι, ὅρον ἐκφέρουσιν ὥστε Ἰουδαίους ἐπιτηρεῖν ποιοῦντας τὰ ἄζυμα, καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἐπιτελεῖν ἑορτήν. Ταῦτα ἡμῖν ἀνήγγειλέ τις ἀνὴρ παλαιός, πρεσβυτέρου μὲν εἶναι λέγων ἑαυτὸν υἱὸν · ἅμα δὲ τῷ πατρὶ παρεῖναι τῇ γενομένῃ συνόδῳ, καθ᾽ ἣν οὔτε ᾿Αγέλιος παρῆν ὁ Κωνσταντινουπόλεως Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος, οὐδὲ Μάξιμος ὁ Νικαίας, οὐδὲ ὁ Νικομηδείας, οὐδὲ μὴν ὁ Κοτυαείου ·· ὑπὸ τούτων γὰρ ἡ Ναυατιανῶν θρησκεία μάλιστα κανονίζεται. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὕτως τότε ἐγένετο· διῃρέθη δὲ μικρὸν ὕστερον καὶ ἡ Ναυατιανῶν Ἐκκλησία δι᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν σύνοδον, ὡς κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν· μετιτέον τε ἐντεῦθεν, ἐπὶ τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον ἐν τοῖς ἑσπερίοις γενόμενα μέρεσιν.
Kata de ton chronon tonde, kai Nauatianōn hoi peri Phrygian oikountes, tēn heortēn tou Pascha metethesan. Pōs de touto egeneto lexō; proteron eipōn, hotou charin epikratei peri ta Phrygōn kai Paphlagonōn ethnē ho akribēs tēs Ekklēsias autōn kanōn. Nauatos, presbyteros ōn tēs en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias, diekrithē, epeidē Kornēlios ho episkopos tous epithysantas pistous en tǭ diōgmǭ, hon ho basileus Dekios kata tēs Ekklēsias ekinēsen, eis koinōnian edexato. Dia tautēn oun tēn aitian diakritheis, eis episkopēn para tōn symphronēsantōn autǭ episkopōn procheiristheis, tais pantachou Ekklēsiais – egraphe, mē dechesthai tous epitethykotas eis ta mystēria ; alla protrepein men autous eis metanoian, tēn de synchōrēsin epitrepein Theǭ, tǭ dynamenǭ kai exousian echonti synchōrein hamartēmata. Toiautas epistolas hoi kat' eparchian dechomenoi, pros ta oikeia ēthē epoiounto tōn dēloumenōn tas kriseis. Hōs gar ekeinos edēlou mē dein axiousthai tōn mystēriōn tous meta to baptisma eis thanaton hamartian pepoiēkotas, tois men edokei pikra kai apēnēs einai tou toioutou kanonos hē ekthesis; hoi de hōs dikaion ton kanona kai orthounta tēn politeian edechonto. En tosoutǭ de toutou kinoumenou tou zētēmatos, epikatalambanei tou episkopou Kornēliou grammata, kai tois meta to baptisma hēmartēkosin epangellomena tēn synchōrēsin. Houtō de amphoterōn epistellontōn ta enantia, kai ek tōn theiōn ochyrountōn hekateros elegen, hekastos kat' ethos eis touto etrepsen eis ho kai proteron mallon epeklinen. Hosoi gar philamartēmones, draxamenoi tēs tote dotheisēs synchōrēseōs, kai eis ton epeita chronon epi pasēs hamartias autę̄ synechrēsanto. Phainetai de ta Phrygōn ethnē sōphronestera einai tōn allōn ethnōn; kai gar dē kai spaniakis Phryges omnysousin. Epikratei gar to men thymikon para Skythais kai Thraxi; tǭ de epithymētikǭ hoi pros anischonta hēlion tēn oikēsin echontes pleon douleuousi. Ta de Paphlagonōn kai Phrygōn ethnē pros oudeteron toutōn epirrhepōs echei. Oude gar hippodromiai, oude theatra spoudazontai : nyn par' autois. Dio moi dokei mallon epineneukenai toutous te kai tous houtō phronountas, pros ta para Nauatou tote graphomena; hōs mysos gar exaision par᾿ autois hē porneia nomizetai. Kai gar tous hoiasdēpote allēs haireseōs sōphronesteron biountas Phrygas kai Paphlagonas estin heurein. Tēn de autēn aitian kai peri tous oikountas ta hesperia merē, kai Nauatǭ peitharchēsantas, einai nomizō. Nauatos men oun, ei kai peri politeias akribous diekrithē, all' oun ge tēn tou Pascha heortēn ou metethēken. ῾Aei gar kata ta hesperia merē epoiei, kai houtōs epetelese. Poiousi de diapantos hoi ekei met᾿ isēmerian anekathen, aph' hou kai Christianizousin. ᾿All' houtos men hysteron, epi Oualerianou tou basileōs diōgmon kata Christianōn kinēsantos, emartyrēsen. Hoi de ex autou en Phrygią epōnymoi, kata tēn koinōnian toutou synechōrēthēsan ektrepomenoi, peri tonde ton chronon kai tēn heortēn tou Pascha metethesan. Synodon gar en Pazǭ kōmę̄, entha tou Sangariou potamou eisin hai pēgai, poiēsantes oligoi tines kai ouk eusēmoi tōn peri Phrygian Nauatianōn episkopoi, horon ekpherousin hōste Ioudaious epitērein poiountas ta azyma, kai syn autois tēn tou Pascha epitelein heortēn. Tauta hēmin anēngeile tis anēr palaios, presbyterou men einai legōn heauton huion ; hama de tǭ patri pareinai tę̄ genomenę̄ synodǭ, kath᾽ hēn oute ᾿Agelios parēn ho Kōnstantinoupoleōs Nauatianōn episkopos, oude Maximos ho Nikaias, oude ho Nikomēdeias, oude mēn ho Kotyaeiou ;; hypo toutōn gar hē Nauatianōn thrēskeia malista kanonizetai. Tauta men oun houtōs tote egeneto; dię̄rethē de mikron hysteron kai hē Nauatianōn Ekklēsia di᾽ ekeinēn tēn synodon, hōs kata chōran eroumen; metiteon te enteuthen, epi ta kat᾿ auton ton chronon en tois hesperiois genomena meresin.
At this time the Novatians who lived in Phrygia changed the feast of Easter. How this came about I shall tell, first saying why the strict canon of their church prevails among the peoples of Phrygia and Paphlagonia. Novatus, being a presbyter of the church in Rome, separated because Cornelius the bishop received into communion believers who had sacrificed in the persecution which the emperor Decius raised against the church. Having separated for this reason, and having been advanced to a bishopric by the bishops who agreed with him, he wrote to the churches everywhere not to admit to the mysteries those who had sacrificed, but to urge them to repentance and to leave forgiveness to God, who is able and has authority to forgive sins. Those who received such letters in the provinces judged what they declared according to their own characters. For when he declared that those who had committed a sin unto death after baptism should not be counted worthy of the mysteries, to some the setting out of such a canon seemed harsh and cruel, while others accepted the canon as just and as setting conduct right. While this question was being stirred, letters of the bishop Cornelius arrived as well, promising forgiveness to those who had sinned after baptism. As the two wrote contrary things, and each fortified what he said from the divine writings, each person turned, as is usual, to the side toward which he had already inclined. Those who loved sin seized on the forgiveness then granted and used it thereafter for every sin. But the Phrygian peoples seem to be more self-controlled than other peoples; indeed the Phrygians rarely swear. Among the Scythians and Thracians the spirited part of the soul prevails; those who dwell toward the rising sun are rather slaves to the desiring part. But the peoples of the Paphlagonians and Phrygians incline to neither of these; for neither horse-races nor theatres are eagerly pursued among them even now. So it seems to me that these people, and those who think like them, inclined rather to what Novatus wrote at that time; for sexual immorality is regarded among them as an extraordinary abomination. Indeed one can find that the Phrygians and Paphlagonians live more self-controlled lives than those of any other sect. I think the same cause applies to those who live in the western parts and followed Novatus. Novatus, then, though he separated over strict conduct, did not change the feast of Easter; he always kept it as was done in the western parts, and so he celebrated it. Those there have always kept it after the equinox, from the time they became Christians. He later suffered martyrdom under the emperor Valerian, when he raised a persecution against the Christians. But those in Phrygia named after him, unwilling to share communion with the others even in this, at this time changed the feast of Easter as well. For a few bishops of the Novatians in Phrygia, and not notable ones, held a synod at the village of Pazus, where the springs of the river Sangarius are, and issued a decree that they should watch the Jews when they keep the unleavened bread and celebrate the feast of Easter with them. An old man told us this, saying that he was the son of a presbyter, and that he had been present with his father at the synod, at which neither Agelius, bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople, nor Maximus of Nicaea, nor the bishop of Nicomedia, nor that of Cotyaeum was present; for it is chiefly by these that the Novatian worship is regulated. These things happened so at that time. A little later the Novatian church was also divided because of that synod, as we shall tell in its place. From here we must pass to what happened at this same time in the western parts.
4.29PG 67:541–543
Τοῦ γὰρ βασιλέως Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ ἡσύχως δι άγοντος, καὶ οὐδεμίαν σκύλλοντος αἵρεσιν, Δάμασος α μετὰ Λιβέριον τὴν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἱερωσύνην ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐδέξατο · ἐφ᾿ οὗ συνέβη ταραχθῆναι τὴν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίαν, διὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν· Οὐρσῖνὸς ὁ τις τῆς αὐτῆς Ἐκκλησίας διάκονος, ὑπόψηφος γέγονεν, ἡνίκα ἡ ἐπιλογὴ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐγίνετο. Ἐπεὶ οὖν προεκρίθη Δάμασος, μὴ φέρων ὁ Οὐρσῖνος τὴν τῆς ἐλπίδος ἀποτυχίαν, παρασυνάξαι τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐσπούδασε· καὶ πείθει τινὰς ἀσήμους ἐπισκόπους, ἐν παραβύστῳ χειροτονῆσαι αὐτόν. Καὶ χειροτονεῖται οὐκ ἐν ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν ἀποκρύφῳ τόπῳ τῆς βασιλικῆς, τῆς ἐπικαλουμένης Σικίνης. Τούτου δὴ γενομένου, διχόνοια τὸν λαὸν ἐκράτησεν. Ἐστασίαζον οὖν πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς, οὐ διά τινα πίστιν ἢ αἴρεσιν, ἀλλὰ περὶ τοῦ μόνον τίς ὀφείλει τοῦ ἐπισκοπικοῦ θρόνου ἐγκρατὴς γενέσθαι. Ἐντεῦθεν δὲ συμπληγάδες τῶν ὄχλων ἐγίνοντο· ὥστε καὶ ἐκ τῆς παρατριβῆς πολλοὺς ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πολλοὺς λαϊκούς τε καὶ κληρικοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ τότε ἐπάρχου Μαξιμίνου τιμωρηθῆναι, καὶ οὕτω τὸν τότε Οὐρσῖνον δ} Ἀ παύσασθαι τῆς ἐπιχειρήσεως, χατασταλήναι τοὺς βουλτθέντας ἀχολουθῆσαι αὐτῷ.
Tou gar basileōs Oualentinianou hēsychōs di agontos, kai oudemian skyllontos hairesin, Damasos a meta Liberion tēn tēs episkopēs hierōsynēn en tę̄ Rhōmę̄ edexato ; eph᾿ hou synebē tarachthēnai tēn en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsian, dia toiautēn aitian; Oursinos ho tis tēs autēs Ekklēsias diakonos, hypopsēphos gegonen, hēnika hē epilogē tou episkopou egineto. Epei oun proekrithē Damasos, mē pherōn ho Oursinos tēn tēs elpidos apotychian, parasynaxai tę̄ Ekklēsią espoudase; kai peithei tinas asēmous episkopous, en parabystǭ cheirotonēsai auton. Kai cheirotoneitai ouk en ekklēsią, all᾽ en apokryphǭ topǭ tēs basilikēs, tēs epikaloumenēs Sikinēs. Toutou dē genomenou, dichonoia ton laon ekratēsen. Estasiazon oun pros heautous, ou dia tina pistin ē airesin, alla peri tou monon tis opheilei tou episkopikou thronou enkratēs genesthai. Enteuthen de symplēgades tōn ochlōn eginonto; hōste kai ek tēs paratribēs pollous apothanein, kai dia touto pollous laïkous te kai klērikous hypo tou tote eparchou Maximinou timōrēthēnai, kai houtō ton tote Oursinon d} A pausasthai tēs epicheirēseōs, chatastalēnai tous boultthentas acholouthēsai autǭ.
For while the emperor Valentinian lived quietly and harassed no sect, Damasus received the priesthood of the episcopate in Rome after Liberius. Under him the church in Rome was thrown into turmoil for the following reason. Ursinus, a deacon of the same church, had been a candidate when the election of the bishop took place. When Damasus was preferred, Ursinus, unable to bear the failure of his hope, set about holding rival assemblies apart from the church, and persuaded some obscure bishops to ordain him in a corner. He was ordained, not in a church, but in a hidden place of the basilica called Sicinus. When this had been done, dissension took hold of the people. They quarrelled among themselves, not over any point of faith or heresy, but only over who ought to gain possession of the bishop's throne. Hence clashes of the crowds took place, so that many died in the fighting, and for this reason many laymen and clergy were punished by Maximinus, the prefect at the time; and so Ursinus was then made to give up his attempt, and those who had wished to follow him were restrained.
4.30PG 67:543
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἕτερον μνήμης ἄξιον ἐν τῇ Μεδιολάνῳ συνέβη γενέσθαι. Τελευτῆσαντος γὰρ τοῦ ἐν αὐτῇ ἐπισκόπου Αὐξεντίον (ὅ), ὃς ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν κεχειροτόνητο, πάλιν οἱ ἐν τῇ Μεδιολάνῳ περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπου ἐταράσσοντο " πολλὴ τε ἣν αὐτοῖς ἡ φιλονεικία, ἄλλων ἄλλον προβάλλεσθαι σπευδόντων. Ὡς δὲ περὶ τούτου στάσις ἐγίνετο, εὐλαδηθεὶς ὁ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἄρχων, τὸ ὑπατικὸν ἔχων ἀξίωμα, ᾧ ἣν ὄνομα ᾿Αμδρόσιος, μήπως τῆς ταραχῆς ἄτοπόν τι κατὰ τὴν πόλιν γένηται, εἰστρέχει εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, ὡς χαταπαύσων τὴν στάσιν. Ὡς δὲ ἐκεῖ γενομένῳ ὁ λαὸς ἡσυχίαν παρέσχε, πολλά τε λυσιτελοῦντα παραινῶν, χατέστελλε τὰς ἀλόγους τοῦ πλήθους ὁρμὰς, αἰφνίδιος μία συμφωνία τῶν πάντων ἐγίνετο" ἐβόων εἶναι τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, αὐτόν τε χειροτονεῖσθαι πάντες ἠξίουν " οὕτω γὰρ μόνως ἕνωσίν τε ἕξειν τὸν λαὸν, καὶ στέρξειν τὴν περὶ τὴν πίστιν ὁμόνοιαν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔκ τίνος θείον ἡ ὁμοφωνία τοῦ λαοῦ γενέσθαι τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπισχύποις ἐφαίνετο, μηδὲν ὑπερθέμενοι, συλλαμιθάνουσι τὸν ᾿Αμδρόσιον. Καὶ βαπτίσαντες, χατηχούμενος γὰρ ἦν, εὐθὺς πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἱερωσύνην προχειρίζεσθαι ἔμελλον. Ἐπεὶ δὲ θρόσιος τὸ μὲν βάπτισμα ἡδέως ἐδέξατο, πολὺς δὲ τὴν ἱερωσύνην παραιτούμενος, γνωρίζουσι τῷ βασιλεῖ Οὐαλεντινιανῷ τὰ γενόμενα. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς θαυμάσας τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ ὁμόνοιαν, Θεοῦ τε ἔργον εἶναι γνοὺς τὸ γενόμενον, ἐδήλου τοῖς ἐπισκόποις, ὑπουργεῖν τῷ Θεῷ κελεύοντι χειροτονεῖν " Θεοῦ γὰρ μᾶλλον, 7| ἀνθρώπων εἶναι τὴν ψῆφον τὴν αὐτῷ. Τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον χαταστάντος ᾿Αμόροσίον, οἱ ἐν Μεδιολάνῳ πρότερον διεστῶτες, δι᾽ αὐτὸν τότε ἠνώθησαν.
Hypo de ton auton chronon heteron mnēmēs axion en tę̄ Mediolanǭ synebē genesthai. Teleutēsantos gar tou en autę̄ episkopou Auxention (ho), hos hypo tōn ᾿Areianōn kecheirotonēto, palin hoi en tę̄ Mediolanǭ peri epilogēs episkopou etarassonto " pollē te hēn autois hē philoneikia, allōn allon proballesthai speudontōn. Hōs de peri toutou stasis egineto, euladētheis ho tēs eparchias archōn, to hypatikon echōn axiōma, hǭ hēn onoma ᾿Amdrosios, mēpōs tēs tarachēs atopon ti kata tēn polin genētai, eistrechei eis tēn ekklēsian, hōs chatapausōn tēn stasin. Hōs de ekei genomenǭ ho laos hēsychian paresche, polla te lysitelounta parainōn, chatestelle tas alogous tou plēthous hormas, aiphnidios mia symphōnia tōn pantōn egineto" eboōn einai tēs episkopēs, auton te cheirotoneisthai pantes ēxioun " houtō gar monōs henōsin te hexein ton laon, kai sterxein tēn peri tēn pistin homonoian. Epei de ek tinos theion hē homophōnia tou laou genesthai tois parousin epischypois ephaineto, mēden hyperthemenoi, syllamithanousi ton ᾿Amdrosion. Kai baptisantes, chatēchoumenos gar ēn, euthys pros tēn tēs episkopēs hierōsynēn procheirizesthai emellon. Epei de throsios to men baptisma hēdeōs edexato, polys de tēn hierōsynēn paraitoumenos, gnōrizousi tǭ basilei Oualentinianǭ ta genomena. Ho de basileus thaumasas tēn tou laou homonoian, Theou te ergon einai gnous to genomenon, edēlou tois episkopois, hypourgein tǭ Theǭ keleuonti cheirotonein " Theou gar mallon, 7| anthrōpōn einai tēn psēphon tēn autǭ. Touton ton tropon chatastantos ᾿Amorosion, hoi en Mediolanǭ proteron diestōtes, di᾽ auton tote ēnōthēsan.
About the same time another thing worth remembering happened at Milan. When Auxentius, the bishop there, who had been ordained by the Arians, died, the people of Milan were again in turmoil over the election of a bishop, and there was great rivalry among them, some eager to put forward one man, others another. As a riot arose over this, the governor of the province, who held consular rank, whose name was Ambrose, fearing that something terrible might happen in the city as a result of the disturbance, hurried into the church to quell the riot. When he arrived and the people fell silent, and he was calming the senseless impulses of the crowd by much helpful exhortation, suddenly all of them agreed with one voice: they cried that he was worthy of the episcopate, and all demanded that he be ordained; for only so, they said, would the people have unity and hold fast to agreement about the faith. Since the bishops present thought that the people's unanimity had come from God, they took Ambrose without delay; and having baptized him, for he was a catechumen, they were about to advance him at once to the priesthood of the episcopate. When Ambrose gladly received baptism but strongly refused the priesthood, they informed the emperor Valentinian of what had happened. The emperor, marvelling at the people's concord and recognizing that what had happened was God's work, told the bishops to obey God's command and ordain him; for the vote for him was God's rather than men's. When Ambrose had been appointed in this way, those at Milan who had formerly been divided were then united through him.
4.31PG 67:545–549
Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς, Σαυροματῶν ἐπεξελθόν των τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ, ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἐχώρει μετὰ πλείστης παρασκευῆς. Ταύτην οὐκ ἤνεγκαν τὴν παρασκευὴν ἀκούσαντες οἱ βάρβαροι· ἀλλὰ πρε σβευσάμενοι πρὸς αὐτὸν, ᾐτοῦντο ἐπὶ συνθήκαις εἰρήνης τυχεῖν. Τῶν πρέσβεων δὲ εἰσελθόντων, καὶ φανέντων οὐκ ἀξιοπρεπῶν, ἠρώτησεν εἰ τοιοῦτοι Σαυρομάται πάντες εἰσίν. Ἀποκριναμένων δὲ τῶν πρέσβεων, τοὺς ἀρίστους Σαυροματῶν ἥκειν πρὸς αὐτὸν, πληροῦται θυμοῦ Οὐαλεντινιανὸς, καὶ μέγα βοῶν ἔλεγε· κακῶς πράττειν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν περι ελθοῦσαν εἰς αὐτὸν, ὅπου τοιοῦτο γένος τῶν βαρβάρων εὐτελὲς οὐκ ἀγαπᾷ παρ᾿ ἑαυτῷ μένειν σωζόμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπλα αἱρεῖται, καὶ Ῥωμαίων ὅρους πατεῖ, καὶ " εἰς πόλεμον θρασύνεται. Καὶ τοσοῦτον ἐν τῇ βοῇ διασπαράξας ἔτυχεν ἑαυτὸν, ὥστε πᾶσαν μὲν ἀναστομωθῆναι φλέβα, πᾶσάν τε ἀρτηρίαν διαῤῥαγῆναι. Καὶ οὕτως αἵματος ἐκδοθέντος, τελευτᾷ ὁ ἐν φρουρίῳ ᾧ προσωνυμία Βεργιτίων, μετὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Γρατιανοῦ τὸ τρίτον καὶ Ἐκοιτίου, περὶ τὴν ἐπτακαιδε κάτην τοῦ Νοεμβρίου • μηνός· ζήσας ἔτη νδ', βασιλεύσας ἔτη δεκατρία 4. Τελευτήσαντος οὖν Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ, οἱ κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν στρατιῶται ἕκτῃ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν, τὸν ὁμώνυμον τῷ πατρὶ Οὐαλεντινιανὸν νέαν ἄγοντα κομιδῇ τὴν ἡλικίαν, βασιλέα ἀνηγόρευσαν ἐν Ἀκίνκῳ πόλει τῆς Ἰταλίας. Καὶ τούτου διαγγελθέντος, ἡγανάκτουν οἱ βασιλεῖς, οὐχ ὅτι γέγονε τοῦ μὲν ἀδελφὸς, τοῦ δὲ ἀδελφιδοῦς βασιλεύς· ἀλλ᾿ ὅτι παρὰ γνώμην ἀμφοτέρων έχειροτονήθη, ὂν αὐτοὶ χειροτονεῖν ἔμελλον. Ὅμως δὲ ἀμφότεροι σύμψηφοι τῆς βασιλείας ἐγένοντο. Καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ὁ νέος Οὐαλεντινιανὸς ἱδρύθη εἰς τὸν τόπον τοῦ ἰδίου πατρός. Ἰστέον δὲ ὅτι Οὐαλεντινιανῷ ἐγεγόνει οὗτος ἐξ Ἰουστίνης, ἣν ἐπέγημεν ζώσης αὐτοῦ τῆς προτέρας γυναικὸς Σευήρας, δι' αἰτίαν τοιάνδε Ἰοῦστος ὁ Ἰουστίνης πατήρ, τῆς περὶ Πικίνον ἐπαρχίας ἤδη πρότερον ἐπὶ τῶν Κωνσταντίου χρόνων ἄρχων καθεστὼς, ἴδεν ὄναρ, ὡς ἐκ τοῦ δεξιοῦ μέρους ἀλουργίδα βασιλικὴν ἀπεκύησε. Τὸ δὲ ὄναρ εἰς πολλοὺς λεχθὲν, ἥκει καὶ εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς Κωνσταντίου. Ὁ δὲ συμβαλὼν τὸ ὄναρ, ὡς βασιλέως ἐξ αὐτοῦ τεχθησομένου, πέμψας ἀναιρεῖ τὸν Ἰοῦστον· ἡ δὲ αὐτοῦ θυγάτηρ Ἰουστίνα ἀπορφανισθεῖσα τοῦ πατρὸς ἔμεινε, παρθένος οὖσα. Χρόνῳ δὲ ὕστερον τῇ γαμετῇ τοῦ βασιλέως Ουαλεντινιανοῦ Σευήρα γνωρίμη καθίσταται, καὶ συνεχεῖς ἐποιεῖτο πρὸς τὴν βασίλισσαν τὰς συντυχίας. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκρατύνθη ἡ συνήθεια, ἤδη καὶ συνελούετο αὐτῇ. Ὡς οὖν ἴδεν αὐτὴν λουομένην τὴν Ἰουστίναν ἡ Σευήρα, ἠράσθη τοῦ κάλλους τῆς παρθένου. Καὶ πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα διεξῄει περὶ αὐτῆς, ὡς οὕτως εἴη θαυμαστὸν ἔχουσα κάλλος ἡ παρθένος ἡ τοῦ Ἰούστου θυγάτηρ, ὡς καὶ αὐτὴν, καίτοι γυναῖκα οὖσαν, ἐρασθῆναι τῆς εὐμορφίας αὐτῆς. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ταμιευσάμενος τὸν τῆς γυναικὸς λόγον, ἀγαγέσθαι τὴν Ἰουστίναν ἐβουλεύσατο, μὴ ἐκβαλὼν τὴν Σευήραν, ἀφ᾿ ἧς αὐτῷ Γρατιανὸς ἐγεγόνει, ὃν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἀνηγορεύκει βασιλέα. Νόμον οὖν ὑπαγορεύσας, δημοσίᾳ προτίθησι κατὰ πόλεις, ὥστε ἐξεῖναι τῷ βουλομένῳ δύο νομίμους ἔχειν γυναῖκας. Καὶ ὁ μὲν νόμος προέκειτο. Ὁ δὲ ἄγεται τὴν Ἰουστίναν, ἀφ᾿ ἧς αὐτῷ γίνεται Οὐαλεντινιανός τε ὁ νέος, καὶ θυγατέρες τρεῖς, Ἰούστα, Γράτα, Γάλλα. Ὧν αἱ μὲν δύο παρθενεύουσαι διετέλεσαν. Γάλλαν δὲ ὕστερον βασιλεὺς ἔγημε Θεοδόσιος ὁ μέγας, ἀφ᾿ ἧς αὐτῷ Πλακιδία θυγάτηρ ἐγένετο. ᾿Αρκάδιον γὰρ καὶ Ὁνώριον ἐκ Πλακίδης ἔσχεν τῆς προτέρας γυναικός. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Θεοδοσίου καὶ τῶν υἱῶν αὐτοῦ, κατὰ τὴν ἑκάστου χώραν ἐροῦμεν.
Meta de tauta ho basileus, Sauromatōn epexelthon tōn tę̄ Rhōmaiōn archę̄, ep᾿ autous echōrei meta pleistēs paraskeuēs. Tautēn ouk ēnenkan tēn paraskeuēn akousantes hoi barbaroi; alla pre sbeusamenoi pros auton, ę̄tounto epi synthēkais eirēnēs tychein. Tōn presbeōn de eiselthontōn, kai phanentōn ouk axioprepōn, ērōtēsen ei toioutoi Sauromatai pantes eisin. Apokrinamenōn de tōn presbeōn, tous aristous Sauromatōn hēkein pros auton, plēroutai thymou Oualentinianos, kai mega boōn elege; kakōs prattein tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn peri elthousan eis auton, hopou toiouto genos tōn barbarōn euteles ouk agapą par᾿ heautǭ menein sōzomenon, all᾽ hopla haireitai, kai Rhōmaiōn horous patei, kai " eis polemon thrasynetai. Kai tosouton en tę̄ boę̄ diasparaxas etychen heauton, hōste pasan men anastomōthēnai phleba, pasan te artērian diarrhagēnai. Kai houtōs haimatos ekdothentos, teleutą ho en phrouriǭ hǭ prosōnymia Bergitiōn, meta tēn hypateian Gratianou to triton kai Ekoitiou, peri tēn eptakaide katēn tou Noembriou • mēnos; zēsas etē nd', basileusas etē dekatria 4. Teleutēsantos oun Oualentinianou, hoi kata tēn Italian stratiōtai hektę̄ hēmerą meta tēn teleutēn, ton homōnymon tǭ patri Oualentinianon nean agonta komidę̄ tēn hēlikian, basilea anēgoreusan en Akinkǭ polei tēs Italias. Kai toutou diangelthentos, hēganaktoun hoi basileis, ouch hoti gegone tou men adelphos, tou de adelphidous basileus; all᾿ hoti para gnōmēn amphoterōn echeirotonēthē, on autoi cheirotonein emellon. Homōs de amphoteroi sympsēphoi tēs basileias egenonto. Kai touton ton tropon ho neos Oualentinianos hidrythē eis ton topon tou idiou patros. Isteon de hoti Oualentinianǭ egegonei houtos ex Ioustinēs, hēn epegēmen zōsēs autou tēs proteras gynaikos Seuēras, di' aitian toiande Ioustos ho Ioustinēs patēr, tēs peri Pikinon eparchias ēdē proteron epi tōn Kōnstantiou chronōn archōn kathestōs, iden onar, hōs ek tou dexiou merous alourgida basilikēn apekyēse. To de onar eis pollous lechthen, hēkei kai eis tas akoas Kōnstantiou. Ho de symbalōn to onar, hōs basileōs ex autou techthēsomenou, pempsas anairei ton Iouston; hē de autou thygatēr Ioustina aporphanistheisa tou patros emeine, parthenos ousa. Chronǭ de hysteron tę̄ gametę̄ tou basileōs Oualentinianou Seuēra gnōrimē kathistatai, kai synecheis epoieito pros tēn basilissan tas syntychias. Epei de ekratynthē hē synētheia, ēdē kai syneloueto autę̄. Hōs oun iden autēn louomenēn tēn Ioustinan hē Seuēra, ērasthē tou kallous tēs parthenou. Kai pros ton basilea diexę̄ei peri autēs, hōs houtōs eiē thaumaston echousa kallos hē parthenos hē tou Ioustou thygatēr, hōs kai autēn, kaitoi gynaika ousan, erasthēnai tēs eumorphias autēs. Ho de basileus tamieusamenos ton tēs gynaikos logon, agagesthai tēn Ioustinan ebouleusato, mē ekbalōn tēn Seuēran, aph᾿ hēs autǭ Gratianos egegonei, hon mikron emprosthen anēgoreukei basilea. Nomon oun hypagoreusas, dēmosią protithēsi kata poleis, hōste exeinai tǭ boulomenǭ dyo nomimous echein gynaikas. Kai ho men nomos proekeito. Ho de agetai tēn Ioustinan, aph᾿ hēs autǭ ginetai Oualentinianos te ho neos, kai thygateres treis, Iousta, Grata, Galla. Hōn hai men dyo partheneuousai dietelesan. Gallan de hysteron basileus egēme Theodosios ho megas, aph᾿ hēs autǭ Plakidia thygatēr egeneto. ᾿Arkadion gar kai Honōrion ek Plakidēs eschen tēs proteras gynaikos. Peri men oun Theodosiou kai tōn huiōn autou, kata tēn hekastou chōran eroumen.
After this, when the Sarmatians attacked the Roman empire, the emperor marched against them with very great preparations. The barbarians, hearing of these preparations, could not face them, but sent envoys to him and asked to obtain peace on terms. When the envoys came in and appeared unimpressive, he asked whether all the Sarmatians were like these. When the envoys answered that the best of the Sarmatians had come to him, Valentinian was filled with rage, and shouting loudly said that the Roman empire was in a bad way now that it had come to him, if so mean a race of barbarians was not content to stay safe at home but took up arms, trampled on the Roman frontiers, and was bold enough for war. He strained himself so much in shouting that every vein burst open and every artery was ruptured. So, with his blood pouring out, he died in a fortress named Brigitio, after the consulship of Gratian for the third time and Equitius, about the seventeenth of November, having lived fifty-four years and reigned thirteen. When Valentinian had died, the soldiers in Italy, on the sixth day after his death, proclaimed emperor Valentinian, who had his father's name and was still very young, at Acincum, a city of Italy. When this was reported, the emperors were indignant, not because one's brother and the other's nephew had become emperor, but because he had been appointed against the wish of both, whom they themselves had intended to appoint. Nevertheless both voted for him to share the empire. In this way the young Valentinian was established in his father's place. It should be known that this Valentinian was born to the emperor from Justina, whom he married while his former wife Severa was still alive, for the following reason. Justus, Justina's father, who had earlier been governor of the province of Picenum in the times of Constantius, saw a dream that he gave birth to the imperial purple from his right side. The dream was told to many and reached the ears of Constantius. He, interpreting the dream to mean that an emperor would be born from him, sent and had Justus killed. His daughter Justina was left orphaned of her father, being still a virgin. Some time later she became acquainted with Severa, the wife of the emperor Valentinian, and constantly visited the empress. When their intimacy had grown strong, she even bathed with her. When Severa saw Justina bathing, she was smitten with the virgin's beauty, and she went on to tell the emperor about her: that the virgin, the daughter of Justus, had such wonderful beauty that she herself, though a woman, was smitten with her loveliness. The emperor, storing up his wife's words, decided to marry Justina without putting away Severa, from whom Gratian had been born to him, whom he had a little before proclaimed emperor. So he dictated a law and published it publicly city by city, that anyone who wished might have two lawful wives. The law was published, and he married Justina, from whom were born to him the younger Valentinian and three daughters, Justa, Grata and Galla. Two of these remained virgins; Galla was later married by the emperor Theodosius the Great, and from her a daughter, Placidia, was born to him; for he had Arcadius and Honorius from his former wife Placilla. About Theodosius and his sons we shall speak each in its place.
4.32PG 67:549–551
Οὐάλης δὲ ἐν τῇ Ἀντιοχείᾳ διάγων, ἀπὸ μὲν τῶν ἔξω πολέμων τέως ἡσύχαζε. Πανταχόθεν γὰρ οἱ βάρβαρὸι κατὰ τὰς οἰκείας ἔμενον χώρας. Δεινῶς δὲ ἐπολέμει τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον, καὶ καθ' ἑκάστην μείζονας τὰς τιμωρίας ἐφεύρισκεν κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. Ἕως αὐτοῦ τὴν πολλὴν ἀπήνειαν ὁ φιλόσοφος Θεμίστιος ἱ μετριωτέραν τῷ Προσφωνητικῷ λόγῳ εἰργάσατο, ἐν ᾧ μὴ δεῖν ξενίζεσθαι ἐπὶ τῇ διαφωνίᾳ τῶν Χριστιανικῶν δογμάτων παμαινεῖ τῷ βασιλεῖ. Μικρὰν γὰρ εἶναι τὴν αὐτῶν διαφωνίαν, ὡς πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὴν σύγχυσιν τῶν παρ' "Ελλησι δογμάτων· εἶναι γὰρ ὑπὲρ τὰ τριακόσια δόγματα. Καὶ πρὸς τὸ δόξαν, ἐξ ἀνάγκης καὶ τὴν διαφωνίαν εἶναι πολλήν βούλεσθαί τε οὕτως τὸν Θεὸν διαφόρως δοξάζεσθαι, ἵνα ἕκαστος πλέον αὐτοῦ τὴν μεγαλειότητα φοβοῖτο, ἐκ τοῦ μὴ πρόχειρον ἔχειν τὴν γνῶσιν αὐτοῦ. Ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τοῦ φιλοσόφου προσφωνήσαντος, πραότερος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐγίνετο. Οὐ μὴν τελέως ὑφίει τῆς ὀργῆς, ἀλλὰ ἀντὶ θανάτου ἐξορίαν ἐτίθει τὴν ζημίαν τοῖς ἱερωμένοις ἀνδράσιν, ἕως ἀπέπαυσεν αὐτοῦ καὶ ταύτην τὴν ὁρμὴν ἐπιγενόμενον πρᾶγμα τοιόνδε.
Oualēs de en tę̄ Antiocheią diagōn, apo men tōn exō polemōn teōs hēsychaze. Pantachothen gar hoi barbaroi kata tas oikeias emenon chōras. Deinōs de epolemei tous phronountas to homoousion, kai kath' hekastēn meizonas tas timōrias epheurisken kat᾿ autōn. Heōs autou tēn pollēn apēneian ho philosophos Themistios hi metriōteran tǭ Prosphōnētikǭ logǭ eirgasato, en hǭ mē dein xenizesthai epi tę̄ diaphōnią tōn Christianikōn dogmatōn pamainei tǭ basilei. Mikran gar einai tēn autōn diaphōnian, hōs pros to plēthos kai tēn synchysin tōn par' "Ellēsi dogmatōn; einai gar hyper ta triakosia dogmata. Kai pros to doxan, ex anankēs kai tēn diaphōnian einai pollēn boulesthai te houtōs ton Theon diaphorōs doxazesthai, hina hekastos pleon autou tēn megaleiotēta phoboito, ek tou mē procheiron echein tēn gnōsin autou. Tauta kai ta toiauta tou philosophou prosphōnēsantos, praoteros ho basileus egineto. Ou mēn teleōs hyphiei tēs orgēs, alla anti thanatou exorian etithei tēn zēmian tois hierōmenois andrasin, heōs apepausen autou kai tautēn tēn hormēn epigenomenon pragma toionde.
Valens, staying at Antioch, had rest for a while from foreign wars, for the barbarians everywhere kept within their own lands. But he made cruel war on those who held the 'same essence' and every day devised greater punishments against them, until the philosopher Themistius made his great harshness milder by his Address, in which he advises the emperor not to be surprised at the disagreement among the Christian doctrines. For their disagreement, he said, was small compared with the multitude and confusion of the doctrines among the Greeks, which were more than three hundred; and in matters of opinion there must necessarily be much disagreement; and God wishes to be glorified in different ways, so that each may fear his majesty the more because knowledge of him is not easily at hand. When the philosopher had addressed him with these and similar arguments, the emperor became milder. He did not lay aside his anger entirely, but instead of death he made exile the penalty for the consecrated men, until a further event of the following kind put a stop even to this impulse of his.
4.33PG 67:551–553
Οἱ πέραν τοῦ Ἴστρου βάρβαροι οἱ καλούμενοι Γότθοι, ἐμφύλιον πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς κινήσαντες πόλεμον, εἰς δύο μέρη ἐτμήθησαν· ὧν τοῦ ἑνὸς ἡγεῖτο Φριτιγέρνης, τοῦ δὲ ἑτέρου, Ἀθανάριχος. Ἐπικρατεστέρου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αθαναρίχου φανέντος, Φριτιγέρνης προσφεύ γει Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τὴν αὐτῶν κατὰ τοῦ ἀντιπάλου ἐπεκαλεῖτο βοήθειαν. Γνωρίζεται ταῦτα τῷ βασιλεῖ ( Οὐάλεντι· καὶ κελεύει τοὺς ἐνιδρυμένους κατὰ τὴν Θράκην στρατιώτας, βοηθεῖν τοῖς βαρβάροις κατὰ βαρβάρων στρατεύουσι. Καὶ ποιοῦνται νίκην κατὰ ᾿Αθαναρίχου πέραν τοῦ Ἴστρου, τοὺς πολεμίους εἰς φυγὴν τρέψαντες. Αὕτη πρόφασις γέγονε, τοῦ Χριστιανοὺς γενέσθαι τῶν βαρβάρων πολλούς. Ὁ γὰρ Φριτιγέρνης χάριν ἀποδιδοὺς ὧν εὐεργετεῖτο, τὴν θρησκείαν τοῦ βασιλέως ἡσπάζετο, καὶ τοὺς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τοῦτο ποιεῖν προετρέπετο. Διὸ καὶ μέχρι νῦν πλείους οἱ Γότθοι τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς θρησκείας ὄντες τυγχάνουσι, τότε διὰ τὸν βασιλέα ταύτῃ προσθέμενοι" τότε δὲ Οὐλφίλας ὁ τῶν Γότθων ἐπίσκοπος:, γράμματα ἔφεῦρε Γοτθιχὰ, καὶ τὰς θείας Γραφὰς εἰς τὴν Γότθων μεταβαλὼν, τοὺς βαρβάρους μανθάνειν τὰ θεῖα λόγια παρεσκεύασεν. ᾿Ἐπειδὴ δὲ Οὐλφίλας οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπὸ Φριτιγέρνην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὑπὸ ᾿Αθανάριχον ταττομένους βαρβάρους τὸν χρί'στιαᾶνισμὸν ἐξεδίδασχεν, ὁ ᾿Αθανάριχος ὡς παραχαραττομέγῆς τῆς πατρῴου θρησκείας, πολλοὺς τῶν χριστιαν:ζόντων τιμωρίαις ὑπέδαλλεν" ὥστε γενέσθαι μάρτυπτηνιχαῦτα βαρβάρους ἀρειανίξζοντας. ᾿Αλλὰ "Άρειος μὲν πρὸς τὴν Σαδελλίου τοῦ Λίβυος δόξαν ἀπαντῆσαι μὴ δυνηθεὶς, τῆς ὀρθῆς ἐξέπεσε πίστεως, πρόσφατον Θεὸν τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ δογματίσας. Οἱ δὲ βάρδαροι, ἁπλότητι τὸν χριστιανισμὸν δεξάμεὑπὲρ τῆς εἰς Χριστὸν πίστεως τῆς ἐνταῦθα ζωῆς κατεφρόνησαν. Ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν χριστιανιζόντων.
Hoi peran tou Istrou barbaroi hoi kaloumenoi Gotthoi, emphylion pros heautous kinēsantes polemon, eis dyo merē etmēthēsan; hōn tou henos hēgeito Phritigernēs, tou de heterou, Athanarichos. Epikratesterou de tou ᾿Athanarichou phanentos, Phritigernēs prospheu gei Rhōmaiois, kai tēn autōn kata tou antipalou epekaleito boētheian. Gnōrizetai tauta tǭ basilei ( Oualenti; kai keleuei tous enidrymenous kata tēn Thrakēn stratiōtas, boēthein tois barbarois kata barbarōn strateuousi. Kai poiountai nikēn kata ᾿Athanarichou peran tou Istrou, tous polemious eis phygēn trepsantes. Hautē prophasis gegone, tou Christianous genesthai tōn barbarōn pollous. Ho gar Phritigernēs charin apodidous hōn euergeteito, tēn thrēskeian tou basileōs hēspazeto, kai tous hyph᾽ heautǭ touto poiein proetrepeto. Dio kai mechri nyn pleious hoi Gotthoi tēs ᾿Areianēs thrēskeias ontes tynchanousi, tote dia ton basilea tautę̄ prosthemenoi" tote de Oulphilas ho tōn Gotthōn episkopos:, grammata epheure Gotthicha, kai tas theias Graphas eis tēn Gotthōn metabalōn, tous barbarous manthanein ta theia logia pareskeuasen. ᾿Epeidē de Oulphilas ou monon tous hypo Phritigernēn, alla kai tous hypo ᾿Athanarichon tattomenous barbarous ton chri'stiaanismon exedidaschen, ho ᾿Athanarichos hōs paracharattomegēs tēs patrǭou thrēskeias, pollous tōn christian:zontōn timōriais hypedallen" hōste genesthai martyptēnichauta barbarous areianixzontas. ᾿Alla "Areios men pros tēn Sadelliou tou Libyos doxan apantēsai mē dynētheis, tēs orthēs exepese pisteōs, prosphaton Theon ton Huion tou Theou dogmatisas. Hoi de bardaroi, haplotēti ton christianismon dexameuper tēs eis Christon pisteōs tēs entautha zōēs katephronēsan. Tauta men peri tōn christianizontōn.
The barbarians beyond the Danube called Goths started a civil war among themselves and were split into two parts, one led by Fritigern, the other by Athanaric. When Athanaric proved the stronger, Fritigern fled to the Romans and called on their help against his adversary. This was made known to the emperor Valens, and he ordered the soldiers stationed in Thrace to help the barbarians campaigning against barbarians. They won a victory over Athanaric beyond the Danube and put the enemy to flight. This became the occasion for many of the barbarians becoming Christians. For Fritigern, repaying the kindness he had received, embraced the emperor's religion and urged those under him to do the same. That is why to this day most of the Goths belong to the Arian religion, having then joined it because of the emperor. At that time Ulfilas, the bishop of the Goths, invented Gothic letters and, translating the divine Scriptures into the language of the Goths, enabled the barbarians to learn the divine oracles. Since Ulfilas taught Christianity not only to the barbarians under Fritigern but also to those ranged under Athanaric, Athanaric, regarding it as a debasement of his ancestral religion, subjected many of those who became Christians to punishments, so that at that time Arianizing barbarians became martyrs. Arius, unable to answer the opinion of Sabellius the Libyan, fell away from the right faith, teaching that the Son of God is a recent God; but the barbarians, having received Christianity in simplicity, despised the present life for faith in Christ. So much about those who became Christians.
4.34PG 67:553–555
Θὺχ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ οἱ βάρβαροι φιλίαν πρὸς ἀλλύλους σπεισάμενοι, αὖθις ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρων βαρδάρων γειτνιαζόντων αὐτοῖς τῶν καλουμένων Οὔννων ! καταπολεμηθέντες, τῆς ἰδίας ἐξελαθέντες χώρας, εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων γῆν χαταφεύγουσι, δουλεύειν τῷ βασιλεῖ συντιθέμενοι, καὶ τοῦτο πράττειν, ὅπερ ἂν ὁ Ῥωμαᾳίων προστάξειε βασιλεύς. Ταῦτα εἰς γνῶσιν τοῦ Οὐάλεντος " μηδὲν προϊδόμενος, κελεύει τοὺς ἐχετεύοντας οἴχτου τυχεῖν, ποὺς ἕν τοῦτο μόνον αἱκ«ίρμων γενόμενος. ᾿Αφυρίζει οὖν αὐτοῖς τὰ μέρη τῆς Θράκης, εὐτυχεῖν ταμάλιστα ἐπὶ τούτω νομίσας. Ἐλογίζετο ὃὲ ὡς εἴη ἕτοιμον εὑτρεπὲς χτησάμεκατὰ πολεμίων στράτευμα" ἤλπιζε γὰρ ρους ᾿Ρωμαίων φοβδερωτέρους ἔσεσθαι φύλακας" διατοῦτο μέλει τοῦ λοιποῦ, τοὺς Ῥωμαίων στραν τιώτα; αὐξῆσαι. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἤδη πάλαι στρατευοκατὰ τοὺ: πολέμους γενναίως ἄγωνισαμένους ὑπερεώρα" τὸν δὲ συντελούμενον ἐκ τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν χχτὰ κώμας στρατιώτην ἐξηργύρισεν ὁγδοήεἰ κοντα χρυσίους ὑπὲρ ἑκάστου στρατιώτου τοὺς συντελεστὰς ἀπαιτεῖσθαι κελεύσας, οὐ πρότερον τὰς συντελείας κουφίσας αὐτοῖς. Τοῦτο ἀρχὴ γέγονε τοῦ δυστυχῆσαι τότε πρὸς ὀλίγον τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχήν.
Thych eis makran de hoi barbaroi philian pros allylous speisamenoi, authis hyph᾽ heterōn bardarōn geitniazontōn autois tōn kaloumenōn Ounnōn ! katapolemēthentes, tēs idias exelathentes chōras, eis tēn Rhōmaiōn gēn chatapheugousi, douleuein tǭ basilei syntithemenoi, kai touto prattein, hoper an ho Rhōmaąiōn prostaxeie basileus. Tauta eis gnōsin tou Oualentos " mēden proïdomenos, keleuei tous echeteuontas oichtou tychein, pous hen touto monon haik«irmōn genomenos. ᾿Aphyrizei oun autois ta merē tēs Thrakēs, eutychein tamalista epi toutō nomisas. Elogizeto hoe hōs eiē hetoimon heutrepes chtēsamekata polemiōn strateuma" ēlpize gar rous ᾿Rōmaiōn phobderōterous esesthai phylakas" diatouto melei tou loipou, tous Rhōmaiōn stran tiōta? auxēsai. Kai tous men ēdē palai strateuokata tou: polemous gennaiōs agōnisamenous hypereōra" ton de synteloumenon ek tōn eparchiōn chchta kōmas stratiōtēn exērgyrisen hogdoēei konta chrysious hyper hekastou stratiōtou tous syntelestas apaiteisthai keleusas, ou proteron tas synteleias kouphisas autois. Touto archē gegone tou dystychēsai tote pros oligon tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn.
Not long after, the barbarians made a treaty of friendship with one another; but again, warred down by other barbarians who were their neighbours, called Huns, and driven out of their own land, they took refuge in the territory of the Romans, agreeing to serve the emperor and to do whatever the emperor of the Romans should order. When this came to the knowledge of Valens, he, foreseeing nothing, ordered that the suppliants should obtain pity, showing compassion in this one thing only. So he marked off for them the parts of Thrace, thinking himself especially fortunate in this. He reckoned that he had acquired a ready and well-prepared army against enemies; for he hoped that the barbarians would be more formidable guards than the Romans. For this reason he neglected in future to increase the Roman soldiery. He disregarded those who had long served and had fought nobly in the wars; and the soldier levied from the provinces village by village he commuted into money, ordering that eighty gold pieces be demanded of the taxpayers for each soldier, though he had not before lightened their taxes. This was the beginning of misfortune for the Roman empire for a time.
4.35PG 67:555
Οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι τη τὴν Θράκην κατειληφότες, ἐν ἀδείᾳ τὴν Ῥωμαίων καρπούμενοι χώραν, τὴν εὐτυχίαν οὐκ ἤνεγκαν· ἀλλὰ κατὰ τῶν εὐεργετησάντων χωροῦσι, καὶ πάντα τὰ περὶ Θράκην ἀνέτρεπον. Ταῦτα οὕτως ἐπιγενόμενα, εἰς γνῶσιν ἐλθόντα τοῦ Οὐάλεντος, τοῦ εἰς ἐξορίαν πέμπειν τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον ἀφίστατο. Ἐν θορύβῳ γὰρ γενόμενος, εὐθὺς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἦλθε. Διὸ καὶ ὁ κατ᾿ αὐτὴν χριστιανικὸς ἐλώφησε πόλεμος. Τότε δὴ καὶ Εὐζώϊος, ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς θρησκείας ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ προεστὼς, τέλει τοῦ βίου ἐχρήσατο, κατὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Οὐάλεντος τὸ πέμπτον, καὶ Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ Νέου τὸ πρῶτον· καὶ καθίσταται εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ Δωρόθεος.
Hoi gar barbaroi tē tēn Thrakēn kateilēphotes, en adeią tēn Rhōmaiōn karpoumenoi chōran, tēn eutychian ouk ēnenkan; alla kata tōn euergetēsantōn chōrousi, kai panta ta peri Thrakēn anetrepon. Tauta houtōs epigenomena, eis gnōsin elthonta tou Oualentos, tou eis exorian pempein tous phronountas to homoousion aphistato. En thorybǭ gar genomenos, euthys ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin ēlthe. Dio kai ho kat᾿ autēn christianikos elōphēse polemos. Tote dē kai Euzōïos, ho tēs ᾿Areianēs thrēskeias en ᾿Antiocheią proestōs, telei tou biou echrēsato, kata tēn hypateian Oualentos to pempton, kai Oualentinianou Neou to prōton; kai kathistatai eis ton topon autou Dōrotheos.
For the barbarians, having occupied Thrace and enjoying the land of the Romans without fear, could not bear their good fortune; they turned against their benefactors and overturned everything in Thrace. When these things came to the knowledge of Valens, he left off sending into exile those who held the 'same essence'; for, thrown into alarm, he went at once from Antioch to Constantinople. So the war against the Christians there also abated. At that time Euzoius, who presided over the Arian worship at Antioch, died, in the consulship of Valens for the fifth time and Valentinian the Younger for the first time, and Dorotheus was appointed in his place.
4.36PG 67:555–557
᾿Αναχωρήσαντος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας τοῦ βασιλέως, Σαρακηνοί – οἱ πρώην ὑπόσπονδοι, τότε Ῥωμαίων ἀπέστησαν, στρατηγούμενοι ὑπὸ Μαυΐας γυναικός, τοῦ ἀνδρὸς αὐτῆς τελευτήσαντος. Πάντα οὖν τὰ ὑπὸ τὴν ἀνατολὴν, ὑπὸ τῶν Σαρακηνῶν κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν ἐπορθεῖτο χρόνον. Αλλά τις Θεοῦ πρόνοια, τὰ Σαρακηνῶν κατέστειλε δι' αἰτίαν τοιαύτην. Μωσῆς τις ὄνομα, Σαρακηνὸς τὸ γένος, ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ τὸν μοναχικὸν μετερχόμενος βίον, ἐπ᾿ εὐλαβείᾳ καὶ πίστει καὶ τεραστίοις περιβόητος ἦν. Τοῦτον ἡ τῶν Σαρακηνῶν βασίλισσα Μαυΐα, ἐπίσκοπον τοῦ οἰκείου ἔθνους ᾔτει λαβεῖν, ἐπὶ συνθήκαις τοῦ καταλῦσαι τὸν πόλεμον. ἀκούσαντες Ῥωμαίων στρατηγοὶ, ἀγαπητὸν ἡγήσαντο ἐπὶ τοιαύταις συνθήκαι:ς εἰρήνην ποιήσασθαι" εὐθύς τε ὡς εἶχον ἐπέταττον τοῦτο σθαι. Καὶ συλληφθεὶς ὁ Μωσῆς, τῆς ἐρήμου ἤγετο εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἐχεΐ τὴν ἱερωσύνην δεξάμενος. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πρὸς τὸν κρατοῦντα τότε τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν Λούκιον ἤχθη τὴν χειροτονίαν ἀπέφυγε, τοιαῦτα εἰπὼν πρὸς Λούκιον’ Ἐγὼ μὲν ἐμαυτὸν ἡγοῦμαι τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀνάξιον. ὃὲ λυσιτελεῖ τοῦτο τοῖς δημοσίοις πράγμασιν, ἐπιθήσει μοι χεῖρα Λούκιος. Πεπλήρωται γὰρ αὑτοῦ αἱμάτων ἡ δεξιά. Τοῦ δὲ Λουκίου λέγοντος μὴ δεῖν ὑδρίζειν, ἀλλὰ πρότερον μανθάνειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῆς θρησκείας τὰ δόγματα, ὁ Μωσῆς" ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ δογμάτων λόγος, ἔφη, νῦν ζητεῖται, ἀλλ᾽ αἱ πράξεις σου αἱ τῶν ἀδελφῶν γενόμεναι, ἐξελέγχουσιν ὡς χριστιανιχὰ ἔχεις δόγματα. Ὃ γὰρ χριστιανὸς οὐ πλήσσει, οὐ λοιδορεῖ, οὐδὲ μάχεται "᾿ δοῦλον γὰρ Κυρίου οὐ δεῖ μάχεσθαι. Σοῦ δὲ τὰ ἔργα βοᾷ διὰ τῶν πεμφθέντων εἰς ἐξορίαν, καὶ θηρίοις παραθδληθέντων, καὶ πυρὶ παραδοθέντων. Μείζονα δὲ ἔχει τὴν ἀπόδειξιν τὰ τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρώμενα, ἢ ταῖς ἀκοαῖς λαμδανόμενα. Ταῦτα τὰ τοιαῦτα λέγοντα τὸν Μωσῆν, ἀπῆγον οἱ ἐπιτήδειοι πρὸς τὸ ὄρος, ὅπως ἂν τὴν χειροτονίαν παρὰ τῶν εἰς ἐξορίαν τυγχανόντων δέξηται. Οὕτως οὖν τότε τοῦ Μωσέως χειροτονηθέντὸς, ὁ Σαρακηνῶν ἐσδέσθη πόλεμος" εἶχέ τε τοῦ λοιποῦ ἡ Μαυΐα πρὸς ' Ῥωμαίους εἰρήνην, ὡς θυγατέρα αὐτῆς τῷ στρατηλάτῃ χατεγγυῆσαι Βίχτορι. Ταῦτα περὶ Σαρακηνῶν.
᾿Anachōrēsantos de tēs ᾿Antiocheias tou basileōs, Sarakēnoi – hoi prōēn hypospondoi, tote Rhōmaiōn apestēsan, stratēgoumenoi hypo Mauïas gynaikos, tou andros autēs teleutēsantos. Panta oun ta hypo tēn anatolēn, hypo tōn Sarakēnōn kata ton auton eportheito chronon. Alla tis Theou pronoia, ta Sarakēnōn katesteile di' aitian toiautēn. Mōsēs tis onoma, Sarakēnos to genos, en tę̄ erēmǭ ton monachikon meterchomenos bion, ep᾿ eulabeią kai pistei kai terastiois periboētos ēn. Touton hē tōn Sarakēnōn basilissa Mauïa, episkopon tou oikeiou ethnous ę̄tei labein, epi synthēkais tou katalysai ton polemon. akousantes Rhōmaiōn stratēgoi, agapēton hēgēsanto epi toiautais synthēkai:s eirēnēn poiēsasthai" euthys te hōs eichon epetatton touto sthai. Kai syllēphtheis ho Mōsēs, tēs erēmou ēgeto eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian, echeï tēn hierōsynēn dexamenos. Epei de pros ton kratounta tote tōn ekklēsiōn Loukion ēchthē tēn cheirotonian apephyge, toiauta eipōn pros Loukion’ Egō men emauton hēgoumai tēs hierōsynēs anaxion. hoe lysitelei touto tois dēmosiois pragmasin, epithēsei moi cheira Loukios. Peplērōtai gar hautou haimatōn hē dexia. Tou de Loukiou legontos mē dein hydrizein, alla proteron manthanein par᾽ autou tēs thrēskeias ta dogmata, ho Mōsēs" ᾿All᾽ ou dogmatōn logos, ephē, nyn zēteitai, all᾽ hai praxeis sou hai tōn adelphōn genomenai, exelenchousin hōs christianicha echeis dogmata. Ho gar christianos ou plēssei, ou loidorei, oude machetai "᾿ doulon gar Kyriou ou dei machesthai. Sou de ta erga boą dia tōn pemphthentōn eis exorian, kai thēriois parathdlēthentōn, kai pyri paradothentōn. Meizona de echei tēn apodeixin ta tois ophthalmois horōmena, ē tais akoais lamdanomena. Tauta ta toiauta legonta ton Mōsēn, apēgon hoi epitēdeioi pros to oros, hopōs an tēn cheirotonian para tōn eis exorian tynchanontōn dexētai. Houtōs oun tote tou Mōseōs cheirotonēthentos, ho Sarakēnōn esdesthē polemos" eiche te tou loipou hē Mauïa pros ' Rhōmaious eirēnēn, hōs thygatera autēs tǭ stratēlatę̄ chatengyēsai Bichtori. Tauta peri Sarakēnōn.
When the emperor had left Antioch, the Saracens, who had formerly been allies, then revolted from the Romans, led by a woman, Mavia, after her husband had died. So everything in the East was ravaged by the Saracens at that time. But a providence of God checked the Saracens for the following reason. A certain Moses by name, a Saracen by race, who followed the monastic life in the desert, was famous for his piety, faith and wonders. Mavia, the queen of the Saracens, asked to have him as bishop of her own nation, on condition of ending the war. When the Roman generals heard this, they thought it welcome to make peace on such terms, and at once ordered it to be done. Moses was taken and brought from the desert to Alexandria, to receive the priesthood there. But when he was brought to Lucius, who then held the churches, he declined ordination, saying to Lucius: 'I count myself unworthy of the priesthood. But if this is of benefit to public affairs, Lucius shall not lay a hand on me; for his right hand is full of blood.' When Lucius said that he ought not to insult him but first learn from him the doctrines of his religion, Moses said, 'But it is not a question of doctrines now; your deeds done against the brothers prove that you do not hold Christian doctrines. For a Christian does not strike, does not revile, does not fight; for the servant of the Lord must not fight. But your works cry out, through those sent into exile, thrown to the beasts, and handed over to fire. And what is seen with the eyes gives greater proof than what is received by the ears.' When Moses said these and like things, his friends took him to the mountain, so that he might receive ordination from those who were in exile. When Moses had been ordained in this way, the Saracen war was quenched; and from then on Mavia kept peace with the Romans, so that she betrothed her daughter to Victor, the commander. So much about the Saracens.
4.37PG 67:557
Κατὰ δὲ τὸν καιρὸν τοῦτον, τοῦ βασιλέως Οὐάλεντος τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἀναχωρήσαντος, ἀνεῤῥώνγυντο οἱ πανταχοῦ ἐλαυνόμενοι, μάλιστα οἱ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Πέτρου τε ἐπανελθόντος ἀπὸ τῆς Ρώμης μετὰ γραμμάτων Δαμάσου τοῦ Ῥώμῆς ἐπισκόπου, βεθαιούντων τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν τὴν τοῦ Πέτρου κατάστασιν ἀναθαῤῥῆήσας οὖν ὁ λαὺς, τὸν μὲν Λούκιον ἐξελαύνουσιν" ἀντεισἀγουσ: δὲ τὴν Πέτρον. ᾿Αλλὰ Λούκιος μὲν ὡς εἶχεν ἐ πὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἔπλεεν. Πέτρος δὲ ὀλίγον ἐ πιδιοὺς χρόνον τελευτᾷ, διάδοχον γαταλιπὼν Τιμόθεὸν ἀδελφὸν ἑαυτοῦ.
Kata de ton kairon touton, tou basileōs Oualentos tēs ᾿Antiocheias anachōrēsantos, anerrhōngynto hoi pantachou elaunomenoi, malista hoi kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Petrou te epanelthontos apo tēs Rōmēs meta grammatōn Damasou tou Rhōmēs episkopou, bethaiountōn tēn tou homoousiou pistin tēn tou Petrou katastasin anatharrhēēsas oun ho laus, ton men Loukion exelaunousin" anteisagous: de tēn Petron. ᾿Alla Loukios men hōs eichen e pi tēn Kōnstantinou polin epleen. Petros de oligon e pidious chronon teleutą, diadochon gatalipōn Timotheon adelphon heautou.
At this time, when the emperor Valens had left Antioch, those who had been persecuted everywhere took heart again, especially those in Alexandria. When Peter returned from Rome with letters of Damasus, bishop of Rome, confirming the faith of the 'same essence' and Peter's appointment, the people took courage, drove out Lucius, and brought in Peter in his place. Lucius sailed off at once to Constantinople. Peter, having lived a short time longer, died, leaving his brother Timothy as his successor.
4.38PG 67:559–561
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Οὐάλης περὶ τὴν τριακάδα τοῦ Μαΐου μηνὸς Γ, ἐν τῇ ἕκτῃ ἑαυτοῦ ὑπατείᾳ καὶ Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ τοῦ Νέου τὸ δεύτερον, ἐλθὼν εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολεν, εὑρίσκει τὸν δῆμον ἐν ἀθυμία καθεστῶτα πολλῇ. Οἱ γὰρ βάρβαροι καταδραμόντες τὴν Θράκην, ἤδη καὶ τὰ προάστεια ἐπόρθουν τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, μηδεμιᾶς οὔσης ἀξιομάχου τηνικαῦτα δυνάμεως. Ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ τοῖς τείχεσι προσ ἔφερε τὰ γινόμενα· ἐψιθύριζόν τε κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὡς ἐπαγαγόντος τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ ὅτι μὴ ἀντεπεξῆγεν εὐθὺς, ἀλλὰ παρεῖλκε τὸν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους πόλεμον. Καὶ δὴ ἱπποδρομίας ἐπιτελουμένης, πάντες ἐκ συμφωνίας κατεβόων τοῦ βασιλέως ὡς περιορῶντος τὰ πράγματα. Ἔκραζον οὖν συντόνως· Δὸς ὅπλα καὶ πολεμοῦμεν ἡμεῖς. Ταῦτα βοώντων, ἐξάπτεται πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ βασιλεύς. Καὶ ὑπερβαίνει περὶ τὴν ἐνδεκάτην τοῦ Ἰουνίου μηνός ἐπαπειλήσας ἣν ὑποστρέψῃ, δίκην ὑπὸ Κωνσταντινουπολιτῶν λήψεσθαι, ὧν τότε ὑβρίζειν αὐτὸν ἐδόκουν, καὶ ὑπὲρ ὧν ἤδη πρότερον τῇ τυραννίδι Προκοπίου προσέθεντο· ἔρημόν τε καταστήσειν τὴν πόλιν, καὶ ἄρατρον εἰπὼν βαλεῖν κατ' αὐτὴν, ἐπὶ τοὺς πελάζειν ἐπεχείρουν οἱ βάρβαροι, χαλεπῶς ἡ πόλις βαρβάρους ἐχώρει. Καὶ ὠθεῖ μὲν αὐτοὺς πόῤῥω τῆς πόλεως· ἐδίωκε δὲ ἄχρι τῆς ἐν Θράκῃ ᾿Αδριανουπόλεως, ἢ ἐν τοῖς ὀρίοις τῆς Μακεδονίας ἐστίν. Ἐκεῖ τε συμβαλὼν τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἀπέθανε τῇ ἐννάτῃ τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνὸς 5, ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ὑπατείᾳ. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν τέταρτον ἔτος τῆς διακοστῆς ὀγδοηκοστῆς ἐννάτης Ὀλυμπιάδος. Καὶ οἱ μὲν πυρί φασιν ἀπολέσθαι αὐτὸν ἱ, εἰς κώμην καταφυγόντα τινὰ, ἣν ἐπιδ δραμόντες οἱ βάρδαροι ἐνέπρησαν " οἱ δὲ ἀμείψαντα τὸ βασιλιχὺν σχῆμά φασιν αὐτὸν εἰς μέσον τὸ στίφος τῶν πεζῶν εἰσδραμεῖν" εἶτα τῶν ἱππέων προδεδωχότων, οὐχ ἁψαμένων τῆς μάχης, ἐν τῇ συμδολῇ τούτους περιχυθέντας πάντας ἀθρόως πεσεῖν. Ἔνθα δῇ φασιν αὐτὸν ἀγνοηθῆναι χεΐμενον, οὐχ ὄντος βασιλιχοῦ σχήματος τοῦ χαταμηνύσαντος ὅστις ἦν. Τελευτᾷ δὲ ζήσας ἔτη συμβασιλεύσας μὲν τῷ ἀδελφῷ ἔτη δεκατρία" μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν βασιλεύσας ἔτη τρία. Περιέχει ἡ βίδλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ις΄.
Ho de basileus Oualēs peri tēn triakada tou Maïou mēnos G, en tę̄ hektę̄ heautou hypateią kai Oualentinianou tou Neou to deuteron, elthōn eis tēn Kōnstantinoupolen, heuriskei ton dēmon en athymia kathestōta pollę̄. Hoi gar barbaroi katadramontes tēn Thrakēn, ēdē kai ta proasteia eporthoun tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, mēdemias ousēs axiomachou tēnikauta dynameōs. Epei de kai tois teichesi pros ephere ta ginomena; epsithyrizon te kata tou basileōs, hōs epagagontos tous polemious, kai hoti mē antepexēgen euthys, alla pareilke ton pros tous barbarous polemon. Kai dē hippodromias epiteloumenēs, pantes ek symphōnias kateboōn tou basileōs hōs periorōntos ta pragmata. Ekrazon oun syntonōs; Dos hopla kai polemoumen hēmeis. Tauta boōntōn, exaptetai pros orgēn ho basileus. Kai hyperbainei peri tēn endekatēn tou Iouniou mēnos epapeilēsas hēn hypostrepsę̄, dikēn hypo Kōnstantinoupolitōn lēpsesthai, hōn tote hybrizein auton edokoun, kai hyper hōn ēdē proteron tę̄ tyrannidi Prokopiou prosethento; erēmon te katastēsein tēn polin, kai aratron eipōn balein kat' autēn, epi tous pelazein epecheiroun hoi barbaroi, chalepōs hē polis barbarous echōrei. Kai ōthei men autous porrhō tēs poleōs; ediōke de achri tēs en Thrakę̄ ᾿Adrianoupoleōs, ē en tois oriois tēs Makedonias estin. Ekei te symbalōn tois barbarois, apethane tę̄ ennatę̄ tou Augoustou mēnos 5, en tę̄ autę̄ hypateią. Touto de ēn tetarton etos tēs diakostēs ogdoēkostēs ennatēs Olympiados. Kai hoi men pyri phasin apolesthai auton hi, eis kōmēn kataphygonta tina, hēn epid dramontes hoi bardaroi eneprēsan " hoi de ameipsanta to basilichyn schēma phasin auton eis meson to stiphos tōn pezōn eisdramein" eita tōn hippeōn prodedōchotōn, ouch hapsamenōn tēs machēs, en tę̄ symdolę̄ toutous perichythentas pantas athroōs pesein. Entha dę̄ phasin auton agnoēthēnai cheïmenon, ouch ontos basilichou schēmatos tou chatamēnysantos hostis ēn. Teleutą de zēsas etē symbasileusas men tǭ adelphǭ etē dekatria" meta de ton adelphon basileusas etē tria. Periechei hē bidlos chronon etōn is΄.
The emperor Valens, coming to Constantinople about the thirtieth of May, in his sixth consulship and that of Valentinian the Younger for the second time, found the people in great despondency. For the barbarians had overrun Thrace and were already ravaging the suburbs of Constantinople, there being at that time no force capable of facing them. When they came even up to the walls, the people were distressed at what was happening and murmured against the emperor as the one who had brought in the enemy, and because he did not march out against them at once but was delaying the war with the barbarians. Indeed, when the horse races were being held, all with one accord shouted against the emperor as neglecting affairs, and they cried out vehemently, 'Give us arms, and we will fight ourselves.' At these shouts the emperor was kindled to anger, and about the eleventh of June he set out, threatening that if he returned he would punish the people of Constantinople both for their apparent insults then and for having earlier sided with the usurper Procopius, and saying that he would make the city desolate and drive a plough over it. He marched against the barbarians, who were attempting to approach, and the city was hard pressed by the barbarians; he drove them far from the city and pursued them as far as Adrianople in Thrace, which is on the borders of Macedonia. There he engaged the barbarians and died on the ninth of August, in the same consulship. This was the fourth year of the two hundred and eighty-ninth Olympiad. Some say that he perished by fire, having fled into a village which the barbarians overran and set on fire. Others say that he put off his imperial dress and ran into the midst of the mass of the infantry; then, when the cavalry betrayed them by not joining battle, the infantry were surrounded in the engagement and all fell together. There, they say, he lay unrecognized, since there was no imperial dress to reveal who he was. He died having lived … years, having reigned thirteen years together with his brother and three years after his brother. The book covers a period of sixteen years.
Chapter 5
5.0PG 67:563–565
Πρὶν ἀρξώμεθα τῆς ἱστορίας τοῦ πέμπτου βιβλίου, – φαμὲν πρὸς τοὺς μέλλοντας ἐντυγχάνειν τῇδε τῇ ὑποθέσει, μὴ μέμψασθαι ἡμῖν, ὅτι προθέμενοι ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἱστορίαν συγγράψασθαι, ἐπιμίγνυμεν αὐτῇ καὶ τοὺς κατὰ καιρὸν γενομένους πολέμους, ὅσον τὴν ἱστορίαν μετὰ τῆς ἀληθείας ἐδυνήθημεν γνῶναι. Τοῦτο γὰρ πολλῶν ἕνεκα ποιοῦμεν· τοῦ εἰς γνῶσιν ἄγειν τὰ γινόμενα· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ τοῦ τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας μὴ προσκορεῖς γενέσθαι, ἐκ τοῦ μὴ σχολάζειν τῇ φιλονεικίᾳ τῶν ἐπισκόπων, καὶ οἷς κατ᾿ ἀλλήλων ἐτύρευσαν· πρὸ δὲ τούτων, ἵνα γνωσθῇ ὅπως τῶν δημοσίων ταραττομένων, ὡς ἔκ τινος συμπαθείας καὶ τὰ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐταράττετο. Εἰ γάρ τις παρατηρήσει, συνακμάσαντα εὑρήσει τά τε δημόσια κακὰ, καὶ τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν δυσχερή. Η γὰρ κατὰ ταυτὸ κινηθέντα εύρήσει, ἢ ἐπακολουθοῦντα ἀλλήλοις· καὶ ποτὲ μὲν τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἡγούμενα, εἶτα αὖθις ἐπακολουθοῦντα τὰ δημόσια˙ ποτὲ δὲ τοῦμπαλιν· ὥστε με τῶν διαδοχῶν τούτων, μὴ ἔκ τινος συντυχίας δύνασθαι νομίζειν, ἀλλ' τῶν ἡμετέρων πλημμελημάτων λαμβάνειν τὰς ἀρχὰς, τιμωρίας δὲ ἕνεκεν ἐπιφέρεσθαι τὰ κακὰ, εἴγε κατὰ τὸν ᾿Απόστολον, Τινῶν ἀνθρώπων αἱ ἁμαρτίαι πρόδηλοί εἰσιν εἰσάγουσαι εἰς κρίσιν· τισὶ δὲ καὶ ἐπακολουθοῦσιν. Διὰ ταύτην δὴ τὴν αἰτίαν, τῇ Ἐκκλησιαστικῇ Ιστορίᾳ καί τινα τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων ἐπισυμπλέκομεν. Τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίνου περὶ τοὺς πολέμους γενόμενα, διὰ χρόνου μῆκος εὐρεῖν οὐκ ἰσχύσαμεν. Τῶν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα, ὅσα παρὰ τῶν ἔτι ζώντων ἐμάθομεν, ἐν ἐπιδρομῇ ποιούμεθα μνήμην. Συνεχῶς δὲ καὶ τοὺς βασιλεῖς τῇ ἱστορίᾳ περιλαμβάνομεν, διότι ἀφ᾿ οὗ χριστιανίζειν ἤρξαντο, τὰ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας πράγματα ἤρτητο ἐξ αὐτῶν, καὶ αἱ μέγισται σύνοδοι τῇ αὐτῶν γνώμῃ γεγόνασί τε καὶ γίνονται. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρειανισμοῦ μνήμην πεποιήμεθα, διότι τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ἐτάραξε. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐν προοιμίῳ αὐτάρκως εἰρήσθω. Ἤδη δὲ τῆς ἱστορίας ἁπτώμεθα.
Prin arxōmetha tēs historias tou pemptou bibliou, – phamen pros tous mellontas entynchanein tę̄de tę̄ hypothesei, mē mempsasthai hēmin, hoti prothemenoi ekklēsiastikēn historian syngrapsasthai, epimignymen autę̄ kai tous kata kairon genomenous polemous, hoson tēn historian meta tēs alētheias edynēthēmen gnōnai. Touto gar pollōn heneka poioumen; tou eis gnōsin agein ta ginomena; alla gar kai tou tous entynchanontas mē proskoreis genesthai, ek tou mē scholazein tę̄ philoneikią tōn episkopōn, kai hois kat᾿ allēlōn etyreusan; pro de toutōn, hina gnōsthę̄ hopōs tōn dēmosiōn tarattomenōn, hōs ek tinos sympatheias kai ta tōn ekklēsiōn etaratteto. Ei gar tis paratērēsei, synakmasanta heurēsei ta te dēmosia kaka, kai ta tōn Ekklēsiōn dyscherē. Ē gar kata tauto kinēthenta eurēsei, ē epakolouthounta allēlois; kai pote men ta tōn Ekklēsiōn hēgoumena, eita authis epakolouthounta ta dēmosia˙ pote de toumpalin; hōste me tōn diadochōn toutōn, mē ek tinos syntychias dynasthai nomizein, all' tōn hēmeterōn plēmmelēmatōn lambanein tas archas, timōrias de heneken epipheresthai ta kaka, eige kata ton ᾿Apostolon, Tinōn anthrōpōn hai hamartiai prodēloi eisin eisagousai eis krisin; tisi de kai epakolouthousin. Dia tautēn dē tēn aitian, tę̄ Ekklēsiastikę̄ Istorią kai tina tōn dēmosiōn pragmatōn episymplekomen. Ta men gar epi Kōnstantinou peri tous polemous genomena, dia chronou mēkos eurein ouk ischysamen. Tōn de meta tauta, hosa para tōn eti zōntōn emathomen, en epidromę̄ poioumetha mnēmēn. Synechōs de kai tous basileis tę̄ historią perilambanomen, dioti aph᾿ hou christianizein ērxanto, ta tēs Ekklēsias pragmata ērtēto ex autōn, kai hai megistai synodoi tę̄ autōn gnōmę̄ gegonasi te kai ginontai. Ou mēn alla tou ᾿Areianismou mnēmēn pepoiēmetha, dioti tas Ekklēsias etaraxe. Kai tauta men en prooimiǭ autarkōs eirēsthō. Ēdē de tēs historias haptōmetha.
Before we begin the history of the fifth book, we say to those who will read this work: do not blame us because, having set out to write a history of the church, we mix into it also the wars that happened from time to time, so far as we have been able to learn their history with truth. We do this for many reasons: to bring what happened to knowledge; and also so that readers may not be sated by occupying themselves only with the contentiousness of the bishops and their plots against one another; and above all, so that it may be known how, when public affairs were disturbed, the affairs of the churches too were disturbed, as if by a kind of sympathy. For if anyone observes, he will find that public evils and the troubles of the churches came to a head together: he will find them either set in motion at the same time or following one another, sometimes the affairs of the churches leading and public affairs following after, sometimes the reverse. So I cannot think that these successions come about by some chance, but that they take their beginnings from our sins, and that the evils are brought on by way of punishment, if indeed, according to the Apostle, 'the sins of some men are evident, going before them to judgment, and in some they follow after.' For this reason we weave some public affairs into the Church History. The wars that took place under Constantine we have not been able to find out because of the length of time. Of those after, we mention briefly what we learned from those still living. We also include the emperors continually in the history, because from the time they began to be Christians the affairs of the church have depended on them, and the greatest synods have been held, and are held, at their will. We have also made mention of Arianism, because it disturbed the churches. Let this be enough by way of preface. Now let us take up the history.
5.1PG 67:565–567
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως Οὐάλεντος ἄδηλον ἐσχηκότος τὴν τελευτὴν, οἱ βάρβαροι πάλιν ἕως τῶν τειχῶν τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐλθόντες, τὰ περὶ αὐτὴν ἐπόρθουν προάστεια. Ἐφ' οἷς ὁ δῆμος ἀγανακτῶν, δι' ἑαυτῶν τοῖς βαρβάροις ἀντεπεξῄεσαν, ἕκαστος τὸ παρατυγχάνον ἀντὶ ὅπλου λαμβάνοντες. Ἐδίδου δὲ τοῖς ἐξιοῦσιν εἰς τὸν πόλεμον ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γυνή Δομνίκαν μισθὸν ἐκ τοῦ βασιλικοῦ ταμείου, καθὰ καὶ τοῖς στρατιώταις ἐνενόμιστο. Ἐπεβοήθουν δὲ αὐτοῖς ὀλίγοι Σαρακηνοὶ · ὑπόσπονδοι, παρὰ Μαυΐας πεμφθέντες, ἧς καὶ ἀνωτέρω ἐμνημονεύσαμεν. Τοῦτον οὖν τὸν τρόπον τηνικαῦτα τοῦ δήμου ἀγωνισαμέν νου, πόῤῥω τῆς πόλεως ἀπεχώρησαν οἱ βάρβαροι.
Tou dē basileōs Oualentos adēlon eschēkotos tēn teleutēn, hoi barbaroi palin heōs tōn teichōn tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs elthontes, ta peri autēn eporthoun proasteia. Eph' hois ho dēmos aganaktōn, di' heautōn tois barbarois antepexę̄esan, hekastos to paratynchanon anti hoplou lambanontes. Edidou de tois exiousin eis ton polemon hē tou basileōs gynē Domnikan misthon ek tou basilikou tameiou, katha kai tois stratiōtais enenomisto. Epeboēthoun de autois oligoi Sarakēnoi ; hypospondoi, para Mauïas pemphthentes, hēs kai anōterō emnēmoneusamen. Touton oun ton tropon tēnikauta tou dēmou agōnisamen nou, porrhō tēs poleōs apechōrēsan hoi barbaroi.
When the emperor Valens had met an unknown end, the barbarians came again up to the walls of Constantinople and ravaged its suburbs. The people, indignant at this, went out against the barbarians by themselves, each taking whatever came to hand for a weapon. Dominica, the emperor's wife, gave pay from the imperial treasury to those who went out to the war, as was customary for soldiers. A few Saracen allies, sent by Mavia, whom we mentioned above, helped them. With the people fighting in this way at that time, the barbarians withdrew far from the city.
5.2PG 67:567
Γρατιανὸς · δὲ ἅμα τῷ Νέῳ Οὐαλεντινιανῷ τῆς βασιλείας ἐγκρατὴς γενόμενος, καταγνούς τε τοῦ θείου Οὐάλεντος τῆς περὶ τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ὠμότητος, τοὺς μὲν ὑπ᾿ ἐκείνου ἐξορισθέντας ἀνεκάλει· νόμῳ τε ἐθέσπισε, μετὰ ἀδείας ἑκάστην τῶν ; θρησκειῶν ἀδιορίστως ἐν τοῖς εὐκτηρίοις συνάγεσθαι· μόνους δὲ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν εἴργειν Εὐνομιανοὺς, Φω· τινιανοὺς, καὶ Μανιχαίους. Συνεωρακὼς δὲ κάμνουσαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν, καὶ τὰ βαρβάρων ἐπικρα τοῦντα, καὶ ὅτι δεῖται τὰ δημόσια γενναίου ἀνδρὸς, κοινωνὸν προσλαμβάνει τῆς βασιλείας Θεοδόσιον, ἄνδρα ἐκ τῶν εὐπατριδῶν τῆς Ἰσπανίας καταγόμενον, πολλά τε κατὰ τοὺς πολέμους ἀγωνισάμενον, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἄξιον τῆς βασιλείας ἤδη πάλαι, καὶ πρὸ τῆς Γρατιανοῦ χειροτονίας ὑπὸ πάντων κριθέντα. ᾿Αναγορεύσας οὖν αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ, πόλις δὲ Ἰλλυριῶν αὕτη, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Αὐσονίου καὶ Ὀλυβρίου, τῇ ἐκκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς α, μερίζεται αὐτῷ τοὺς κατὰ βαρβάρων ἀγῶνας.
Gratianos ; de hama tǭ Neǭ Oualentinianǭ tēs basileias enkratēs genomenos, katagnous te tou theiou Oualentos tēs peri tous Christianous ōmotētos, tous men hyp᾿ ekeinou exoristhentas anekalei; nomǭ te ethespise, meta adeias hekastēn tōn ? thrēskeiōn adioristōs en tois euktēriois synagesthai; monous de tōn ekklēsiōn eirgein Eunomianous, Phō; tinianous, kai Manichaious. Syneōrakōs de kamnousan tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn, kai ta barbarōn epikra tounta, kai hoti deitai ta dēmosia gennaiou andros, koinōnon proslambanei tēs basileias Theodosion, andra ek tōn eupatridōn tēs Ispanias katagomenon, polla te kata tous polemous agōnisamenon, kai dia touto axion tēs basileias ēdē palai, kai pro tēs Gratianou cheirotonias hypo pantōn krithenta. ᾿Anagoreusas oun auton en tǭ Sirmiǭ, polis de Illyriōn hautē, en hypateią Ausoniou kai Olybriou, tę̄ ekkaidekatę̄ tou Iannouariou mēnos a, merizetai autǭ tous kata barbarōn agōnas.
Gratian, having become master of the empire together with Valentinian the Younger, and condemning the cruelty of his uncle Valens toward the Christians, recalled those whom he had exiled. He decreed by law that every religion without distinction might assemble freely in its houses of prayer, and only the Eunomians, the Photinians and the Manichees were to be kept from the churches. Seeing that the Roman empire was in distress, that the barbarians were prevailing, and that public affairs needed a brave man, he took as partner in the empire Theodosius, a man descended from the nobility of Spain, who had fought much in the wars and for this reason had long ago, even before Gratian's own appointment, been judged by all worthy of the empire. Having proclaimed him at Sirmium, a city of Illyricum, in the consulship of Ausonius and Olybrius, on the sixteenth of January, he divided with him the struggles against the barbarians.
5.3PG 67:569
Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον, τῆς μὲν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας Δάμασος προΐστατο, διαδεδεγμένος Λιβέριον· τῆς δὲ Ἱεροσολύμων ἔτι Κύριλλος ἐκράτει. Ἡ δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ, ὡς ἔφημεν, τριχῆ διήρητο. Τῶν μὲν γὰρ Ἐκκλησιῶν, Δωρόθεος ὁ ᾿Αρειανὸς μετὰ Εὐζώϊον ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο. Τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οἱ μὲν ὑπὸ Παυλίνῳ, οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ Μελιτίῳ τῆς ἐξορίας ἀνακληθέντι ἐτάττοντο. Καὶ τῶν κατὰ ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν δὲ, ᾿Αρειανῶν μὲν Λούκιος καὶ ἐν φυγῇ διάγων· τῆς δὲ ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, Τιμόθεος μετὰ Πέτρον προΐστατο. Ἐν δὲ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, τῶν μὲν Ἐκκλησιῶν Δημόφιλος ἦν ἐγκρατὴς, ὁ μετὰ Εὐδόξιον τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας. Οἱ δὲ τοῦτον ἐκτρεπόμενοι, καθ' ἑαυτοὺς τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο.
Kata de ton chronon touton, tēs men en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias Damasos proïstato, diadedegmenos Liberion; tēs de Hierosolymōn eti Kyrillos ekratei. Hē de en Antiocheią, hōs ephēmen, trichē diērēto. Tōn men gar Ekklēsiōn, Dōrotheos ho ᾿Areianos meta Euzōïon enkratēs egeneto. Tōn de allōn hoi men hypo Paulinǭ, hoi de hypo Melitiǭ tēs exorias anaklēthenti etattonto. Kai tōn kata ᾿Alexandreian de, ᾿Areianōn men Loukios kai en phygę̄ diagōn; tēs de homoousiou pisteōs, Timotheos meta Petron proïstato. En de Kōnstantinou polei, tōn men Ekklēsiōn Dēmophilos ēn enkratēs, ho meta Eudoxion tēs ᾿Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias. Hoi de touton ektrepomenoi, kath' heautous tas synagōgas epoiounto.
At this time Damasus presided over the church in Rome, having succeeded Liberius; Cyril still held that of Jerusalem. That of Antioch, as we said, was divided three ways: the Arian Dorotheus, after Euzoius, had possession of the churches; of the rest, some were ranged under Paulinus, others under Meletius, who had been recalled from exile. Of those at Alexandria, Lucius presided over the Arians, though living in flight, and Timothy, after Peter, over those of the faith of the 'same essence'. In Constantinople Demophilus, who presided over the Arian worship after Eudoxius, had possession of the churches; those who shunned him held their assemblies by themselves.
5.4PG 67:569
Μακεδονιανοὶ δὲ μετὰ τὴν πρὸς Λιβέριον πρεσβείαν, ἀδιάφορον ἕως τινὸς χρόνου τὴν κοινωνίαν ἐποιοῦντο, κατὰ τὰς Ἑκκλησίας τὰς ἐν ἑκάστῃ πόλει ἀλλήλοις ἐπιμιγνύμενοι αὐτοί τε, καὶ οἱ ἐξ ἀρχῆς τὸν ὄρον τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ στέρξαντες πίστεως. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ὁ Γρατιανοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως νόμος ὁ ἄδειαν ταῖς θρησκείαις παρείχε, διακριθῆναι πάλιν ἐσπούδασαν. Συναχθέντες δὲ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ τῆς Συρίας, αὖθις ἐδογμάτισαν ἐκτρέπεσθαι τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φωνὴν, καὶ τοῖς ἀσπαζομένοις τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν μηδαμῶς ἐπιμίγνυσθαι. Ἀλλ᾿ οὐκ ἀπώναντο τοῦ ἐπιχειρήματος· καταγνόντες γὰρ αὐτῶν οἱ πλείους, ὡς ἄλλοτε ἄλλα δογματιζόντων, ἀπέστησάν τε αὐτῶν, καὶ τοῖς τὸ ὁμὸοὐσιον φρονοῦσι βεβαίως ἡνώθησαν.
Makedonianoi de meta tēn pros Liberion presbeian, adiaphoron heōs tinos chronou tēn koinōnian epoiounto, kata tas Hekklēsias tas en hekastę̄ polei allēlois epimignymenoi autoi te, kai hoi ex archēs ton oron tēs en Nikaią sterxantes pisteōs. Epeidē de ho Gratianou tou basileōs nomos ho adeian tais thrēskeiais pareiche, diakrithēnai palin espoudasan. Synachthentes de en Antiocheią tēs Syrias, authis edogmatisan ektrepesthai tēn tou homoousiou phōnēn, kai tois aspazomenois tēn en Nikaią pistin mēdamōs epimignysthai. All᾿ ouk apōnanto tou epicheirēmatos; katagnontes gar autōn hoi pleious, hōs allote alla dogmatizontōn, apestēsan te autōn, kai tois to homoousion phronousi bebaiōs hēnōthēsan.
After the embassy to Liberius, the Macedonians for some time held communion without distinction, mixing with one another in the churches in each city, both they and those who had from the beginning accepted the definition of the faith of Nicaea. But when the law of the emperor Gratian granted freedom to the religions, they were eager to separate again. Meeting at Antioch in Syria, they decreed once more that the term 'of the same essence' be avoided and that they should in no way mix with those who embraced the faith of Nicaea. But they did not profit by the attempt: most of their people, condemning them for teaching now one thing, now another, withdrew from them and united firmly with those who held the 'same essence'.
5.5PG 67:569–571
Τότε δὴ καὶ τὰ κατὰ Ἀντιόχειαν τὴν ἐν Συρία, διὰ Μελίτιον φιλονεικίαν ἔσχεν τοιάνδε. Φθάσαντες εἴπομεν, ὅτι Παυλῖνος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπος, δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν εὐλάβειαν, εἰς ἐξορίαν οὐκ ἐπέμπετο. Μελίτιος δὲ μετὰ τὴν ὑπὸ Ἰουλιανοῦ ἀνάκλησιν, πάλιν ὑπὸ Οὐάλεντος ἐξορισθεὶς, ὕστερον ἐπὶ Γρατιανοῦ ἀνεκλήθη. Ἐλθών τε εἰς Αντιόχειαν, κατέλαβε Παυλῖνον ἤδη γηραιὸν ὄντα. Εὐθὺς οὖν παντες οἱ αὐτῷ προσκείμενοι, σπουδὴν ἐτίθεντο σύνθρονον γενέσθαι Παυλίνῳ τὸν Μελίτιον. Τοῦ δὲ Παυλίνου λέγοντος παρὰ κανόνας εἶναι, σύνθρονον λαβεῖν τὸν ὑπὸ Ἀρειανῶν χειροτονηθέντα, ἐκβιάζεται ὁ λαός· ἐν μιᾷ τῶν πρὸ τῆς πόλεως Ἐκκλησιῶν, σχευάζουσιν ἐνθρονισθῆναι αὐτόν. Τούτου γενομένου, πολλὴ φιλονεικία χεχέίνητο. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα. εἰς ὁμόνηιαν ἦλθον οἱ λαοὶ ἐπὶ τοιαύταις συνθήκαις. Συναγαγόντες τοὺς ὑποψήφους εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν, εὑρίσκουσι τοὺς πάντας τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἕξ, ἐν οἷς ἣν Φλαθιανό-" ὅρχῳ τε τούτους ἠἡσφαλίσαντο, τὸ μηδένα παρελϑεῖν εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, ἑνὸς τῶν ἐπισκόπων προτελευτήσαντος, ἀλλὰ συγχωρεῖν τὸν ὑπολειφθέντα κατέχειν τοῦ προαπελθόντος τὸν θρόνον. Οὕτω δοθέντων τῶν ὄρχων, ὁ λαὺς εἶχεν ὁμόνοιαν, οὐκέτι πρὸς ἀλλή - λους διεκρίνοντο. Οἱ δὲ Λουκίφερος διατοῦτο διεχρίθησαν, ὅτι Μελίτιος ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν χειροτονηθεὶς εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐδέχθη. Ἐν τοιαύτῃ καταστάσει τῶν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ καθεστώτων, ἐδέησε τὸν . οράϊπα- Μελέτιον ἐλθεῖν ἐ πὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν.
Tote dē kai ta kata Antiocheian tēn en Syria, dia Melition philoneikian eschen toiande. Phthasantes eipomen, hoti Paulinos ho tēs ᾿Antiocheias episkopos, di᾽ hyperballousan eulabeian, eis exorian ouk epempeto. Melitios de meta tēn hypo Ioulianou anaklēsin, palin hypo Oualentos exoristheis, hysteron epi Gratianou aneklēthē. Elthōn te eis Antiocheian, katelabe Paulinon ēdē gēraion onta. Euthys oun pantes hoi autǭ proskeimenoi, spoudēn etithento synthronon genesthai Paulinǭ ton Melition. Tou de Paulinou legontos para kanonas einai, synthronon labein ton hypo Areianōn cheirotonēthenta, ekbiazetai ho laos; en mią tōn pro tēs poleōs Ekklēsiōn, scheuazousin enthronisthēnai auton. Toutou genomenou, pollē philoneikia checheinēto. Meta de tauta. eis homonēian ēlthon hoi laoi epi toiautais synthēkais. Synagagontes tous hypopsēphous eis episkopēn, heuriskousi tous pantas ton arithmon hex, en hois hēn Phlathiano-" horchǭ te toutous hēēsphalisanto, to mēdena parelϑein eis tēn episkopēn, henos tōn episkopōn proteleutēsantos, alla synchōrein ton hypoleiphthenta katechein tou proapelthontos ton thronon. Houtō dothentōn tōn orchōn, ho laus eichen homonoian, ouketi pros allē - lous diekrinonto. Hoi de Loukipheros diatouto diechrithēsan, hoti Melitios hypo tōn ᾿Areianōn cheirotonētheis eis tēn episkopēn edechthē. En toiautę̄ katastasei tōn en ᾿Antiocheią kathestōtōn, edeēse ton . oraïpa- Meletion elthein e pi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin.
At that time the affairs of Antioch in Syria fell into a dispute over Meletius, of the following kind. We said before that Paulinus, the bishop of Antioch, was not sent into exile because of his exceeding piety. Meletius, after his recall under Julian, was exiled again by Valens and later recalled under Gratian. Coming to Antioch, he found Paulinus already old. At once all who were attached to Meletius were eager that Meletius should share the throne with Paulinus. When Paulinus said that it was against the canons to take as colleague on the throne one ordained by the Arians, the people used force, and they arranged for him to be enthroned in one of the churches before the city. When this had been done, much contention was stirred up. Afterwards the peoples came to agreement on these terms. They gathered those who were candidates for the episcopate and found them six in number, among whom was Flavian; and they bound them by oath that none of them would come forward for the episcopate when one of the two bishops died first, but would allow the survivor to hold the throne of the one who departed first. When the oaths had been given in this way, the people had concord and no longer quarrelled with one another. But the Luciferians separated for this reason, that Meletius, ordained by the Arians, had been received into the episcopate. With the affairs of Antioch in this state, Meletius had to go to Constantinople.
5.6PG 67:571–573
ὋὍτε κοινῷ δόγματι πολλῶν ἐπισκόπων, Γρηγόριος ἀπὸ τῆς Ναζιανζοῦ πρὺς τὴν Κωνσταντινου πόλεως ἐπισκοπὴν μετετίθετο. Τοῦτο μὲν οὕτως ἐγένετο. Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον οἱ βασιλεῖς Γρατιανὸς καὶ ἃ Θεοδόσιος, κατὰ βαρβάρων ἤραντο νίκας. Καὶ Γρατιανὸς μὲν εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὰς Γαλλίας ἐχώρει, νῶν χατατρεχόντων τὴν ἐκεῖ χώραν “ Θεοδόσιος δὲ ξτὰ τὰ τρόπαια ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν σπεύ - δων, τὴν Θεσσαλονίκην καταλαμβάνει, ἐκεῖ τε ἀῤῥωστίχ περιπεσὼν, ἀξιωθῆναι τοῦ χριστιανιχοῦ βαπτίσματος ἐπεθύμησεν, ἄνωθεν μὲν προγόνων χριστιανὸς ὑπάρχων, καὶ τῇ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστει προσκείμενος. Τὸ ὃὲ βαπτισθῆναι διὰ τὴν ἀῤῥωστίαν σπεύσας, ἐπιζητήσα; τε τῶν Θεσσαλονιχέων ἐπίσκοπον ἠρώτησε πρότερον ποίαν πίστιν ἠσπάζετο. Τοῦ δὲ εἰπόντος, ὡς οὐ παρῆλθεν ἡ ᾿Αρειανῶν δόξα κατὰ ἸὨλλυριῶν ἔθνη, οὐδὲ ἴσχυσε συναρπάσαι ἡ παρ᾽ ἐκείνου γεγενημένη καινοτομία τὰς τῇδε ᾿Εκκλησίας, ἀλλὰ μένουσι φυλάσσοντες ἀσάλευτον τὴν ἄνωθεν μὲν καὶ ἐξ ἀρχῆς ἐκ τῶν ἀποστόλων παραδοθεῖσαν πίστιν, ἐν δὲ τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδῳ βεβαιωθεῖσαν, ὁ βασιλεὺς ἀσμενέστατα ὑπὸ Ἀσχολίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου βαπτίζεται. ᾿Αναῤῥωσθεὶς οὖν ἐκ τῆς νόσου, μετ' οὐ πολλὰς τὰς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνστατίνου πόλιν ἔρχεται, περὶ τὴν τετάρτην καὶ εἰκάδα τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς ε, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Γρατιανοῦ τὸ πέμπτον, καὶ αὐτοῦ Θεοδοσίου τὸ πρῶτον.
HoOte koinǭ dogmati pollōn episkopōn, Grēgorios apo tēs Nazianzou prys tēn Kōnstantinou poleōs episkopēn metetitheto. Touto men houtōs egeneto. Hypo de ton auton chronon hoi basileis Gratianos kai ha Theodosios, kata barbarōn ēranto nikas. Kai Gratianos men euthys epi tas Gallias echōrei, nōn chatatrechontōn tēn ekei chōran “ Theodosios de xta ta tropaia epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin speu - dōn, tēn Thessalonikēn katalambanei, ekei te arrhōstich peripesōn, axiōthēnai tou christianichou baptismatos epethymēsen, anōthen men progonōn christianos hyparchōn, kai tę̄ tou homoousiou pistei proskeimenos. To hoe baptisthēnai dia tēn arrhōstian speusas, epizētēsa? te tōn Thessalonicheōn episkopon ērōtēse proteron poian pistin ēspazeto. Tou de eipontos, hōs ou parēlthen hē ᾿Areianōn doxa kata IŌllyriōn ethnē, oude ischyse synarpasai hē par᾽ ekeinou gegenēmenē kainotomia tas tę̄de ᾿Ekklēsias, alla menousi phylassontes asaleuton tēn anōthen men kai ex archēs ek tōn apostolōn paradotheisan pistin, en de tę̄ kata Nikaian synodǭ bebaiōtheisan, ho basileus asmenestata hypo Ascholiou tou episkopou baptizetai. ᾿Anarrhōstheis oun ek tēs nosou, met' ou pollas tas hēmeras epi tēn Kōnstatinou polin erchetai, peri tēn tetartēn kai eikada tou Noembriou mēnos e, en hypateią Gratianou to pempton, kai autou Theodosiou to prōton.
At that time, by the common decree of many bishops, Gregory was transferred from Nazianzus to the bishopric of Constantinople. This happened so. About the same time the emperors Gratian and Theodosius won victories over the barbarians. Gratian went at once to Gaul, since the Alamanni were overrunning the country there; Theodosius, after the victories, hastening to Constantinople, reached Thessalonica, and there, having fallen ill, desired to be counted worthy of Christian baptism. He was a Christian from his forefathers and attached to the faith of the 'same essence'. Being in haste to be baptized because of his illness, he sent for the bishop of the Thessalonians and first asked him what faith he embraced. When he said that the opinion of the Arians had not made its way into the peoples of Illyricum, and that the innovation it had made had not been able to carry off the churches there, but that they kept unshaken the faith handed down from the beginning by the apostles and confirmed at the synod of Nicaea, the emperor very gladly was baptized by Ascholius the bishop. Having recovered from his illness, a few days later he came to Constantinople, about the twenty-fourth of November, in the consulship of Gratian for the fifth time and of Theodosius himself for the first time.
5.7PG 67:573–575
Τότε δὲ Γρηγόριος ὁ Ναζιανζοῦ μετατεθείς ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως ἐν μικρῷ εὐκτηρίῳ τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιεἴτο · ᾧτινι ὕστερον οἱ βασιλεῖς μέγιστον οἶκον εὐκτήριον προσσυνάψαντες, ᾿Αναστασίαν ὠνόμασαν Γρηγόριος μὲν οὖν ἀνὴρ ἐλλόγιμος, καὶ εὐλαβείᾳ τοὺς καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν ὑπερβάλλων, γνοὺς διαγογγύζοντάς τινας, ὡς εἴη ὑπερόριος, ἀσμένως τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως παρουσίαν δεξάμενος, τὴν ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διαγωγὴν παρῃτήσατο. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς ἐν τοιαύτῃ καταστάσει τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν εὑρὼν, φροντίδα ἐτίθετο, ὅπως οὖν εἰρήνην ποιήσας, ὁμόνοιαν κατεργάσηται, καὶ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας αὐξήσειε. Δηλοῖ οὖν εὐθὺς τῷ Δημοφίλῳ, ὃς τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς θρησκείας προειστήκει, εἰ βούλοιτο πιστεύειν τῇ κατὰ Νίκαιαν συνόδῳ, ἐνοῦν τε τὸν λαὸν καὶ τὴν εἰρήνην ἀσπάζεσθαι. Τοῦ δὲ φυγόντος τὴν πρότασιν · Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ βασιλεὺς, εἰ τὴν εἰρήνην καὶ τὴν ὁμόνοιαν φεύγεις, φεύγειν σε καὶ τῶν εὐκτηρίων τόπων κελεύω. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Δημόφιλος, καὶ λογισάμενος ὡς χαλεπὸν πρὸς κρείσσονας ἀντιπίπτειν, συγκαλεσάμενος ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τὰ πλήθη, ἐν μέσοις τε ἀναστὰς, τοιάδε δι᾿ αὐτοῦ πρὸς : τοὺς ὑπηκόους ἐφθέγξατο, ᾿Αδελφοὶ, γέγραπται, φη969 εἰ σὶν, ἐν τῷ Εὐαγγελίῳ ὑμᾶς διώκωσιν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως ταύτης, φεύγετε εἰς τὴν ἄλλην. Ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν χωρίζει, ἴστε τῇ ἑξῆς συναχθησομένους ἡμᾶς ἔξω τῆς πόλεως. Ταῦτα εἶπε, ἐξῆλθεν" οὐχ ὡς τὸ τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου λόγιον ἔχει, τὴν θεωρίαν εἰδὼς, τῆς τοῦ κόσμου διαγωγῆς τούτους φεύγοντας, ζητεῖν τὴν ἄνω Ἵερουσαλὴμ " ἀλλ᾽ ἔξω τῶν πυλῶν τῆς πόλεως, τὰς συναγωγὰς τοῦ λοιποῦ ἐποιήσατο. Συνεξήει δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ Λούκιος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, ὡς πρότερον ἔφην, βληθεὶς, φυγῇ τε χρησάμενος ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διέτριβεν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ ἐπὶ τεσσαράκοντα ἔτη " τῶν εὐκτηρίων τόπων χρατήσαντες, τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου ὁμόνοιαν φεύγοντες, ὑπεξῆλθον τῆς πόλεως ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Γρατιανοῦ τὸ πέμ.πτον, Θεοδοσίον τοῦ Αὐγούστου τὸ πρῶτον, μηνὶ Νοεμθρίῳ, εἰκάδι ἔχτη. ᾿Αντεισήεσαν δὲ ἀπελάμθανον οἱ τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως τὰς ἐκκλησίας.
Tote de Grēgorios ho Nazianzou metatetheis endon tēs poleōs en mikrǭ euktēriǭ tas synagōgas epoieito ; hǭtini hysteron hoi basileis megiston oikon euktērion prossynapsantes, ᾿Anastasian ōnomasan Grēgorios men oun anēr ellogimos, kai eulabeią tous kath᾽ heauton hyperballōn, gnous diagongyzontas tinas, hōs eiē hyperorios, asmenōs tēn tou basileōs parousian dexamenos, tēn en Kōnstantinou polei diagōgēn parę̄tēsato. Ho mentoi basileus en toiautę̄ katastasei tēn Ekklēsian heurōn, phrontida etitheto, hopōs oun eirēnēn poiēsas, homonoian katergasētai, kai tas Ekklēsias auxēseie. Dēloi oun euthys tǭ Dēmophilǭ, hos tēs ᾿Areianēs thrēskeias proeistēkei, ei bouloito pisteuein tę̄ kata Nikaian synodǭ, enoun te ton laon kai tēn eirēnēn aspazesthai. Tou de phygontos tēn protasin ; Oukoun, ephē ho basileus, ei tēn eirēnēn kai tēn homonoian pheugeis, pheugein se kai tōn euktēriōn topōn keleuō. Tauta akousas ho Dēmophilos, kai logisamenos hōs chalepon pros kreissonas antipiptein, synkalesamenos en tę̄ ekklēsią ta plēthē, en mesois te anastas, toiade di᾿ autou pros : tous hypēkoous ephthenxato, ᾿Adelphoi, gegraptai, phē969 ei sin, en tǭ Euangeliǭ hymas diōkōsin ek tēs poleōs tautēs, pheugete eis tēn allēn. Epei toinyn ho basileus tōn ekklēsiōn chōrizei, iste tę̄ hexēs synachthēsomenous hēmas exō tēs poleōs. Tauta eipe, exēlthen" ouch hōs to tou Euangeliou logion echei, tēn theōrian eidōs, tēs tou kosmou diagōgēs toutous pheugontas, zētein tēn anō Hierousalēm " all᾽ exō tōn pylōn tēs poleōs, tas synagōgas tou loipou epoiēsato. Synexēei de autǭ kai Loukios ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias, hōs proteron ephēn, blētheis, phygę̄ te chrēsamenos en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei dietriben. Houtō men oun hoi ᾿Areianoi epi tessarakonta etē " tōn euktēriōn topōn chratēsantes, tēn tou basileōs Theodosiou homonoian pheugontes, hypexēlthon tēs poleōs en hypateią Gratianou to pem.pton, Theodosion tou Augoustou to prōton, mēni Noemthriǭ, eikadi echtē. ᾿Anteisēesan de apelamthanon hoi tēs homoousiou pisteōs tas ekklēsias.
At that time Gregory, who had been transferred from Nazianzus, held his assemblies within the city in a small house of prayer, to which the emperors later joined a very great house of prayer and named it Anastasia. Gregory, a learned man who surpassed those of his time in piety, learning that some were grumbling that he was a stranger from another see, gladly welcomed the emperor's arrival but declined to remain in Constantinople. The emperor, finding the church in this state, took care how he might make peace, bring about concord, and enlarge the churches. So he at once let Demophilus, who presided over the Arian worship, know that, if he wished to believe the synod of Nicaea, he should unite the people and embrace peace. When he declined the proposal, the emperor said, 'Then, if you flee peace and concord, I order you to flee the houses of prayer as well.' When Demophilus heard this and reckoned that it was hard to resist the stronger, he called the people together in the church, stood up in their midst, and spoke to his followers thus: 'Brothers, it is written in the Gospel, "If they persecute you in this city, flee to the other." Since, then, the emperor separates us from the churches, know that tomorrow we shall assemble outside the city.' Having said this, he went out, not understanding the meaning of the Gospel saying, that those who flee the conduct of this world are to seek the Jerusalem above; but from then on he held his assemblies outside the gates of the city. With him went out Lucius of Alexandria too, who, as I said before, had been expelled and, taking flight, was living in Constantinople. So the Arians, after holding the houses of prayer for forty years, fleeing the concord of the emperor Theodosius, withdrew from the city in the consulship of Gratian for the fifth time and of Theodosius Augustus for the first time, on the twenty-sixth of November. Those of the faith of the 'same essence' entered in their place and took back the churches.
5.8PG 67:575–581
ὃὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπερθέμενος, σύνοδον ἔπισκόπων τῆς αὐτοῦ πίστεως συγχαλεῖ |, ἐπὶ τὸ κρατύναι τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν χειροτονῆσαι τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐπίσκοπον. Ἐλπίδας δὲ δύνασθαι καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ Μαχεδοόνίου ἐνῶσαι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ, καὶ τοὺς ἐκείνης τῆς αἱρέσεως προεστῶτας ἐκάλεσε. Συνῆλθον οὖν τῆς μὲν ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, μὲν ᾿Αλεξανδρείας Τιμόθεος δὲ Ἱεροσολύμων Κύριλλος, τότε ἔκ μεταμελείας τῷ ὁμοηυσίῳ προσκείμενος. Μελίτιος δὲ ἐξ πάλαι παρῆν, ὅτε διὰ τὴν Γρηγορίου κατάστασιν μετεστάλη Θεσσαλονίκης ᾿Ασχόλιος, ἄλλοι πολλοί" πάντες δὲ ἦσαν ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα Τοῦ δὲ Μακεδονιανῶν μέρους ἡγεῖτο μὲν Ἐλεύσιος ὁ Μαρκιανὸς Λαμψάκου. πάντες δὲ ἦσαν τριάχουντα ἔξ, ὧν οἱ πλείους τῶν περὶ Ἑλλήσποντον πόλεων ἧσαν. Συνῆλθον οὖν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Εὐχαρίου καὶ Εὐαγρίου, τῷ μηνί. Ὁ οὖν βασιλεὺς, καὶ οἱ τῆς αὐτοῦ πίστεως ἐπίσκοποι, παντοῖο: ἐγένοντο ὁμονοῆσαι αὐτοῖς τοὺς περὶ Ἐλεύσιον ὑπομιμνήσχοντες τῆς πρεσβείας, ἧς αὐτοὶ πρὸς Λιδέριον πρότερον τὸν Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπον διὰ τῶν πιρὶ Εῤστάθιον ἐπεποίηντο" καὶ ὅτι οὐ πρὸ πολλοῦ χρόνου, τὴν κοινωνίαν ἑκουσίως ἀδιάχριτον ἐποιήσαντο μὴ ποιεῖν τὸ ὅσια τοὺς ἐπιγνόντας τὴν ὁμογνώμονα πίστιν, αὖθις ἐπιχειρεῖν ἀνατρέπειν τὰ καλῶς αὐτοῖς ἐγνωσμένα. Οἱ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ τῶν παρα:ινέσεων καὶ τῶν ἐλέγχων φροντίσαντες, μᾶλλον ἔφθασαν τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν αἱρεῖσθαι ὁμολογεῖν δόξαν, ἢ τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ συντίθεσθαι. Ταῦτα ἀποχρινάμενοι, ἀπηλλάγῆσαν τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως. δὲ τοῖς πόλεις παρεγγυῶντες, μηδαμῶς ὁμονοῇσαι εἰς τὴν πίστιν τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ Οἱ τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους ἐπιμείναντες, περὶ χειροτονία: ἐπισκόπου βουλὴν ἐτίθεντο. Γρηγόριος γὰρ. ὡς μικρὸν θεν ἔφην, παραιτησάμενος, ἐπὶ τὴν Ναζιανζὸν ἀπαίρειν ἐστέλλετο. Ἣν δέ τις Νεκτάριος ἵ ὕνομα, συγχλητιχοῦ μὲν γένους, ἐπιειχὴς ὃὲ τὸν τρόπον, ὅλου θαυμαζόμενος, χαΐτοι τὴν τοῦ πραίτωρος (Ξ3)χειρίζων ἀρχὴν " ὃς ἁρπασθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ λαοῦ, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν πρηεδλήθη, τῶν τότε παρόντων ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα ἐπισκόπων χειροτονησάντων αὐτόν. Τότε δὴ καὶ ὄρον ἐκφέρουσιν, ὥστε τὸν Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπίσκοπον τὰ πρεσῦθεῖα ἔχειν τῆς τιμῆς μετὰ τὸν Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπον, διὰ τὸ εἶναι αὐτὴν νέαν 'Ῥώμην. Ἐδεθαίωσάν τε αὖθις τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ πίστιν πατριάρχας κατέστησαν, διανειμάμεγοι τὰς πὸ : οἱ 270 ἐπαρχίας, ὥστε τοὺς ὑπὲρ διοίκησιν ἐπισκόπους ταῖς ὑπερορίδις ἐκκλησίαις μὴ ὑπερβαίνειν. Τοῦτο γὰρ πρότερον διὰ τοὺς διωγμοὺς ἐγίνετο ἀδιαφόρως. Καὶ κληροῦται Νεκτάριος μὲν τὴν μεγαλόπολιν καὶ τὴν Θράκην · τῆς δὲ Ποντικῆς διοικήσεως, Ἑλλάδιος ὁ μετὰ Βασίλειον Καισαρείας τῆς Καππαδοκῶν ἐπίσκοπος, Γρηγόριος ὁ Νύσσης, ὁ Βασιλείου ἀδελφός· Καππαδοκίας δὲ καὶ ἥδε πόλις· καὶ Ὀτρήϊος ὁ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αρμενίᾳ Μελιτηνῆς τὴν πατριαρχίαν ἐκληρώσατο. Τὴν ᾿Ασιανὴν δὲ λαγχάνουσιν ᾿Αμφιλόχιος ὁ Ἰκονίου, καὶ Ὅπτιμος ὁ Ἀντιοχείας τῆς Πισιδίας. Τὰ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον Τιμοθέῳ τῷ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας προσενεμήθη. Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν ἀνατολὴν Ἐκκλησιῶν τὴν διοίκησιν τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπισκόποις ἐπ· έτρεψαν, Πελαγίῳ τε τῷ Λαοδικείας, καὶ Διοδώρῳ τῷ Ταρσοῦ, φυλάξαντες τὰ πρεσβεῖα τῇ Ἀντιοχέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἅπερ τότε παρόντι Μελετίῳ ἔδοσαν. Ὥρισαν δὲ, ὥστε εἰ χρεία καλέσοι, τὰ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἐπαρχίαν ἵνα ἡ τῆς ἐπαρχίας σύνοδος διοικῇ. Τούτοις καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐγένετο σύμψηφος. Ἡ μὲν οὖν σύνοδος τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τέλος.
hoe ho basileus hyperthemenos, synodon episkopōn tēs autou pisteōs synchalei |, epi to kratynai tēn en Nikaią pistin cheirotonēsai tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei episkopon. Elpidas de dynasthai kai tous apo Machedooniou enōsai tois heautou, kai tous ekeinēs tēs haireseōs proestōtas ekalese. Synēlthon oun tēs men homoousiou pisteōs, men ᾿Alexandreias Timotheos de Hierosolymōn Kyrillos, tote ek metameleias tǭ homoēusiǭ proskeimenos. Melitios de ex palai parēn, hote dia tēn Grēgoriou katastasin metestalē Thessalonikēs ᾿Ascholios, alloi polloi" pantes de ēsan hekaton pentēkonta Tou de Makedonianōn merous hēgeito men Eleusios ho Markianos Lampsakou. pantes de ēsan triachounta ex, hōn hoi pleious tōn peri Hellēsponton poleōn hēsan. Synēlthon oun en hypateią Euchariou kai Euagriou, tǭ mēni. Ho oun basileus, kai hoi tēs autou pisteōs episkopoi, pantoio: egenonto homonoēsai autois tous peri Eleusion hypomimnēschontes tēs presbeias, hēs autoi pros Liderion proteron ton Rhōmēs episkopon dia tōn piri Erstathion epepoiēnto" kai hoti ou pro pollou chronou, tēn koinōnian hekousiōs adiachriton epoiēsanto mē poiein to hosia tous epignontas tēn homognōmona pistin, authis epicheirein anatrepein ta kalōs autois egnōsmena. Hoi de mikra kai tōn para:ineseōn kai tōn elenchōn phrontisantes, mallon ephthasan tēn ᾿Areianēn haireisthai homologein doxan, ē tǭ homoousiǭ syntithesthai. Tauta apochrinamenoi, apēllagēsan tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs. de tois poleis parengyōntes, mēdamōs homonoę̄sai eis tēn pistin tēs en Nikaią Hoi tou heterou merous epimeinantes, peri cheirotonia: episkopou boulēn etithento. Grēgorios gar. hōs mikron then ephēn, paraitēsamenos, epi tēn Nazianzon apairein estelleto. Hēn de tis Nektarios hi hynoma, synchlētichou men genous, epieichēs hoe ton tropon, holou thaumazomenos, chaïtoi tēn tou praitōros (X3)cheirizōn archēn " hos harpastheis hypo tou laou, eis tēn episkopēn prēedlēthē, tōn tote parontōn hekaton pentēkonta episkopōn cheirotonēsantōn auton. Tote dē kai oron ekpherousin, hōste ton Kōnstantinou poleōs episkopon ta presytheia echein tēs timēs meta ton Rhōmēs episkopon, dia to einai autēn nean 'Rhōmēn. Edethaiōsan te authis tēn en Nikaią pistin patriarchas katestēsan, dianeimamegoi tas po : hoi 270 eparchias, hōste tous hyper dioikēsin episkopous tais hyperoridis ekklēsiais mē hyperbainein. Touto gar proteron dia tous diōgmous egineto adiaphorōs. Kai klēroutai Nektarios men tēn megalopolin kai tēn Thrakēn ; tēs de Pontikēs dioikēseōs, Helladios ho meta Basileion Kaisareias tēs Kappadokōn episkopos, Grēgorios ho Nyssēs, ho Basileiou adelphos; Kappadokias de kai hēde polis; kai Otrēïos ho tēs en ᾿Armenią Melitēnēs tēn patriarchian eklērōsato. Tēn ᾿Asianēn de lanchanousin ᾿Amphilochios ho Ikoniou, kai Hoptimos ho Antiocheias tēs Pisidias. Ta de kata tēn Aigypton Timotheǭ tǭ ᾿Alexandreias prosenemēthē. Tōn de kata tēn anatolēn Ekklēsiōn tēn dioikēsin tois autois episkopois ep; etrepsan, Pelagiǭ te tǭ Laodikeias, kai Diodōrǭ tǭ Tarsou, phylaxantes ta presbeia tę̄ Antiocheōn Ekklēsią, haper tote paronti Meletiǭ edosan. Hōrisan de, hōste ei chreia kalesoi, ta kath᾽ hekastēn eparchian hina hē tēs eparchias synodos dioikę̄. Toutois kai ho basileus egeneto sympsēphos. Hē men oun synodos toiouton esche telos.
The emperor, without delay, called a synod of bishops of his own faith to strengthen the faith of Nicaea and to ordain a bishop for Constantinople. Hoping that he could unite those who followed Macedonius with his own party, he also summoned the leaders of that sect. There assembled, of the faith of the 'same essence', Timothy of Alexandria; Cyril of Jerusalem, who by then through repentance held the 'same essence'; Meletius of Antioch, who had come long before, when he was summoned for the installation of Gregory; Ascholius of Thessalonica; and many others, in all one hundred and fifty. Of the Macedonian party the leaders were Eleusius of Cyzicus and Marcian of Lampsacus; they were thirty-six in all, most of them from the cities of the Hellespont. They assembled, then, in the consulship of Eucherius and Evagrius, in the month of May. The emperor and the bishops of his faith did everything to bring Eleusius and his party into concord with them, reminding them of the embassy they had earlier sent to Liberius, bishop of Rome, through Eustathius and the others, and that not long before they had of their own will held communion without distinction; and that it was not right for those who had acknowledged the common faith to try again to overturn what they had rightly recognized. But they, caring little for either the exhortations or the rebukes, chose rather to confess the Arian opinion than to agree to the 'same essence'. Having given this answer, they departed from Constantinople, and wrote to those of their opinion in the cities, charging them by no means to agree to the faith of the synod of Nicaea. Those of the other party remained and took counsel about ordaining a bishop; for Gregory, as I said a little before, had resigned and was preparing to leave for Nazianzus. There was a man named Nectarius, of senatorial family, of gentle character, admired by all, though he held the office of praetor. He was seized by the people and put forward for the episcopate, and the one hundred and fifty bishops then present ordained him. Then they also issued a definition that the bishop of Constantinople should have the precedence of honour after the bishop of Rome, because it is New Rome. They confirmed again the faith of Nicaea and appointed patriarchs, dividing up the provinces, so that bishops should not cross over beyond their own diocese into churches outside it; for formerly, because of the persecutions, this was done indiscriminately. Nectarius was allotted the great city and Thrace; of the Pontic diocese Helladius, Basil's successor as bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Gregory of Nyssa, Basil's brother (this too is a city of Cappadocia), and Otreius of Melitene in Armenia obtained the patriarchate. Amphilochius of Iconium and Optimus of Antioch in Pisidia received the Asian diocese. The affairs of Egypt were assigned to Timothy of Alexandria. The administration of the churches of the East they entrusted to the bishops of the same region, Pelagius of Laodicea and Diodore of Tarsus, reserving its prerogatives to the church of Antioch, which they then gave to Meletius, who was present. They decided that, if need arose, the synod of each province should administer the affairs of that province. The emperor too gave his vote to these decisions. This, then, was the end of the synod.
5.9PG 67:581–583
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τὸ σῶμα Παύλου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αγκύρας τότε μετέφερεν · ὃν Φίλιππος ὁ τῶν βασιλείων ἔπαρχος διὰ Μακεδόνιον εἰς ἐξορίαν πέμψας, ἐν Κουκουσσῷ τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας ἀποπνιγῆναι πεποίηκεν, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Σὺντιμῇ οὖν καὶ σεβάσματι πολλῷ δεξάμενος, εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, τὴν νῦν ἐξ αὐτοῦ χρηματίζουσαν ἀπέθετο, ἣν πρότερον οἱ τὰ Μακεδονίου φρονοῦντες κατέσχον, τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν χωρισθέντες. Τότε δὲ ἐξωσθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως, ὅτι αὐτοῦ τὴν πίστιν ἀπέφυγον. Τότε δὴ καὶ Μελίτιος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπος ἀῤῥωστίᾳ περιπεσών, ἐτελεύτησεν · ὅτε καὶ τὸν ἐπική - δειον ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ λόγον ὁ ἀδελφὸς Βασιλείου Γρηγόριος ἐπεξῆλθεν. ᾿Αλλὰ Μελιτίου μὲν τὸ σῶμα οἱ προσήκοντες ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν διεκόμισαν. Πάλιν δὲ οἱ Μελιτίῳ προσκείμενοι, ὑπὸ Παυλῖνον εἶναι οὐκ ἤθελον· ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τόπον Μελιτίου Φλαβιανὸν προβληθῆναι παρασκευάζουσι. Πάλιν τε ὁ λαὸς ἄνωθεν διεκρίνετο. Οὕτως αὖθις διὰ τοὺς ἐπισκόπους, οὐ μὴν διὰ τὴν πίστιν, ἡ ᾿Αντιοχέων Ἐκκλησία διήρητο.
Ho de basileus to sōma Paulou tou episkopou ek tēs ᾿Ankyras tote metepheren ; hon Philippos ho tōn basileiōn eparchos dia Makedonion eis exorian pempsas, en Koukoussǭ tēs ᾿Armenias apopnigēnai pepoiēken, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Syntimę̄ oun kai sebasmati pollǭ dexamenos, eis tēn ekklēsian, tēn nyn ex autou chrēmatizousan apetheto, hēn proteron hoi ta Makedoniou phronountes kateschon, tōn ᾿Areianōn chōristhentes. Tote de exōsthentes hypo tou basileōs, hoti autou tēn pistin apephygon. Tote dē kai Melitios ho tēs ᾿Antiocheias episkopos arrhōstią peripesōn, eteleutēsen ; hote kai ton epikē - deion ep᾿ autǭ logon ho adelphos Basileiou Grēgorios epexēlthen. ᾿Alla Melitiou men to sōma hoi prosēkontes epi tēn ᾿Antiocheian diekomisan. Palin de hoi Melitiǭ proskeimenoi, hypo Paulinon einai ouk ēthelon; all᾽ eis topon Melitiou Phlabianon problēthēnai paraskeuazousi. Palin te ho laos anōthen diekrineto. Houtōs authis dia tous episkopous, ou mēn dia tēn pistin, hē ᾿Antiocheōn Ekklēsia diērēto.
The emperor then transferred the body of Paul the bishop from Ancyra. Philip, the prefect of the palace, had sent him into exile because of Macedonius and had him strangled at Cucusus in Armenia, as I have also said before. Receiving it with honour and much reverence, he laid it in the church now named after him, which those who held the opinion of Macedonius had formerly held after they separated from the Arians, but from which they were then driven out by the emperor because they shunned his faith. At that time Meletius, the bishop of Antioch, fell ill and died; and Basil's brother Gregory delivered the funeral oration over him. Meletius's relatives carried his body to Antioch. Again those attached to Meletius were unwilling to be under Paulinus, but arranged for Flavian to be put forward in Meletius's place. And the people were divided once more. So again, because of the bishops and not because of the faith, the church of Antioch was divided.
5.10PG 67:583–593
Ἐγίνοντο δὲ ταραχαὶ καὶ κατὰ τὰς ἄλλας πόλεις, ἐξωθουμένων τῶν ᾿Αρειανιζόντων ἐκ τῶν εὐκτηρίων τόπων. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ θαυμάσαι ἔπεισι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως γνώμην. Οὐ γὰρ ἡνέσχετο ὅσον τὸ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ θορύβων πληρῶσαι τὰς πόλεις · ἀλλὰ βραχέως χρόνου διελθόντος, αὖθις σύνοδον – πασῶν τῶν αἱρέσεων συγκροτηθῆναι παρεσκεύασε, νομίσας ἐκ τῆς πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς τῶν ἐπισκόπων διαλέξεως, μίαν παρὰ πᾶσιν ὁμόφωνον δόξαν κρατήσειν. Ταύτην ἡγοῦμαι τὴν πρόθεσιν τοῦ βασιλέως, αἰτίαν αὐτῷ τοῦ εὖ πράττειν γενέσθαι. Θείᾳ γάρ τινι προνοίᾳ ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους, τὰ βαρβάρων ἔθνη αὐτῷ ὑπετάττετο. Ἐν οἷς καὶ ᾿Αθανάριχος ὁ τῶν Γότθων ἀρχηγός, ὑπήκοον ἑαυτὸν ἅμα τῷ οἰκείῳ πλήθει παρέσχεν, ὃς καὶ εὐθὺς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν. Τότε δὴ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Αρκάδιον Αὔγουστον ἀνηγόρευσε, κατὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Μεροβαύδου τὸ δεύτερον, καὶ Σατορνίλου, τῇ ἑκκαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνός. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ μεταταῦτα παρῆσαν οἱ πανταχόθεν πάσης θρησκείας ἐπίσκοποι, κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπατείαν, τῷ Ἰουνίῳ μηνί. Μεταπεμψάμενος οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς Νεκτάριον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ἐκοινολογεῖτο πρὸς αὐτὸν, τὶς ἂν γένοιτο μηχανή, ὅπως ἂν μὴ διαφωνοίη ὁ χριστιανισμός, ἀλλ᾽ ἑνωθῇ ἡ Ἐκκλησία. Ἔλεγέν τε δεῖν γυμνασθῆ ναι τὸ χωρίζον τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ζήτημα, τὴν τε διαφωνίαν ἐκποδὼν ποιήσαντας, ὁμοφωνίαν ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις ἐργάσασθαι· τοῦτο ἀκούσας ὁ Νεκτάριος, ἐν φροντίσιν ἦν. Καὶ μεταστειλάμενος τὸν τηνικαῦτα τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπον Αγέλιον, ὡς κατὰ τὴν πίστιν ὁμόφρονα, φανερὰν αὐτῷ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως καθίστησι γνώμην. δὲ, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα ἣν εὐλαδές" συστῆναι δὲ λόγοις περὶ τοῦ δόγματος οὐχ ἰσχύων, ἀναγνώστην ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ Σισίννιον ὄνομα, πρὸς τὸ διαλεχθῆναι προεδάλλετο. Σισίννιος δὲ, ἀνὴρ ἐλλόγιπραγμάτων ἔμπειρος, ἀκριβῶς τε εἰδὼς τὰς τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων ἑρμηνείας καὶ τὰ φιλόσοφα δόγματα, σύνοιδεν ὡς αἱ διαλέξεις οὐ μόνον οὐχ ἐνοῦσι τὰ σχίσματα, ἀλλὰ γὰρ φιλονειχοτέρας τὰς αἱρέσεις μᾶλλον ἀπεργάζονται" καὶ διατοῦτο τοιάνδε τινὰ συμδουλὴν τῷ Νεκταρίῳ ὑπέθετο, Εὐ ἐπιστάμενος ὡς οἱ παλαιοὶ ἀρχὴν ὑπάρξεως τῷ Υἱῷ τοῦ Θεοῦ δοῦναι ἀπέφυγον " χατειλήφεισαν γὰρ τὸν συναΐδιον τῷ Πατρί " συμδουλεύει φυγεῖν μὲν τὰς διαλεχτιχὰς μάχας" μάρτυρας δὲ χαλέσειν τὰς ἐχδόσεις τῶν παλαιῶν, καὶ πεῦσιν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τοῖς αἱρεσιάρχαις προσάγεσθαι, πότερον λόγον ποτὲ ποιοῦνται τῶν πρὸ τῆς διαιρέσεως ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ προσαρμοσάντων διδασχάλων, ἢ ὡς ἀλλοτρίους τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ παρακρούονται. Εἰ μὲν γὰρ τούτους ἀθετοῦσιν, οὐκοῦν ἀναθεματίζειν αὑτοὺς τολμάτωσαν" εἰ τοῦτο τολμῇσαι ποιήσωσιν, ὑπὸ τὸῦ πλήθους ἐξελαθήσονται. Καὶ τούτου γενομένου, προφανὴς ἔσται ἡ νίχη τῆς ἀληθείας. Εἰ δὲ παρακρούονται τοὺς ἀρχαίους τῶν διδασχάλων, ἠμέτερόν ἐστι τὸ παρασχεῖν τὰς βίβλους τῶν παλαιῶν, δι' ὧν ἡ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν δόξα μαρτυρηθήσεται. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας παρὰ τοῦ Σιτιννίον ὁ , δρομαῖος ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια χωρεῖ" γνωρίζει δὲ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ συμδεδουλευμένα αὐτῷ. δὲ ἁρπάζει τὴν γνώμην, καὶ σοφῶς τὸ πρᾶγμα μετεχειρίσατο. Οὐ γὰρ προειπὼν τὸν σκοπὸν, ἐδήλωσε μόνον, εἰ λόγον ἔχουσι καὶ δέχονται τὰ τῶν πρὸ τῆς διαιρέσεως τῆς Ἐκκλησίας διδασχάλων. Τῶν δὲ οὐχ ἀρνησαμένων., ἀλλὰ πάνυ τιμᾷν αὐτοὺς ὡς καθηγητὰς εἰπόντων αὖθις ἐδήλου ὁ βασιλεὺς, εἰ τούτοις στοιχοῦσιν ἀξιοπίστοις μάρτυσι τοῦ Χριστιανιχοῦ δόγματος. 'Γαῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῶν θρησκειῶν προεστῶτες, οἱ παρ᾽ ἐχάστοις αὐτῶν διαλεκτικοὶ, γὰρ ἦσαν πολλοὶ παρ᾽ αὑτῶν ηὐτρεπισμένοι πρὸς τὸν ἀγῶνα τῆς διαλέξεως, οὐκ εἶχον ὅ τι ποιήσουσιν. Ἐνέπεσε γὰρ εἰς ἐχάστους διαφωνία, τῶν μὲν λεγόντων καλὴν εἶναι τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως πρότασιν " τῶν δὲ, συμφέρουσαν : τῷ σκοπῷ τῷ αὐτῶν. ῎Αλλοι γὰρ ἄλλως εἶχον περὶ τὰ βιβλία τῶν παλαιῶν· καὶ οὐκέτι ἀλλήλοις συνέπνεον· ἐδιχονόουν τε οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὰς ἄλλας τῶν θρησκειῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ εἰς ἑαυτοὺς, οἱ τῆς μιᾶς ὄντες αἱρέσεως. Ἡ οὖν ὁμόφωνος κακία, ὡς ἡ γλῶσσα τῶν πάλαι γιγάντων διέσπαρτο, καὶ ἀνατέτραπτο ὁ τῆς κακίας πύργος αὐτῶν. Γνοὺς δὲ ὁ βα σιλεὺς τὴν συγκεχυμένην αὐτῶν διασπορὰν, καὶ ὡς διαλέξει μόνῃ, καὶ οὐκ ἀρχαίων ἐκθέσει τεθαῤῥήκασιν, ἐπὶ δευτέραν γνώμην ἐβάδιζε. Καὶ δηλοῖ ἔγγραφον ἑκάστην θρησκείαν γνωρίζειν τὸν ὅρον αὐτῶν, ἧς ἔχουσι πίστεως. Τότε οἱ παρ' ἑκάστοις δεινοὶ τὰς λέξεις ἀκριβοῦντες, τὸ οἰκεῖον δόγμα ἐνέγραφον. Ὥριστό τε ἡμέρα, καὶ οἱ παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐπίσκοποι ἐπὶ τὰ βασίλεια κληθέντες συνήρχοντο. 274 Παρῆσαν οὖν Νεκτάριος μὲν καὶ ᾿Αγέλιος, τῆς ὁμοουσίου προεστῶτες πίστεως · ᾿Αρειανῶν δὲ Δημόφιλος • Εὐνομιανῶν δὲ αὐτὸς Εὐνόμιος· τῶν δὲ τὰ Μακεδονίου φρονούντων, Ἐλεύσιος ὁ Κυζίκου. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς, δέχεται μὲν τοὺς συνεληλυθότας · καὶ τὸ παρ' ἑκάστου δόγμα ἔγγραφον λαβών, καθ' ἑαυτόν τε γενόμενος, ηύξατο ἐκτενῶς συνεργῆσαι αὐτῷ τὸν Θεὸν, πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἀληθείας ἐπιλογήν. Εἶτα ἕκαστον τῶν γεγραμμένων δογμάτων ἀναγνούς, 275 τὰ μὲν ἄλλα πάντα ὡς χωρισμὸν τῆς Τριάδος εἰσάγοντα μεμψάμενος, ἔῤῥηξε η μόνην δὲ τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου ἐπαινέσας ἐδέξατο. πρόφασις γέγονε ποῦ τοὺς Ναυατιανοὺς πάλιν εὐπράξαντας., ἔνδον τῶν πόλεων τὰς συναγωγὰς ποιεῖσθαι. Ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺς θαυμάσα: αὐτῶν τὴν περὶ τοὺς οἰκείους κατὰ τὴν πίστιν ὁμόνοιαν, νόμῳ ἐκέλευε τῶν μὲν οἰκείων κρατεῖν ἀδεῶς εὐκτηρίων τόπων " ἔχειν δὲ : καὶ προνόμια τὰς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν, ἅπερ οἱ τῆς αὑτοῦ πίστεως ἔχουσιν. Οἱ δὲ προεστῶτες τῶν ἄλλων θρησκειῶν, τῆς πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς διαφωνίας ἐν χαταγνώσεν παρὰ τοῖς ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ἐγεγόνεισαν ἀμηχανίᾳ τε λύπῃ χατασχεθέντες ἀνεχώρουν " καὶ γράμμασι τοὺς οἰκείους παρεμυθοῦντο, νοῦντες μὴ ἄχθεσθαι ἐφ᾽ οἷς πολλοὶ καταλιπόντες αὐὖτοὺς, τῷ ὁμοονσίῳ προσέθεντο. Πολλοὺς γὰρ εἶναι ποὺς χλητοὺς, ὀλίγους δὲ τοὺς ἐχλεχτούς. Ὅπερ οὐχ ἔλεγον, ἡνίκα τὸ πολὺ τοῦ λαοῦ αὐτοῖς δυναστείας προσέκειτο, ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν οὐδὲ οἱ τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, τῶν λυπηρῶν τελέως ἧσαν ἐλεύθεροι " τὰ γὰρ κατὰ ᾿Αντιόχειαν, τοὺς τῇ συνόδῳ παρόντας διέχριψεν. Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν γὰρ οἱ ἐξ ᾿Αραθίας Κύπάλιν συμπράττοντες, τὸν Φλαβιανὸν ἐξωθεῖσθαι τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἔλεγον. Οἱ δὲ Παλαιστίνης, Φοινίκης τε Συρίας, ὑπὲρ Φλαβιανοῦ συνεστήχεσαν. Τοῦτο μὲν οἷον τέλος ἐδέξατο, κατὰ χώραν ἐρῶ.
Eginonto de tarachai kai kata tas allas poleis, exōthoumenōn tōn ᾿Areianizontōn ek tōn euktēriōn topōn. Eph᾽ hǭ thaumasai epeisi tēn tou basileōs gnōmēn. Ou gar hēnescheto hoson to ep᾿ autǭ thorybōn plērōsai tas poleis ; alla bracheōs chronou dielthontos, authis synodon – pasōn tōn haireseōn synkrotēthēnai pareskeuase, nomisas ek tēs pros heautous tōn episkopōn dialexeōs, mian para pasin homophōnon doxan kratēsein. Tautēn hēgoumai tēn prothesin tou basileōs, aitian autǭ tou eu prattein genesthai. Theią gar tini pronoią hypo tous autous chronous, ta barbarōn ethnē autǭ hypetatteto. En hois kai ᾿Athanarichos ho tōn Gotthōn archēgos, hypēkoon heauton hama tǭ oikeiǭ plēthei pareschen, hos kai euthys en Kōnstantinou polei ton bion katestrepsen. Tote dē kai ho basileus ton huion ᾿Arkadion Augouston anēgoreuse, kata tēn hypateian Merobaudou to deuteron, kai Satornilou, tę̄ hekkaidekatę̄ tou Iannouariou mēnos. Ouk eis makran de metatauta parēsan hoi pantachothen pasēs thrēskeias episkopoi, kata tēn autēn hypateian, tǭ Iouniǭ mēni. Metapempsamenos oun ho basileus Nektarion ton episkopon, ekoinologeito pros auton, tis an genoito mēchanē, hopōs an mē diaphōnoiē ho christianismos, all᾽ henōthę̄ hē Ekklēsia. Elegen te dein gymnasthē nai to chōrizon tas Ekklēsias zētēma, tēn te diaphōnian ekpodōn poiēsantas, homophōnian tais Ekklēsiais ergasasthai; touto akousas ho Nektarios, en phrontisin ēn. Kai metasteilamenos ton tēnikauta tōn Nauatianōn episkopon Agelion, hōs kata tēn pistin homophrona, phaneran autǭ tēn tou basileōs kathistēsi gnōmēn. de, ta men alla hēn eulades" systēnai de logois peri tou dogmatos ouch ischyōn, anagnōstēn hyp᾽ autǭ Sisinnion onoma, pros to dialechthēnai proedalleto. Sisinnios de, anēr ellogipragmatōn empeiros, akribōs te eidōs tas tōn hierōn Grammatōn hermēneias kai ta philosopha dogmata, synoiden hōs hai dialexeis ou monon ouch enousi ta schismata, alla gar philoneichoteras tas haireseis mallon apergazontai" kai diatouto toiande tina symdoulēn tǭ Nektariǭ hypetheto, Eu epistamenos hōs hoi palaioi archēn hyparxeōs tǭ Huiǭ tou Theou dounai apephygon " chateilēpheisan gar ton synaïdion tǭ Patri " symdouleuei phygein men tas dialechtichas machas" martyras de chalesein tas echdoseis tōn palaiōn, kai peusin para tou basileōs tois hairesiarchais prosagesthai, poteron logon pote poiountai tōn pro tēs diaireseōs en tę̄ Ekklēsią prosarmosantōn didaschalōn, ē hōs allotrious tou Christianismou parakrouontai. Ei men gar toutous athetousin, oukoun anathematizein hautous tolmatōsan" ei touto tolmę̄sai poiēsōsin, hypo tou plēthous exelathēsontai. Kai toutou genomenou, prophanēs estai hē nichē tēs alētheias. Ei de parakrouontai tous archaious tōn didaschalōn, ēmeteron esti to paraschein tas biblous tōn palaiōn, di' hōn hē par᾽ hēmōn doxa martyrēthēsetai. Tauta akousas para tou Sitinnion ho , dromaios epi ta basileia chōrei" gnōrizei de tǭ basilei ta symdedouleumena autǭ. de harpazei tēn gnōmēn, kai sophōs to pragma metecheirisato. Ou gar proeipōn ton skopon, edēlōse monon, ei logon echousi kai dechontai ta tōn pro tēs diaireseōs tēs Ekklēsias didaschalōn. Tōn de ouch arnēsamenōn., alla pany timąn autous hōs kathēgētas eipontōn authis edēlou ho basileus, ei toutois stoichousin axiopistois martysi tou Christianichou dogmatos. 'Gauta akousantes hoi tōn thrēskeiōn proestōtes, hoi par᾽ echastois autōn dialektikoi, gar ēsan polloi par᾽ hautōn ēutrepismenoi pros ton agōna tēs dialexeōs, ouk eichon ho ti poiēsousin. Enepese gar eis echastous diaphōnia, tōn men legontōn kalēn einai tēn tou basileōs protasin " tōn de, sympherousan : tǭ skopǭ tǭ autōn. ᾿Alloi gar allōs eichon peri ta biblia tōn palaiōn; kai ouketi allēlois synepneon; edichonooun te ou monon pros tas allas tōn thrēskeiōn, all᾽ ēdē kai eis heautous, hoi tēs mias ontes haireseōs. Hē oun homophōnos kakia, hōs hē glōssa tōn palai gigantōn diesparto, kai anatetrapto ho tēs kakias pyrgos autōn. Gnous de ho ba sileus tēn synkechymenēn autōn diasporan, kai hōs dialexei monę̄, kai ouk archaiōn ekthesei tetharrhēkasin, epi deuteran gnōmēn ebadize. Kai dēloi engraphon hekastēn thrēskeian gnōrizein ton horon autōn, hēs echousi pisteōs. Tote hoi par' hekastois deinoi tas lexeis akribountes, to oikeion dogma enegraphon. Hōristo te hēmera, kai hoi par᾽ hekastois episkopoi epi ta basileia klēthentes synērchonto. 274 Parēsan oun Nektarios men kai ᾿Agelios, tēs homoousiou proestōtes pisteōs ; ᾿Areianōn de Dēmophilos • Eunomianōn de autos Eunomios; tōn de ta Makedoniou phronountōn, Eleusios ho Kyzikou. Ho de basileus, dechetai men tous synelēlythotas ; kai to par' hekastou dogma engraphon labōn, kath' heauton te genomenos, ēuxato ektenōs synergēsai autǭ ton Theon, pros tēn tēs alētheias epilogēn. Eita hekaston tōn gegrammenōn dogmatōn anagnous, 275 ta men alla panta hōs chōrismon tēs Triados eisagonta mempsamenos, errhēxe ē monēn de tēn tou homoousiou epainesas edexato. prophasis gegone pou tous Nauatianous palin eupraxantas., endon tōn poleōn tas synagōgas poieisthai. Ho gar basileus thaumasa: autōn tēn peri tous oikeious kata tēn pistin homonoian, nomǭ ekeleue tōn men oikeiōn kratein adeōs euktēriōn topōn " echein de : kai pronomia tas ekklēsias autōn, haper hoi tēs hautou pisteōs echousin. Hoi de proestōtes tōn allōn thrēskeiōn, tēs pros heautous diaphōnias en chatagnōsen para tois hyph᾽ heautois egegoneisan amēchanią te lypę̄ chataschethentes anechōroun " kai grammasi tous oikeious paremythounto, nountes mē achthesthai eph᾽ hois polloi katalipontes auytous, tǭ homoonsiǭ prosethento. Pollous gar einai pous chlētous, oligous de tous echlechtous. Hoper ouch elegon, hēnika to poly tou laou autois dynasteias prosekeito, ᾿Alla mēn oude hoi tēs homoousiou pisteōs, tōn lypērōn teleōs hēsan eleutheroi " ta gar kata ᾿Antiocheian, tous tę̄ synodǭ parontas diechripsen. Aigyptioi men gar hoi ex ᾿Arathias Kypalin symprattontes, ton Phlabianon exōtheisthai tēs ᾿Antiocheias elegon. Hoi de Palaistinēs, Phoinikēs te Syrias, hyper Phlabianou synestēchesan. Touto men hoion telos edexato, kata chōran erō.
There were disturbances in the other cities too, as the Arianizers were driven out of the houses of prayer. Here one may well admire the emperor's judgment. He would not, as far as it lay with him, fill the cities with tumults; but after a short time he arranged for a synod of all the sects to be held again, thinking that from the bishops' discussion with one another one opinion agreed by all would prevail. I think that this purpose of the emperor was the cause of his prospering; for by a divine providence at the same time the barbarian nations were subdued to him. Among them Athanaric too, the leader of the Goths, submitted himself together with his own people, and he died soon after in Constantinople. At that time the emperor proclaimed his son Arcadius Augustus, in the consulship of Merobaudes for the second time and Saturninus, on the sixteenth of January. Not long after, the bishops of every religion arrived from every quarter, in the same consulship, in the month of June. The emperor sent for Nectarius the bishop and consulted with him about what means there might be so that Christianity might not be divided but the church be united. He said that the question dividing the churches ought to be thoroughly examined, and that they should remove the disagreement and bring the churches into agreement. When Nectarius heard this, he was anxious. He sent for Agelius, then bishop of the Novatians, as one who shared his faith, and made the emperor's intention known to him. Agelius was devout in other respects, but not being able to hold his own in argument about doctrine, he put forward a reader under him named Sisinnius to conduct the discussion. Sisinnius, a learned man and experienced in affairs, who knew accurately the interpretations of the sacred writings and the doctrines of the philosophers, knew well that disputations not only do not unite schisms but rather make the sects more contentious. So he offered Nectarius the following advice. Knowing well that the ancients avoided giving the Son of God a beginning of existence, for they understood him to be co-eternal with the Father, he advised them to avoid dialectical battles and to call as witnesses the writings of the ancients; and that the emperor should put the question to the leaders of the sects whether they took any account of the teachers who were in harmony in the church before the division, or rejected them as alien to Christianity. If they set them aside, then let them dare to anathematize them; and if they dared to do so, they would be driven out by the people, and when this happened the victory of the truth would be plain. But if they did not reject the ancient teachers, it was for us to produce the books of the ancients, by which our opinion would be attested. When Nectarius heard this from Sisinnius, he hurried to the palace and made known to the emperor the advice given him. The emperor seized on the idea and handled the matter wisely. Without disclosing his purpose beforehand, he only asked whether they took account of and accepted the teachers who lived before the division of the church. When they did not deny it, but said that they honoured them greatly as their masters, the emperor asked again whether they would follow them as trustworthy witnesses of Christian doctrine. When the leaders of the religions and the dialecticians among each of them, for many had been made ready by them for the contest of debate, heard this, they did not know what to do. Disagreement fell upon each of them, some saying that the emperor's proposal was good, others that it was not to the advantage of their aim. For different ones felt differently about the books of the ancients, and they no longer agreed with one another; they were at odds not only with the other religions but now even among themselves, those of the same sect. So their agreement in evil was scattered, like the tongue of the giants of old, and their tower of wickedness was overthrown. When the emperor learned of their confused scattering, and that they trusted only in disputation and not in the exposition of the ancients, he turned to a second plan. He ordered each religion to make known in writing the definition of the faith they held. Then the skilled men among each, weighing their words exactly, wrote down their own doctrine. A day was appointed, and the bishops of each party were summoned to the palace and assembled. Nectarius and Agelius were present, as leaders of the faith of the 'same essence'; Demophilus of the Arians; Eunomius himself of the Eunomians; and Eleusius of Cyzicus of those who held the opinions of Macedonius. The emperor received those who had come, and taking each one's doctrine in writing, he went apart by himself and prayed earnestly that God would help him in choosing the truth. Then, having read each of the written statements, he found fault with all the others as introducing a division of the Trinity and tore them up, and he praised and accepted only that of the 'same essence'. This became the occasion for the Novatians to prosper again and hold their assemblies within the cities. For the emperor, admiring their concord with his own party in the faith, ordered by law that they should hold their own houses of prayer without fear and that their churches should have the same privileges as those of his own faith had. The leaders of the other religions were condemned by their own followers for their disagreement with one another; seized with helplessness and grief, they withdrew, and consoled their followers by letters, exhorting them not to be distressed that many had left them and joined the 'same essence'; for many, they said, are called, but few are chosen. They did not say this when the greater part of the people was attached to them because of their power. Yet not even those of the faith of the 'same essence' were wholly free of troubles; for the affairs of Antioch divided those present at the synod. The Egyptians, with those from Arabia and Cyprus, acting together again, said that Flavian should be driven out of Antioch; but those of Palestine, Phoenicia and Syria stood together for Flavian. What end this had I shall tell in its place.
5.11PG 67:593–595
. Ὑπὸ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους, καθ᾽ οὃς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τὰ τῶν συνόδων ἐγίνετο, τάδε περὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἐγένετο. Μάξιμος τῶν περὶ τὰς Βρεττανίας μερῶν, ἐπανέστη τῇ Ῥωμαίων ἀρχῇ, καὶ χάμνοντι Γρατιανῷ εἰς τὸν κατὰ ᾿Αλαμανῶν πόἀοίο οἱ λεμον ἐπίτίθεται. Ἐν δὲ τῇ Ἰταλίᾳ κομιδῇ νέου τυγχάνοντος Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ, τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων εἶχε φροντίδα Πρόβος ἀπὸ ὑπάτων, τὴν ὑπάρχων τότε χειρίζων ἀρχήν. Ἰουστίνα δὲ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ μήτηρ, τὰ ᾿Αρειανῶν φρονοῦσα, ζῶντος μὲν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, οὐδὲν εἶχε βλάπτειν τοὺς φρονοῦντας τὸ ὁμοούσιον. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ κομιδῇ νέος ἦν ὁ υἱὸς, καταλαμβάνουσα τὴν Μεδιολάνων, ταραχὰς μεγίστας κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ᾿Αμβροσίου ἐκίνησεν, εἰς ἐξορίαν αὐτὸν πεμφθῆναι κελεύουσα. Ὡς δὲ ὁ λαὸς ἀντεῖχεν ὑπε ὑπερβαλλόντως ἀγαπῶν τὸν Ἀμβρόσιον, καὶ τοῖς ἕλκειν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξορίαν σπουδάζουσιν ἀνθίστατο, ἐν τοσούτῳ ἀγγέλλεται, ὅτι Γρατιανὸς δόλῳ τοῦ τυράν νου Μαξίμου ἀνήρητο. Ἐν φορείῳ γὰρ κλίνην μιμουμένῳ, καὶ ὑπὸ ἡμιόνων φερομένῳ, κατακρυφθεὶς ὁ τοῦ Μαξίμου στρατηγὸς ᾿Ανδραγάθιος, προλέγειν τοῖς δορυφόροις κελεύσας, ὡς εἴη τοῦ βασιλέως Γρατιανοῦ γαμετὴ, ὑπαντᾷ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρὸ Λουγδούνου τῆς ἐν Γαλλίᾳ πόλεως ποταμὸν διαβαίνοντι. Ὁ δὲ πιστεύσας τὴν γαμετὴν εἶναι, τὸν δόλον οὐκ ἐφυλάξατο· ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ τυφλὸς εἰς ὄρυγμα, τοῦ πολεμίου εἰς τὰς χεῖρας ἔπεσεν. Ἐκπηδήσας γὰρ ἐκ τοῦ φερέτρου Ανδραγάθιος, τὸν Γρατιανὸν διεχειρίσατο. Τελευτᾷ οὖν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Μεροβαύδου καὶ Σατορνίνου, βασιλεύσας ἔτη δεκαπέντε ', ζήσας ἔτη εἰκοσιτέσσαρα. Τοῦτο ἐπιγενόμενον ἔπαυσε τὴν κατὰ Ἀμβροσίου τῆς μητρὸς τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργήν. Οὐαλεντινιανὸς δὲ καὶ ἄκων, τῇ ἀνάγκῃ τοῦ καιροῦ πεισθεὶς, τὴν Μαξίμου βασιλείαν προσδέχεται. Τότε ὁ Πρόβος φοβηθεὶς τὴν Μαξίμου δύναμιν, ἐπὶ τὰ ἀνατολικώτερα μέρη ἀναχωρεῖν πειρᾶται. Εὐθὺς οὖν ὡς εἶχεν ἀναχωρεῖ ἀπὸ τῆς Ἰταλίας, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰλλυρίδα γενόμενος γῆν, ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ τῆς Μακεδονίας διέτριβεν.
. Hypo de tous autous chronous, kath᾽ hoos en Kōnstantinou polei ta tōn synodōn egineto, tade peri ta hesperia merē egeneto. Maximos tōn peri tas Brettanias merōn, epanestē tę̄ Rhōmaiōn archę̄, kai chamnonti Gratianǭ eis ton kata ᾿Alamanōn poaoio hoi lemon epitithetai. En de tę̄ Italią komidę̄ neou tynchanontos Oualentinianou, tēn tōn pragmatōn eiche phrontida Probos apo hypatōn, tēn hyparchōn tote cheirizōn archēn. Ioustina de hē tou basileōs Oualentinianou mētēr, ta ᾿Areianōn phronousa, zōntos men tou andros, ouden eiche blaptein tous phronountas to homoousion. Epeidē de komidę̄ neos ēn ho huios, katalambanousa tēn Mediolanōn, tarachas megistas kata tou episkopou ᾿Ambrosiou ekinēsen, eis exorian auton pemphthēnai keleuousa. Hōs de ho laos anteichen hype hyperballontōs agapōn ton Ambrosion, kai tois helkein epi tēn exorian spoudazousin anthistato, en tosoutǭ angelletai, hoti Gratianos dolǭ tou tyran nou Maximou anērēto. En phoreiǭ gar klinēn mimoumenǭ, kai hypo hēmionōn pheromenǭ, katakryphtheis ho tou Maximou stratēgos ᾿Andragathios, prolegein tois doryphorois keleusas, hōs eiē tou basileōs Gratianou gametē, hypantą tǭ basilei pro Lougdounou tēs en Gallią poleōs potamon diabainonti. Ho de pisteusas tēn gametēn einai, ton dolon ouk ephylaxato; all᾽ hōsper typhlos eis orygma, tou polemiou eis tas cheiras epesen. Ekpēdēsas gar ek tou pheretrou Andragathios, ton Gratianon diecheirisato. Teleutą oun en hypateią Merobaudou kai Satorninou, basileusas etē dekapente ', zēsas etē eikositessara. Touto epigenomenon epause tēn kata Ambrosiou tēs mētros tou basileōs orgēn. Oualentinianos de kai akōn, tę̄ anankę̄ tou kairou peistheis, tēn Maximou basileian prosdechetai. Tote ho Probos phobētheis tēn Maximou dynamin, epi ta anatolikōtera merē anachōrein peiratai. Euthys oun hōs eichen anachōrei apo tēs Italias, kai epi tēn Illyrida genomenos gēn, en Thessalonikę̄ tēs Makedonias dietriben.
About the same time as the synods were being held in Constantinople, the following happened in the western parts. Maximus, from the region of Britain, rose up against the Roman empire and attacked Gratian, who was worn out with the war against the Alamanni. In Italy, since Valentinian was very young, Probus, a former consul, then holding the office of prefect, had charge of affairs. Justina, the mother of the emperor Valentinian, who held the opinions of the Arians, had been unable to harm those who held the 'same essence' while her husband was alive. But since her son was very young, she went to Milan and stirred up very great troubles against Ambrose the bishop, ordering that he be sent into exile. As the people held out, loving Ambrose exceedingly, and resisted those who were eager to drag him into exile, meanwhile news came that Gratian had been killed through the treachery of the usurper Maximus. Andragathius, Maximus's general, hid in a litter made like a couch and carried by mules, ordered the guards to announce that it was the wife of the emperor Gratian, and met the emperor as he was crossing a river near Lyons, the city in Gaul. He, believing that it was his wife, did not guard against the trick, but fell into the enemy's hands like a blind man into a pit; for Andragathius leapt out of the litter and killed Gratian. He died, then, in the consulship of Merobaudes and Saturninus, having reigned fifteen years and lived twenty-four. This event stopped the anger of the emperor's mother against Ambrose. Valentinian, though unwillingly, yielding to the necessity of the time, accepted Maximus's rule. Then Probus, fearing the power of Maximus, tried to withdraw to the more eastern parts. So at once he withdrew from Italy and, reaching Illyricum, stayed at Thessalonica in Macedonia.
5.12PG 67:597
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος ἐν φροντίδι μεγάλῃ καθἵστατο, δύναμίν τε μεγίστην κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου ηὐτρέπιζεν, εὐλαβούμενος μὴ καὶ τῷ Νέῳ Οὐαλεντινιανῷ ὁ τύραννος φόνον βουλεύσειε. Κατὰ ταὐτὸ δὲ καὶ πρεσβεία Περσῶν παρῆν, εἰρήνην παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αἰτοῦσα. Τότε δὴ καὶ προσγίνεται τῷ βασιλεῖ υἱὸς Ονώριος ", τεχθεὶς αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς Πλακίλλης, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ῥιχομηλίου καὶ Κλεάρχου, τῇ ἐννάτῃ τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου μηνός. Καθ᾿ ἣν ὑπατείαν καὶ ᾿Αγέλιος ὁ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος, μικρῷ πρότερον ἐτελεύτησεν. Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἦν Αρκαδίου Αὐγούστου τὸ πρῶτον καὶ Βαύδωνος, τελευτήσαντος Τιμοθέου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, Θεόφιλος τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐκδέχεται. Μεταταῦτα δὲ ἐνιαυτῷ ὕστερον καὶ Δημόφιλος ὁ τῆς Ἀρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας, τέλει τοῦ βίου ἐχρήσατο. ᾿Αρειανοὶ δὲ Μαρῖνόν τινα ἐπίσκοπον τῆς οἰκείας αἱρέσεως ἐκ Θράκης μεταστειλάμενοι, αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἐπέτρεψαν. ᾿Αλλ' οὐκ ἐχρόνισεν ὁ Μαρῖνος. Ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ γὰρ διῃρέθη ἡ ᾿Αρειανῶν θρησκεία, ὡς ὕστερον λέξω · Δωρόθεόν τε αὖθις ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ μεταπεμψάμενοι, ὑπ' αὐτῷ ἑτάττοντο. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Μαξίμου πόλεμον ἤλαυνε, καταλιπὼν ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τὸν υἱὸν ᾿Αρκάδιον βασιλεύοντα · καταλαβών τε τὴν σαλονίκην, εὑρίσκει τοὺς περὶ Οὐαλεντινιανὸν πολλῇ ἀθυμίᾳ διάγοντας, ὅτι δι᾽ ἀνάγκην τὸν τύραννον ὡς βασιλέα ἐδέξαντο. Ὁ Θεοδόσιος δὲ, ἐν μὲν τῷ φανερῷ οὐδέτερον ἐδείκνυεν. Οὔτε γὰρ ἡθέτει, οὔτε προσεδέχετο τὴν Μαξίμου πρεσβείαν. Οὐ μὴν ἠνείχετο περιορᾶν τυραννουμένην τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν, προσχήματι βασιλικοῦ ὀνόματος· ἀναλαβὼν δὲ τὰς δυνάμεις τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ταγμάτων, ἐπὶ τὴν Μεδιόλανον ἐχώρει · ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἐφθάκει ὁ Μάξιμος.
Ho de basileus Theodosios en phrontidi megalę̄ kathistato, dynamin te megistēn kata tou tyrannou ēutrepizen, eulaboumenos mē kai tǭ Neǭ Oualentinianǭ ho tyrannos phonon bouleuseie. Kata tauto de kai presbeia Persōn parēn, eirēnēn para tou basileōs aitousa. Tote dē kai prosginetai tǭ basilei huios Onōrios ", techtheis autǭ ek tēs gametēs Plakillēs, en hypateią Rhichomēliou kai Klearchou, tę̄ ennatę̄ tou Septembriou mēnos. Kath᾿ hēn hypateian kai ᾿Agelios ho tōn Nauatianōn episkopos, mikrǭ proteron eteleutēsen. Tę̄ de hexēs hypateią, hētis ēn Arkadiou Augoustou to prōton kai Baudōnos, teleutēsantos Timotheou tou episkopou ᾿Alexandreias, Theophilos tēn episkopēn ekdechetai. Metatauta de eniautǭ hysteron kai Dēmophilos ho tēs Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias, telei tou biou echrēsato. ᾿Areianoi de Marinon tina episkopon tēs oikeias haireseōs ek Thrakēs metasteilamenoi, autǭ tēn episkopēn epetrepsan. ᾿All' ouk echronisen ho Marinos. Ep᾿ autǭ gar dię̄rethē hē ᾿Areianōn thrēskeia, hōs hysteron lexō ; Dōrotheon te authis ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias tēs en Syrią metapempsamenoi, hyp' autǭ hetattonto. Ho de basileus epi ton kata Maximou polemon ēlaune, katalipōn en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei ton huion ᾿Arkadion basileuonta ; katalabōn te tēn salonikēn, heuriskei tous peri Oualentinianon pollę̄ athymią diagontas, hoti di᾽ anankēn ton tyrannon hōs basilea edexanto. Ho Theodosios de, en men tǭ phanerǭ oudeteron edeiknyen. Oute gar hēthetei, oute prosedecheto tēn Maximou presbeian. Ou mēn ēneicheto perioran tyrannoumenēn tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn, proschēmati basilikou onomatos; analabōn de tas dynameis tōn stratiōtikōn tagmatōn, epi tēn Mediolanon echōrei ; ekei gar ephthakei ho Maximos.
The emperor Theodosius was in great anxiety and prepared a very large force against the usurper, fearing that the usurper might plot the murder of Valentinian the Younger too. At the same time an embassy of the Persians arrived, asking the emperor for peace. Then also a son, Honorius, was born to the emperor by his wife Placilla, in the consulship of Richomelius and Clearchus, on the ninth of September. In this consulship Agelius, the bishop of the Novatians, had died a little earlier. In the next consulship, that of Arcadius Augustus for the first time and Bauto, when Timothy, the bishop of Alexandria, died, Theophilus took over the bishopric. A year after this Demophilus too, who presided over the Arian worship, died. The Arians sent for one Marinus, a bishop of their own sect, from Thrace and entrusted the bishopric to him. But Marinus did not last long; for under him the Arian worship was divided, as I shall tell later; and sending again for Dorotheus from Antioch in Syria, they ranged themselves under him. The emperor marched to the war against Maximus, leaving his son Arcadius as emperor in Constantinople. Reaching Thessalonica, he found Valentinian and his court in great despondency, because under compulsion they had accepted the usurper as emperor. Theodosius showed neither attitude openly; he neither rejected nor accepted the embassy of Maximus. But he would not bear to see the Roman empire under a usurper under cover of the imperial name; and, taking up the forces of the military units, he advanced on Milan, for Maximus had already got there.
5.13PG 67:599
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον καθ᾽ ἂν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ πολέμῳ ἐσχόλαζεν, καὶ οἱ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ᾿Αρειανοὶ ταραχὴν κεκινήκασι δι' ἐπινοίας τοιάσδε. Φιλοῦσιν οἱ ἄνθρωποι λόγους πλάττειν περὶ ὧν οὐκ ἐπίστανται. Εἰ δὲ καί ποτε προφάσεως ἐπιλάβονται, μείζονας τὰς περὶ ὧν βούλονται, φήμας ἐξάπτουσι, νεωτέρων ἀεὶ ὀρεγόμενοι πραγμάτων. Τοῦτο δὴ καὶ τότε κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐγίνετο· ἄλλος γὰρ ἄλλο περὶ τοῦ μακρὰν γενομένου πολέμου πλάττοντες διεφήμιζον, ἀεὶ ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον τὴν ἐλπίδα λαμβάνοντες. Καὶ μηδενὸς ἐπιγινομένου κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον, αὐτοὶ ὡς τὰ κατ' αὐτὸν ἱστορήσαντες, περὶ ὧν οὐκ ᾔδεισαν ἔλεγον · ὡς ὁ τύραννος ἐπικρατέστερος εἴη τῆς βασιλέως δυνάμεως· καὶ ὅτι τόσοι καὶ τόσοι κατὰ τὴν μάχην πεπτώκασι· καὶ ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς ὅσον οὐδέπω τῷ τυράννῳ ὑποχείριος γίνεται. Τότε δὲ καὶ οἱ Αρειανίζοντες ἐκ πάθους κινούμενοι · σφόδρα γὰρ ἡνιῶντο, ὅτι τῶν ἔνδον ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτουν οἱ παρ' αὐτῶν πρότερον διωκόμενοι · τὰς φήμας πολλαπλασίους εἰργάζοντο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἕτερά τινα τῶν λεγομένων, αὐτοὺς τοὺς πεπλακότας αὐτὰ εἰς πίστιν ἦγεν οὐχ ὡς πεπλασμένων, ἀλλ' ὡς ἀληθῶς γενομένων ἔπλασαν· οἱ γὰρ ἀκοῇ παραλαβόντες, διεβεβαιοῦντα πρὸς τοὺς λογοποιοῦντας, μὴ ἄλλως ἔχειν, ἢ ὡς παρ' αὐτῶν ἀκηκόασι · τότε δὴ ἀναθαῤῥήσαντες οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες, εἰς ἄλογον χωροῦσιν ὁρμήν· καὶ τὴν οἰκίαν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Νεκταρίου, πῦρ ἐμβαλόντες ἀνήλωσαν. : Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἐγένετο, κατὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν Θεοδοσίου τὸ δεύτερον καὶ Κυνηγίου.
Hypo de ton auton chronon kath᾽ an ho basileus tǭ polemǭ escholazen, kai hoi en Kōnstantinou polei ᾿Areianoi tarachēn kekinēkasi di' epinoias toiasde. Philousin hoi anthrōpoi logous plattein peri hōn ouk epistantai. Ei de kai pote prophaseōs epilabontai, meizonas tas peri hōn boulontai, phēmas exaptousi, neōterōn aei oregomenoi pragmatōn. Touto dē kai tote kata tēn polin egineto; allos gar allo peri tou makran genomenou polemou plattontes diephēmizon, aei epi to cheiron tēn elpida lambanontes. Kai mēdenos epiginomenou kata ton polemon, autoi hōs ta kat' auton historēsantes, peri hōn ouk ę̄deisan elegon ; hōs ho tyrannos epikratesteros eiē tēs basileōs dynameōs; kai hoti tosoi kai tosoi kata tēn machēn peptōkasi; kai hoti ho basileus hoson oudepō tǭ tyrannǭ hypocheirios ginetai. Tote de kai hoi Areianizontes ek pathous kinoumenoi ; sphodra gar hēniōnto, hoti tōn endon ekklēsiōn ekratoun hoi par' autōn proteron diōkomenoi ; tas phēmas pollaplasious eirgazonto. Epei de hetera tina tōn legomenōn, autous tous peplakotas auta eis pistin ēgen ouch hōs peplasmenōn, all' hōs alēthōs genomenōn eplasan; hoi gar akoę̄ paralabontes, diebebaiounta pros tous logopoiountas, mē allōs echein, ē hōs par' autōn akēkoasi ; tote dē anatharrhēsantes hoi ᾿Areianizontes, eis alogon chōrousin hormēn; kai tēn oikian tou episkopou Nektariou, pyr embalontes anēlōsan. : Touto men dē toiouton egeneto, kata tēn hypateian Theodosiou to deuteron kai Kynēgiou.
At the same time, while the emperor was occupied with the war, the Arians in Constantinople too stirred up a disturbance by the following device. People love to invent stories about what they do not know; and if they ever get hold of a pretext, they kindle greater rumours about what they wish, always hankering after novelties. This happened at that time in the city: one invented one thing, another another, about the distant war and spread it abroad, always expecting the worse. And when nothing had yet happened in the war, they spoke of what they did not know as though they had seen it: that the usurper was stronger than the emperor's forces, that so many and so many had fallen in the battle, and that the emperor was all but in the usurper's hands. Then the Arianizers too, moved by resentment, for they were greatly vexed that those whom they had formerly persecuted held the churches within the city, multiplied the rumours. When some of what was said led even those who had invented it to believe it, not as invented but as really having happened, for those who received it by hearing assured the story-makers that it was no other than as they had heard it from them, then the Arianizers took courage and went to senseless violence: they set fire to the house of the bishop Nectarius and burned it down. This happened in the consulship of Theodosius for the second time and Cynegius.
5.14PG 67:599–601
Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως ἐπιόντος τῷ τυράννῳ, πυνθανόμενοι τὴν παρασκευὴν οἱ ὑπὸ Μαξίμῳ ταττόμενοι, οὔτε τὴν ἐκ τῆς φήμης προσβολὴν ἐνεγκεῖν ἐδυνήθησαν· ἀλλὰ καταπτήξαντες, δέσμιον αὐτῷ τὸν τύραννον ἐνεχείρισαν· ὃς ἀνῃρέθη ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ὑπατείᾳ, ἑβδόμῃ καὶ εἰκάδι τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνός. δραγάθιος δὲ ὁ του βασιλέως Γρατιανοῦ φονεὺς, τῆς ἥττης αἰσθόμενος, εἰς τὸν παρακείμενον ποταμὸν ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν ἀπεπνίγη. Τότε οὖν οἱ βασιλεῖς νιχηφόροι ἐπὶ τὴν Ρώμην ἐχώρουν " ἦν δὲ ὁ υἱὸς ὐνώριος σὺν αὐτοῖς, κομιδῇ νέος ὥν μετὰ γὰρ τὴν κατὰ Μαξίμου νέχην, μεταπέμπεται αὐτὸν ὁ πατὴρ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως. Ἦσαν οὖν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμη ἐπινικίους ἑορτὰς ἐπιτελοῦντες" ὅτε τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀγαθόἐπὶ Συμμάχου τοῦ ἀπὸ ὑπάτων ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδότιος ἐπεδείξατο, Οὗτος γὰρ ὁ πρῶτος μὲν ἣν τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ συγκλήτου. Ἐθαυμάζετο δὲ ἐπὶ παιδεύσει λόγων Ῥωμαϊκῶν. Καὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ πολλοὶ λόγοι συγγεγραμμένοι τῇ Ῥωμαίων γλώσσῃ τυγχάνουσι. Βασιλιχὸν οὖν λόγον εἰς Μάξιμον ἔτι περιόντα γεγραφὼς καὶ διεξελθὼν, τῷ τῆς καθοσμύσεως ἐγχλήματι ἔνοχος ὕστερον τοῦτο δὴ δεδιὼς τὸν θάνατον, τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ προσἔφυγεν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὕτως ἣν περὶ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν εὐλαδῆς, ὡς μὴ μόνον τοὺς τῆς αὐτοῦ στεως ἱερεῖς ὑπερτιμᾷν ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ναυατιανοὺς τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονοῦντας ἀσμένως προσεδέχετο, Λεοντίῳ γοῦν ἐπισκόπῳ τῆς ἐν Ρώμῃ τῶν Νανατιαγῶν Ἐκκλησίας παραχαλοῦντι χάριν διδοὺς, τὸν Σύμμαχον ἀπέλυσε τοῦ ἐγκλήματος. Συγγνώμης οὖν ἀξιωθεὶς ὁ Σύμμαχος ; τὸν ἀπολογητιχὸν λόγον εἰς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Θεοδόσιον ἔγραψεν. Ὁ μὲν δὴ πόλεμος ἀρχὰς μεγίστην ἀπειλὴν ἐσχηκὼς, τελευτῶν ταχεῖαν ἔσχε τὴν κρίσιν.
Tou de basileōs epiontos tǭ tyrannǭ, pynthanomenoi tēn paraskeuēn hoi hypo Maximǭ tattomenoi, oute tēn ek tēs phēmēs prosbolēn enenkein edynēthēsan; alla kataptēxantes, desmion autǭ ton tyrannon enecheirisan; hos anę̄rethē en tę̄ autę̄ hypateią, hebdomę̄ kai eikadi tou Augoustou mēnos. dragathios de ho tou basileōs Gratianou phoneus, tēs hēttēs aisthomenos, eis ton parakeimenon potamon rhipsas heauton apepnigē. Tote oun hoi basileis nichēphoroi epi tēn Rōmēn echōroun " ēn de ho huios ynōrios syn autois, komidę̄ neos hōn meta gar tēn kata Maximou nechēn, metapempetai auton ho patēr tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs. Ēsan oun en tę̄ Rhōmē epinikious heortas epitelountes" hote tēn heautou agathoepi Symmachou tou apo hypatōn ho basileus Theodotios epedeixato, Houtos gar ho prōtos men hēn tēs en Rhōmę̄ synklētou. Ethaumazeto de epi paideusei logōn Rhōmaïkōn. Kai gar autǭ polloi logoi syngegrammenoi tę̄ Rhōmaiōn glōssę̄ tynchanousi. Basilichon oun logon eis Maximon eti perionta gegraphōs kai diexelthōn, tǭ tēs kathosmyseōs enchlēmati enochos hysteron touto dē dediōs ton thanaton, tę̄ ekklēsią prosephygen. Ho de basileus houtōs hēn peri ton Christianismon euladēs, hōs mē monon tous tēs autou steōs hiereis hypertimąn alla gar Nauatianous to homoousion phronountas asmenōs prosedecheto, Leontiǭ goun episkopǭ tēs en Rōmę̄ tōn Nanatiagōn Ekklēsias parachalounti charin didous, ton Symmachon apelyse tou enklēmatos. Syngnōmēs oun axiōtheis ho Symmachos ? ton apologētichon logon eis ton autokratora Theodosion egrapsen. Ho men dē polemos archas megistēn apeilēn eschēkōs, teleutōn tacheian esche tēn krisin.
As the emperor advanced against the usurper, those ranged under Maximus, learning of his preparations, could not bear even the shock of the report, but cowered and handed the usurper over to him in chains; and he was put to death in the same consulship, on the twenty-seventh of August. Andragathius, the murderer of the emperor Gratian, perceiving the defeat, threw himself into the river nearby and was drowned. Then the emperors went victorious to Rome; and the son Honorius was with them, being very young, for after the victory over Maximus his father sent for him from Constantinople. They were then in Rome celebrating festivals of victory, when the emperor Theodosius showed his goodness in the case of Symmachus, the former consul. He was the first man of the senate in Rome and was admired for his learning in Latin letters; indeed many speeches of his are written in the Latin language. Having written and delivered an imperial panegyric on Maximus while he was still alive, he was afterwards charged with treason; and fearing death for this, he fled to the church. The emperor was so devout toward Christianity that he not only honoured highly the priests of his own faith but also gladly received the Novatians, who held the 'same essence'. So, granting a favour to Leontius, bishop of the Novatian church in Rome, who interceded, he released Symmachus from the charge. Symmachus, having been granted pardon, wrote a speech of apology to the emperor Theodosius. Thus the war, which at its beginning held a very great threat, came to a swift decision at its end.
5.15PG 67:601–603
Περὶ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, περὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν τάδε ἐγένετο. Παυλίνου τελευτήσαντος, ὁ ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ λαὸς τὸν Φλαδιανὸν ἐξετρέπετο " διατοῦτο παρασκευάζει χειροτονηθῆναι τοῦ οἰκείου μέρους Εὐάγριον". Τοῦ δὲ οὐ πολὺν ἐπιθδιώσαντος χρόνον, ἕτερος εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ οὐκέτι χαῦίσταται, Φλαδιανοῦ τοῦτο χατασχενάσαντος. Ὅσοι δὲ τὸν Φλαδιανὸν διὰ τὴν παράθασιν ἀπεστρέφοντο τῶν ὄρχων, ἰδίαν τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο. Φλαῦιανὺς δὲ, τὸ τοῦ λόγου, πάντα λίθον ἐκίνει, ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ τούτους ποιήσασθαι, “Ὅπερ πικρὸν ὕστερον ἐξίσχυσε κατεργάσασθαι, τὴν ὀργὴν θεραπεύσας Θεοφίλου τότε τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπισκόπου, δι᾽ οὗ καὶ κατήλλαξε Δάμασον τὸν τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκο᾿Αμφότεροι γὰρ πρὸς Φλαθδιανὸν ἐχαλέπαινον, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὸ ἐπιορχηχέναι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι αἰτίαν παρεῖχε τοῦ χωρίζεσθαι τοὺς ὁμόφρονας. Θεραπευθεὶς οὖν τὴν ὀργὴν Θεόφιλος, πέμψας τε Ἰσίδωρον πρεσθδύτερον, χαταλλάσστει λυπούμενον Δάμασον, λυσιτελεῖν εἰπὼν δι᾽ ὁμόνοιαν τοῦ λαοῦ, παριδεῖν τὸ φθάσαν Φλαδιανοῦ πλημμέλημα. Οὕτως τε τῷ Φλαβιανῷ τῆς κοινωνίας ἀποδοθείσης, ὁ ἐν λαὺς κατὰ βραχὺ προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου, τὴν ὁμόνοιαν ἔστερξαν. Τὰ μὲν δὴ κατὰ ᾿Αντιόχειαν τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος. Οἱ γὰρ χατ᾽ αὐτὴν ᾿Ἀρειανοὶ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐξωθηθέντες, ἐν προαστείοις τῆς πόλεως τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιήσαντο. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ καὶ Κύριλλον ἃ τὸν τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ἐπίσκοπον τελευτήσαντα, Ἰωάννης διαδέχεται.
Peri de ton auton chronon, peri tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian tade egeneto. Paulinou teleutēsantos, ho hyp᾽ autǭ laos ton Phladianon exetrepeto " diatouto paraskeuazei cheirotonēthēnai tou oikeiou merous Euagrion". Tou de ou polyn epithdiōsantos chronon, heteros eis ton topon autou ouketi chauistatai, Phladianou touto chataschenasantos. Hosoi de ton Phladianon dia tēn parathasin apestrephonto tōn orchōn, idian tas synagōgas epoiounto. Phlauianys de, to tou logou, panta lithon ekinei, hyph᾽ hautǭ toutous poiēsasthai, “Hoper pikron hysteron exischyse katergasasthai, tēn orgēn therapeusas Theophilou tote tou tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopou, di᾽ hou kai katēllaxe Damason ton tēs Rhōmēs episko᾿Amphoteroi gar pros Phlathdianon echalepainon, ou monon dia to epiorchēchenai, all᾽ hoti aitian pareiche tou chōrizesthai tous homophronas. Therapeutheis oun tēn orgēn Theophilos, pempsas te Isidōron presthdyteron, chatallasstei lypoumenon Damason, lysitelein eipōn di᾽ homonoian tou laou, paridein to phthasan Phladianou plēmmelēma. Houtōs te tǭ Phlabianǭ tēs koinōnias apodotheisēs, ho en laus kata brachy proïontos tou chronou, tēn homonoian esterxan. Ta men dē kata ᾿Antiocheian toiouton esche to telos. Hoi gar chat᾽ autēn ᾿Areianoi tōn ekklēsiōn exōthēthentes, en proasteiois tēs poleōs tas synagōgas epoiēsanto. En tosoutǭ de kai Kyrillon ha ton tōn Hierosolymōn episkopon teleutēsanta, Iōannēs diadechetai.
About the same time the following happened at Antioch in Syria. When Paulinus died, the people under him shunned Flavian; and for this reason they arranged for Evagrius to be ordained for their own party. When he did not live long, no one else was appointed in his place, Flavian having brought this about. But those who turned away from Flavian because of the breaking of the oaths held their assemblies by themselves. Flavian, as the saying goes, moved every stone to bring them under himself, which a little later he succeeded in doing, by soothing the anger of Theophilus, then bishop of Alexandria, through whom he also reconciled Damasus, bishop of Rome. For both were angry with Flavian, not only for having broken his oath but because he had given occasion for the separation of those of one faith. Theophilus, his anger soothed, sent Isidore the presbyter and reconciled the aggrieved Damasus, saying that for the sake of the people's concord it was beneficial to overlook Flavian's earlier fault. When communion had thus been restored to Flavian, the people in the course of a short time embraced concord. Such was the end of affairs at Antioch. The Arians there, driven out of the churches, held their assemblies in the suburbs of the city. Meanwhile, when Cyril, the bishop of Jerusalem, died, John succeeded him.
5.16PG 67:603–605
Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τόνδε, καὶ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τοιοῦτο πάθος ἐγένετο. Τῇ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Θεοφίλου σπουδῇ, βασιλέως ἐκέλευε πρόσταγμα λύεσθαι τοὺς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ναοὺς, καὶ τοῦτο γίνεσθαι τῇ Θεοφίλου φροντίδι, Ταύτης τῆς ἐξουσίας δραξάμενος ὁ Θεόφιλος, παντοῖος ἐγένετο χαθυδρίσαν τὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων μυστήρια " καὶ ἀναχαθαίρει μὲν τὸ Μιθρεῖον. Καταστρέφει δὲ τὸ Σαραπεῖον καὶ τὰ μὲν τοῦ Μιθρείου φονιχὰ μυστήρια, δημόσια ἐπόμπευε " τὰ δὲ τοῦ Σαράπιδος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, γέλωτος ἐδείκνυ μεστὰ, τοὺς φαλλοὺς φέρεσθα! κελεύσας διὰ μέσης τῆς ἀγορᾶς. Ταῦτα οὕτω γενόμενα ὁρῶντες οἱ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν καὶ μάλιστα οἱ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐπαγγελλόμενοι, τὴν λύπην οὐχ ἤνεγκαν " ἀλλὰ τοῖς πάλαι δραματουργηθεῖσι προσέθηκαν μείζονα. Μιᾷ γὰρ ὁρμῇ ἔκ τινος συνθήματος κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν χωρήσαντες, πάντα φόνον εἰργάζοντο, Ἡμύνοντο δὲ οἱ Χριστιανοὶ, καὶ πᾶν ἐπηκολούθει Ἕως τε τοσούτου ἐξετάθη ἡ μάχη, ἕως οὗ κόρος τῶν φόνων τὸ γινόμενον ἔπαυσεν. ᾿Απώλοντο γὰρ ἐν τῇ συμβολῇ, τῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων ὀλίγοι" τῶν δὲ Χριστιανῶν σφόδρα παλλοί. δὲ τραυματίαι, ἐξ ἐκατέρου μέρους ἦσαν ἀναρίθμητοι. Φόβος ἐκ τῶν γεγονότων εἶχε τοὺς Ἑλληνίζοντας, δεδοικότας τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργήν. Πράξαντες γὰρ ὁ ἐδόκει αὐτοῖς, καὶ ταῖς μιαιφονίαις τὸν θυμὸν ἀποσβέσαντες, ἄλλος ἀλλαχῆ κατεκρύπτοντο· πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἔφυγον, κατὰ τὰς πόλεις μεριζόμενοι. Ὧν ἦσαν οἱ δύο γραμματικοὶ, Ἑλλάδιος καὶ ᾿Αμμώνιος, παρ' οἷς ἐγὼ κομιδῇ νέος ὧν ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐφοίτησα. Ἑλλάδιος μὲν οὖν ἱερεὺς τοῦ Διὸς εἶναι ἐλέγετο · Αμμώνιος δὲ πιθήκου. Οὕτω δὴ τοῦ κακοῦ κατασταλέντος, συνελαμβάνοντο τῷ Θεοφίλῳ πρὸς τὴν κατάλυσιν τῶν ναῶν, ὅ τε τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἔπαρχος, καὶ ὁ ἡγούμενος τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ τάγματος. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἱερὰ κατεστρέφετο, τὰ δὲ ἀγάλματα τῶν θεῶν μετεχωνεύετο εἰς λεβήτια, καὶ εἰ; ἑτέρας χρείας τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐκκλησίας, τοῦ βασιλέως χαρισαμένου τοὺς θεοὺς εἰς δαπανήματα τῶν πτωχῶν. Πάντας οὖν τοὺς θεοὺς συντρίψας ὁ Θεόφιλος, ἓν ἄγαλμα τοῦδε τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀχώνευτον τηρεῖσθαι κελεύσας, δημοσίᾳ προέστησεν · ἵνα, φησὶ, χρόνου προϊόντος μὴ ἀρνήσωνται οἱ Ἕλληνες τοιούτους προσκεκυνηκέναι θεούς. Ἐπὶ τοῦτο πάνυ ἀνιώμενον οἶδα Αμμώνιον τὸν γραμματικὸν, ὃς ἔλεγε δεινὰ πεπονθέναι τὴν Ἑλλήνων θρησκείαν · ἵνα μὴ καὶ ὁ εἷς ἀνδριὰς ἐχωνεύθη, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ γέλωτι τῆς Ἑλλήνων θρησκείας φυλάττηται. Ἑλλάδιος δὲ παρά τισιν ηὔχει, ὡς ἐννέα εἴη ἄνδρας ἐν τῇ συμπληγάδι φονεύσας. Τὰ μὲν οὖν κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν τότε τοιαῦτα ἐγένετο.
Kata de ton chronon tonde, kai en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią toiouto pathos egeneto. Tę̄ tou episkopou Theophilou spoudę̄, basileōs ekeleue prostagma lyesthai tous en ᾿Alexandreią tōn Hellēnōn naous, kai touto ginesthai tę̄ Theophilou phrontidi, Tautēs tēs exousias draxamenos ho Theophilos, pantoios egeneto chathydrisan ta tōn Hellēnōn mystēria " kai anachathairei men to Mithreion. Katastrephei de to Sarapeion kai ta men tou Mithreiou phonicha mystēria, dēmosia epompeue " ta de tou Sarapidos kai tōn allōn, gelōtos edeikny mesta, tous phallous pherestha! keleusas dia mesēs tēs agoras. Tauta houtō genomena horōntes hoi kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian kai malista hoi philosophein epangellomenoi, tēn lypēn ouch ēnenkan " alla tois palai dramatourgētheisi prosethēkan meizona. Mią gar hormę̄ ek tinos synthēmatos kata tōn Christianōn chōrēsantes, panta phonon eirgazonto, Hēmynonto de hoi Christianoi, kai pan epēkolouthei Heōs te tosoutou exetathē hē machē, heōs hou koros tōn phonōn to ginomenon epausen. ᾿Apōlonto gar en tę̄ symbolę̄, tōn men Hellēnōn oligoi" tōn de Christianōn sphodra palloi. de traumatiai, ex ekaterou merous ēsan anarithmētoi. Phobos ek tōn gegonotōn eiche tous Hellēnizontas, dedoikotas tēn tou basileōs orgēn. Praxantes gar ho edokei autois, kai tais miaiphoniais ton thymon aposbesantes, allos allachē katekryptonto; polloi de kai ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias ephygon, kata tas poleis merizomenoi. Hōn ēsan hoi dyo grammatikoi, Helladios kai ᾿Ammōnios, par' hois egō komidę̄ neos hōn en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei ephoitēsa. Helladios men oun hiereus tou Dios einai elegeto ; Ammōnios de pithēkou. Houtō dē tou kakou katastalentos, synelambanonto tǭ Theophilǭ pros tēn katalysin tōn naōn, ho te tēs ᾿Alexandreias eparchos, kai ho hēgoumenos tou stratiōtikou tagmatos. Ta men oun hiera katestrepheto, ta de agalmata tōn theōn metechōneueto eis lebētia, kai ei? heteras chreias tēs ᾿Alexandreōn ekklēsias, tou basileōs charisamenou tous theous eis dapanēmata tōn ptōchōn. Pantas oun tous theous syntripsas ho Theophilos, hen agalma toude tou Theou achōneuton tēreisthai keleusas, dēmosią proestēsen ; hina, phēsi, chronou proïontos mē arnēsōntai hoi Hellēnes toioutous proskekynēkenai theous. Epi touto pany aniōmenon oida Ammōnion ton grammatikon, hos elege deina peponthenai tēn Hellēnōn thrēskeian ; hina mē kai ho heis andrias echōneuthē, all᾽ epi gelōti tēs Hellēnōn thrēskeias phylattētai. Helladios de para tisin ēuchei, hōs ennea eiē andras en tę̄ symplēgadi phoneusas. Ta men oun kata tēn ᾿Alexandreian tote toiauta egeneto.
At this time a calamity of the following kind also took place in Alexandria. At the urging of the bishop Theophilus, an order of the emperor commanded that the temples of the pagans in Alexandria be destroyed, and that this be done under Theophilus's direction. Seizing this authority, Theophilus did everything to expose the pagan mysteries to contempt. He cleared out the Mithraeum and overthrew the Serapeum; the bloody mysteries of the Mithraeum he paraded in public, and those of Serapis and the others he showed to be full of absurdity, ordering the phalluses to be carried through the middle of the market-place. When the people of Alexandria, and especially those who professed philosophy, saw this, they could not bear their grief, but added greater things to the tragedies of old. With one impulse, by some signal, they rushed upon the Christians and committed every kind of murder. The Christians defended themselves, and evil followed upon evil. The fighting went on until satiety of slaughter put an end to it. In the clash few of the pagans perished, but very many of the Christians; the wounded on both sides were countless. Fear of the consequences seized the pagans, who dreaded the emperor's anger. Having done what they pleased and quenched their rage with bloodshed, they hid themselves, one here, one there; many also fled from Alexandria and scattered among the cities. Among them were the two grammarians Helladius and Ammonius, whose lectures I attended in Constantinople when I was very young. Helladius was said to be a priest of Zeus, and Ammonius of the ape. When the trouble had thus been quelled, the prefect of Alexandria and the commander of the troops assisted Theophilus in demolishing the temples. The shrines were overthrown, and the statues of the gods were melted down into pots and other utensils for the church of the Alexandrians, the emperor having granted the gods for the expenses of the poor. Having smashed all the gods, Theophilus ordered one statue of a certain god to be kept unmelted and set it up in public, so that, he said, in time to come the pagans might not deny that they had worshipped such gods. I know that Ammonius the grammarian was very grieved at this, and said that the pagan religion had suffered a terrible thing in that this one statue had not been melted down but was kept to make a laughing-stock of the pagan religion. Helladius boasted to some that in the clash he had killed nine men. Such were the events at Alexandria at that time.
5.17PG 67:607–609
τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ προσελθόντες, τὰ ἱερογλυφικά τε Ἐν δὲ τῷ ναῷ τοῦ Σαράπιδος λουομένου καὶ γυμνουμένου, ηὕρητο γράμματα ἐγκεχαραγμένα τοῖς λίθοις, τῷ καλουμένῳ ἱερογλυφικῷ. Ἧσαν δὲ οἱ χαρακτῆρες, σταυρῶν ἔχοντες τύπους. Τούτους ὁρῶντες Χριστιανοί τε καὶ Ἕλληνες, τῇ ἰδίᾳ ἑκάτεροι θρησκείᾳ προσηρμόζοντο. Χριστιανοὶ μὲν γὰρ, σημεῖον τοῦ κατὰ Χριστὸν σωτηριώδους πάθους εἶναι λέγοντες τὸν σταυρὸν, οἰκεῖον εἶναι τὸν χαρακτῆρα ἐνόμιζον· Ἕλληνες δὲ τί κοινὸν Χριστῷ καὶ Σαράπιδι ἔλεγον· εἰ ὁ σταυροειδής χαρακτήρ, ἄλλο μὲν Χριστιανοῖς, ἄλλο δὲ Ἕλλησι ποιεῖται τὸ σύμβολον. Τούτων δὲ ἀμφισβητουμένων, τινὲς τῶν Ἑλλήνων γράμματα ἐπιστάμενοι, διερμηνεύοντες τὸν σταυροειδή χαρακτῆρα, ἔλεγον σημαίνειν ζωὴν ἐπερχομένην. Τοῦτο πλεῖον οἱ Χριστιανοὶ εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν θρη σκείαν ἁρπάσαντες, ἀλαζονικώτερον διετέθησαν. Ὡς δὲ καὶ δι᾽ ἑτέρων γραμμάτων ἱερογλυφικῶν ἐδηλοῦτο, τέλος ἕξειν τὸ τοῦ Σαράπιδος ἱερὸν, ὅτε σταυροειδής φανῇ χαρακτήρ, τοῦτο γὰρ εἶναι τὴν ἐπερχομένην ζωήν, πολλῷ πλείους προσήρχοντο τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ. Καὶ τὰς ἁμαρτίας ἐξομολογούμενοι, ἐβαπτίζοντο. Τὰ μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τῷ σταυροειδεῖ χαρακτῆρι γενόμενα, τοιαῦτα ἀκήκοα. Ἐγὼ δὲ οὐ φημι τοὺς Αἰγυπτίων ἱερεῖς, τὰ περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ προγινώσκοντας, ἀποτυπῶσαι τὸ σταυροειδὲς γράμμα. Εἰ γὰρ τὸ περὶ τῆς εἰς τὸν κόσμον καθόδου μυστήριον ἦν ἀποκεκρυμμένον ἀπὸ τῶν αἰώνων καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν γενεῶν, ὡς φησιν ὁ Ἀπόστολος, καὶ ἕλαθε τὸν ἄρχοντα τῆς πονηρίας διάβολον, πολλῷ μᾶλλον τοὺς ὑπηρέτας αὐτοῦ ἱερεῖς Αἰγυπτίων τοῦτο διέφυγεν. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ἡ Πρόνοια παρεσκεύασε τοῦτο γενέσθαι, ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ γράμματος ζητήσει, ὅπερ καὶ ἐν τῷ ᾿Αποστόλῳ Παύλῳ ἐπέδειξε πρότερον. Καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ Πνεύματος σοφὸς γεγονὼς, τῇ ὁμοίᾳ μεθόδῳ πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους χρησάμενος, πολλοὺς εἰς τὴν πίστιν προσἡγαγεν, ὅτε τὰ ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ γεγραμμένα ἀναγνοὺς, τῷ ἰδίῳ λόγῳ προσήρμοσεν. Εἰ μὴ ἄρα τις λέγοι, ἐνηργηκέναι τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγον εἰς τοὺς Αἰγυπτίων ἱερεῖς, ὥσπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ Βαλαὰμ, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Καϊάφα. Καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖνοι ἄκοντες περὶ τῶν ἀγαθῶν προεφήτευσαν. Τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω.
tǭ Christianismǭ proselthontes, ta hieroglyphika te En de tǭ naǭ tou Sarapidos louomenou kai gymnoumenou, hēurēto grammata enkecharagmena tois lithois, tǭ kaloumenǭ hieroglyphikǭ. Hēsan de hoi charaktēres, staurōn echontes typous. Toutous horōntes Christianoi te kai Hellēnes, tę̄ idią hekateroi thrēskeią prosērmozonto. Christianoi men gar, sēmeion tou kata Christon sōtēriōdous pathous einai legontes ton stauron, oikeion einai ton charaktēra enomizon; Hellēnes de ti koinon Christǭ kai Sarapidi elegon; ei ho stauroeidēs charaktēr, allo men Christianois, allo de Hellēsi poieitai to symbolon. Toutōn de amphisbētoumenōn, tines tōn Hellēnōn grammata epistamenoi, diermēneuontes ton stauroeidē charaktēra, elegon sēmainein zōēn eperchomenēn. Touto pleion hoi Christianoi eis tēn oikeian thrē skeian harpasantes, alazonikōteron dietethēsan. Hōs de kai di᾽ heterōn grammatōn hieroglyphikōn edēlouto, telos hexein to tou Sarapidos hieron, hote stauroeidēs phanę̄ charaktēr, touto gar einai tēn eperchomenēn zōēn, pollǭ pleious prosērchonto tǭ Christianismǭ. Kai tas hamartias exomologoumenoi, ebaptizonto. Ta men oun epi tǭ stauroeidei charaktēri genomena, toiauta akēkoa. Egō de ou phēmi tous Aigyptiōn hiereis, ta peri tou Christou proginōskontas, apotypōsai to stauroeides gramma. Ei gar to peri tēs eis ton kosmon kathodou mystērion ēn apokekrymmenon apo tōn aiōnōn kai apo tōn geneōn, hōs phēsin ho Apostolos, kai helathe ton archonta tēs ponērias diabolon, pollǭ mallon tous hypēretas autou hiereis Aigyptiōn touto diephygen. ᾿All᾿ hē Pronoia pareskeuase touto genesthai, epi tę̄ tou grammatos zētēsei, hoper kai en tǭ ᾿Apostolǭ Paulǭ epedeixe proteron. Kai gar ekeinos hypo tou Theou Pneumatos sophos gegonōs, tę̄ homoią methodǭ pros ᾿Athēnaious chrēsamenos, pollous eis tēn pistin prosēgagen, hote ta epi tǭ bōmǭ gegrammena anagnous, tǭ idiǭ logǭ prosērmosen. Ei mē ara tis legoi, enērgēkenai ton tou Theou Logon eis tous Aigyptiōn hiereis, hōsper epi tou Balaam, kai epi tou Kaïapha. Kai gar ekeinoi akontes peri tōn agathōn proephēteusan. Tosauta men peri toutōn eirēsthō.
When the temple of Serapis was being torn down and laid bare, letters were found carved on the stones, of the kind called hieroglyphic. Among the characters were some having the shape of crosses. Seeing these, Christians and pagans alike each applied them to their own religion. The Christians, saying that the cross is the sign of Christ's saving passion, thought the character was their own; the pagans said that it was something common to Christ and Serapis, since the cross-shaped character means one thing to Christians and another to pagans as a symbol. While this was being disputed, some pagans who had come over to Christianity and knew the hieroglyphic letters interpreted the cross-shaped character and said that it meant 'life to come'. The Christians seized on this all the more for their own religion and became the more boastful. And when it was shown by other hieroglyphic letters that the temple of Serapis would come to an end when the cross-shaped character appeared, for this was the 'life to come', many more came over to Christianity, and, confessing their sins, were baptized. Such is what I have heard about the cross-shaped character. But I do not say that the priests of the Egyptians, knowing beforehand what concerned Christ, engraved the cross-shaped letter. For if the mystery of his coming down into the world was hidden from the ages and from the generations, as the Apostle says, and escaped the notice of the devil, the ruler of wickedness, much more did it escape his servants, the priests of the Egyptians. But Providence arranged that this should happen at the inquiry into the letter, as it showed earlier in the case of the apostle Paul too. For he, made wise by the Spirit of God, used a similar method with the Athenians and brought many to the faith, when he read what was written on the altar and fitted it to his own discourse. Unless perhaps someone should say that the Word of God worked in the priests of the Egyptians, as in the case of Balaam and of Caiaphas; for they too prophesied good things against their will. So much on these matters.
5.18PG 67:609–613
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος ἐπ' ὀλίγον κατὰ τὴν Ἰταλίαν διατρίψας, μέγιστα τὴν Ῥωμαίων ὤνησε πόλιν· τὰ μὲν τῷ δοῦναι, τὰ δὲ τῷ περιελεῖν. Καὶ γὰρ πολλὰ ἐφιλοτιμήσατο· καὶ περιεῖλε διττὴν αἰσχύνὴν τῆς πόλεως· μίαν μὲν τήνδε. Ἡσαν ἐξ ἀρχαίου κατὰ τὴν μεγίστην Ῥώμην οἶκοι παμμεγέθεις, ἐν οἷς ὁ τῇ πόλει χορηγούμενος ἄρτος ἐγίνετο. Οἱ τε προϊστάμενοι τούτων, οἳ μάγκιπες τῇ Ῥωμαίων γλώσσῃ καλοῦνται, προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου λῃστήρια τοὺς οἴκους πεποίηνται. Ὡς γὰρ ἦσαν οἱ τῶν οἴκων μυλῶνες κατὰ βάθους τὴν θέσιν ἔχοντες, κατὰ τὸ πλευρὸν ἑκάστου οἰκήματος καπηλεία κατασκευάσαντες, πόρνας τε ἐν αὐτοῖς προστησάμενοι, δι' αὐτῶν ἐλοχῶντο πολλούς· τοὺς μὲν τῇ χρείᾳ τῆς τροφῆς εἰσιόντας, τοὺς δὲ καὶ δι᾿ ἀκρασίαν αἰσχρᾶς ἡδονῆς. Ἐκ γάρ τινος μηχανῆς, ἐκ τοῦ καπηλείου εἰς τὸν μυλῶνα ἐνέπιπτον. Καὶ τοῦτο ἔπασχον μάλιστα οἱ ξένοι τῇ Ῥώμῃ ἐπιδημοῦντες. Ἡναγκάζοντό τε οἱ ἁλόντες, ἐν τοῖς μυλῶσιν ἐργάζεσθαι. Πολλοί τε κατεγήρασαν ἐν αὐτοῖς, μὴ συγχωρηθέντες ὑπεξελθεῖν, τοῖς τε οἰκείοις ἑαυτῶν τοῦ τεθνηκέναι δόξαν παρεσχηκότες. Ἐν τῇ παγίδι ταύτῃ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τις τοῦ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου ἐνέπεσεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατιώτης κατάκλειστος τῷ μυλῶνι γενόμενος ἐξελθεῖν οὐκ ἠφίετο, σπασάμενος ἣν εἶχε παραξιφίδα, τοὺς κωλύοντας διεχρήσατο. Οἱ δὲ φόβῳ τῶν γινομένων, τὸν στρατιώτην ἀπέλυσαν. Γνοὺς ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς, τοὺς μάγκηπας μὲν ἐτιμωρήσατο· τοὺς δὲ λῃστοδόχους οἴκους ἐκείνους καταστραφῆναι ἐκέλευσε. Μίαν μὲν δὴ τοιαύτην αἰσχύνην ὁ βασιλεὺς περιείλε τῆς βασιλευούσης πόλεως· ἑτέραν δὲ τοιαύτην. Εἰ ἥλω ἐπὶ μοιχείᾳ γυνὴ, οὐ διορθώσει, ἀλλὰ προσθήκῃ τῆς ἁμαρτίας ἐτιμωροῦντο τὴν πταίσασαν. Ἐν γὰρ πορνείῳ στενῷ κατάκλειστον ποιήσαντες, ἀναιδῶς ἐποίουν πορνεύεσθαι. Κώδωνάς τε σείεσθαι κατὰ τὸν καιρὸν τῆς ἀκαθάρτου πράξεως ἐποίουν, ὅπως ἂν μὴ λανθάνῃ τοὺς παρόντας τὸ γινόμενον· ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ἤχου τῶν σειομένων κωδώνων, ἡ ἐφύβριστος τιμωρία τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐγνωρίζετο. Ταῦτα οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ὁ βασιλεὺς, πυθόμενος τὴν ἀναιδῆ συνήθειαν· ἀλλὰ κατέλυσε τὰ σεῖστρα, οὕτω γὰρ ὠνομάζετο τὰ καιαῦτα πορνεῖα· τοῖς ἄλλοις ὑποπίπτειν νόμοις τὰς ἁλούσας ἐπὶ μοιχείᾳ κελεύσας. Τοιούτων μὲν δὴ φαυλοτάτων καὶ ἐφυβρίστων δύο πραγμάτων, ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν ἐλευθέραν πεποίηκε. Καταστησάμενος δὲ καλῶς καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πράγματα, καταλείπει μὲν ἐν τῇ Ῥώμῃ Οὐαλεντινιανὸν βασιλεύοντα. Αὐτὸς δὲ ἅμα τῷ υἱῷ Ὁνωρίῳ ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἐπορεύθη, εἰς αὐτης τε εἰσέρχεται ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Τατιανοῦ καὶ Συμμάχου, τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνός.
Ho de basileus Theodosios ep' oligon kata tēn Italian diatripsas, megista tēn Rhōmaiōn ōnēse polin; ta men tǭ dounai, ta de tǭ perielein. Kai gar polla ephilotimēsato; kai perieile dittēn aischynēn tēs poleōs; mian men tēnde. Hēsan ex archaiou kata tēn megistēn Rhōmēn oikoi pammegetheis, en hois ho tę̄ polei chorēgoumenos artos egineto. Hoi te proïstamenoi toutōn, hoi mankipes tę̄ Rhōmaiōn glōssę̄ kalountai, proïontos tou chronou lę̄stēria tous oikous pepoiēntai. Hōs gar ēsan hoi tōn oikōn mylōnes kata bathous tēn thesin echontes, kata to pleuron hekastou oikēmatos kapēleia kataskeuasantes, pornas te en autois prostēsamenoi, di' autōn elochōnto pollous; tous men tę̄ chreią tēs trophēs eisiontas, tous de kai di᾿ akrasian aischras hēdonēs. Ek gar tinos mēchanēs, ek tou kapēleiou eis ton mylōna enepipton. Kai touto epaschon malista hoi xenoi tę̄ Rhōmę̄ epidēmountes. Hēnankazonto te hoi halontes, en tois mylōsin ergazesthai. Polloi te kategērasan en autois, mē synchōrēthentes hypexelthein, tois te oikeiois heautōn tou tethnēkenai doxan pareschēkotes. En tę̄ pagidi tautę̄ tōn stratiōtōn tis tou basileōs Theodosiou enepesen. Epei de ho stratiōtēs katakleistos tǭ mylōni genomenos exelthein ouk ēphieto, spasamenos hēn eiche paraxiphida, tous kōlyontas diechrēsato. Hoi de phobǭ tōn ginomenōn, ton stratiōtēn apelysan. Gnous tauta ho basileus, tous mankēpas men etimōrēsato; tous de lę̄stodochous oikous ekeinous katastraphēnai ekeleuse. Mian men dē toiautēn aischynēn ho basileus perieile tēs basileuousēs poleōs; heteran de toiautēn. Ei hēlō epi moicheią gynē, ou diorthōsei, alla prosthēkę̄ tēs hamartias etimōrounto tēn ptaisasan. En gar porneiǭ stenǭ katakleiston poiēsantes, anaidōs epoioun porneuesthai. Kōdōnas te seiesthai kata ton kairon tēs akathartou praxeōs epoioun, hopōs an mē lanthanę̄ tous parontas to ginomenon; all᾽ ek tou ēchou tōn seiomenōn kōdōnōn, hē ephybristos timōria tois pasin egnōrizeto. Tauta ouk ēnenken ho basileus, pythomenos tēn anaidē synētheian; alla katelyse ta seistra, houtō gar ōnomazeto ta kaiauta porneia; tois allois hypopiptein nomois tas halousas epi moicheią keleusas. Toioutōn men dē phaulotatōn kai ephybristōn dyo pragmatōn, ho basileus Theodosios tēn Rhōmaiōn polin eleutheran pepoiēke. Katastēsamenos de kalōs kai ta alla pragmata, kataleipei men en tę̄ Rhōmę̄ Oualentinianon basileuonta. Autos de hama tǭ huiǭ Honōriǭ epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin eporeuthē, eis autēs te eiserchetai en hypateią Tatianou kai Symmachou, tę̄ dekatę̄ tou Noembriou mēnos.
The emperor Theodosius, staying a short time in Italy, did very great good to the city of Rome, partly by giving, partly by taking away. He made many gifts, and he removed two disgraces of the city. One was this. There were from ancient times in great Rome very large buildings in which the bread supplied to the city was made. Their managers, who are called mancipes in the Latin language, had in the course of time made the buildings into dens of robbers. Since the mills of the buildings were set below ground level, they built taverns along the side of each building and placed prostitutes in them, and through them they ambushed many, both those who came in for need of food and those who came through incontinence in shameful pleasure; for by some contrivance they dropped from the tavern into the mill. This happened above all to strangers visiting Rome. Those who were caught were forced to work in the mills, and many grew old in them, not being allowed to get out, while their relatives thought they had died. One of the emperor Theodosius's soldiers fell into this trap. When the soldier, shut up in the mill, was not allowed to leave, he drew the dagger he had and killed those who were stopping him; and they, in fear at what was happening, let the soldier go. When the emperor learned this, he punished the mancipes and ordered those robbers' dens to be demolished. This was one such disgrace that the emperor removed from the imperial city; the other was this. If a woman was caught in adultery, they punished the woman who had fallen not by correcting her but by adding to her sin. They shut her up in a narrow brothel and made her prostitute herself shamelessly; and they had bells rung at the time of the unclean act, so that what was being done might not escape those present, but by the sound of the ringing bells the outrageous punishment might be made known to all. The emperor would not bear this when he learned of the shameless custom, but abolished the Sistra, for so such brothels were called, and ordered that women caught in adultery should be subject to the other laws. From two such very base and outrageous practices the emperor Theodosius freed the city of the Romans. Having settled other affairs well too, he left Valentinian reigning in Rome, and he himself went with his son Honorius to Constantinople, and entered it in the consulship of Tatian and Symmachus, on the tenth of November.
5.19PG 67:613–619
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, ἔδοξε καὶ τοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς μετανοίας περιελεῖν πρεσβυτέρους τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν, δι' αἰτίαν τοιαύτην. ᾿Αφ' οὗ Ναυατιανοὶ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας διεκρίθησαν, τοῖς ἐπταικόσιν ἐν τῷ ἐπὶ Δεκίου διωγμῷ κοινωνῆσαι μὴ θελήσαντες, οἱ ἐπίσκοποι τῷ ἐκκλησιαστικῷ κανόνι τὸν πρεσβύτερον τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς μετανοίας προσέθεσαν, ὅπως ἂν οἱ μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα πταίσαντες, ἐπὶ τοῦ προβληθέν τος τούτου πρεσβυτέρου ἐξομολογῶνται τὰ ἁμαρτήματα. Οὗτος ὁ κανὼν κρατεῖ μέχρι νῦν ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις αἱρέσεσι. Μόνοι δὲ οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φρονήματος, καὶ οἱ τούτοις κατὰ τὴν πίστιν ὁμόφρονες Ναυατιανοὶ, τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς μετανοίας πρεσβύτερον παρῃτήσαντο. Ναυατιανοὶ μὲν γὰρ οὐδὲ τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν προσθήκην ταύτην ἐδέξαντο. Οἱ δὲ νῦν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν κρατοῦντες, ἕως πολλοῦ φυλάξαντες, ἐπὶ Νεκταρίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου μετέθεσαν, τοιούτου τινὸς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συμβάντος. Γυνή τις τῶν εὐγενῶν προσῆλθεν τῷ ἐπὶ τῆς μετανοίας πρεσβυτέρῳ· καὶ κατὰ μέρος ἐξομολογεῖται τὰς ἁμαρτίας, ἃς ἐπεπράχει μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα. Ὁ δὲ πρεσβύτερος παρήγγειλε τῇ γυναικὶ, νηστεύειν καὶ συνεχῶς εὔχεσθαι, ἵνα σὺν τῇ ὁμολογίᾳ καὶ ἔργον τι δεικνύειν ἔχῃ τῆς μετανοίας ἄξιον. Ἡ δὲ γυνὴ προβαίνουσα, καὶ ἄλλο πταίσμα ἑαυτῆς κατηγόρει. Ἔλεγε γὰρ, ὡς εἴη συγκαθευδήσας αὐτῇ τῆς ἐκκλησίας διάκονος. Τοῦτο λεχθέν, τὸν μὲν διάκονον τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκπεσεῖν παρεσκεύασε. Ταραχὴ δὲ κατέσχε τὰ πλήθη· ἠγανάκτουν γὰρ οὐ μόνον ἐπὶ τῷ γενομένῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ βλασφημίαν ἡ πρᾶξις καὶ ὕβριν προὐξένησεν. Διασυρομένων δὲ ἐκ τούτου τῶν ἱερωμένων ἀνδρῶν, Εὐδαίμων τις τῆς Ἐκκλησίας πρεσβύτερος, ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς τὸ γένος, γνώμην τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ δίδωσι Νεκταρίῳ, περιελεῖν μὲν τὸν ἐπὶ τῆς μετανοίας πρεσβύτερον· συγχωρῆσαι δὲ ἕκαστον, τῷ ἰδίῳ συνειδότι τῶν μυστηρίων μετέχειν· οὕτω γὰρ μόνως ἔχειν τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν τὸ ἀβλασφήμητον. Ταῦτα παρὰ τοῦ Εὐδαίμονος ἀκούσας ἐγὼ, τῇ γραφῇ τῇδε παραδοῦναι ἐθάῤῥησα. Ὡς γὰρ πολλάκις ἔφην, πᾶσαν σπουδὴν παρ' ἑκάστου τῶν εἰδότων ἐθέμην μανθάνειν τὰ πράγματα, καὶ ἀκριβῶς ἐρευνᾷν, ἵνα μὴ ἔξω τῆς ἀληθείας τι γράφοιμι, ἐγὼ δὲ πρὸς τὸν Εὐδαίμονα πρότερον ἔφην Ἡ συμβουλή σου, ὦ πρεσβύτερε, εἰ συνήνεγκε τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, ἢ εἰ μὴ, Θεὸς ἂν εἰδείη· ὁρῶ δὲ ὅτι πρόφασιν παρέσχε τοῦ μὴ ἐλέγχειν ἀλλήλων τὰ ἁμαρτήματα, μηδὲ φυλάττειν τὸ τοῦ Ἀποστόλου παράγγελμα τὸ λέγον· Μηδὲ συγκοινωνεῖτε τοῖς ἔργοις τοῖς ἀκάρποις τοῦ σκότους, μᾶλλον δὲ καὶ ἐλέγχετε. Περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων αὐτάρκως εἰρήσθω.
Hypo de ton auton chronon, edoxe kai tous epi tēs metanoias perielein presbyterous tōn ekklēsiōn, di' aitian toiautēn. ᾿Aph' hou Nauatianoi tēs Ekklēsias diekrithēsan, tois eptaikosin en tǭ epi Dekiou diōgmǭ koinōnēsai mē thelēsantes, hoi episkopoi tǭ ekklēsiastikǭ kanoni ton presbyteron ton epi tēs metanoias prosethesan, hopōs an hoi meta to baptisma ptaisantes, epi tou problēthen tos toutou presbyterou exomologōntai ta hamartēmata. Houtos ho kanōn kratei mechri nyn en tais allais hairesesi. Monoi de hoi tou homoousiou phronēmatos, kai hoi toutois kata tēn pistin homophrones Nauatianoi, ton epi tēs metanoias presbyteron parę̄tēsanto. Nauatianoi men gar oude tēn archēn tēn prosthēkēn tautēn edexanto. Hoi de nyn tōn ekklēsiōn kratountes, heōs pollou phylaxantes, epi Nektariou tou episkopou metethesan, toioutou tinos epi tēn ekklēsian symbantos. Gynē tis tōn eugenōn prosēlthen tǭ epi tēs metanoias presbyterǭ; kai kata meros exomologeitai tas hamartias, has epeprachei meta to baptisma. Ho de presbyteros parēngeile tę̄ gynaiki, nēsteuein kai synechōs euchesthai, hina syn tę̄ homologią kai ergon ti deiknyein echę̄ tēs metanoias axion. Hē de gynē probainousa, kai allo ptaisma heautēs katēgorei. Elege gar, hōs eiē synkatheudēsas autę̄ tēs ekklēsias diakonos. Touto lechthen, ton men diakonon tēs Ekklēsias ekpesein pareskeuase. Tarachē de katesche ta plēthē; ēganaktoun gar ou monon epi tǭ genomenǭ, all᾽ hoti kai tę̄ Ekklēsią blasphēmian hē praxis kai hybrin prouxenēsen. Diasyromenōn de ek toutou tōn hierōmenōn andrōn, Eudaimōn tis tēs Ekklēsias presbyteros, ᾿Alexandreus to genos, gnōmēn tǭ episkopǭ didōsi Nektariǭ, perielein men ton epi tēs metanoias presbyteron; synchōrēsai de hekaston, tǭ idiǭ syneidoti tōn mystēriōn metechein; houtō gar monōs echein tēn Ekklēsian to ablasphēmēton. Tauta para tou Eudaimonos akousas egō, tę̄ graphę̄ tę̄de paradounai etharrhēsa. Hōs gar pollakis ephēn, pasan spoudēn par' hekastou tōn eidotōn ethemēn manthanein ta pragmata, kai akribōs ereunąn, hina mē exō tēs alētheias ti graphoimi, egō de pros ton Eudaimona proteron ephēn Hē symboulē sou, ō presbytere, ei synēnenke tę̄ Ekklēsią, ē ei mē, Theos an eideiē; horō de hoti prophasin paresche tou mē elenchein allēlōn ta hamartēmata, mēde phylattein to tou Apostolou parangelma to legon; Mēde synkoinōneite tois ergois tois akarpois tou skotous, mallon de kai elenchete. Peri men oun toutōn autarkōs eirēsthō.
About the same time it was decided to do away also with the presbyters in charge of penance in the churches, for the following reason. Ever since the Novatians separated from the church, refusing to hold communion with those who had fallen in the persecution under Decius, the bishops added to the church's canon the presbyter in charge of penance, so that those who had fallen after baptism might confess their sins before this appointed presbyter. This canon prevails to this day in the other sects. Only those of the 'same essence' mind, and the Novatians who share their faith, have given up the presbyter in charge of penance. The Novatians never accepted this addition at all; but those who now hold the churches, after keeping it for a long time, changed it under Nectarius the bishop, when something of the following kind happened to the church. A woman of noble family came to the presbyter in charge of penance and confessed one by one the sins she had committed after baptism. The presbyter instructed the woman to fast and pray continually, so that together with her confession she might show some work worthy of repentance. But the woman, going further, accused herself of another fault as well: she said that a deacon of the church had slept with her. When this was told, it brought about the deacon's expulsion from the church. But turmoil seized the people; they were indignant not only at what had happened, but because the deed had brought blasphemy and insult on the church. As the consecrated men were being reviled on this account, Eudaemon, a presbyter of the church, an Alexandrian by birth, advised the bishop Nectarius to do away with the presbyter in charge of penance and to allow each person to share in the mysteries according to his own conscience; for only so, he said, would the church be free from reproach. Having heard this from Eudaemon, I have ventured to set it down in this writing. For, as I have often said, I have taken every care to learn the facts from each of those who know them and to inquire accurately, so that I might write nothing outside the truth. I said to Eudaemon at the time: 'Whether your advice, presbyter, has benefited the church or not, God knows. But I see that it has given a pretext for not rebuking one another's sins, and for not keeping the precept of the Apostle that says, "Take no part in the unfruitful works of darkness, but rather even rebuke them."' So much about these things.
5.20PG 67:619–621
῎Ἄξιον δὲ ἡγοῦμαι, μὴ ἀμνημόνευτα καταλιπεῖν " καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῖς ἄλλοις γενόμενα, φημὶ δὴ ᾿Αρειανοῖς καὶ Ναυατιανοῖς, καὶ τοῖς ἀπὸ Μακεδονίου καὶ Εὐνομίου τὰς προσωνυμίας εἰληφόσιν. Ἡ γὰρ Ἐκκλησία διαιρεθεῖσα, ἐπὶ τῇ ἅπαξ γενομένῃ διαιρέσει οὐχ ἵστατο· ἀλλὰ στραφέντες καθ' ἑαυτῶν πάλιν ἐχώρουν· καὶ μικρᾶς καὶ εὐτελοῦς προφάσεως λαβόμενοι, ἀλλήλων διεχωρίζοντο. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν καὶ πότε, καὶ δι᾽ ἂς αἰτίας ἕκαστοι καὶ εἰς ἑαυτοὺς διαιρέσεις πεποίηντο, προϊόντος τοῦ λόγου δηλώσομεν. Τοῦτο δὲ ἰστέον, ὡς βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος οὐδένα τούτων ἐδίωκε ·, πλὴν ὅτι τὸν Εὐνόμιον ἐν Κωνσταντί νου πόλει ἐπὶ οἰκίας συνάγοντα, καὶ τοὺς συγγρα φέντας αὐτῷ λόγους ἐπιδεικνύμενον, ὡς ταῖς διδα σκαλίαις πολλοὺς λυμαινόμενον, εἰς ἐξορίαν πεμφθῆναι ( ἐκέλευσε. Τῶν μέντοι ἄλλων οὐδένα οὔτε ἔσκυλ[λ]εν, οὔτε αὐτῷ κοινωνῆσαι ἠνάγκαζεν· ἀλλ᾽ ἑκάστους συνεχώρει κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους τόπους συνάγεσθαι, καὶ δοξάζειν τὰ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ, ὡς καταλαβεῖν ἕκαστοι τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν δόξαν ἠδύναντο. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἔξω τῶν πόλεων συνεχώρησε εὐκτηρίους οἴκους κατασκευάζειν · Ναυατιανοὺς δὲ ὡς ὁμόφρονας τῇ αὐτοῦ πίστει, ἐντὸς τῶν πόλεων τὰς ἑαυτῶν ἐκκλησίας θαῤῥοῦντας ἔχειν ἐκέλευσεν, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Περὶ ὧν μνημονεῦσαι μικρὰ εὔκαιρον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι, ἀναλαβόντας βραχύ.
᾿Axion de hēgoumai, mē amnēmoneuta katalipein " kai ta para tois allois genomena, phēmi dē ᾿Areianois kai Nauatianois, kai tois apo Makedoniou kai Eunomiou tas prosōnymias eilēphosin. Hē gar Ekklēsia diairetheisa, epi tę̄ hapax genomenę̄ diairesei ouch histato; alla straphentes kath' heautōn palin echōroun; kai mikras kai eutelous prophaseōs labomenoi, allēlōn diechōrizonto. Hopōs men oun kai pote, kai di᾽ as aitias hekastoi kai eis heautous diaireseis pepoiēnto, proïontos tou logou dēlōsomen. Touto de isteon, hōs basileus Theodosios oudena toutōn ediōke ;, plēn hoti ton Eunomion en Kōnstanti nou polei epi oikias synagonta, kai tous syngra phentas autǭ logous epideiknymenon, hōs tais dida skaliais pollous lymainomenon, eis exorian pemphthēnai ( ekeleuse. Tōn mentoi allōn oudena oute eskyl[l]en, oute autǭ koinōnēsai ēnankazen; all᾽ hekastous synechōrei kata tous idious topous synagesthai, kai doxazein ta tou Christianismou, hōs katalabein hekastoi tēn peri autōn doxan ēdynanto. Kai tous men allous exō tōn poleōn synechōrēse euktērious oikous kataskeuazein ; Nauatianous de hōs homophronas tę̄ autou pistei, entos tōn poleōn tas heautōn ekklēsias tharrhountas echein ekeleusen, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Peri hōn mnēmoneusai mikra eukairon einai hēgoumai, analabontas brachy.
I think it worth not leaving unmentioned what happened among the others too, I mean the Arians and the Novatians, and those who took their names from Macedonius and Eunomius. For the church, once divided, did not stop at the single division; they turned and went against themselves again, and seizing on small and trivial pretexts they separated from one another. How and when and for what reasons each made divisions among themselves we shall show as the account proceeds. But this should be known, that the emperor Theodosius persecuted none of them, except that he ordered Eunomius, who was holding assemblies in a house in Constantinople and giving readings of the discourses he had written, to be sent into exile as one who corrupted many by his teachings. Of the others he harassed no one and compelled no one to communicate with him, but allowed each to assemble in their own places and to hold the things of Christianity as each was able to understand them. The others he allowed to build houses of prayer outside the cities; but the Novatians, as sharing his faith, he ordered to hold their churches within the cities without fear, as I have said before. About these it seems timely to mention a few things, going back a little.
5.21PG 67:621–625
Τῆς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τῶν Ναυατιανῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα προέστη ᾿Αγέλιος, ἀπὸ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων ἕως εἰς τὸ ἕκτον ἔτος τῆς βασιλείας Θεοδοσίου, ὡς που καὶ πρότερον ἐμνημόνευσα. Τελευτῶν δὲ, χειροτονεῖ εἰς τὸν τόπον ἑαυτοῦ Σισίννιον ἐπίσκοπον· ὃς πρεσβύτερος μὲν ἦν τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ ταττομένων· ἐλλόγιμος δὲ ἄλλως, καὶ : ὑπὸ Μαξίμου τοῦ φιλοσόφου ἅμα Ἰουλιανῷ τῷ βασιλεῖ τὰ φιλόσοφα παιδευθείς. Τοῦ δὲ λαοῦ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν μεμψαμένου τὴν χειροτονίαν, ὅτι μὴ μᾶλλον Μαρκιανὸν ἐπ᾿ εὐλαβείᾳ ἐκπρέποντα ἐχειροτόνησε, δι' ὃν ἐπὶ Οὐάλεντος οἱ Ναυατιανοὶ ἀτάραχοι μεμενήκεσαν, ὁ ᾿Αγέλιος τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραμυθήσασθαι λύπην βουλόμενος, ἐπιχειροτονεῖ τὸν Μαρκιανόν. μικρὸν ῥαΐσας τῆς νόσου, πρόεισιν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν, καὶ προσεφώνει δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ εἰπών. Μαρκιανὸν μὲν, φησὶν, ἔχετε μετ' ἐμέ· μετὰ δὲ Μαρκιανὸν, Σισίννιον. Ταῦτα προειπὼν, καὶ μικρὸν ἐπιβιοὺς χρόνον, ἐτελεύτησε. Μαρκιανοῦ τοίνυν ἐπισκόπου τῶν Ναυατιανῶν καθεστῶτος, διηρέθη καὶ ἡ αὐτῶν Ἐκκλησία, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης· Σαββάτιος ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίων Χριστιανίσας, ὑπὸ Μαρκιανοῦ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου προβληθεὶς ἀξίαν, οὐδὲν ἦττον τῇ Ἰουδαϊκῇ προλήψει δουλεύειν ἐσπούδαζε· σὺν δὲ τούτῳ, καὶ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ὠρέγετο δράξασθαι. Προσλαβὼν οὖν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἑαυτοῦ συνίστορας δύο πρεσβυτέρους, Θεόκτιστον καὶ Μακάριον, τὴν καινοτομηθεῖσαν ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλείας Οὐάλεντος τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν ἐν Πάζῳ κώμῃ τῆς Φρυγίας, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται, διεκδικεῖν ἐβουλεύετο. Καὶ πρότερον μὲν προκαλύμματι χρώμενος τῇ ἀσκήσει, τῆς ἐκκλησίας ὑπανεχώρει, λυπεῖσθαι λέγων πρός τινας · ὑπονοεῖν γὰρ αὐτοὺς μὴ ἀξίους εἶναι τῆς τῶν μυστηρίων κοινωνίας· προϊὼν δὲ καὶ φανερὸς ἐγίνετο κατ' ἰδίαν συνάγειν βουλόμενος. Ταῦτα γνοὺς ὁ Μαρκιανὸς, ἐμέμφετο μὲν τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ χειροτονίᾳ πλάνην, ὅτι οὕτω κενοδόξους ἀνθρώπους εἰς πρεσβυτέριον προηγάγετο· καὶ δυσφορῶν ἔλεγε, βέλτιον ἦν ἐπ᾿ ἀκάνθαις τεθεικέ ναι τὰς χεῖρας τὰς ἑαυτοῦ, ἢ ὅτε τοὺς περὶ Σαββάτιον εἰς τὸ πρεσβυτέριον προεβάλλετο. Παρασκευάζει δὲ σύνοδον Ναυατιανῶν ἐπισκόπων γενέσθαι ἐν ἀδιάφορον, ᾿Αγγάφῳ ἐμπόριον δὲ τοῦτο Βιθυνίᾳ, πλησίον τῆς Ἑλενουπόλεως κείμενον. Ἔνθα συναχθέντες, μεταπέμπονται πὸν Σαδύάτιον, προτιθέναι ἐπὶ τῆς συνόδου τὰς αἰτίας τῆς λύπης ἐκέλευον. Τοῦ δὲ τὴν διαφωνίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς αἰτίαν τῆς λύπης εἶναι λέγόντος" δεῖν γὰρ ἐπιτελεῖσθαι αὐτὴν ὡς Ἰουδαῖοι παρατηροῦσι, καὶ ὡς οἱ ἐν Πάζω συνελθόντες ἐτύπω" ὑπονοήσαντες οἱ τῆς συνόδου φιλοχαθεδρίας ἕνεκεν προφασίζεσθαι τὸν Σαθδάτιον, ὄρχῳ αὐτὸν χατασφαλίζονται, ὡς οὐδέ ποτε τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν καταδέξαιτο. Τοῦ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁμόσαντος, ἐχφέρουσι χγανόνα περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς τοῦ Πάσχα, ὃν ἐκάλεσαν ἀδιάφορον" φήσαντες μὴ ἀξιόλογον εἶναι αἰτίαν πρὸς χωρισμὸν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, τὴν διαφωνίαν τῆς ἑορτῆς μηδὲ μὴν τοὺς ἐν Πάζῳ συναχθέντας, πρόκριμα τῷ χαθολιχῷ κανόνι γενέσθαι. Καὶ γὰρ τοὺς ἀρχαίους τοὺς ἐγγὺς τῶν ἀποστόλων, διαφωνοῦντας περὶ ταύτῆς τῆς ἑορτῆς, κοινωνεῖν τε ἀλλήλοις, καὶ μηδαμῶς διαφέρεαθαι. "Αλλως τε καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ βασιλευούῬώμῃ Ναυατιανοὺς μηδέ ποτε ἠχολουθηχέναι Ἰουδαίοις ἀλλὰ ποιοῦντας ἀεὶ μετ᾽ ἰσημερίαν τὸ Πάσχα, μὴ διακρίνεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς οἰκείους τῆς πίστεως, τοὺς μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον αὐτοῖς ἐπιτελοῦντας τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτήν. Ταῦτα καὶ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ λογισάμενοι, ὁρίζουσι τὸν ἀδιάφορον, ὡς ἔφην, περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα κανόνα, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ τε μὲν κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν ἣν προλήψεως ἔχει ποιεῖν τὸ Πάσχα, εἰ βούλοιτο" μὴ διαφέρεσθαι δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀλλὰ τοὺς διαφόρως ἑορτάζοντας εἶναι πάλιν ἐν ὁμοτῆς Ἐκκλησίας. Τοῦ ὄρου τοίνυν τούτου περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς τοῦ Πάσχα παρ᾽ αὐτῶν τότε βεδαιωθέντος, 6 Σαθδάτιος τοῖς ὄρχοις δεθεὶς, εἴποτε διαπεφωνημένη ἐγένετο ἡ τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴ, αὐτὸς καθ᾽ ἑαυτὸν λαμδάνων ἐνήστευε, καὶ νυχτερεύων, τὴν νενομισμένην τοῦ ἡμέραν ἐπετέλει τοῦ Πάσχα" καὶ πάλιν τῇ ἑξῆς ἅμα πᾶσι κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συνήγετο, καὶ τῶν μυστηρίων μετελάμθανεν " ἐποίει τε τοῦτο ἐπὶ ἔτη πολλά· καὶ διατοῦτο λανθάνειν τοὺς πολλοὺς οὐκ ἠδύνατο. Διὸ καὶ τινες τῶν ἁπλουστέρων, καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίας καὶ Γαλατίας ὁρμώμενοι, νομίζοντες ἑαυτοὺς ἐκ τούτου δικαιωθήσεσθαι, ἐζήλουν τε αὐτὸν, καὶ τὸ Πάσχα τὸν ἐκείνου τρόπον ἐπετέλουν λαθραίως. ᾿Αλλὰ Σαββάτιος ὑστέροις χρόνοις καὶ παρασυνῆξε καθ' ἑαυτὸν, μικρὰ τοῦ ὅρκου φροντίσας, καὶ τῶν ἀκολουθησάντων αὐτῷ κατέστη ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς προϊόντες δηλώσομεν.
Tēs en Kōnstantinou polei tōn Nauatianōn Ekklēsias epi etē tessarakonta proestē ᾿Agelios, apo tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn heōs eis to hekton etos tēs basileias Theodosiou, hōs pou kai proteron emnēmoneusa. Teleutōn de, cheirotonei eis ton topon heautou Sisinnion episkopon; hos presbyteros men ēn tōn hyp᾿ autǭ tattomenōn; ellogimos de allōs, kai : hypo Maximou tou philosophou hama Ioulianǭ tǭ basilei ta philosopha paideutheis. Tou de laou tōn Nauatianōn mempsamenou tēn cheirotonian, hoti mē mallon Markianon ep᾿ eulabeią ekpreponta echeirotonēse, di' hon epi Oualentos hoi Nauatianoi atarachoi memenēkesan, ho ᾿Agelios tēn tou laou paramythēsasthai lypēn boulomenos, epicheirotonei ton Markianon. mikron rhaïsas tēs nosou, proeisin eis tēn ekklēsian, kai prosephōnei di᾽ heautou eipōn. Markianon men, phēsin, echete met' eme; meta de Markianon, Sisinnion. Tauta proeipōn, kai mikron epibious chronon, eteleutēse. Markianou toinyn episkopou tōn Nauatianōn kathestōtos, diērethē kai hē autōn Ekklēsia, ex aitias toiautēs; Sabbatios apo Ioudaiōn Christianisas, hypo Markianou pros tēn tou presbyterou problētheis axian, ouden ētton tę̄ Ioudaïkę̄ prolēpsei douleuein espoudaze; syn de toutǭ, kai tēs episkopēs ōregeto draxasthai. Proslabōn oun tēs epithymias heautou synistoras dyo presbyterous, Theoktiston kai Makarion, tēn kainotomētheisan epi tēs basileias Oualentos tou Pascha heortēn en Pazǭ kōmę̄ tēs Phrygias, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai, diekdikein ebouleueto. Kai proteron men prokalymmati chrōmenos tę̄ askēsei, tēs ekklēsias hypanechōrei, lypeisthai legōn pros tinas ; hyponoein gar autous mē axious einai tēs tōn mystēriōn koinōnias; proïōn de kai phaneros egineto kat' idian synagein boulomenos. Tauta gnous ho Markianos, emempheto men tēn epi tę̄ cheirotonią planēn, hoti houtō kenodoxous anthrōpous eis presbyterion proēgageto; kai dysphorōn elege, beltion ēn ep᾿ akanthais tetheike nai tas cheiras tas heautou, ē hote tous peri Sabbation eis to presbyterion proeballeto. Paraskeuazei de synodon Nauatianōn episkopōn genesthai en adiaphoron, ᾿Angaphǭ emporion de touto Bithynią, plēsion tēs Helenoupoleōs keimenon. Entha synachthentes, metapempontai pon Sadyation, protithenai epi tēs synodou tas aitias tēs lypēs ekeleuon. Tou de tēn diaphōnian tēs heortēs aitian tēs lypēs einai legontos" dein gar epiteleisthai autēn hōs Ioudaioi paratērousi, kai hōs hoi en Pazō synelthontes etypō" hyponoēsantes hoi tēs synodou philochathedrias heneken prophasizesthai ton Sathdation, orchǭ auton chatasphalizontai, hōs oude pote tēn episkopēn katadexaito. Tou de epi toutois homosantos, echpherousi chganona peri tēs heortēs tou Pascha, hon ekalesan adiaphoron" phēsantes mē axiologon einai aitian pros chōrismon tēs Ekklēsias, tēn diaphōnian tēs heortēs mēde mēn tous en Pazǭ synachthentas, prokrima tǭ chatholichǭ kanoni genesthai. Kai gar tous archaious tous engys tōn apostolōn, diaphōnountas peri tautēs tēs heortēs, koinōnein te allēlois, kai mēdamōs diaphereathai. "Allōs te kai tous en tę̄ basileuouRhōmę̄ Nauatianous mēde pote ēcholouthēchenai Ioudaiois alla poiountas aei met᾽ isēmerian to Pascha, mē diakrinesthai pros tous oikeious tēs pisteōs, tous mē ton auton tropon autois epitelountas tēn tou Pascha heortēn. Tauta kai toiauta polla logisamenoi, horizousi ton adiaphoron, hōs ephēn, peri tou Pascha kanona, eph᾽ hǭ te men kata tēn synētheian hēn prolēpseōs echei poiein to Pascha, ei bouloito" mē diapheresthai de pros tēn alla tous diaphorōs heortazontas einai palin en homotēs Ekklēsias. Tou orou toinyn toutou peri tēs heortēs tou Pascha par᾽ autōn tote bedaiōthentos, 6 Sathdatios tois orchois detheis, eipote diapephōnēmenē egeneto hē tou Pascha heortē, autos kath᾽ heauton lamdanōn enēsteue, kai nychtereuōn, tēn nenomismenēn tou hēmeran epetelei tou Pascha" kai palin tę̄ hexēs hama pasi kata tēn ekklēsian synēgeto, kai tōn mystēriōn metelamthanen " epoiei te touto epi etē polla; kai diatouto lanthanein tous pollous ouk ēdynato. Dio kai tines tōn haplousterōn, kai malista hoi ek tēs Phrygias kai Galatias hormōmenoi, nomizontes heautous ek toutou dikaiōthēsesthai, ezēloun te auton, kai to Pascha ton ekeinou tropon epeteloun lathraiōs. ᾿Alla Sabbatios hysterois chronois kai parasynēxe kath' heauton, mikra tou horkou phrontisas, kai tōn akolouthēsantōn autǭ katestē episkopos, hōs proïontes dēlōsomen.
Agelius presided over the Novatian church in Constantinople for forty years, from the times of Constantine until the sixth year of the reign of Theodosius, as I have mentioned somewhere before. When dying, he ordained Sisinnius bishop in his place, who was a presbyter of those under him, a learned man besides, and taught philosophy by Maximus the philosopher together with the emperor Julian. When the Novatian people found fault with the ordination, because he had not rather ordained Marcian, who was distinguished for his piety and through whom the Novatians had remained untroubled under Valens, Agelius, wishing to console the people's grief, ordained Marcian too. Then, recovering a little from his illness, he went into the church and addressed them himself, saying: 'You have Marcian after me, and after Marcian, Sisinnius.' Having said this beforehand, and having lived a short time longer, he died. When Marcian had been made bishop of the Novatians, their church too was divided, for the following reason. Sabbatius, a convert to Christianity from the Jews, who had been advanced by Marcian to the rank of presbyter, was nonetheless eager to remain a slave to his Jewish preconception; and besides this he longed to seize the episcopate. So, taking two presbyters, Theoctistus and Macarius, as accomplices in his desire, he planned to champion the feast of Easter introduced as an innovation at the village of Pazus in Phrygia in the reign of Valens, as I said before. At first, using asceticism as a cloak, he withdrew from the church, saying to some that he was grieved, for he suspected that some were not worthy of communion in the mysteries; but as he went on, it became plain that he wished to hold assemblies of his own. When Marcian learned this, he blamed his own mistake in the ordination, that he had advanced such vainglorious men to the presbyterate, and in his vexation he said that it would have been better to have laid his hands on thorns than when he advanced Sabbatius and his friends to the presbyterate. He arranged for a synod of Novatian bishops to be held at Angarus, a market town in Bithynia lying near Helenopolis. Assembled there, they sent for Sabbatius and told him to set out before the synod the causes of his grief. When he said that the disagreement over the feast was the cause of his grief, for it ought to be celebrated as the Jews observe it and as those who met at Pazus had laid down, the members of the synod, suspecting that Sabbatius was making excuses out of love of the chief seat, bound him by an oath that he would never accept the episcopate. When he had sworn to this, they issued a canon about the feast of Easter which they called 'indifferent', saying that the disagreement over the feast was not a sufficient reason for separation from the church, and that those who met at Pazus had not set a precedent for the general canon. For the ancients too, close to the apostles, though they disagreed about this feast, communed with one another and were not at variance at all; and especially the Novatians in imperial Rome had never followed the Jews but always kept Easter after the equinox, yet did not separate from those of their own faith who did not keep the feast of Easter in the same way. Reasoning these and many such things, they defined, as I said, the 'indifferent' canon about Easter: that each might keep Easter according to the custom he held beforehand, if he wished, but that they should not be at variance with one another; rather, those who celebrate it differently should again be in the concord of the church. When this definition about the feast of Easter had been confirmed by them then, Sabbatius, bound by the oaths, whenever the feast of Easter fell on a different day, would take it upon himself to fast, keep vigil, and celebrate the customary day of Easter by himself; and then again on the next day he would assemble with everyone in the church and share in the mysteries. He did this for many years, and for this reason he could not escape the notice of many. So some of the simpler people, especially those from Phrygia and Galatia, thinking that they would be justified by this, imitated him and secretly celebrated Easter in his way. But Sabbatius in later times held his own separate assemblies, caring little for his oath, and became bishop of those who followed him, as we shall show further on.
5.22PG 67:625–645
Ὁ δὲ ἡμῖν ὑποπίπτει περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα, οὐκ ἄκαιρον, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, διὰ βραχέων εἰπεῖν. Οὗ μοι δοκοῦσιν οὔτε οἱ πάλαι περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ταύτης εὐλόγως πεφιλονεικηκέναι, οὔτε οἱ νῦν Ἰουδαίοις ἐσπουδακότες ἀκολουθεῖν. Οὐ γὰρ εἰς νοῦν ἐβάλλοντο, ὅτι τοῦ Ἰουδαῖσμοῦ μετατιθεμένου εἰς Χριστιανισμὸν, τὰ ἀκριβή καὶ τυπικὰ τοῦ Μωσαϊκοῦ νόμου ἐπαύσατο · τοῦτο αὐτόθεν ἔχει τὴν οἰκείαν ἀπόδειξιν. Ἰουδαΐζειν γὰρ Χριστιανοῖς οὐδὲ εἷς τοῦ Χριστοῦ νόμος ἐπέτρεψεν. Ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου δὲ καὶ ὁ ᾿Απόστολος ἐκώλυσεν, οὐ μόνον τὴν περιτομὴν ἐκβάλλων, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ἑορτῶν μὴ διακρίνεσθαι παραινῶν. Διὸ Γαλάταις γράφων φησί · Λέγετέ μοι, οἱ ὑπὸ νόμον θέλοντες εἶναι, τὸν νόμον οὐκ ἀκούετε; καὶ βραχέα περὶ τούτου διαλεχθεὶς, δοῦλον μὲν δείκνυσι τὸν τῶν Ἰουδαίων λαόν· ἐπ᾿ ἐλευθερίᾳ δὲ κεκλῆσθαι τοὺς προσεληλυθότας Χριστῷ. Παρήνει δὲ καὶ μηδαμῶς παρατηρεῖσθαι ἡμέρας καὶ μῆνας καὶ ἐνιαυτούς. ᾿Αλλά καὶ ἐν τῇ πρὸς Κολασσεῖς ἱ· μεγάλῃ φησὶ τῇ φωνῇ, σκιὰν εἶναι τὰ παραφυλάγματα· Διὸ, φησί, μηδεὶς ὑμᾶς κρινέτω ἐν βρώσει, ἢ ἐν πόσει, ἢ ἐν μέρει ἑορτῆς, ἢ Νουμηνίας, ἢ Σαββάτου, ἅτινά ἐστι σκιά τοῦ μέλλοντος. Καὶ ἐν τῇ πρὸς Ἑβραίους δὲ, ὁ αὐτὸς ἐπισφραγιζόμενος τὰ τοιαῦτά φησι · Μετατιθεμένης γὰρ τῆς Ερωσύνης, ἐξ ἀνάγκης καὶ νόμου μετάθε¹? Ει ". σὲς γίνεται. Οὐδαμοῦ τοίνυν ὁ ᾿Απόστολος, οὐδὲ τὰ Εὐαγγέλια, ζυγὸν δουλείας τοῖς τῷ κηρύγματι ελθοῦσιν ἐπέθηκαν" ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Πάσχα τὰς ἄλλὰς ἑορτὰς τιμᾷν, τῇ εὐγνωμοσύνῃ τῶν εὐεργετηθέντων κατέλιπον. Ὅθεν ἐπειδὴ φιλοῦσι τὰς ἑορτὰς οἱ ἄνθρωποι, διὰ τὸ ἀνίεσθαι τῶν πόνων ἐν αὐταῖς, ἕκαστοι κατὰ χώρας, ὡς ἐβουλήθησαν, τὴν μνήμην τοῦ σωτηριώδους πάθους ἐξ ἔθους τινὸς ἐπετέλεσαν. Οὐ γὰρ νόμῳ τοῦτο παραφυλάττειν ὁ Σωτὴρ, ἣ οἱ [ἀπόστολοι ἡμῖν παρήγγειλαν " οὐδὲ καταδίκην τιμωρίαν ἣ χατάραν, ὡς ὁ Μωῦϊσέως νόμος τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, ἡμῖν τὰ Εὐαγγέλια ἣ οἱ ἀπόστολοι διηπείλησαν ἱστορικῶς δὲ μόνον πρὸς διαβολὴν Ἰουδαίων, ὅτι ἐμιαιφόνουν κατὰ τὰς ἑορτὰς, ἐν τοῖς Εὐαγγελίοις καιρῷ τῶν ᾿Αζύμων “πεπονθέναι ὁ Σωτὴρ ἀναγέγραπται. Σχυπὸς μὲν οὖν γέγονε τοῖς ἀποστόλοις οὐ περὶ ἡμερῶν ἑορταστιχῶν νομοθετεῖν, ἀλλὰ βίον ὀρθὸν καὶ τὴν θεοσέθδειαν εἰσηγήσασθαι. Ἐμοὶ δὲ φαίνεται, ὅτι ὥσπερ ἄλλα πολλὰ κατὰ χώρας συνήθειαν ἔλαθεν, οὕτω ἡ τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴ παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις συνηθείας τινὸς ἰδιάζουσαν ἔσχε τὴν παρατήρησιν, διὰ τὸ μηδένα τῶν ἀποστόλων, ὡς ἔφην, μηδενὶ νενομοθετηχέναι περὶ αὐτῆς. Ὅτι δὲ ἐξ ἔθους μᾶλλον ἣ ἀπὸ νόμου παρ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἐξ ἀρχαίου τὴν παρατήρησιν ἔλαθεν, αὐτὰ τὰ πράγματα δεικνύει. Πλεῖστοι γὰρ περὶ τὴν μικρὰν ᾿Ασίαν ἐξ ἀρχαίου τὴν τεσσαρεσχαιδεχάτην ἐτήρησαν, τὴν τοῦ Σαββάτου ὑπεριδόντες ἡμέραν. Καὶ ποῦτο ποιοῦντες, πρὸς τοὺς ἑτέρως τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ. Πάσχα ἐπιτελοῦν τὰς οὐδέποτε διεφέροντο ἕως ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος Βίχτωρ ἄμετρα θερμανθεὶς, ἀχοινωνησίαν τοῖς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίᾳ Τεσσαρεσχαιδεκατίταις ἀπέστειλεν. Ἔφ᾽ ᾧ γενομένῳ Εἰρηναῖος ὁ Λουγδούνου τῆς ἐν Γαλλίᾳ ἐπίσκοπος, τοῦ Βίχτορος δι᾽ ἐπιστολῆς γενναίως ἐδραμεν, μεμψάμενος “μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν θερμότητα, διδάξας δὲ, ὡς οἱ πάλαι διαπεφωνημένως ἐπιτελοῦντες τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν, τῆς κοινωνίας οὐδαμῶς ἐχωρίζοντο. Καὶ ὅτι Πολύκαρπος ὁ τῆς Σμύρνης ἐπίσκοπος, ὃς ὕστερον ἐπὶ Γορδιανοῦ μαρτυρήσα:, ᾿Ανιχήτῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐκοινώνει, μηδὲν διαχρινόμενος περὶ ἑορτῆς πρὸς τὸν, αὐτὸς ἐξ ἐγχωρίου τῆς ἐν Σμύρνῃ συνηθείας τῇ τεσσαρεσχαιδεχάτῃ τὸ Πάσχα ἐπιτελῶν, ὡς ἐν τῇ πέμπτῃ τῆς Ἐχχλησιαστιχῇς Ἱστορίας Εὐσέδιος λέγει. Τινὲξς μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, κατὰ τὴν μικρὰν ᾿Ασίαν, τὴν τεσσαρεσχαιδεχάτὴν παρετήρουν " τινὲς δὲ περὶ τὰ ἀνατολικὰ μέ, τὸ μὲν τῆς ἑορτῆς ἑτήρουν, διεφώνουν δὲ περὶ τὸν μῆνα. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ Ἰουδαίοις, τὴν ἀχριδείαν μὴ σώζουσι, δεῖν ἕπεσθαι περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἔλεγον " οἱ δὲ, μετ᾽ ἰσημερίαν ἐπετέλουν, τὸ συνεοῤτάζειν Ἰουδαίοις ἐκτρεπόμενοι - φάσχοντες ἀεὶ τοῦ ἡλίου ἐν χριῷ ὄντος χαθήχειν τὸ Πάσχα ἐπιτελεῖν, τῷ Ξανθιχῷ μὲν κατὰ ᾿Αντιοχέας μηνὶ, ᾿Απριλλίῳ δὲ κατὰ Ῥωμαίους καὶ τοῦτο ποιεῖν, πειθομένους, μὴ τοῖς νῦν κατὰ πάντα πεπλανημένοις Ἰουδαίοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἀρχαίοις καὶ Ἰωσήπῳ 8, καθὰ ἐκεῖνος ἐν τῇ τρίτῃ τῆς Ἰουδαϊχῇς ᾿Αρχαιολογίας φησίν. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν οὕτως πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς διεφώνουν. Πάντες δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ, ἄχρι τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν καὶ αὐτοῦ ὠχεανοῦ, μετὰ ἰσημερίαν ἐξ ἀρχαίας τινὸς παραδόσεως τὸ Πάσχα ποιήσαντες εὑρίσκονται. Οὗτοι γὰρ πάντες τοῦτον ποιοῦντες τὸν τρόπον, οὐδέποτε πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς διεφώνησαν. Καὶ οὐχ ὥς τινες ἐπεθρύλλησαν, ἡ ἐπὶ Κωνσταντένονυ σύνοδος τὴν ἑορτὴν ταύτην παρέτρεψεν. Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κωνσταντῖνος τοῖς διαφωνοῦσι περὶ ταύτης τῆς ἑορτῆς γράφων, παρήῇνεσεν ὅπως ἂν αὐτοὶ ὀλίγοι ὄντες μιμῶνται τοὺς πλείονας. ᾿Αλλὰ τὴν μὲν ὅλην τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολὴν, ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ βιδλίῳ τῶν Εἰς τὸν Κωνστανπίνου εὑρήσεις. Τὸ δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ περὶ τῆς ἑορτῆς τοῦ Πάσχα μέρος, τοῦτον ἔχει τὸν τρόπον" «"Ἔστι τε τάξις εὐπρεπὴς, ἣν ἅπασαι αἱ τῶν δυτικῶν μεσημῦρινῶν ἀρκτῴων μερῶν τῆς οἰκουμένης παραφυλάττουσιν Ἐκκλησίαι, χαί τινες τῶν κατὰ τὴν ἑῴαν τόπων " οὗ ἕνεκεν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος καλῶς ἔχειν πάντες ἡγήσαντο, καὶ αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ ὑμετέρᾳ ἀγχινοίᾳ ἀρέσειν ὑπεσχόμην " ἵν᾽ ὅπερ δ᾽ ἂν κατὰ τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόλιν, Ἰταλίαν τε ᾿Αφρικὴν, καὶ ἅπασαν Αἴγυπτον, Ἱσπανίας, Γαλλίας, Βρεττανίας, Λιδύας, ὅλην Ἑλλάδα, ᾿Ασιανῆν τε διοίκησιν καὶ Ποντικὴν, καὶ • Κιλικίαν, μιᾷ καὶ συμφώνῳ φυλάττηται γνωμῃ, ἀσμένως τοῦτο καὶ ἡ ὑμετέρα προσδέξηται σύνεσις· λογιζομένη μὴ μόνον ὡς πλείων ἐστὶ κατὰ τοὺς προειρημένους τόπους Ἐκκλησιῶν ἀριθμὸς, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς τοῦτο μάλιστα κοινῇ πάντας ὁσιώτατόν ἐστι βούλεσθαι, ὅπερ καὶ ὁ ἀκριβὴς λόγος ἀπαιτεῖν δοκεῖ, καὶ οὐδεμίαν μετὰ τῆς Ἰουδαίων ἐπιορκίας ἔχειν κοινωνίαν.» Τοιαύτη μὲν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐπιστολή· Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατῖται δέ φασιν, ὑπὸ Ἰωάννου τοῦ ἀποστόλου τὴν παρατήρησιντῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης παραδεδόσθαι αὐτοῖς · οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὴν Ῥώμην καὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη, τοὺς ἀποστόλους Παῦλον καὶ Πέτρον τὴν ἐκεῖ παραδεδωκέναι συνήθειαν λέγουσιν. Αλλ' οὐδεὶς μὲν τούτων ἔγγραφον ἔχει παρασχεῖν τὴν περὶ τούτων ἀπόδειξιν. Ὅτι μέντοι ἐκ συνηθείας τινὸς μᾶλλον κατὰ χώρας ἐπιτελεῖται τοῦ Πάσχα᾿ ἑορτὴ, ἐκεῖθεν τεκμαίρομαι · Οὐδεμία τῶν θρησκειῶν τὰ αὐτὰ ἔθη φυλάττει, κἂν τὴν αὐτοῦ περὶ τούτων δόξαν ἀσπάζηται. Καὶ γὰρ οἱ τῆς αὐτῆς πίστεως ὄντες, διαφωνοῦσι περὶ τὰ ἔθη πρὸς ἑαυτούς. Διὸ μικρὰ περὶ τῶν κατὰ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ἐθῶν παραθέσθαι οὐκ ἄκαιρον. Αὐτίκα τὰς πρὸ τοῦ Πάσχα νηστείας, ἄλλως παρ᾿ ἄλλοις φυλαττομένας ἔστιν εὑρεῖν. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, τρεῖς πρὸ τοῦ Πάσχα ἑβδομάδας, πλὴν Σαββάτου Η καὶ Κυριακῆς, συνημ μένας νηστεύουσιν. Οἱ δὲ ἐν Ἰλλυριοῖς καὶ ὅλῃ τῇ Ἑλλάδι, καὶ οἱ ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, πρὸ ἑβδομάδων ἓξ τὴν πρὸ τοῦ Πάσχα νηστείαν νηστεύουσι, Τεσσαρακοστὴν αὐτὴν ὀνομάζοντες. ῎Ἄλλοι δὲ παρά τούτους, ἄλλοι ἱ πρὸ ἑπτὰ τῆς ἑορτῆς ἑβδομάδων τῆς νηστείας ἀρχόμενοι, καὶ τρεῖς μόνας πενθημέρους ἐκ διαλειμμάτων νηστεύοντες, οὐδὲν ἧττον καὶ αὐτοὶ Τεσσαρακοστὴν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον καλοῦσι. Καὶ θαυμάσαι μοι ἔπεισι, πῶς οὗτοι περὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν διαφωνοῦντες, Τεσσαρακοστὴν αὐτὴν ὀνομάζουσι ⅰ. Καὶ ἄλλος ἄλλον λόγον τῆς ὀνομασίας εὑρεσιλογοῦντες ἀποδιδόασιν. Ἔσται δὲ εὑρεῖν οὐ μόνον περὶ τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἡμερῶν διαφωνοῦντας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὴν ἀποχὴν τῶν ἐδεσμάτων οὐχ ὁμοίαν ποιουμένους. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ, πάντη ἐμψύχων ἀπέχονται · οἱ δὲ, τῶν ἐμψύχων ἰχθῦς μόνους μεταλαμβάνουσι. Τινὲς δὲ σὺν τοῖς ἰχθύσι, καὶ τῶν πτηνῶν ἀπογεύονται, ἐξ ὕδατος καὶ αὐτὰ κατὰ τὸν Μωῦ - σέα γεγενῆσθαι λέγοντες. Οἱ δὲ καὶ ἀκροδρύων καὶ ὠῶν ἀπέχονται. Τινὲς δὲ καὶ ξηροῦ ἄρτου μόνου μεταλαμβάνουσιν · ἄλλοι δὲ οὐδὲ τούτου. Ἕτεροι δὲ ἄχρις ἐννάτης ὥρας νηστεύοντες, διάφορον ἔχουσι τὴν ἐστίασιν. ῎Αλλως τε παρ' ἄλλοις φύλοις καὶ μυρίαι αἰτίαι οὖσαι τυγχάνουσι. Καὶ ἐπειδὴ οὐδεὶς περὶ τούτου ἔγγραφον ἔχει δεῖξαι παράγγελμα, δῆλον ὡς καὶ περὶ τούτου τῇ ἑκάστου γνώμῃ καὶ προαιρέσει ἐπέτρεψαν οἱ ἀπόστολοι, ἵνα ἕκαστος μὴ φόβῳ, μηδὲ ἐξ ἀνάγκης τὸ ἀγαθὸν κατεργάζοιτο. Τοιαύτη μὲν περὶ νηστειῶν διαφωνία κατὰ τὰς Ἐκκλησίας ἐστί, Περὶ δὲ συνάξεων, ἕτερα τοιαῦτα. Τῶν πανταχοῦ τῆς οἰκουμένης Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐν ἡμέρᾳ | βάτων, κατὰ πᾶσαν ἑδδομάδος περίοδον ἐπιτελουσῶν | τὰ μυστήρια, οἱ ἐν ᾿Αλλεξανδρείᾳ οἱ ἐν Ῥώμῃ, ἔκ τινος ἀρχαίας παραδόσεως τοῦτο ποιεῖν παρῃτήσαντο. Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ γείτονες ὄντες ᾿Αλεξανδρέων, καὶ οἱ τὴν Θηθαῖΐδα οἰκοῦντες, ἐν Σαββάτῳ μὲν ποιοῦνται συνἀξεις" οὐχ ὡς ἔθος δὲ Χριστιανοῖς, τῶν μυστηρίων μεταλαμβάνουσι. Μετὰ γὰρ τὸ εὐωχηθῆναι, καὶ παντοίων ἐδεσμάτων ἐμφορηθῆναι, περὶ ἑσπέραν φέροντες, τῶν μυστηρίων μεταλαμθάνουσιν. Αὖθις δὲ ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, τῇ τετράδι Καὶ τῇ "λεγομένῃ Παρασχευῇ Γραφαί τε ἀναγινώσχονται, καὶ οἱ διδάσχαγοι ταύτας ἑρμηνεύουσι, πάντα τε τὰ συνάξεως γίνεται, δίχα τῆς τῶν μυστηρίων τελετῆς. Καὶ τοῦτό ἐστιν ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ἔθος ἀρχαῖον. γὰρ Ὠριγένης τὰ πολλὰ ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις φαίνεται ἐπὶ τῆς Ἐν. κλησίας διδάξας. “Ὅστις σοφὸς ὧν διδάσκαλος, κατιδὼν ὅτι τὸ ἀδύνατον τοῦ νόμον ! Μωῦσέως ἀσθενεῖ πρὸς τὸ γράμμα ἀποδοθῆναι, τὸν περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα λόγην εἰς θεωρίαν ἀνήγαγεν, ἕν Πάσχα μόνον ἀληθινὸν γεγενῆσθαι λέγων, ὅπερ ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐπετέλεσεν, γήσας κατὰ τῶν “ἀντιχειμένων δυνάμεων, διὰ τοῦ προσομιλῆσαι τῷ σταυρῷ, τροπαίῳ τούτῳ κατὰ τοῦ διαδόλου χρησάμενος. Ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ δὲ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ ἀναγνῶσται καὶ ὑποδολεῖς ἀδιάφορον, εἴτε χατηχούμενοί είσιν, εἴτε πιστοί· τῶν πανταχοῦ Ἐκκλησιῶν Α' πιστοὺς εἰς τὸ τάγμα τοῦτο προβαλλομένων. Ἔγνων δὲ ἐγὼ καὶ ἕτερον ἔθος ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ, γενόμενος κληρικός ἐκεῖ΄· ὧν νόμῳ γαμήσας πρὶν κληρικὸς γένηται, μετὰ τὸ κληρικὸς γενέσθαι συγκαθευδήσας αὐτῇ, ἀποκήρυκτος γίνεται τῶν ἐν ᾿Ανατολῇ πάντων γνώμῃ ἀπεχομένων, καὶ τῶν ἐπισκόπων, εἰ καὶ βούλοιντο, οὐ μὴν ἀνάγκῃ νόμου τοῦτο ποιούντων. Πολλοὶ γὰρ αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ καιρῷ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς καὶ παῖδας ἐκ τῆς νομίμης γαμετῆς πεποιήκασιν. Ἀλλὰ τοῦ μὲν ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ ἔθους ἀρχηγὸς Ηλιόδωρος η, Τρίκκης τῆς ἐκεῖ γενόμενος, οὗ λέγεται πονήματα ἐρωτικά βιβλία, ἃ νέος ὢν ἔταξε, καὶ Αἰθιοπικά προσηγόρευσε. Φυλάσσεται καὶ Ἑλλάδι. Καὶ ἄλλο δὲ ἔθος ἐν Θεσσαλίᾳ οἶδα γινόμενον· Ἐν ταῖς ἡμέραις τοῦ Πάσχα μόνον βαπτίζουσι. Διὸ σφόδρα πλὴν ὀλίγων, οἱ λοιποὶ μὴ βαπτισθέντες ἀποθνήσκουσιν. Ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ δὲ τῆς Συρίας ἡ Ἐκκλησία ἀντίστροφον ἔχει τὴν θέσιν.. Οὐ γὰρ πρὸς ἀνατολὰς τὸ θυσιαστήριον, ἀλλὰ πρὸς δύσιν ὁρᾷ π· ἐν Ἑλλάδι δὲ, καὶ Ἱεροσολύμοις, καὶ Θεσσαλίᾳ, τὰς ἐν ταῖς λυχναψίαις εὐχὰς παραπλησίως τοῖς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Ναυατιανοῖς ποιοῦνται. Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ἐν Καισαρείᾳ τῆς Καππαδοκίας καὶ ἐν Κύπρῳ, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ Σαββάτου καὶ Κυριακῆς, ἀεὶ περὶ ἑσπέραν μετὰ τῆς λυχναψίας ο, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ ἐπίσκοποι τὰς Γραφὰς ἑρμηνεύουσιν. Οἱ ἐν Ἑλδὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθος ἐν Θεσσαλονίκῃ, καὶ αὐτῇ Μακεδολησπόντῳ Ναυατιανοὶ οὐχ ὁμοίως κατὰ πάντα τοῖς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ποιοῦνται τὰς εὐχάς. Παραπλησίως δὲ παραπολλὰ τῇ κρατούσῃ Ἐκκλησίᾳ. Καθόλου μέντοι πανταχοῦ καὶ παρὰ πάσαις θρησκείαις, τῶν εὐχῶν οὐκ ἔστιν εὑρεῖν συμφωνούσας ἀλλήλαις δύο ἐπὶ τὸ αὐτό. Πρεσβύτερος ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ οὐ προσομιλεῖ Ρ· καὶ τοῦτο ἀρχὴν ἔλαβεν, ἀφ᾿ οὗ "Αρειος τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἐτάραξεν. Ἐν Ῥώμῃ πᾶν Σάββατον νηστεύουσιν. Ἐν Καισαρείᾳ τῆς Καππαδοκιας τοὺς μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα ἡμαρτηκότας ἐξωθοῦσι τῆς κοινωνίας, ὡς οἱ Ναυατιανοί. Τὸ αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ Μακεδονιανοὶ ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ ποιοῦσι, καὶ οἱ ἐν Ἀσίᾳ Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατίται. Οἱ Ναυατιανοὶ οἱ περὶ Φρυγίαν, διγάμους οὐ δέχονται. Οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, οὔτε φανερῶς δέχονται, οὔτε φανερῶς ἐκβάλλουσι. Ἐν δὲ τοῖς ἐσπερίοις μέρεσι φανερῶς δέχονται. Αἴτιοι γὰρ, ὡς ἡγοῦμαι, τῆς τοιαύτης διαφωνίας οἱ κατὰ καιρὸν τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν προεστῶτες. Οἱ δὲ ταῦτα παραλαβόντες, ὡς νόμον τοῖς ἐπιγινομένοις παρέπεμψαν. Πάντα δὲ τὰ ἐν ταῖς : Ἐκκλησίαις ἔθη κατὰ πόλεις καὶ χώρας γενόμενα ἐγγράφειν, ἐργῶδες, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀδύνατον. Ἱκανὰ μέντοι καὶ τὰ παρατεθέντα πρὸς ἀπόδειξιν, τοῦ τὴν ἑορτὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἐκ συνηθείας τινὸς κατὰ χώρας διάφορον ἐσχηκέναι τιμήν. Διὸ περιττολογοῦσιν οἱ τὴν ἐν Νικαίᾳ σύνοδον παρατρέψαι τὸ Πάσχα ἐπιθρυλλή- 298 σαντες. Οἱ γὰρ ἐκεῖσε συνελθόντες, τοὺς λαοὺς εἰς συμφωνίαν ἄγειν ἐσπούδασαν πρὸς τοὺς πολλῷ πλείονας διαφωνοῦντας τὸ πρότερον. Ὅτι δὲ εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τῶν ἀποστολικῶν χρόνων πολλαὶ διαφωνίαι διὰ τὰ τοιαῦτα ἐγίνοντο, οὐδὲ αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἀποστόλους διέλαθεν, ὡς μαρτυρεῖ ἡ βίβλος τῶν Πράξεων. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἔγνωσαν οἱ ἀπόστολοι ταραχὴν ἐκ τῆς διαφωνίας τῶν ἐθνῶν κινουμένην τοῖς πιστεύουσι, πάντες ἄμα γενόμενοι θεῖον νόμον ἐθέσπισαν, ἐν τύπῳ ἐπιστολῆς καταγράψαντες · δι' οὗ τῆς βαρυτάτης μὲν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων δουλείας τε καὶ ἐρεσχελίας τοὺς πιστεύοντας ἠλευθέρωσαν · ὑποτύπωσιν δὲ ἀσφαλῆ τῆς ὀρθῆς πολιτείας, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀληθῆ θεοσέβειαν ἄγουσαν ἐδίδαξαν, μόνα ὅσα ἀναγκαίως δεῖ φυλάττειν μηνύσαντες. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ἡ μὲν Ἐπιστολὴ ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἀποστόλων Πράξεσιν ἀναγέγραπται. Οὐδὲν δὲ κωλύει καὶ ἐνταῦθα προσκεῖσθαι· Οἱ ἀπόστολοι καὶ οἱ πρεσβύτεροι καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ, τοῖς κατὰ ᾿Αντιόχειαν καὶ Συρίαν καὶ Κιλικίαν ἀδελφοῖς τοῖς ἐξ ἐθνῶν, χαίρειν. Ἐπειδὴ ἠκούσαμεν, ὅτι τινὲς ἐξ ἡμῶν ἐξελθόντες ἐτάραξαν ὑμᾶς λόγοις, ἀνασκευάζοντες τὰς ψυχὰς ὑμῶν, λέγοντες περιτέμνεσθαι, καὶ τηρεῖν τὸν νόμον, οἷς οὐ διεστειλάμεθα· ἔδοξεν ἡμῖν γενομένοις ὁμοθυμαδὸν, ἐκλεξαμένους ἄνδρας πέμψαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, σὺν τοῖς ἀγαπητοῖς ἡμῶν Βαρνάβᾳ τε καὶ Παύλῳ, ἀνθρώποις παραδεδωκόσι τὴν ψυχὴν αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ Κυρίου ) ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ. Ἀπεστάλκαμεν οὖν Ἰούδαν καὶ Σύλαν, καὶ αὐτοὺς διὰ λόγου ἀπαγγέλεἰ ταῦτα. "Εδοξε γὰρ τῷ ἁγίῳ Πνεύματι ἡμῖν, μηδὲν πλέον ἐπιτίθεσθαι βάρος, πλὴν τῶν ἐπάναγκες τούτων " ἀπέχεσθαι εἰδω.οθύτων, καὶ αἵματος, καὶ πγικτῶν, καὶ πορνείας" ἐξ ὧν διατηροῦγτες ἑαυτοὺς, εὖ πράξετε. "Εῤῥωσθε. Ταῦτα μὲν ἔδοξε τῷ Θεῷ" τοῦτο γάρ φησιν ἡ Ἐπιστολὴ, ὅτι "Εδοξε τῷ ἀγίῳ Πνεύματι, μηδὲν ἐπιτίθεσθαι ὑμῖν βάρος, πιιὴν τῶν ἐπάναγκες ὀφειλόντων φυλάττεσθαι. Τινὲς δὲ τούτων ἀμέλήσαντες, ἀδιάφορον μὲν πᾶσαν πηρνείαν ἡγοῦνται " περὶ δὲ ἡμερῶν ἑορτῆς, ὡς περὶ ψυχῆς ἀγωνίζονται" ἀντιστρέψαντες μὲν τὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ παραγγέλματα, καὶ νομοθετοῦντες ἑαυτοῖς, παρ᾽ οὐδὲν δὲ τὴν τῶν ἀποστόλων νομοθεσίαν τιθέμενοι " λανθάνοντες ἑαντοὺς, ὅτι ἐναντία οἷς τῷ Θεῷ ἔδοξε, πράττουσι. Δυνατὸν μὲν οὖν τὸν περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα λόγον ἔτι πλέον ἐχτεῖναι, καὶ δεῖξαι ὡς οὐδὲ Ἰουδαῖοι τῶν περὶ τοῦ Πάσχα χρόνων τὴν ἀκρίβειαν ἢ τύπον φυλάττουσιν " ὅπως τε Σαμαρεῖς, ἀπόσχισμα ὄντες Ἰουδαίων, ἀεὶ μετ᾽ ἰσημερίαν τὴν ἑορτὴν ταύτην ἐπιτελοῦσιν. ᾿Αλλὰ ἡ τοιαύτη ὑπόθεσις, ἰδιαζούσης χρήζει καὶ μαχροτέρας ἐκθέσεως. Ἐκεῖνο δὲ μόνον φημὶ, ὅτι οἱ φιλοῦντες Ἰουδαίοις ἀκολουθεῖν, περὶ τοὺς τύπους ἀκριβολογούμενοι, οὐδενὶ τρόπιμ τούτων ἐχπίπτειν ὀφείλουσιν. Εἰ γὰρ ὅλως ἀχριθολογεῖσθαι προΐήρηνται, οὐχ ὀφείλουσιν ἡμέρας μόνον μῆνας παρατηρεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσα ὁ Χριστὸς ὑπὸ νόμον γενόμενος, Ἰουδαϊκῶς ἔπραττεν, 7| ὑπέμεινεν ὑπὸ ᾿Ιουδαίων ἀδιχούμενος, ἢ εὐεργετῶν τοὺς πάντας τυπιχῶς χατειργάζετο. Ἐν πλοίῳ εἰσελθὼν ἐδίδασκεν " εἰς ἀνώγεον οἴκημα τὸ Πάσχα εὐτρεπισθῆναι ἐχόλευσεν " ὄνον δεδεμένην λυθῆναι προσέταττεν" τὸν βαστάζοντα χεράμιον ὕδατος σημεῖον ἐδίδου τοῖς εἰς τὸ Πάσχα σπουδάζουσι" καὶ ἄλλα ὅσα μυρία ἐν Εὐαγγελίοις γέγραπται. Καὶ τούτων οὐδὲν σωυματιχῶς παραφυλάττειν σπουδάζουσιν, οἱ διὰ ἑορτὴν δικαιωθῆναι νομίζοντες. Οὐ γάρ τις τῶν διδασχάλων ἐχ πλοίον ποτὲ τὴν διδασκαλίαν πεποίηται" οὐχ εἰς ἀνώγεόν τις οἴκημα παντὸς τελέσαι τὸ Πάσχα ἐσπούδασεν " οὐχ ὄνον δεδεμένην δήσαντες αὖθις ἐπέλυσαν" οὐ χεράμιον ὕδατος βαστάσαι τινὶ ἐπέτρεψαν, ἵνα τὰ σύμβολα πληρωθῇ. Ταῦτα γὰρ καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα, Ἰουδαϊχὰ μᾶλλον ἡγήσαντο. Ἰουδαῖοι γὰρ τὰ συμθαίνοντα ἐν τοῖς σώμασι μᾶλλον, 7 ταῖς ψυχαῖς σώζειν σπουυδάζουσι. Διὸ ἔνοχοι τῇ κατάρᾳ γίνονται, ὅτι τὸν νόμον Μωῦσέως ἐν τύποις, οὐ μὴν πρὸς ἀλήθειαν ἐκλαμθάνουσιν. Οἱ δὲ φίλοι τοῖς Ἰουδαίοις, ταῦτα μὲν εἰς θεωρίαν ἄγουσι 4" περὶ δὲ ἡμερῶν μηνῶν ἄσπονδον αἱροῦνται λεμον, τὴν περὶ τούτων θεωρίαν πατήσαντες " ἐξ ἀνάγκης αὐτοὺς κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος ὅμοια Ἰουδαίοις χαταδιχάζεσθαι, τὴν τῆς κατάρας Ψῇφον αὐτοῖς ἐπιφέροντας. ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ἐξαρχεῖν ἡγοῦμαι. Ἐπαναδράμωμεν δὲ εἰς τὸ προχείμεοὗ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν πεποιήμεθα μνήμην ὡς ἡ διαιρεθεῖσα, οὐχ ἐνέμεινε τῇ γενομένῃ πρώτῃ διαιρέσει" καὶ ὡς οἱ διαιρεθέντες ἑαυτῶν πάλιν ἐχώρουν " μικρᾶς τε εὐτελοὺς προφάσεως λαμιθανόμενοι, ἀλλήλων διεχωρίζοντο. Νανατιανοὶ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, διὰ τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν διηρέθησαν, καὶ περὶ τούτου οὐ μίαν μόνην διαίρεσιν ἔχουσιν " ἄλλοι! γὰρ ἄλλως κατὰ ἐπαρχίας, οὐ μόνον περὶ μηνὸς, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ περὶ ἑβδομάδος ἡμερῶν, περὶ ἑτέρων εὐτελῶν διαφερόμενοι, πὴ μὲν διαχρίνονται, πὴ δὲ καὶ ἐπιμίγνυνται. ἡ :
Ho de hēmin hypopiptei peri tou Pascha, ouk akairon, hōs hēgoumai, dia bracheōn eipein. Hou moi dokousin oute hoi palai peri tēs heortēs tautēs eulogōs pephiloneikēkenai, oute hoi nyn Ioudaiois espoudakotes akolouthein. Ou gar eis noun eballonto, hoti tou Ioudaismou metatithemenou eis Christianismon, ta akribē kai typika tou Mōsaïkou nomou epausato ; touto autothen echei tēn oikeian apodeixin. Ioudaïzein gar Christianois oude heis tou Christou nomos epetrepsen. Ek tou enantiou de kai ho ᾿Apostolos ekōlysen, ou monon tēn peritomēn ekballōn, alla kai peri heortōn mē diakrinesthai parainōn. Dio Galatais graphōn phēsi ; Legete moi, hoi hypo nomon thelontes einai, ton nomon ouk akouete? kai brachea peri toutou dialechtheis, doulon men deiknysi ton tōn Ioudaiōn laon; ep᾿ eleutherią de keklēsthai tous proselēlythotas Christǭ. Parēnei de kai mēdamōs paratēreisthai hēmeras kai mēnas kai eniautous. ᾿Alla kai en tę̄ pros Kolasseis hi; megalę̄ phēsi tę̄ phōnę̄, skian einai ta paraphylagmata; Dio, phēsi, mēdeis hymas krinetō en brōsei, ē en posei, ē en merei heortēs, ē Noumēnias, ē Sabbatou, hatina esti skia tou mellontos. Kai en tę̄ pros Hebraious de, ho autos episphragizomenos ta toiauta phēsi ; Metatithemenēs gar tēs Erōsynēs, ex anankēs kai nomou metathe¹? Ei ". ses ginetai. Oudamou toinyn ho ᾿Apostolos, oude ta Euangelia, zygon douleias tois tǭ kērygmati elthousin epethēkan" alla tēn heortēn tou Pascha tas allas heortas timąn, tę̄ eugnōmosynę̄ tōn euergetēthentōn katelipon. Hothen epeidē philousi tas heortas hoi anthrōpoi, dia to aniesthai tōn ponōn en autais, hekastoi kata chōras, hōs eboulēthēsan, tēn mnēmēn tou sōtēriōdous pathous ex ethous tinos epetelesan. Ou gar nomǭ touto paraphylattein ho Sōtēr, hē hoi [apostoloi hēmin parēngeilan " oude katadikēn timōrian hē chataran, hōs ho Mōyïseōs nomos tois Ioudaiois, hēmin ta Euangelia hē hoi apostoloi diēpeilēsan historikōs de monon pros diabolēn Ioudaiōn, hoti emiaiphonoun kata tas heortas, en tois Euangeliois kairǭ tōn ᾿Azymōn “peponthenai ho Sōtēr anagegraptai. Schypos men oun gegone tois apostolois ou peri hēmerōn heortastichōn nomothetein, alla bion orthon kai tēn theosethdeian eisēgēsasthai. Emoi de phainetai, hoti hōsper alla polla kata chōras synētheian elathen, houtō hē tou Pascha heortē par᾽ hekastois synētheias tinos idiazousan esche tēn paratērēsin, dia to mēdena tōn apostolōn, hōs ephēn, mēdeni nenomothetēchenai peri autēs. Hoti de ex ethous mallon hē apo nomou par᾽ hekastois ex archaiou tēn paratērēsin elathen, auta ta pragmata deiknyei. Pleistoi gar peri tēn mikran ᾿Asian ex archaiou tēn tessareschaidechatēn etērēsan, tēn tou Sabbatou hyperidontes hēmeran. Kai pouto poiountes, pros tous heterōs tēn heortēn tou. Pascha epiteloun tas oudepote diepheronto heōs ho tēs Rhōmēs episkopos Bichtōr ametra thermantheis, achoinōnēsian tois en tę̄ ᾿Asią Tessareschaidekatitais apesteilen. Eph᾽ hǭ genomenǭ Eirēnaios ho Lougdounou tēs en Gallią episkopos, tou Bichtoros di᾽ epistolēs gennaiōs edramen, mempsamenos “men autou tēn thermotēta, didaxas de, hōs hoi palai diapephōnēmenōs epitelountes tēn tou Pascha heortēn, tēs koinōnias oudamōs echōrizonto. Kai hoti Polykarpos ho tēs Smyrnēs episkopos, hos hysteron epi Gordianou martyrēsa:, ᾿Anichētǭ tǭ episkopǭ tēs Rhōmēs ekoinōnei, mēden diachrinomenos peri heortēs pros ton, autos ex enchōriou tēs en Smyrnę̄ synētheias tę̄ tessareschaidechatę̄ to Pascha epitelōn, hōs en tę̄ pemptę̄ tēs Echchlēsiastichę̄s Historias Eusedios legei. Tinexs men oun, hōs ephēn, kata tēn mikran ᾿Asian, tēn tessareschaidechatēn paretēroun " tines de peri ta anatolika me, to men tēs heortēs hetēroun, diephōnoun de peri ton mēna. Hoi men gar Ioudaiois, tēn achrideian mē sōzousi, dein hepesthai peri tēs heortēs elegon " hoi de, met᾽ isēmerian epeteloun, to syneortazein Ioudaiois ektrepomenoi - phaschontes aei tou hēliou en chriǭ ontos chathēchein to Pascha epitelein, tǭ Xanthichǭ men kata ᾿Antiocheas mēni, ᾿Aprilliǭ de kata Rhōmaious kai touto poiein, peithomenous, mē tois nyn kata panta peplanēmenois Ioudaiois, alla tois archaiois kai Iōsēpǭ 8, katha ekeinos en tę̄ tritę̄ tēs Ioudaïchę̄s ᾿Archaiologias phēsin. ᾿All᾽ houtoi men houtōs pros heautous diephōnoun. Pantes de hoi loipoi, achri tōn hesperiōn merōn kai autou ōcheanou, meta isēmerian ex archaias tinos paradoseōs to Pascha poiēsantes heuriskontai. Houtoi gar pantes touton poiountes ton tropon, oudepote pros heautous diephōnēsan. Kai ouch hōs tines epethryllēsan, hē epi Kōnstantenony synodos tēn heortēn tautēn paretrepsen. Autos gar Kōnstantinos tois diaphōnousi peri tautēs tēs heortēs graphōn, parēę̄nesen hopōs an autoi oligoi ontes mimōntai tous pleionas. ᾿Alla tēn men holēn tou basileōs epistolēn, en tǭ tritǭ bidliǭ tōn Eis ton Kōnstanpinou heurēseis. To de en autę̄ peri tēs heortēs tou Pascha meros, touton echei ton tropon" «"Esti te taxis euprepēs, hēn hapasai hai tōn dytikōn mesēmyrinōn arktǭōn merōn tēs oikoumenēs paraphylattousin Ekklēsiai, chai tines tōn kata tēn heǭan topōn " hou heneken epi tou parontos kalōs echein pantes hēgēsanto, kai autos de tę̄ hymeterą anchinoią aresein hypeschomēn " hin᾽ hoper d᾽ an kata tēn Rhōmaiōn polin, Italian te ᾿Aphrikēn, kai hapasan Aigypton, Hispanias, Gallias, Brettanias, Lidyas, holēn Hellada, ᾿Asianēn te dioikēsin kai Pontikēn, kai • Kilikian, mią kai symphōnǭ phylattētai gnōmę̄, asmenōs touto kai hē hymetera prosdexētai synesis; logizomenē mē monon hōs pleiōn esti kata tous proeirēmenous topous Ekklēsiōn arithmos, alla kai hōs touto malista koinę̄ pantas hosiōtaton esti boulesthai, hoper kai ho akribēs logos apaitein dokei, kai oudemian meta tēs Ioudaiōn epiorkias echein koinōnian.» Toiautē men hē tou basileōs epistolē; Tessareskaidekatitai de phasin, hypo Iōannou tou apostolou tēn paratērēsintēs tessareskaidekatēs paradedosthai autois ; hoi de kata tēn Rhōmēn kai ta hesperia merē, tous apostolous Paulon kai Petron tēn ekei paradedōkenai synētheian legousin. All' oudeis men toutōn engraphon echei paraschein tēn peri toutōn apodeixin. Hoti mentoi ek synētheias tinos mallon kata chōras epiteleitai tou Pascha᾿ heortē, ekeithen tekmairomai ; Oudemia tōn thrēskeiōn ta auta ethē phylattei, kan tēn autou peri toutōn doxan aspazētai. Kai gar hoi tēs autēs pisteōs ontes, diaphōnousi peri ta ethē pros heautous. Dio mikra peri tōn kata tas Ekklēsias ethōn parathesthai ouk akairon. Autika tas pro tou Pascha nēsteias, allōs par᾿ allois phylattomenas estin heurein. Hoi men gar en Rhōmę̄, treis pro tou Pascha hebdomadas, plēn Sabbatou Ē kai Kyriakēs, synēm menas nēsteuousin. Hoi de en Illyriois kai holę̄ tę̄ Helladi, kai hoi en ᾿Alexandreią, pro hebdomadōn hex tēn pro tou Pascha nēsteian nēsteuousi, Tessarakostēn autēn onomazontes. ᾿Alloi de para toutous, alloi hi pro hepta tēs heortēs hebdomadōn tēs nēsteias archomenoi, kai treis monas penthēmerous ek dialeimmatōn nēsteuontes, ouden hētton kai autoi Tessarakostēn ton chronon touton kalousi. Kai thaumasai moi epeisi, pōs houtoi peri ton arithmon tōn hēmerōn diaphōnountes, Tessarakostēn autēn onomazousi ⅰ. Kai allos allon logon tēs onomasias heuresilogountes apodidoasin. Estai de heurein ou monon peri ton arithmon tōn hēmerōn diaphōnountas, alla kai tēn apochēn tōn edesmatōn ouch homoian poioumenous. Hoi men gar, pantē empsychōn apechontai ; hoi de, tōn empsychōn ichthys monous metalambanousi. Tines de syn tois ichthysi, kai tōn ptēnōn apogeuontai, ex hydatos kai auta kata ton Mōy - sea gegenēsthai legontes. Hoi de kai akrodryōn kai ōōn apechontai. Tines de kai xērou artou monou metalambanousin ; alloi de oude toutou. Heteroi de achris ennatēs hōras nēsteuontes, diaphoron echousi tēn estiasin. ᾿Allōs te par' allois phylois kai myriai aitiai ousai tynchanousi. Kai epeidē oudeis peri toutou engraphon echei deixai parangelma, dēlon hōs kai peri toutou tę̄ hekastou gnōmę̄ kai proairesei epetrepsan hoi apostoloi, hina hekastos mē phobǭ, mēde ex anankēs to agathon katergazoito. Toiautē men peri nēsteiōn diaphōnia kata tas Ekklēsias esti, Peri de synaxeōn, hetera toiauta. Tōn pantachou tēs oikoumenēs Ekklēsiōn en hēmerą | batōn, kata pasan heddomados periodon epitelousōn | ta mystēria, hoi en ᾿Allexandreią hoi en Rhōmę̄, ek tinos archaias paradoseōs touto poiein parę̄tēsanto. Aigyptioi de geitones ontes ᾿Alexandreōn, kai hoi tēn Thēthaiïda oikountes, en Sabbatǭ men poiountai synaxeis" ouch hōs ethos de Christianois, tōn mystēriōn metalambanousi. Meta gar to euōchēthēnai, kai pantoiōn edesmatōn emphorēthēnai, peri hesperan pherontes, tōn mystēriōn metalamthanousin. Authis de en ᾿Alexandreią, tę̄ tetradi Kai tę̄ "legomenę̄ Parascheuę̄ Graphai te anaginōschontai, kai hoi didaschagoi tautas hermēneuousi, panta te ta synaxeōs ginetai, dicha tēs tōn mystēriōn teletēs. Kai touto estin en ᾿Alexandreią ethos archaion. gar Ōrigenēs ta polla en tautais tais hēmerais phainetai epi tēs En. klēsias didaxas. “Hostis sophos hōn didaskalos, katidōn hoti to adynaton tou nomon ! Mōyseōs asthenei pros to gramma apodothēnai, ton peri tou Pascha logēn eis theōrian anēgagen, hen Pascha monon alēthinon gegenēsthai legōn, hoper ho Sōtēr epetelesen, gēsas kata tōn “anticheimenōn dynameōn, dia tou prosomilēsai tǭ staurǭ, tropaiǭ toutǭ kata tou diadolou chrēsamenos. En tę̄ autę̄ de ᾿Alexandreią anagnōstai kai hypodoleis adiaphoron, eite chatēchoumenoi eisin, eite pistoi; tōn pantachou Ekklēsiōn A' pistous eis to tagma touto proballomenōn. Egnōn de egō kai heteron ethos en Thessalią, genomenos klērikos ekei΄; hōn nomǭ gamēsas prin klērikos genētai, meta to klērikos genesthai synkatheudēsas autę̄, apokēryktos ginetai tōn en ᾿Anatolę̄ pantōn gnōmę̄ apechomenōn, kai tōn episkopōn, ei kai boulointo, ou mēn anankę̄ nomou touto poiountōn. Polloi gar autōn en tǭ kairǭ tēs episkopēs kai paidas ek tēs nomimēs gametēs pepoiēkasin. Alla tou men en Thessalią ethous archēgos Ēliodōros ē, Trikkēs tēs ekei genomenos, hou legetai ponēmata erōtika biblia, ha neos ōn etaxe, kai Aithiopika prosēgoreuse. Phylassetai kai Helladi. Kai allo de ethos en Thessalią oida ginomenon; En tais hēmerais tou Pascha monon baptizousi. Dio sphodra plēn oligōn, hoi loipoi mē baptisthentes apothnēskousin. En ᾿Antiocheią de tēs Syrias hē Ekklēsia antistrophon echei tēn thesin.. Ou gar pros anatolas to thysiastērion, alla pros dysin horą p; en Helladi de, kai Hierosolymois, kai Thessalią, tas en tais lychnapsiais euchas paraplēsiōs tois en Kōnstantinou polei Nauatianois poiountai. Homoiōs de kai en Kaisareią tēs Kappadokias kai en Kyprǭ, en hēmerą Sabbatou kai Kyriakēs, aei peri hesperan meta tēs lychnapsias o, hoi presbyteroi kai episkopoi tas Graphas hermēneuousin. Hoi en Helde touto to ethos en Thessalonikę̄, kai autę̄ Makedolēspontǭ Nauatianoi ouch homoiōs kata panta tois en Kōnstantinou polei poiountai tas euchas. Paraplēsiōs de parapolla tę̄ kratousę̄ Ekklēsią. Katholou mentoi pantachou kai para pasais thrēskeiais, tōn euchōn ouk estin heurein symphōnousas allēlais dyo epi to auto. Presbyteros en ᾿Alexandreią ou prosomilei R; kai touto archēn elaben, aph᾿ hou "Areios tēn Ekklēsian etaraxen. En Rhōmę̄ pan Sabbaton nēsteuousin. En Kaisareią tēs Kappadokias tous meta to baptisma hēmartēkotas exōthousi tēs koinōnias, hōs hoi Nauatianoi. To auto de kai Makedonianoi en Hellēspontǭ poiousi, kai hoi en Asią Tessareskaidekatitai. Hoi Nauatianoi hoi peri Phrygian, digamous ou dechontai. Hoi de en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, oute phanerōs dechontai, oute phanerōs ekballousi. En de tois esperiois meresi phanerōs dechontai. Aitioi gar, hōs hēgoumai, tēs toiautēs diaphōnias hoi kata kairon tōn Ekklēsiōn proestōtes. Hoi de tauta paralabontes, hōs nomon tois epiginomenois parepempsan. Panta de ta en tais : Ekklēsiais ethē kata poleis kai chōras genomena engraphein, ergōdes, mallon de adynaton. Hikana mentoi kai ta paratethenta pros apodeixin, tou tēn heortēn tou Pascha ek synētheias tinos kata chōras diaphoron eschēkenai timēn. Dio perittologousin hoi tēn en Nikaią synodon paratrepsai to Pascha epithryllē- 298 santes. Hoi gar ekeise synelthontes, tous laous eis symphōnian agein espoudasan pros tous pollǭ pleionas diaphōnountas to proteron. Hoti de euthys epi tōn apostolikōn chronōn pollai diaphōniai dia ta toiauta eginonto, oude autous tous apostolous dielathen, hōs martyrei hē biblos tōn Praxeōn. Epei gar egnōsan hoi apostoloi tarachēn ek tēs diaphōnias tōn ethnōn kinoumenēn tois pisteuousi, pantes ama genomenoi theion nomon ethespisan, en typǭ epistolēs katagrapsantes ; di' hou tēs barytatēs men peri tōn toioutōn douleias te kai ereschelias tous pisteuontas ēleutherōsan ; hypotypōsin de asphalē tēs orthēs politeias, kai pros tēn alēthē theosebeian agousan edidaxan, mona hosa anankaiōs dei phylattein mēnysantes. ᾿All᾿ hē men Epistolē en tais tōn apostolōn Praxesin anagegraptai. Ouden de kōlyei kai entautha proskeisthai; Hoi apostoloi kai hoi presbyteroi kai hoi adelphoi, tois kata ᾿Antiocheian kai Syrian kai Kilikian adelphois tois ex ethnōn, chairein. Epeidē ēkousamen, hoti tines ex hēmōn exelthontes etaraxan hymas logois, anaskeuazontes tas psychas hymōn, legontes peritemnesthai, kai tērein ton nomon, hois ou diesteilametha; edoxen hēmin genomenois homothymadon, eklexamenous andras pempsai pros hymas, syn tois agapētois hēmōn Barnabą te kai Paulǭ, anthrōpois paradedōkosi tēn psychēn autōn hyper tou onomatos tou Kyriou ) hēmōn Iēsou Christou. Apestalkamen oun Ioudan kai Sylan, kai autous dia logou apangelei tauta. "Edoxe gar tǭ hagiǭ Pneumati hēmin, mēden pleon epitithesthai baros, plēn tōn epanankes toutōn " apechesthai eidō.othytōn, kai haimatos, kai pgiktōn, kai porneias" ex hōn diatērougtes heautous, eu praxete. "Errhōsthe. Tauta men edoxe tǭ Theǭ" touto gar phēsin hē Epistolē, hoti "Edoxe tǭ agiǭ Pneumati, mēden epitithesthai hymin baros, piiēn tōn epanankes opheilontōn phylattesthai. Tines de toutōn amelēsantes, adiaphoron men pasan pērneian hēgountai " peri de hēmerōn heortēs, hōs peri psychēs agōnizontai" antistrepsantes men ta tou Theou parangelmata, kai nomothetountes heautois, par᾽ ouden de tēn tōn apostolōn nomothesian tithemenoi " lanthanontes heantous, hoti enantia hois tǭ Theǭ edoxe, prattousi. Dynaton men oun ton peri tou Pascha logon eti pleon echteinai, kai deixai hōs oude Ioudaioi tōn peri tou Pascha chronōn tēn akribeian ē typon phylattousin " hopōs te Samareis, aposchisma ontes Ioudaiōn, aei met᾽ isēmerian tēn heortēn tautēn epitelousin. ᾿Alla hē toiautē hypothesis, idiazousēs chrēzei kai machroteras ektheseōs. Ekeino de monon phēmi, hoti hoi philountes Ioudaiois akolouthein, peri tous typous akribologoumenoi, oudeni tropim toutōn echpiptein opheilousin. Ei gar holōs achrithologeisthai proïērēntai, ouch opheilousin hēmeras monon mēnas paratērein, alla ta alla hosa ho Christos hypo nomon genomenos, Ioudaïkōs epratten, 7| hypemeinen hypo ᾿Ioudaiōn adichoumenos, ē euergetōn tous pantas typichōs chateirgazeto. En ploiǭ eiselthōn edidasken " eis anōgeon oikēma to Pascha eutrepisthēnai echoleusen " onon dedemenēn lythēnai prosetatten" ton bastazonta cheramion hydatos sēmeion edidou tois eis to Pascha spoudazousi" kai alla hosa myria en Euangeliois gegraptai. Kai toutōn ouden sōymatichōs paraphylattein spoudazousin, hoi dia heortēn dikaiōthēnai nomizontes. Ou gar tis tōn didaschalōn ech ploion pote tēn didaskalian pepoiētai" ouch eis anōgeon tis oikēma pantos telesai to Pascha espoudasen " ouch onon dedemenēn dēsantes authis epelysan" ou cheramion hydatos bastasai tini epetrepsan, hina ta symbola plērōthę̄. Tauta gar kai ta toiauta, Ioudaïcha mallon hēgēsanto. Ioudaioi gar ta symthainonta en tois sōmasi mallon, 7 tais psychais sōzein spouydazousi. Dio enochoi tę̄ katarą ginontai, hoti ton nomon Mōyseōs en typois, ou mēn pros alētheian eklamthanousin. Hoi de philoi tois Ioudaiois, tauta men eis theōrian agousi 4" peri de hēmerōn mēnōn aspondon hairountai lemon, tēn peri toutōn theōrian patēsantes " ex anankēs autous kata touto to meros homoia Ioudaiois chatadichazesthai, tēn tēs kataras Psę̄phon autois epipherontas. ᾿Alla peri men toutōn exarchein hēgoumai. Epanadramōmen de eis to procheimeou mikron emprosthen pepoiēmetha mnēmēn hōs hē diairetheisa, ouch enemeine tę̄ genomenę̄ prōtę̄ diairesei" kai hōs hoi diairethentes heautōn palin echōroun " mikras te eutelous prophaseōs lamithanomenoi, allēlōn diechōrizonto. Nanatianoi men oun, hōs ephēn, dia tēn tou Pascha heortēn diērethēsan, kai peri toutou ou mian monēn diairesin echousin " alloi! gar allōs kata eparchias, ou monon peri mēnos, all᾽ ēdē kai peri hebdomados hēmerōn, peri heterōn eutelōn diapheromenoi, pē men diachrinontai, pē de kai epimignyntai. hē :
What occurs to me about Easter it is not out of place, I think, to say briefly. Neither the ancients, it seems to me, had good reason to quarrel over this feast, nor have those now who are eager to follow the Jews. For they did not consider that when Judaism was changed into Christianity, the strict and typical observances of the Mosaic law ceased; and this carries its own proof on its face. Not one law of Christ permitted Christians to Judaize; on the contrary, the Apostle forbade it, not only rejecting circumcision but also urging that there be no disputes about feasts. So, writing to the Galatians, he says, 'Tell me, you who wish to be under the law, do you not hear the law?' and after a brief discussion of this he shows that the people of the Jews is a slave, while those who have come to Christ are called to freedom. He also urged them by no means to observe days and months and years. And in the letter to the Colossians he says with a loud voice that the observances are a shadow: 'Therefore', he says, 'let no one judge you in food or in drink or in respect of a feast or a new moon or a sabbath, which are a shadow of what is to come.' And in the letter to the Hebrews the same writer, setting his seal on such things, says, 'For when the priesthood is changed, of necessity a change of the law also takes place.' Nowhere, then, did the Apostle or the Gospels lay a yoke of slavery on those who came to the preaching; but they left the honouring of the feast of Easter and the other feasts to the gratitude of those who had received the benefits. Hence, since people love feasts because in them they get relief from their labours, each in their own region, as they wished, celebrated the memory of the saving passion according to some custom. For neither the Saviour nor the apostles commanded us by law to observe this; nor did the Gospels or the apostles threaten us with condemnation, punishment or curse, as the law of Moses did the Jews. It is recorded in the Gospels only as history, to the reproach of the Jews because they committed murder at the feasts, that the Saviour suffered at the time of the Unleavened Bread. The aim of the apostles, then, was not to legislate about feast days but to introduce a right life and piety. And it seems to me that, just as many other things took hold by local custom, so the feast of Easter received a particular observance among each people by some custom, because none of the apostles, as I said, legislated to anyone about it. That the observance took hold among each from of old by custom rather than by law, the facts themselves show. Very many in Asia Minor from of old kept the fourteenth day, disregarding the day of the Sabbath. And in doing so they never quarrelled with those who celebrated the feast of Easter otherwise, until Victor, the bishop of Rome, grown immoderately heated, sent an excommunication to the Quartodecimans in Asia. When this happened, Irenaeus, the bishop of Lyons in Gaul, nobly rebuked Victor by letter, blaming his heat and teaching that those of old who celebrated the feast of Easter differently were in no way separated from communion; and that Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna, who later suffered martyrdom under Gordian, communicated with Anicetus, bishop of Rome, and had no quarrel with him about the feast, though he himself, by the local custom of Smyrna, celebrated Easter on the fourteenth day, as Eusebius says in the fifth book of the Church History. Some, then, as I said, in Asia Minor observed the fourteenth day; but some in the eastern parts kept the Sabbath of the feast but disagreed about the month. For some said that one should follow the Jews about the feast, though they do not keep exactness; others celebrated it after the equinox, avoiding keeping the feast with the Jews, saying that Easter ought always to be celebrated when the sun is in Aries, in the month Xanthicus according to the Antiochenes and in April according to the Romans; and that in doing this they followed not the Jews of today, who are in error in all things, but the ancients and Josephus, as he says in the third book of the Jewish Antiquities. These, then, disagreed among themselves in this way. But all the rest, as far as the western parts and the ocean itself, are found to have kept Easter after the equinox by some ancient tradition; and all who do it in this way have never disagreed among themselves. Nor, as some have rumoured, did the synod under Constantine alter this feast. For Constantine himself, writing to those who disagreed about this feast, urged that they, being few, should imitate the majority. You will find the emperor's whole letter in the third book of the Life of Constantine; the part of it about the feast of Easter runs as follows:
'There is a seemly order which all the churches of the western, southern and northern parts of the world observe, and some of the places in the East. For this reason all thought it well at present, and I myself promised that it would please your understanding, that what is observed with one agreeing judgment in the city of the Romans, in Italy and Africa, in all Egypt, the Spains, the Gauls, the Britains, the Libyas, all Greece, the dioceses of Asia and Pontus, and Cilicia, your wisdom too should gladly accept, considering not only that the number of churches in the places named is greater, but also that it is most holy for all in common to wish what exact reasoning seems to require, and to have no fellowship with the perjury of the Jews.'
Such is the emperor's letter. The Quartodecimans say that the observance of the fourteenth day was handed down to them by the apostle John; those in Rome and the western parts say that the apostles Paul and Peter handed down the custom there. But none of them can produce written proof of these things. That the feast of Easter is celebrated in each region rather by some custom, I infer from this: none of the religions keeps the same customs, even if it holds the same opinion about them; for even those who are of the same faith disagree among themselves about customs. So it is not out of place to set down a few things about the customs in the churches.
To begin with, one can find the fasts before Easter kept differently among different people. Those in Rome fast three successive weeks before Easter, except Saturday and Sunday. Those in Illyricum and all Greece, and those in Alexandria, fast the fast before Easter for six weeks before it, calling it the Forty Days. Others besides these, beginning the fast seven weeks before the feast and fasting only three periods of five days at intervals, nonetheless also call this time the Forty Days. And I cannot help wondering how these, disagreeing about the number of days, call it the Forty Days; and different people, inventing reasons, give different explanations of the name. One can find them disagreeing not only about the number of days but also not keeping the same abstinence from foods. Some abstain altogether from living creatures; others, of living creatures, take only fish. Some take birds as well as fish, saying that according to Moses these too came from water. Others abstain even from fruits and eggs. Some take only dry bread; others not even this. Others, fasting until the ninth hour, have various kinds of meal. And among different peoples there are countless other reasons. Since no one can show a written command about this, it is plain that the apostles left this too to each person's judgment and choice, so that each might do the good not out of fear or by necessity. Such is the disagreement about fasts in the churches.
About assemblies there are other such differences. Though the churches throughout the whole world celebrate the mysteries on the Sabbath day in every weekly cycle, those in Alexandria and those in Rome, from some ancient tradition, have ceased to do this. The Egyptians, neighbours of the Alexandrians, and those who live in the Thebaid, hold assemblies on the Sabbath, but do not partake of the mysteries in the way usual among Christians; for after feasting and filling themselves with all kinds of food, toward evening they bring offerings and partake of the mysteries. Again, in Alexandria, on Wednesday and on the day called Friday the Scriptures are read and the teachers interpret them, and everything belonging to an assembly is done except the celebration of the mysteries. This is an ancient custom in Alexandria; for Origen appears to have taught in the church mostly on these days. He, being a wise teacher, seeing that the impossibility in the law of Moses is too weak to be rendered according to the letter, raised the account of the Passover to a spiritual sense, saying that there has been only one true Passover, which the Saviour accomplished when he triumphed over the opposing powers by being joined to the cross, using it as a trophy against the devil. In the same Alexandria readers and cantors are appointed without distinction, whether they are catechumens or believers, whereas the churches everywhere appoint only believers to this order. I have also known another custom in Thessaly, having become a cleric there: one who married lawfully before becoming a cleric, if he sleeps with his wife after becoming a cleric, is deposed; whereas in the East all abstain of their own judgment, and the bishops too, if they wish, but they do not do this by compulsion of law; for many of them have even had children by their lawful wife during their episcopate. The author of the custom in Thessaly was Heliodorus, bishop of Tricca there, whose works are said to include love stories, which he composed when young and called the Aethiopica. The custom is also kept in Thessalonica, in Macedonia itself and in Greece. I know of another custom too in Thessaly: they baptize only in the days of Easter, so that, except for a very few, the rest die without being baptized. At Antioch in Syria the church has the reverse orientation: the altar faces not east but west. In Greece, Jerusalem and Thessaly they say the prayers at the lighting of the lamps much as the Novatians in Constantinople do. Likewise at Caesarea in Cappadocia and in Cyprus, on Saturday and Sunday, always toward evening with the lighting of the lamps, the presbyters and bishops interpret the Scriptures. The Novatians in the Hellespont do not say the prayers entirely like those in Constantinople, but for the most part like the dominant church. In general, everywhere and among all religions, one cannot find two churches agreeing with each other about the prayers. In Alexandria a presbyter does not preach; and this began from the time Arius troubled the church. In Rome they fast every Saturday. At Caesarea in Cappadocia they exclude from communion those who have sinned after baptism, as the Novatians do; the Macedonians in the Hellespont do the same, and the Quartodecimans in Asia. The Novatians in Phrygia do not admit the twice-married; those in Constantinople neither openly admit nor openly expel them; in the western parts they openly admit them. The cause of such disagreement, I think, was those who presided over the churches at various times; and those who received these things handed them on as law to their successors. To write down all the customs in the churches in every city and country would be laborious, or rather impossible. But what has been set down is enough to show that the feast of Easter has received different honour in different regions by some custom. So those who rumour that the synod at Nicaea altered Easter talk idly; for those who met there were eager to bring into agreement the peoples who had earlier disagreed with the far greater number.
That many disagreements arose over such things right from apostolic times did not escape even the apostles themselves, as the book of Acts testifies. For when the apostles learned that a disturbance was being stirred up among believers by the disagreement of the Gentiles, they all came together and decreed a divine law, writing it down in the form of a letter, by which they freed believers from the heaviest slavery and wrangling about such things, and taught a sure outline of right conduct leading to true piety, declaring only the things that must necessarily be observed. The letter is recorded in the Acts of the Apostles; but nothing prevents setting it down here too:
'The apostles and the elders and the brothers, to the brothers from the Gentiles in Antioch, Syria and Cilicia, greeting. Since we have heard that some who went out from us have troubled you with words, unsettling your souls, saying that you must be circumcised and keep the law, to whom we gave no instructions, it seemed good to us, having come to one mind, to choose men and send them to you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, men who have given up their lives for the name of our Lord Jesus Christ. We have therefore sent Judas and Silas, who will themselves report these things by word of mouth. For it seemed good to the Holy Spirit and to us to lay on you no greater burden than these necessary things: to abstain from things offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and from sexual immorality. If you keep yourselves from these, you will do well. Farewell.'
These things, then, seemed good to God; for the letter says, 'It seemed good to the Holy Spirit to lay on you no burden except the things that must necessarily be observed.' But some, neglecting these, regard all sexual immorality as indifferent, yet fight over the days of a feast as if for their lives, turning upside down the commands of God and making laws for themselves, while counting the legislation of the apostles as nothing, not perceiving that they are doing the opposite of what seemed good to God. It would be possible to extend the discussion about Easter further still, and to show that not even the Jews keep exactness or the type in the times of the Passover, and how the Samaritans, an offshoot of the Jews, always celebrate this feast after the equinox. But such a subject requires a separate and longer treatment. I say only this: those who love to follow the Jews, being precise about the types, ought not to depart from them in any way. For if they have chosen to be precise at all, they ought to observe not only days and months, but all the other things that Christ, born under the law, did in the Jewish way, or suffered when wronged by the Jews, or did typically in benefiting all. He entered a boat and taught; he ordered the Passover to be prepared in an upper room; he commanded a tied donkey to be loosed; he gave the man carrying a jar of water as a sign to those hurrying to the Passover; and the countless other things written in the Gospels. Yet none of these do those who think they will be justified by a feast eagerly observe in a bodily way. For none of the teachers has ever given his teaching from a boat; no one has been eager to celebrate the Passover in an upper room of a house; they have not tied up a donkey and loosed it again; they have not allowed anyone to carry a jar of water so that the symbols might be fulfilled. For they regarded these and the like as rather Jewish. For the Jews are eager to keep what happens in bodies rather than in souls; for this reason they become liable to the curse, because they take the law of Moses in types and not according to the truth. But the friends of the Jews take these things in a spiritual sense, yet about days and months they choose a truceless war, trampling on the spiritual sense of them; so that of necessity in this respect they are condemned like the Jews, bringing the sentence of the curse upon themselves. But I think enough has been said about these things. Let us return to our subject. We mentioned a little before that the church, once divided, did not remain in the first division that took place, and that those divided turned against themselves again and, seizing on small and trivial pretexts, separated from one another. The Novatians, as I said, were divided over the feast of Easter, and they have not just one division about this; for different ones in different provinces differ not only about the month but also about the day of the week and other trivial things, and in some places they separate, in others they mix with one another.
5.23PG 67:645–647
Γίγνονται δὲ ἐν διαιρέσεις, δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην Αἱ καθ᾽ ἐχάστην παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐριστιχαὶ ζητήσεις, εἰς ἄτοπά τινα τοὺς λόγους αὐτῶν προΐγαγον. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἐντῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ πεπίστευται ὁ Θεὸς Πατὴρ εἶναι Υἱοῦ τοῦ Λόγου, ζήτημα ἐνέπεσεν εἰς αὐτοὺς, εἰ δύναται καὶ πρὸ τοῦ ὑποστῆναι τὸν Υἱὸν, ἐ Θεὸς καλεῖσθαι Πατήρ" Ἐπεὶ γὰρ τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγον οὐκ Πατρὸς γεννᾶσθαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων ὑποστῆναι ἐδόξαζον, περὶ τὸ πρῶτον καὶ ἀνωτάτω κεφάλαιον σφαλέντες, εἰκότως περὶ Ψιλοὺ ὀνόματος εἰς ἄτοπον φιλονεικίαν ἐξέπεσον. Δωρόθεος μὲν οὖν τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν μετασταλεὶς, ἔλεγε μὴ δύνασθαι Πατέρα εἶναι ἣ καλεῖσθαι, μὴ ὑφεστῶτος Υἱοῦ Μαρῖνος δὲ, ὃν ἔκ πρὸ Δωροθέου κεχλήχεισαν, εὐκαίρου δραξάμενος ἀφορμῆς (ἐλυπεῖτο γὰρ ὅτι αὑτοῦ Δωρόθεος προΞχέχριτο), τοῦ ἐναντίου λόγου προΐστατο. Διατοῦτο γίνεται εἰς αὑτοὺς διαίρετις ^ καὶ χωρισθέντες διὰ τὸ προλεχθὲν λεξίδιον, χατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἐκάτερος τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο " τῶν ὑπὸ Δωρόθεον ταττομένων, κατὰ τοὺς οἰκείους τόπους μεινάντων" οἱ δὲ ἀκολουθήσαντες Μαρίνῳ, ἰδίους κατασκευάσαντες εὐκτηρίους οἴκους, τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο, λέγοντες τὸν Πατέρα, ἀεὶ εἶναι Πατέρα, μὴ ὑφεστῶτος τοῦ Υἱοῦ, Ἐχαλοῦντο δὲ οὗτοι (στα Ψαθυριανοί, ὅτι Θεόκτιστός τις ψαθυροπώλης, Σύρος τὸ γένος, διαπύρως τῷ λόγῳ τῷδε συνίστατο. Ἐπηκολούθησε δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ Σεληνᾶς ὁ τῶν Γότθων ἐπίσκοπος, ἀνὴρ ἐπίμικτον ἔχων τὸ γένος. Γότθος μὲν ἦν ἐκ πατρός - Φρὺξ δὲ κατὰ μητέρα. Καὶ διατοῦτο ἀμφοτέραις ταῖς διαλέκτοις ἑτοίμως κατὰ τὴν έκκλησίαν ἐδίδασκε. Καὶ οὗτοι δὲ μικρὸν ὕστερον διηρέθησαν, Μαρίνου πρὸς ᾿Αγάπιον διενεχθέντος, ὃν αὐτὸς εἰς ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Ἐφέσου προβέβλητο. Οὗτοι δὲ οὐ περὶ θρησκείας, ἀλλὰ περὶ προεδρίας μικροψυχήσαντες, ἐπολέμουν ἀλλήλοις, τῶν Γότθων προσθεμένων τῷ ᾿Αγαπίῳ. Διὸ πολλοὶ τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῖς κληρικῶν, μισήσαντες τὴν ἐκ κενοδοξίας τεχθεῖσαν μαχην αὐτοῖς, ἀποστάντες αὐτῶν, τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ πίστει προσέθεντο. ᾿Αρειανοὶ μὲν δὴ ἐπὶ τριακονταπέντε ἔτη χωρισθέντες ἀλλήλων, ὕστερον ἐπὶ τῆς ὑπατείας τοῦ νέου Θεοδοσίου, κατὰ τὴν ὑπατείαν τοῦ στρατηλάτου Πλίνθα, [οἰ]τῆς Ψαθυριανῶν αἱρέσεως, πεισθέντες τῆς φιλονεικίας ἐπαύσαντο, καὶ ἡνώθησαν, ὥσπερ νόμον ὁρίσαντες, μηδέποτε μνημονεῦσαι τοῦ κεφαλαίου, δι᾽ ὁ ἐχωρίζοντο. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐν μόνῃ τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ποιῆσαι δεδύνηνται. Οἱ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις πόλεσιν, εἴ που καὶ τυγχάνουσιν ὄντες, ἐπιμένουσι χωριζόμενοι. Τοιαῦτα μὲν καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αρειανοῖς διαιρέσεως.
Gignontai de en diaireseis, di᾽ aitian toiautēn Hai kath᾽ echastēn par᾽ autois eristichai zētēseis, eis atopa tina tous logous autōn proïgagon. Epei gar entę̄ Ekklēsią pepisteutai ho Theos Patēr einai Huiou tou Logou, zētēma enepesen eis autous, ei dynatai kai pro tou hypostēnai ton Huion, e Theos kaleisthai Patēr" Epei gar ton tou Theou Logon ouk Patros gennasthai, all᾽ ex ouch ontōn hypostēnai edoxazon, peri to prōton kai anōtatō kephalaion sphalentes, eikotōs peri Psilou onomatos eis atopon philoneikian exepeson. Dōrotheos men oun tēs ᾿Antiocheias hyp᾽ autōn metastaleis, elege mē dynasthai Patera einai hē kaleisthai, mē hyphestōtos Huiou Marinos de, hon ek pro Dōrotheou kechlēcheisan, eukairou draxamenos aphormēs (elypeito gar hoti hautou Dōrotheos proXchechrito), tou enantiou logou proïstato. Diatouto ginetai eis hautous diairetis ^ kai chōristhentes dia to prolechthen lexidion, chat᾽ idian ekateros tas synagōgas epoiounto " tōn hypo Dōrotheon tattomenōn, kata tous oikeious topous meinantōn" hoi de akolouthēsantes Marinǭ, idious kataskeuasantes euktērious oikous, tas synagōgas epoiounto, legontes ton Patera, aei einai Patera, mē hyphestōtos tou Huiou, Echalounto de houtoi (sta Psathyrianoi, hoti Theoktistos tis psathyropōlēs, Syros to genos, diapyrōs tǭ logǭ tǭde synistato. Epēkolouthēse de autois kai Selēnas ho tōn Gotthōn episkopos, anēr epimikton echōn to genos. Gotthos men ēn ek patros - Phryx de kata mētera. Kai diatouto amphoterais tais dialektois hetoimōs kata tēn ekklēsian edidaske. Kai houtoi de mikron hysteron diērethēsan, Marinou pros ᾿Agapion dienechthentos, hon autos eis episkopēn tēs Ephesou probeblēto. Houtoi de ou peri thrēskeias, alla peri proedrias mikropsychēsantes, epolemoun allēlois, tōn Gotthōn prosthemenōn tǭ ᾿Agapiǭ. Dio polloi tōn hyp᾿ autois klērikōn, misēsantes tēn ek kenodoxias techtheisan machēn autois, apostantes autōn, tę̄ homoousiǭ pistei prosethento. ᾿Areianoi men dē epi triakontapente etē chōristhentes allēlōn, hysteron epi tēs hypateias tou neou Theodosiou, kata tēn hypateian tou stratēlatou Plintha, [oi]tēs Psathyrianōn haireseōs, peisthentes tēs philoneikias epausanto, kai hēnōthēsan, hōsper nomon horisantes, mēdepote mnēmoneusai tou kephalaiou, di᾽ ho echōrizonto. Touto de en monę̄ tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei poiēsai dedynēntai. Hoi gar en tais allais polesin, ei pou kai tynchanousin ontes, epimenousi chōrizomenoi. Toiauta men kai peri tēs en ᾿Areianois diaireseōs.
Divisions arose among the Arians for the following reason. The contentious inquiries held among them every day led their arguments into absurdities. Since it is believed in the church that God is the Father of the Son, the Word, a question fell among them whether God could be called Father even before the Son existed. For since they held that the Word of God was not begotten of the Father but came to exist out of things that are not, having erred about the first and highest point, they naturally fell into an absurd quarrel about a bare name. Dorotheus, whom they had summoned from Antioch, said that he could not be or be called Father when the Son did not exist. Marinus, whom they had called in before Dorotheus, seized a convenient opportunity, for he was aggrieved that Dorotheus had been preferred to him, and championed the contrary argument. For this reason a division arose among them; and separated over this little word, each held his own assemblies. Those ranged under Dorotheus remained in their own places; but those who followed Marinus built their own houses of prayer and held their assemblies there, saying that the Father was always Father even when the Son did not exist. These were called Psathyrians, because one Theoctistus, a cake-seller (psathyropoles), a Syrian by birth, ardently supported this argument. Selenas, bishop of the Goths, also followed them, a man of mixed race: a Goth on his father's side and a Phrygian on his mother's, and for this reason he readily taught in the church in both languages. These too were divided a little later, when Marinus quarrelled with Agapius, whom he himself had promoted to the bishopric of Ephesus. They fought with one another not about religion but out of pettiness about precedence, the Goths siding with Agapius. So many of the clergy under them, hating the strife born of vainglory, left them and joined the faith of the 'same essence'. The Arians, after being separated from one another for thirty-five years, later, in the reign of the young Theodosius, in the consulship of the general Plintha, who was of the Psathyrian sect, were persuaded and ceased their quarrel, and were united, laying down as a law, as it were, never to mention the point over which they had separated. They were able to do this only in Constantinople; those in the other cities, wherever they happen to be, still remain separated. Such, then, about the division among the Arians.
5.24PG 67:647–649
Ἀλλὰ μὴν, οὐδὲ οἱ ἀπὸ Εὐνομίου ἀδιαίρετοι μεμενήκασιν. Αὐτὸς μὲν γὰρ Εὐνόμιος, ἤδη πρότερον Εὐδοξίου τοῦ χειροτονήσαντος αὐτὸν ἐπίσκοπον Κυζίκου κεχώριστο, πρόφασιν λαβὼν, ὅτι ᾿Αέτιον τὸν αὐτοῦ διδάσκαλον ἐκβληθέντα οὐ προσεδέχετο. Οἱ δὲ ἀπ᾿ αὐτοῦ εἰς διάφορα διῃρέθησαν. Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ Θεοφρόνιός τις Καππαδόκης, ὑπὸ Εὐνομίῳ τὰ ἐριστικὰ παιδευθεὶς, καὶ παχυμερῶς τὰς Ἀριστοτέλους κατηγορίας καὶ τὸ περὶ ἑρμηνείας νοήσας, συντάξας βιβλία, Περὶ τῆς γυμνασίας τοῦ νοῦ ἐπέγραψε, προσοχθίσας τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ ὁμοθρήσκοις, ὡς ἀποστατήσας αὐτῶν ἐκβέβληται· καὶ παρασυνάξας αὐτοῖς, ἀφ᾿ ἑαυτοῦ ἐπώνυμον αἴρεσιν καταλέλοιπε · καὶ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει δὲ, Εὐτύχιός τις ἐκ ψυχροῦ ζητήματος ἐχωρίσθη τῶν Εὐνομιανῶν, καὶ νῦν τὰς συνάξεις κατ᾿ ἰδίαν ποιεῖται. Ονομάζονται οὖν οἱ μὲν Θεοφρονίῳ ἀκολουθήσαντες, Εύνομιοθεαφρονιανοί · οἱ δὲ Εὐτυχίῳ, Εὐνομιευτυχιανοί. Ὁποῖα δὲ ψυχρὰ ῥημάτιά ἐστι περὶ ὧν διαφέρονται, παραδοῦναι τῇ ἱστορίᾳ οὐκ ἄξιον εἶναι κέκρικα, ἵνα μὴ εἰς ἕτερα ἀποκλίνω τὸν λόγον· πλὴν ὅτι τὸ βάπτισμα παρεχάραξαν. Οὐ γὰρ εἰς τὴν Τριάδας, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὸν τοῦ Χριστοῦ βαπτίζουσι θάνατον. Γέγονε δὲ ἐπὶ χρόνον τινὰ καὶ ἐν Μακεδονιανοῖς διχόνοια, Εύτροπίου μὲν πρεσβυτέρου ἰδίᾳ συνάγοντος, Καρτερίου δὲ μὴ συναινοῦντος αὐτῷ. Ἴσως δ᾽ ἂν καὶ ἄλλαι τινὲς εἶεν θρησκεῖαι, ἐκ τούτων γινόμεναι ἐν ταῖς ἄλλαις τῶν πόλεων Ἐγὼ δὲ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τὰς διατριβάς ποιούμενος, ἐν ᾗ ἐτέχθην τε καὶ ἀνετράφην, τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ γενόμενα πλατύτερον διηγοῦμαι ὅτι τινὰ τούτων καὶ αὐτοψίᾳ ἱστόρησα, καὶ ὅτι λαμπρότερα τὰ ἐν αὐτῇ γενόμενα καὶ ἄξια μνήμης καθἑστηκε. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν οὐ κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον, ἀλλὰ κατὰ διαφόρους συνέβη γενέσθαι καιρούς. Εἰ δέ σοι φίλον ὀνόματα διαφόρων λαμβάνειν αἱρέσεων, τῷ ἐπιγραφομένῳ ᾿Αγκυρωτῷ βιβλίῳ, ὅ συνέταξεν ὁ Κυπρίων ἐπίσκοπος Επιφάνιος, ἐντυγχάνων διδάσκου. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτων ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω. Τὰ δὲ δημόσια πράγματα ἐταράττετο, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης·
Alla mēn, oude hoi apo Eunomiou adiairetoi memenēkasin. Autos men gar Eunomios, ēdē proteron Eudoxiou tou cheirotonēsantos auton episkopon Kyzikou kechōristo, prophasin labōn, hoti ᾿Aetion ton autou didaskalon ekblēthenta ou prosedecheto. Hoi de ap᾿ autou eis diaphora dię̄rethēsan. Prōton men gar Theophronios tis Kappadokēs, hypo Eunomiǭ ta eristika paideutheis, kai pachymerōs tas Aristotelous katēgorias kai to peri hermēneias noēsas, syntaxas biblia, Peri tēs gymnasias tou nou epegrapse, prosochthisas tois heautou homothrēskois, hōs apostatēsas autōn ekbeblētai; kai parasynaxas autois, aph᾿ heautou epōnymon airesin kataleloipe ; kai en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei de, Eutychios tis ek psychrou zētēmatos echōristhē tōn Eunomianōn, kai nyn tas synaxeis kat᾿ idian poieitai. Onomazontai oun hoi men Theophroniǭ akolouthēsantes, Eunomiotheaphronianoi ; hoi de Eutychiǭ, Eunomieutychianoi. Hopoia de psychra rhēmatia esti peri hōn diapherontai, paradounai tę̄ historią ouk axion einai kekrika, hina mē eis hetera apoklinō ton logon; plēn hoti to baptisma parecharaxan. Ou gar eis tēn Triadas, all᾽ eis ton tou Christou baptizousi thanaton. Gegone de epi chronon tina kai en Makedonianois dichonoia, Eutropiou men presbyterou idią synagontos, Karteriou de mē synainountos autǭ. Isōs d᾽ an kai allai tines eien thrēskeiai, ek toutōn ginomenai en tais allais tōn poleōn Egō de en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei tas diatribas poioumenos, en hę̄ etechthēn te kai anetraphēn, ta en autę̄ genomena platyteron diēgoumai hoti tina toutōn kai autopsią historēsa, kai hoti lamprotera ta en autę̄ genomena kai axia mnēmēs kathestēke. Tauta men oun ou kata ton auton chronon, alla kata diaphorous synebē genesthai kairous. Ei de soi philon onomata diaphorōn lambanein haireseōn, tǭ epigraphomenǭ ᾿Ankyrōtǭ bibliǭ, ho synetaxen ho Kypriōn episkopos Epiphanios, entynchanōn didaskou. Peri men dē toutōn apochrōntōs eirēsthō. Ta de dēmosia pragmata etaratteto, ex aitias toiautēs;
But neither did the followers of Eunomius remain undivided. Eunomius himself had earlier separated from Eudoxius, who had ordained him bishop of Cyzicus, taking as his pretext that he would not receive his teacher Aetius, who had been expelled. His followers were divided into various groups. First, one Theophronius, a Cappadocian, trained by Eunomius in disputation, who had a rough understanding of Aristotle's Categories and On Interpretation, composed books which he entitled On the Exercise of the Mind; having offended his fellow religionists, he was expelled as one who had revolted from them; and holding rival assemblies, he left behind a sect named after himself. In Constantinople too one Eutychius separated from the Eunomians over a frigid question and now holds his assemblies apart. Those who followed Theophronius are called Eunomiotheophronians, and those who followed Eutychius, Eunomioeutychians. What frigid little phrases they differ about I have judged not worth handing down to history, so as not to turn my account aside to other matters; except that they debased baptism, for they baptize not into the Trinity but into the death of Christ. For a time there was also discord among the Macedonians, the presbyter Eutropius holding assemblies apart, and Carterius not agreeing with him. Perhaps there are other religions too that arose from these in the other cities. But I, living in Constantinople, where I was born and brought up, relate more fully what happened there, both because I saw some of it with my own eyes and because what happened there is more notable and worth remembering. These things did not happen at the same time, but at different times. If you wish to learn the names of the various heresies, read the book entitled Ancoratus, which Epiphanius, bishop of the Cypriots, composed, and learn from it. Let this be enough about these things. Now public affairs were disturbed for the following reason.
5.25PG 67:649–653
Κατὰ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη γραμματικός τις ὀνόματι ( Εὐγένιος, Ῥωμαϊκοὺς παιδεύων λόγους, ἀφεὶς τὰ παιδευτήρια, ἐν τοῖς βασιλείοις ἐστρατεύετο, καὶ ἀντιγραφεὺς τοῦ βασιλέως καθίσταται. Διὰ δὲ τὴν τύχην μετρίως οὐκ ἤνεγκεν. Ἀλλὰ συνεργὸν λαβὼν ᾿Αρβογάστην, ὃς ἐκ τῆς μικρᾶς Γαλατίας ὁρμώμενος, στρατιωτικοῦ μὲν τάγματος ἡγεμών ἐτύγχανεν ὢν, τὸν δὲ τρόπον χαλεπὸς καὶ μιαιφονώτατος, εἰς τυραννίδα ἐπέκλινε. Βουλεύουσιν οὖν ἄμφω φόνον κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ, τοὺς ἐπικοιτωνίτας Εὐνούχους ἐπεισελθόντες. Οἱ δὲ ὑποσχέσεις μειζόνων ἢ εἶχον ἀξιωμάτων δεξάμενοι, καθεύδοντα τὸν βασιλέα ἀπέπνιξαν. Εὐθὺς οὖν ὁ Εὐγένιος ἐγκρατὴς τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἐσπερίοις μέρεσι πραγμάτων γενόμενος, ἔπραττεν ὅσα εἰκὸς ἦν ὑπὸ τυράννου γίνεσθαι. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος, αὖθις ἐν φροντίσι μεγίσταις καθίστατο, δευτέρων ἀγώνων τῶν μετὰ Μάξιμον προκειμένης ὁδοῦ. τὸ εἶναι ἐλλόγιμος, πλέον τῶν ἄλλων τιμώμενος, Συγκροτήσας οὖν τὰς στρατιωτικὰς δυνάμεις, καὶ τὸν υἱὸν Ονώριον ἀναγορεύσας βασιλέα ἐν τῇ ἑαυτοῦ τρίτῃ ὑπατείᾳ καὶ Ἀβουνδαντίου, τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη μετὰ σπουδῆς ἐπορεύετο, καταλιπὼν ν ἀμφοτέρους υἱοὺς ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει βασιλεύοντας. ᾿Απιόντι δὲ αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τὸν κατὰ Εὐγενίου πόλεμον, πλεῖστοι τῶν πέραν τοῦ Ἴστρου βαρβάρων ἐπηκολούθουν, συμμαχεῖν κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου προαιρούμενοι. Οὐ πολλοῦ δὲ διαγενομένου χρόνου, τὰς Γαλλίας κατέλαβε σὺν δυνάμει πολλῇ. Ἐκεῖ γὰρ ηὐτρεπίζετο ἔχων καὶ αὐτὸς στρα· τοῦ μυριάδας πολλάς. Γίνεται οὖν συμβολὴ περὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τὸν καλούμενον Φρίγδον, ὃς ἀπέχει καθ᾿ ὅ μὲν οὖν μέρος Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς Ῥωμαίους συν– επλέκοντο, ἰσόπαλος ἦν ἡ μάχη· καθ' ὁ δὲ οἱ συμμαχοῦντες τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ βάρβαροι, κατ' ἐκεῖνο οἱ Εὐγενίου μᾶλλον ἐπεκράτουν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁρῶν τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀπολλυμένους, ἐν μεγίστῳ ἀγῶνι γενόμενος, χαμαὶ ῥίψας ἑαυτὸν, βοηθὸν ἐκάλει Θεὸν, καὶ τῆς αἰτήσεως οὐχ ἡστόχησεν. Βαχούριος γὰρ ὁ στρατηλάτης αὐτοῦ τοσοῦτον ἐπεῤῥώσθη, ὥστε σὺν τοῖς πρωταγωνισταῖς εἰσδραμεῖν, ὃ μέρος οἱ βάρβαροι ἐδιώχοντο" καὶ διαῤῥήσσει μὲν τὰς φάλαγγας " τρέπει δὲ εἰς φυγὴν τοὺς πρὸ βραχέως διώἙἘπιγίνεται δὲ ἄλλο θαύματος ἄξιον. Άλνεμος γὰρ σφοδρὸς ἐπιπνεύτας τὰ πεμπόμενα βέλη παρὰ τῶν Εὐγενίου χατ᾽ αὐτῶν περιέτρεπεν " οὗ μὴν ἀλλὰ τῶν ἀντιπάλων μετὰ σφοδροτέρας τῆς ὁρμῆς ἔφερε αὐτῶν " τοσοῦτον ἴσχυσεν ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως εὐχή. Τοῦτον δὴ τὸν τρόπον γενομένης τῆς τοῦ πολέμου τροπῆς, ὁ τύραννος προσδοαμὼν τοῖς τοῦ βασιλέως ποσὶν, ἐδέετο σιυτηρίας τυχεῖν. ᾿Αλλὰ πρὸς τοῖς ποσὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπετμήθη. Ταῦτα πέπρακται τῇ ἔκτῃ τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου μηνὸ:, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ ᾿Αρκαδίου τὸ τρίτον, ᾿θνωρίου τὸ δεύτερον. ᾿Αρθογάστης δὲ ὁ τῶν τηλικούτων κακῶν αἴτιος, μετὰ δύο τῆς συμἡμέρας φεύγων, ὡς ἔγνω οὐχ εἶναι αὐτῷ β:ώσιμα, τῷ οἰχείω ξίφει ἑαυτὸν διεχρήσατο.
Kata ta hesperia merē grammatikos tis onomati ( Eugenios, Rhōmaïkous paideuōn logous, apheis ta paideutēria, en tois basileiois estrateueto, kai antigrapheus tou basileōs kathistatai. Dia de tēn tychēn metriōs ouk ēnenken. Alla synergon labōn ᾿Arbogastēn, hos ek tēs mikras Galatias hormōmenos, stratiōtikou men tagmatos hēgemōn etynchanen ōn, ton de tropon chalepos kai miaiphonōtatos, eis tyrannida epekline. Bouleuousin oun amphō phonon kata tou basileōs Oualentinianou, tous epikoitōnitas Eunouchous epeiselthontes. Hoi de hyposcheseis meizonōn ē eichon axiōmatōn dexamenoi, katheudonta ton basilea apepnixan. Euthys oun ho Eugenios enkratēs tōn en tois esperiois meresi pragmatōn genomenos, epratten hosa eikos ēn hypo tyrannou ginesthai. Tauta akousas ho basileus Theodosios, authis en phrontisi megistais kathistato, deuterōn agōnōn tōn meta Maximon prokeimenēs hodou. to einai ellogimos, pleon tōn allōn timōmenos, Synkrotēsas oun tas stratiōtikas dynameis, kai ton huion Onōrion anagoreusas basilea en tę̄ heautou tritę̄ hypateią kai Aboundantiou, tę̄ dekatę̄ tou Iannouariou mēnos, authis epi ta hesperia merē meta spoudēs eporeueto, katalipōn n amphoterous huious en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei basileuontas. ᾿Apionti de autǭ epi ton kata Eugeniou polemon, pleistoi tōn peran tou Istrou barbarōn epēkolouthoun, symmachein kata tou tyrannou proairoumenoi. Ou pollou de diagenomenou chronou, tas Gallias katelabe syn dynamei pollę̄. Ekei gar ēutrepizeto echōn kai autos stra; tou myriadas pollas. Ginetai oun symbolē peri ton potamon ton kaloumenon Phrigdon, hos apechei kath᾿ ho men oun meros Rhōmaioi pros Rhōmaious syn– eplekonto, isopalos ēn hē machē; kath' ho de hoi symmachountes tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ barbaroi, kat' ekeino hoi Eugeniou mallon epekratoun. Ho de basileus horōn tous barbarous apollymenous, en megistǭ agōni genomenos, chamai rhipsas heauton, boēthon ekalei Theon, kai tēs aitēseōs ouch hēstochēsen. Bachourios gar ho stratēlatēs autou tosouton eperrhōsthē, hōste syn tois prōtagōnistais eisdramein, ho meros hoi barbaroi ediōchonto" kai diarrhēssei men tas phalangas " trepei de eis phygēn tous pro bracheōs diōEEpiginetai de allo thaumatos axion. Alnemos gar sphodros epipneutas ta pempomena belē para tōn Eugeniou chat᾽ autōn perietrepen " hou mēn alla tōn antipalōn meta sphodroteras tēs hormēs ephere autōn " tosouton ischysen hē tou basileōs euchē. Touton dē ton tropon genomenēs tēs tou polemou tropēs, ho tyrannos prosdoamōn tois tou basileōs posin, edeeto siytērias tychein. ᾿Alla pros tois posi tois autou hypo tōn stratiōtōn tēn kephalēn apetmēthē. Tauta pepraktai tę̄ ektę̄ tou Septembriou mēno:, en hypateią ᾿Arkadiou to triton, ᾿thnōriou to deuteron. ᾿Arthogastēs de ho tōn tēlikoutōn kakōn aitios, meta dyo tēs symēmeras pheugōn, hōs egnō ouch einai autǭ b:ōsima, tǭ oicheiō xiphei heauton diechrēsato.
In the western parts a grammarian named Eugenius, who taught Latin letters, left the schools and took service in the palace, and was made the emperor's secretary; and because he was learned he was honoured more than the others. But he did not bear his good fortune with moderation. Taking as his accomplice Arbogast, who came from Lesser Galatia and was commander of a military unit, a harsh and most bloodthirsty man, he inclined to usurpation. So the two plotted the murder of the emperor Valentinian, winning over the eunuchs of the bedchamber; and these, receiving promises of higher ranks than they had, strangled the emperor in his sleep. At once Eugenius, having become master of affairs in the western parts, did all that might be expected of a usurper. When the emperor Theodosius heard this, he was again in the greatest anxiety, a second contest after that with Maximus lying ahead of him. Having gathered the military forces and proclaimed his son Honorius emperor, in his own third consulship and that of Abundantius, on the tenth of January, he again set out in haste for the western parts, leaving both his sons as emperors in Constantinople. As he went to the war against Eugenius, very many of the barbarians beyond the Danube followed him, choosing to fight as his allies against the usurper. Not much time later he reached Gaul with a great force; for there the usurper too was making ready, having many tens of thousands of soldiers. A battle took place near the river called Frigidus, which is … distant. Where Romans were engaged with Romans, the battle was equal; but where the barbarian allies of the emperor Theodosius fought, there Eugenius's men had the upper hand. The emperor, seeing the barbarians perishing, in the greatest distress threw himself on the ground and called on God for help; and he did not fail in his request. For his general Bacurius was so strengthened that with the foremost fighters he rushed into the part where the barbarians were being pursued, broke through the ranks, and put to flight those who a little before were pursuing. Another thing worthy of wonder also happened. A violent wind blew and turned back upon them the missiles sent by Eugenius's men, and moreover carried those of their opponents against them with greater force; so strong was the emperor's prayer. When the battle had turned in this way, the usurper ran to the emperor's feet and begged to be spared; but at his very feet his head was cut off by the soldiers. This was done on the sixth of September, in the consulship of Arcadius for the third time and Honorius for the second. Arbogast, the cause of such great evils, fleeing two days after the battle, when he knew there was no way for him to live, killed himself with his own sword.
5.26PG 67:653
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος τοῦ πολεμιχοῦ μόχθου κακῶς διετέθη τὸ σῶμα. Ιροσδηοχῆσας δὲ τῆς ἐπιγενομένης ἀῤῥωστίας τέλος ἔχειν αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς ζωῆς, μείζονα τῆς τελευτῆς περὶ τῶν δημοσίων πραγμάτων εἶχε φροντίδα, λογιζόμενος ὅσα καταλαμβάνει κακὰ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους, βασιλέως τελευτήσαντος. Μεταπέμπεται οὖν ἧ τάχος τὸν υἱὺν ᾿Ονώριον τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, καταστῆσαι τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη βουλόμενος. Φθάσαντος δὲ τοῦ υἱοῦ ἐν τῇ Μεδιολάνῳ, ἀνεῤῥώσθη τῆς νόσου, ἱπποῦρομίας τε ἐπινιχίους ἐπιτελεῖ. Καὶ πρὸ ἀρίστου μὲν ἔῤῥωτο, τὰς ἱπποδρομίας θεώμενος " μετὰ δὲ τὸν ἄριστον ἐξαίφνης διετέθη κακῶς. Καὶ εἰς μὲν τὴν θέαν προελθεῖν οὐχ ἴσχυσεν" τὸν δὲ υἱὸν τὴν ἱπποδρομίαν ἐπιτελέσαι χελεύσα:, νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατεία ᾿θλυθρίου δὲ τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνός 2. Τοῦτο , , δὲ ἣν πρῶτον ἕτος τῆς διακοστῆς ἐννενηχοστῆς τετάρτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, "Ἔζησε δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος ἔτη ἑξήκοντα· ἐβασίλευσε δὲ ἔτη ις΄. Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν δεκαὲξ, μηνῶν ὀκτώ.
Ho de basileus Theodosios tou polemichou mochthou kakōs dietethē to sōma. Irosdēochēsas de tēs epigenomenēs arrhōstias telos echein autǭ ta tēs zōēs, meizona tēs teleutēs peri tōn dēmosiōn pragmatōn eiche phrontida, logizomenos hosa katalambanei kaka tous anthrōpous, basileōs teleutēsantos. Metapempetai oun hē tachos ton huiyn ᾿Onōrion tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, katastēsai ta hesperia merē boulomenos. Phthasantos de tou huiou en tę̄ Mediolanǭ, anerrhōsthē tēs nosou, hippouromias te epinichious epitelei. Kai pro aristou men errhōto, tas hippodromias theōmenos " meta de ton ariston exaiphnēs dietethē kakōs. Kai eis men tēn thean proelthein ouch ischysen" ton de huion tēn hippodromian epitelesai cheleusa:, nyktos epigenomenēs eteleutēsen, en hypateia ᾿thlythriou de tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Iannouariou mēnos 2. Touto , , de hēn prōton hetos tēs diakostēs ennenēchostēs tetartēs Olympiados, "Ezēse de ho basileus Theodosios etē hexēkonta; ebasileuse de etē is΄. Periechei hē biblos chronon etōn dekaex, mēnōn oktō.
The emperor Theodosius's body was badly affected by the toil of the war. Expecting that the illness that came upon him would be the end of his life, he cared more about public affairs than about his death, reckoning how many evils befall people when an emperor dies. So he sent in haste for his son Honorius from Constantinople, wishing to settle the western parts. When his son reached Milan, he recovered from his illness and held horse races in celebration of the victory. Before the midday meal he was well, watching the races; but after the meal he suddenly fell ill. He could not go out to the spectacle, but ordered his son to finish the races, and when night came on he died, in the consulship of Olybrius and Probinus, on the seventeenth of January. This was the first year of the two hundred and ninety-fourth Olympiad. The emperor Theodosius lived sixty years and reigned sixteen. The book covers a period of sixteen years and eight months.
Chapter 6
6.0PG 67:657–659
Τὸ μὲν ἐπίταγμά σου, ὦ ἱερὲ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἄνθρωπε Θεόδωρε, ἐν πέντε τοῖς προλαβοῦσι βιβλίοις διεπονησάμεθα, ὡς οἷόν τε τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου χρόνων ἐκκλησιαστικὴν ἱστορίαν συγγράψαντες. Ἴσθι δὲ ἡμᾶς μὴ ἐσπουδακέναι περὶ τὴν φράσιν, ἐννοήσαντας ὡς εἰ σπουδάσαιμεν καλλιλεξία χρήσασθαι, ἴσως μὲν καὶ ἀποπεσούμεθα τοῦ σκοποῦ. Εἰ δὲ καὶ ἐπιτευξόμεθα, οὐ τοιαῦτα πάντως δυνησόμεθα γράφειν, οἷα τοῖς παλαιοῖς συγγραφεῦσιν εἴρηται, δι' ὧν αὔξειν τε καὶ χείρονα ποιεῖν νομίζοιτο ἄν τις τὰ πράγματα. Ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ οὐδαμῶς οἰκοδομήσει τοὺς πολλοὺς καὶ ἰδιώτας ὁ λόγος, οἳ τὰ πράγματα βούλονται μόνον εἰδέναι, οὐ τὴν λέξιν ὡς καλῶς συγκειμένην θαυμάσαι, Ἵνα οὖν μὴ ἀμφοτέροις ἀνόνητος ἡ πραγματεία γένηται, τοῖς μὲν εὐπαιδεύτοις, ὅτι μὴ ἀξία τῇ παλαιᾷ φράσει συγκρίνεσθαι, τοῖς δὲ ἰδιώταις, ὅτι μὴ δύνανται ἐφικέσθαι τῶν πραγμάτων, καλυπτομένων ὑπὸ τῆς κομψείας τοῦ λόγου · τὴν σαφεστέραν μὲν δοκοῦσαν, ταπεινοτέραν δὲ φράσιν ἐπετηδεύσαμεν. ᾿Αρχόμενοι δὲ ὅμως τοῦ ἕκτου βιβλίου, ἐκεῖνο προλέγομεν, ὅτι τῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἡμετέρας ἡλικίας γε νομένων ἀπτόμενοι, δεδοίκαμεν ἤδη, μὴ οὐκ ἀρέσκοντα τοῖς πολλοῖς δόξωμεν γράφειν· ἢ ὅτι, κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν, τὸ ἀληθές ἐστι πικρὸν, ὅτι μὴ σὺν ἐγκωμίῳ τὰ ὀνόματα ὧν φιλοῦσι παραλαμβάνομεν· ἢ ὅτι μὴ τὰς πράξεις αὐτῶν μεγαλύνομεν. Καὶ οἱ μὲν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ζηλωταὶ καταγνώσονται, ὅτι μὴ τοὺς ἐπισκόπους λέγομεν θεοφιλεστάτους ἢ ἁγιωτάτους, ἢ τὰ τοιαῦτα· ἄλλοι δὲ καὶ φιλοπραγμονήσουσιν ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε, ὅτι μὴ τοὺς βασιλεῖς θειοτάτους καὶ δεσπότας, καὶ ὅσα χρηματίζειν εἰώθασιν, ὀνομάζομεν. Ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ ἐκ τῶν τοῖς παλαιοῖς γεγραμμένων παραστήσειν ἔχων, καὶ δεικνύναι δυνάμενος, ὡς ὁ δοῦλος παρ' αὐτοῖς ἐξ ὀνόματος εἴωθε τὸν δεσπότην καλεῖν, διὰ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων χρείαν, παρ᾿ οὐδὲν τὸ ἀξίωμα θέμενος, καὶ τῇ τῶν νόμων ἱστορίᾳ πειθόμενος, οἱ τὴν τῶν πραγμάτων ἀπαιτοῦσι διήγησιν καθαρὰν καὶ ἀληθῆ, καὶ παντὸς ἀπηλλαγμένην ἐπικαλύμματος, ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν βαδιοῦμαι λοιπὸν τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ἅ τε αὐτὸς ἐθεασάμην συγγράφων, ἅ τε παρὰ τῶν ἑωρακότων ἠδυνήθημεν μαθεῖν, δοκιμάζων τἀληθὲς ἐκ τοῦ μὴ παραλλάττειν κατὰ τὴν ἀπαγγελίαν τοὺς διηγουμένους αὐτά. Ἐπιπόνως δέ μοι τὸ ἀληθὲς ἐγνωρίζετο, πολλῶν τε καὶ διαφόρων ἀπαγγελλόντων, καὶ τῶν μὲν παρεῖναι λεγόντων τοῖς πράγμασι, τῶν δὲ πάντων μᾶλλον ἀξιούντων εἰδέναι.
To men epitagma sou, ō hiere tou Theou anthrōpe Theodōre, en pente tois prolabousi bibliois dieponēsametha, hōs hoion te tēn apo tōn Kōnstantinou chronōn ekklēsiastikēn historian syngrapsantes. Isthi de hēmas mē espoudakenai peri tēn phrasin, ennoēsantas hōs ei spoudasaimen kallilexia chrēsasthai, isōs men kai apopesoumetha tou skopou. Ei de kai epiteuxometha, ou toiauta pantōs dynēsometha graphein, hoia tois palaiois syngrapheusin eirētai, di' hōn auxein te kai cheirona poiein nomizoito an tis ta pragmata. Epeita de kai oudamōs oikodomēsei tous pollous kai idiōtas ho logos, hoi ta pragmata boulontai monon eidenai, ou tēn lexin hōs kalōs synkeimenēn thaumasai, Hina oun mē amphoterois anonētos hē pragmateia genētai, tois men eupaideutois, hoti mē axia tę̄ palaią phrasei synkrinesthai, tois de idiōtais, hoti mē dynantai ephikesthai tōn pragmatōn, kalyptomenōn hypo tēs kompseias tou logou ; tēn saphesteran men dokousan, tapeinoteran de phrasin epetēdeusamen. ᾿Archomenoi de homōs tou hektou bibliou, ekeino prolegomen, hoti tōn epi tēs hēmeteras hēlikias ge nomenōn aptomenoi, dedoikamen ēdē, mē ouk areskonta tois pollois doxōmen graphein; ē hoti, kata tēn paroimian, to alēthes esti pikron, hoti mē syn enkōmiǭ ta onomata hōn philousi paralambanomen; ē hoti mē tas praxeis autōn megalynomen. Kai hoi men tōn ekklēsiōn zēlōtai katagnōsontai, hoti mē tous episkopous legomen theophilestatous ē hagiōtatous, ē ta toiauta; alloi de kai philopragmonēsousin esth᾽ hote, hoti mē tous basileis theiotatous kai despotas, kai hosa chrēmatizein eiōthasin, onomazomen. Egō de kai ek tōn tois palaiois gegrammenōn parastēsein echōn, kai deiknynai dynamenos, hōs ho doulos par' autois ex onomatos eiōthe ton despotēn kalein, dia tēn tōn pragmatōn chreian, par᾿ ouden to axiōma themenos, kai tę̄ tōn nomōn historią peithomenos, hoi tēn tōn pragmatōn apaitousi diēgēsin katharan kai alēthē, kai pantos apēllagmenēn epikalymmatos, ep᾿ autēn badioumai loipon tēn exēgēsin, ha te autos etheasamēn syngraphōn, ha te para tōn heōrakotōn ēdynēthēmen mathein, dokimazōn talēthes ek tou mē parallattein kata tēn apangelian tous diēgoumenous auta. Epiponōs de moi to alēthes egnōrizeto, pollōn te kai diaphorōn apangellontōn, kai tōn men pareinai legontōn tois pragmasi, tōn de pantōn mallon axiountōn eidenai.
Your command, Theodore, holy man of God, we have carried out in the five preceding books, writing as well as we could the history of the church from the times of Constantine. Know that we have not taken pains over the style, reflecting that if we tried to use fine language we might perhaps miss our aim; and even if we achieved it, we could certainly not write such things as were said by the ancient historians, by whose means one might be thought to magnify or diminish the facts. Besides, such writing would in no way edify the many and the unlearned, who want only to know the facts, not to admire the diction as finely composed. So, that the work may not be useless to both, to the well-educated because it is not worthy to be compared with the ancient style, and to the unlearned because they cannot reach the facts when they are covered by elegance of speech, we have cultivated a style that seems clearer, though plainer. Beginning the sixth book, however, we say this first: in touching on events of our own lifetime, we are already afraid that we may seem to write what does not please the many; either because, as the proverb says, the truth is bitter, or because we do not take up the names of those they love with praise, or because we do not magnify their deeds. The zealots of the churches will condemn us for not calling the bishops 'most dear to God' or 'most holy' or the like; others will even find fault sometimes because we do not call the emperors 'most divine' and 'lords' and the other titles they are accustomed to bear. But I, being able to show from what was written by the ancients that among them a slave would call his master by name because of the needs of the matter, setting no store by rank, and obeying the laws of history, which demand that the narrative of events be pure and true and free from every disguise, shall now proceed to the account itself, writing both what I saw myself and what we have been able to learn from those who saw it, testing the truth by whether those who told it did not vary in their report. The truth was learned by me with labour, since many people reported things differently, some saying they were present at the events, others claiming to know them better than anyone.
6.1PG 67:659–661
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου τελευτήσαντος, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ὀλυβρίου καὶ Προβίνου, τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἰαννουαρίου μηνὸς, οἱ αὐτοῦ υἱοὶ τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν διαδέχονται. Καὶ ᾿Αρκάδιος μὲν τῶν ἑῴων, Ονώριος δὲ τῶν ἑσπερίων · εἶχε τὸ κράτος. Τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν δὲ κατὰ τούσδε τοὺς χρόνους προειστήκεισαν, ἐν μὲν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ Ῥώμῃ Δάμασος· ἐν δὲ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ Θεόφιλος. Τῶν δὲ περὶ τὰ Ἱεροσό λυμα Ἰωάννης ἐκράτει. Φλαβιανὸς δὲ τὴν ᾿Αντιοχέων εἶχε. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν νέαν Ῥώμην Κωνσταντινούπολιν Νεκτάριος εἶχε τὸν θρόνον, καθὰ καὶ ἐν τῷ προλαβόντι βιβλίῳ ἡμῖν ἱστόρηται. Περὶ δὲ τὴν ὀγδόην τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνὸς, ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ὑπατείᾳ, τὸ σῶμα Θεοδοσίου κομισθὲν, τῇ νενομισμένῃ κηδείᾳ ὁ υἱὸς ἐτίμα ᾿Αρκάδιος. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ μεταταῦτα, τῇ εἰκάδι ἑβδόμῃ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς παρῆν, ὁ ἅμα τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου στρατεύσας. Ὡς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αρκάδιος κατὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς πρὸ τῶν πυλῶν ἀπήντησε τῷ στρατῷ, τηνικαῦτα καὶ οἱ στρατιῶται Ῥουφῖνον τὸν ὕπαρχον τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπέκτειναν. Ὑπωπτεύετο γὰρ εἰς τυραννίδα ὁ Ῥουφῖνος, καὶ δόξαν εἶχεν, ὡς αὐτὸς εἴη τοὺς Ούννους τὸ βάρβαρον ἔθνος ἐπικαλεσάμενος εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων χώραν. Καὶ γὰρ ἦσαν κατ' ἐκεῖνο τοῦ καιροῦ ᾿Αρμενίαν τε καί τινα μέρη τῆς ἑῴας κατατρέχοντες. Καθ᾽ ἣν μὲν οὖν ἡμέραν ὁ Ῥουφῖνος ἀνήρητο, κατ᾿ αὐτὴν καὶ ὁ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος Μαρκιανὸς ἐτελεύτησε· καὶ διαδέχεται τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν Σισίννιος, οὗ καὶ ἀνωτέρω ἐμνημονεύσαμεν.
Tou dē basileōs Theodosiou teleutēsantos, en hypateią Olybriou kai Probinou, tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Iannouariou mēnos, hoi autou huioi tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn diadechontai. Kai ᾿Arkadios men tōn heǭōn, Onōrios de tōn hesperiōn ; eiche to kratos. Tōn ekklēsiōn de kata tousde tous chronous proeistēkeisan, en men tę̄ basileuousę̄ Rhōmę̄ Damasos; en de ᾿Alexandreią Theophilos. Tōn de peri ta Hieroso lyma Iōannēs ekratei. Phlabianos de tēn ᾿Antiocheōn eiche. Kata de tēn nean Rhōmēn Kōnstantinoupolin Nektarios eiche ton thronon, katha kai en tǭ prolabonti bibliǭ hēmin historētai. Peri de tēn ogdoēn tou Noembriou mēnos, en tę̄ autę̄ hypateią, to sōma Theodosiou komisthen, tę̄ nenomismenę̄ kēdeią ho huios etima ᾿Arkadios. Ouk eis makran de metatauta, tę̄ eikadi hebdomę̄ tou autou mēnos, kai ho stratos parēn, ho hama tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ kata tou tyrannou strateusas. Hōs oun ho basileus ᾿Arkadios kata to eiōthos pro tōn pylōn apēntēse tǭ stratǭ, tēnikauta kai hoi stratiōtai Rhouphinon ton hyparchon tou basileōs apekteinan. Hypōpteueto gar eis tyrannida ho Rhouphinos, kai doxan eichen, hōs autos eiē tous Ounnous to barbaron ethnos epikalesamenos eis tēn Rhōmaiōn chōran. Kai gar ēsan kat' ekeino tou kairou ᾿Armenian te kai tina merē tēs heǭas katatrechontes. Kath᾽ hēn men oun hēmeran ho Rhouphinos anērēto, kat᾿ autēn kai ho tōn Nauatianōn episkopos Markianos eteleutēse; kai diadechetai tēn episkopēn Sisinnios, hou kai anōterō emnēmoneusamen.
When the emperor Theodosius died, in the consulship of Olybrius and Probinus, on the seventeenth of January, his sons succeeded to the Roman empire: Arcadius held power over the East and Honorius over the West. At this time the churches were headed, in imperial Rome by Damasus, in Alexandria by Theophilus; John held those about Jerusalem, and Flavian had that of the Antiochenes. In New Rome, Constantinople, Nectarius had the throne, as has been recorded by us in the preceding book. About the eighth of November, in the same consulship, the body of Theodosius was brought, and his son Arcadius honoured it with the customary funeral. Not long after, on the twenty-seventh of the same month, the army too arrived which had campaigned with the emperor Theodosius against the usurper. When the emperor Arcadius, according to custom, met the army before the gates, the soldiers then killed Rufinus, the emperor's prefect. For Rufinus was suspected of aiming at the throne and had the reputation of having himself called the Huns, the barbarian nation, into the land of the Romans; for at that time they were overrunning Armenia and some parts of the East. On the very day on which Rufinus was killed, Marcian, the bishop of the Novatians, died too; and Sisinnius, whom we mentioned above, succeeded to the episcopate.
6.2PG 67:661–663
Ὀλίγου δὲ διελθόντος χρόνου, καὶ Νεκτάριος ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐπίσκοπος ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Καισαρείου καὶ Ἀττικοῦ, περὶ τὴν εἰκάδα ἑβδόμην τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου μηνός. Εὐθὺς οὖν σπουδὴ περὶ χειροτονίας ἐπισκόπου ἐγίνετο. Καὶ ἄλλων ἄλλον ἐπιζητούντων, περί τε τούτου πολλάκις προτεθείσης βουλῆς, τέλος ἐδόκει ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας μεταπέμπεσθαι Ἰωάννην τὸν τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας πρεσβύτερον. Φήμη γὰρ ἐκράτει περὶ αὐτοῦ, ὡς εἴη διδακτικὸς ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ ἐλλόγιμος. Ὀλίγου οὖν διαδράσαντος χρόνου, ψηφίσματι κοινῷ ὁμοῦ πάντων, κλήρου τέ φημι καὶ λαοῦ, ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν ᾿Αρκάδιος μεταπέμπεται. Διὰ δὲ τὸ ἀξιόπιστον τῆς χειροτονίας παρἦσαν ἐκ βασιλικοῦ προστάγματος πολλοί τε καὶ ἄλλοι ἐπίσκοποι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας Θεόφιλος 4, τῶν βασιλέων ὕπαρχος. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκφανὴς ὁ ἀνὴρ, ὅστις σπουδὴν ἐτίθετο, διασύραι μὲν τὴν Ἰωάννου δόξαν, Ἰσίδωρον δὲ ὑπ' αὐτῷ πρεσβύτερον πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίσασθαι, ὂν πάνυ ἡγάπα, ὅτι ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ποτε κινδυνῶδες ἐπίταγμα ἀνεδέξατο. Τί δὲ τοῦτό ἐστι, λεκτέον. Ἡνίκα ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος πρὸς τὸν τύραννον ἠγωνίζετο Μάξιμον, Θεόφιλος διὰ Ἰσιδώρου ξένια πέμπων βασιλεῖ, δισσὰς αὐτῷ ἐπιστολὰς ἐνεχείρισεν, ἐντειλάμενος προσενεγκεῖν τῷ νικήσαντι καὶ τὰ δῶρα καὶ τὰ γράμματα. Τούτοις διακονούμενος Ἰσίδωρος, καταλαβὼν τὴν Ῥώμην, τῇ νίκῃ ἐφέδρευεν. ᾿Αλλ' οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν τὸ γινόμενον ἔλαθεν, ἀναγνώστου τοῦ συνόντος αὐτῷ τὰς ἐπιστολὰς ἐπικλέψαντος. Οὗ ἕνεκεν ὁ Ἰσίδωρος ἐν φόβῳ γενόμε νος, ὡς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἔφευγεν. Αὕτη πρόφασις ἦν Θεοφίλῳ τῆς ὑπὲρ Ἰσιδώρου σπουδῆς. Οἱ μέντοι κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια τὸν Ἰωάννην προέκριναν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ κατηγορίας κατὰ Θεοφίλου πολλοὶ ἀνεκίνουν, βιβλία τε κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ ἄλλος δι' ἄλλην αἰτίαν τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπισκόποις ἐδίδοσαν, ὁ προεστὼς τοῦ βασιλικοῦ κοιτῶνος Εὐτρόπιος, λαβὼν τὰς ἐγγράφους κατηγορίας, ἐπέδειξεν τῷ Θεοφίλῳ, εἰπὼν, ἐπιλογὴν ἔχειν, ἢ χειροτονεῖν Ἰωάννην, ἢ τὰς κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ κατηγορίας εἰς ἔλεγχον ἄγεσθαι. Ταῦτα φοβηθεὶς ὁ Θεόφιλος τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐχειροτόνησε. Χειροτονηθεὶς οὖν πρὸς τὴν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἱερωσύνην, ἐνθρονίζεται τῇ εἰκάδι ἔκτῃ τοῦ Φεβρουαρίου μηνὸς ὑπατείᾳ τῇ ἑξῆς, ᾗ ἐπετέλουν, ἐν μὲν τῇ Ῥώμῃ ὁ βασιλεὺς Ὀνώριος, ἐν δὲ τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει Εὐτυχιανὸς, ὁ τότε ἐξ ὧν τε κατέλειπε λόγων, καὶ ἐξ ὧν πολλοῖς δεινοῖς περιέπεσεν, ἄξιον ἡγοῦμαι μὴ σιγῆσαι τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν, ἀλλ' ὡς οἷόν τε τὰ διὰ μακροτέρων λεχθησόμενα συστείλαι, εἰπεῖν τε ὅθεν ἦν, καὶ ἐκ τίνων, καὶ ὅπως ἐπὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἐκλήθη· ὅπως τε ἀφῃρέθη αὐτῆς, καὶ ὡς μετὰ θάνατον ἐτιμήθη μᾶλλον ἢ περιών.
Oligou de dielthontos chronou, kai Nektarios ho tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs episkopos eteleutēsen, en hypateią Kaisareiou kai Attikou, peri tēn eikada hebdomēn tou Septembriou mēnos. Euthys oun spoudē peri cheirotonias episkopou egineto. Kai allōn allon epizētountōn, peri te toutou pollakis protetheisēs boulēs, telos edokei ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias metapempesthai Iōannēn ton tēs ᾿Antiocheias presbyteron. Phēmē gar ekratei peri autou, hōs eiē didaktikos en tautǭ kai ellogimos. Oligou oun diadrasantos chronou, psēphismati koinǭ homou pantōn, klērou te phēmi kai laou, ho basileus auton ᾿Arkadios metapempetai. Dia de to axiopiston tēs cheirotonias parēsan ek basilikou prostagmatos polloi te kai alloi episkopoi, kai dē kai ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias Theophilos 4, tōn basileōn hyparchos. Epei de ekphanēs ho anēr, hostis spoudēn etitheto, diasyrai men tēn Iōannou doxan, Isidōron de hyp' autǭ presbyteron pros tēn episkopēn procheirisasthai, on pany hēgapa, hoti hyper autou pote kindynōdes epitagma anedexato. Ti de touto esti, lekteon. Hēnika ho basileus Theodosios pros ton tyrannon ēgōnizeto Maximon, Theophilos dia Isidōrou xenia pempōn basilei, dissas autǭ epistolas enecheirisen, enteilamenos prosenenkein tǭ nikēsanti kai ta dōra kai ta grammata. Toutois diakonoumenos Isidōros, katalabōn tēn Rhōmēn, tę̄ nikę̄ ephedreuen. ᾿All' ouk eis makran to ginomenon elathen, anagnōstou tou synontos autǭ tas epistolas epiklepsantos. Hou heneken ho Isidōros en phobǭ genome nos, hōs eichen, epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian epheugen. Hautē prophasis ēn Theophilǭ tēs hyper Isidōrou spoudēs. Hoi mentoi kata ta basileia ton Iōannēn proekrinan. Epeidē de katēgorias kata Theophilou polloi anekinoun, biblia te kat᾿ autou allos di' allēn aitian tois parousin episkopois edidosan, ho proestōs tou basilikou koitōnos Eutropios, labōn tas engraphous katēgorias, epedeixen tǭ Theophilǭ, eipōn, epilogēn echein, ē cheirotonein Iōannēn, ē tas kat᾿ autou katēgorias eis elenchon agesthai. Tauta phobētheis ho Theophilos ton Iōannēn echeirotonēse. Cheirotonētheis oun pros tēn tēs episkopēs hierōsynēn, enthronizetai tę̄ eikadi ektę̄ tou Phebrouariou mēnos hypateią tę̄ hexēs, hę̄ epeteloun, en men tę̄ Rhōmę̄ ho basileus Onōrios, en de tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei Eutychianos, ho tote ex hōn te kateleipe logōn, kai ex hōn pollois deinois periepesen, axion hēgoumai mē sigēsai ta kat᾿ auton, all' hōs hoion te ta dia makroterōn lechthēsomena systeilai, eipein te hothen ēn, kai ek tinōn, kai hopōs epi tēn hierōsynēn eklēthē; hopōs te aphę̄rethē autēs, kai hōs meta thanaton etimēthē mallon ē periōn.
After a short time Nectarius too, bishop of Constantinople, died, in the consulship of Caesarius and Atticus, about the twenty-seventh of September. At once there was eager concern about ordaining a bishop. Different people sought different men, and after the question had often been debated, it was finally decided to send to Antioch for John, the presbyter of Antioch; for the report about him prevailed that he was both a gifted teacher and eloquent. So after a short time, by the common decree of all together, I mean clergy and people, the emperor Arcadius sent for him. To give the ordination credibility, many other bishops were present by imperial order, and among them Theophilus of Alexandria, who was eager to disparage John's reputation and to advance to the bishopric Isidore, a presbyter under him, whom he loved greatly because Isidore had once undertaken a dangerous commission on his behalf. What this was must be told. When the emperor Theodosius was fighting the usurper Maximus, Theophilus, sending gifts to the emperor through Isidore, entrusted him with two letters and instructed him to present both the gifts and the letter to the victor. Serving in this, Isidore went to Rome and waited for the victory. But what was being done did not remain hidden long, since a reader who was with him stole the letters. On this account Isidore, in fear, fled at once to Alexandria. This was the reason for Theophilus's zeal for Isidore. Those at the palace, however, preferred John. Since many were raising accusations against Theophilus, and different people for different reasons were handing in documents against him to the bishops present, Eutropius, the head of the imperial bedchamber, took the written accusations and showed them to Theophilus, saying that he had a choice: either to ordain John or to have the accusations against him brought to trial. Theophilus, fearing this, ordained John. So, ordained to the priesthood of the episcopate, he was enthroned on the twenty-sixth of February, in the next consulship, which the emperor Honorius celebrated in Rome, and in Constantinople Eutychian, then prefect of the emperors. Since the man is famous both from the writings he left and from the many terrible things that befell him, I think it right not to be silent about him, but to compress as far as possible what would take longer to tell: to say where he came from and of whom, how he was called to the priesthood, how he was deprived of it, and how after his death he was honoured more than while he lived.
6.3PG 67:665–669
Ἰωάννης ᾿Αντιοχεὺς μὲν ἣν τῆς Κοίλης Συρίας, υἱὺς δὲ Σεχούνδου καὶ μητρὸς ᾿Ανθούσης, ἐξ εὐπατριδῶν τῶν ἐκεῖ. Μαθητὴς δὲ ἐγένετο Λιβανίου τοῦ Σοφιστοῦ,͵ 'καὶ ἀχροατὴς ᾿Ανδραγαθίου τοῦ Φιλοσόρου. Μέλλων δὲ ἐπὶ διχανιχὴν ὁρμᾷν, καὶ συνιδὼν τὸν ἐν τοῖς δικαστηρίοις μοχθηρὸν ἄδικον βίον, ἐπὶ τὸν ἡσύχιον μᾶλλον ἐτρέπετο" τοῦτο ἐποίησε, ζηλώσας Εὐάγριον" ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς φοιτῶν παρὰ τοῖς αὐτοῖς διδασκάλοις, τὸν ἡσύχιον πάλαι βίον μετἤρχετο" εὐθύς τε καὶ μεταθεὶς τὸ σχῆμα βάδισμα, τοῖς ἀναγνώσμασι τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων προτεἴχε τὸν νοῦν, καὶ συνεχεῖς ἐποιεῖτο τὰς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν σπουδάς Πείθες δὲ καὶ Θεόδωρον καὶ Μάξιμον, συμφοιτητὰς; αὐτῷ ὄντα: παρὰ τῷ Σοφιστῇ Λιβανίῳ, καταλιπεῖν μὲν τὸν χρηματιστιχὸν βίον, μετιέναι δὲ τὸν λιτόν, Ὧν Θεόδωρος μὲν ὕστερον Μόψον ἑστίας τῆς ἐν Κιλικίᾳ πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος γέγῶνε, Μάξιμος δὲ Σελευκείας τῆς ἐν Ἰσαυρίᾳ Τηνικαῦτα οὖν οὗτοι σπουδαῖοι περὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν γενόμενοι, μαθητεύουσιν εἰς τὰ ἀσχητιχὰ Διοδώρῳ Καρτερίῳ, οἴτινες τότε μὲν ἀσκητηρίῳ προἴσταντο. Διόδωρος δὲ αὐτῶν ὕστερον ἐπίσκοπος Ταρσοῦ γενόμενος, πολλὰ βιβλία συνέγραψε, ψιλῷ τῷ γράμματι τῶν θείων προσέχων Γραφῶν, τὰς θεωρίας αὐτῶν ἐκτρεπόμενος. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων. Ἰωάννην δὲ ἅμα Βασιλείῳ, τῷ ποτε μὲν διακόνῳ ὑπὸ Μελετίου κατασταθέντι, μεταταῦτα δὲ γενομένῳ Καισαρείας τῆς Καππαδοκῶν ἐπισκόπῳ, τὰ πολλὰ συνδιάγοντα, Ζήνων ὁ ἐπί· σκοπος ἐκ τῶν Ἱεροσολύμων ὑποστρέφων, ἀναγνώστην τῆς ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ Ἐκκλησίας καθίστησιν. Ἐν τῇ τοῦ ἀναγνώστου οὖν τάξει καθεστὼς, τὸν κατὰ Ἰουδαίων λόγον συνέταξεν 8. Μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τῆς τοῦ διακόνου ἀξίας παρὰ Μελετίου τυχών, τοὺς περὶ ἱερωσύνης λόγους συνέταξε η, καὶ τοὺς πρὸς Σταγείριον· ἔτι μὴν καὶ τοὺς περὶ ἀκαταλήπτου, καὶ τοὺς περὶ τῶν συνεισάκτων. Μεταταῦτα δὲ Μελετίου ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τελευτήσαντος· ἐκεῖ γὰρ παραγεγόνει διὰ τὴν Γρηγορίου τοῦ Ναζιανζηνοῦ κατάστασιν· ἀναχωρήσας Ἰωάννης τῶν Μελετια - νῶν, καὶ μήτε Παυλίνῳ συγκοινωνῶν, ἐπὶ τρεῖς ὅλους ἐνιαυτοὺς ἡσύχως διῆγεν· ὕστερον δὲ, Παυλίνου τελευτήσαντος, ὑπὸ Εὐαγρίου τοῦ διαδεξαμένου Παυλίνον χειροτονεῖται πρεσβύτερος. Αὕτη μὲν ἡ Ἰωάννου πρὸ τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, ὡς συντόμως εἰπεῖν, διαγωγή. Ἧν δὲ ἄνθρωπος, ὡς φασι, διὰ ζῆλον σωφροσύνης πικρότερος, καὶ πλέον, ὡς ἔφη τις τῶν οἰκειοτάτων αὐτῷ ἐκ νέας ἡλικίας, θυμῷ μᾶλλον ἢ αἰδοῖ ἐχαρίζετο· καὶ διὰ μὲν ὀρθότητα βίου οὐκ ἀσφαλῆς πρὸς τὰ μέλλοντα, δι' ἁπλότητα δὲ εὐχερής. Ἐλευθεροστομίᾳ τε πρὸς τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας ἀμέτρως ἐκέχρητο· καὶ ἐν μὲν τῷ διδάσκειν πολὺς ἦν ὠφελῆσαι τὰ τῶν ἀκουόντων ἤθη· ἐν δὲ ταῖς συντυχίαις ἀλαζονικὸς τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσιν αὐτὸν ἐνομίζετο.
Iōannēs ᾿Antiocheus men hēn tēs Koilēs Syrias, huiys de Sechoundou kai mētros ᾿Anthousēs, ex eupatridōn tōn ekei. Mathētēs de egeneto Libaniou tou Sophistou,͵ 'kai achroatēs ᾿Andragathiou tou Philosorou. Mellōn de epi dichanichēn hormąn, kai synidōn ton en tois dikastēriois mochthēron adikon bion, epi ton hēsychion mallon etrepeto" touto epoiēse, zēlōsas Euagrion" hos kai autos phoitōn para tois autois didaskalois, ton hēsychion palai bion metērcheto" euthys te kai metatheis to schēma badisma, tois anagnōsmasi tōn hierōn grammatōn proteiche ton noun, kai synecheis epoieito tas epi tēn ekklēsian spoudas Peithes de kai Theodōron kai Maximon, symphoitētas? autǭ onta: para tǭ Sophistę̄ Libaniǭ, katalipein men ton chrēmatistichon bion, metienai de ton liton, Hōn Theodōros men hysteron Mopson hestias tēs en Kilikią poleōs episkopos gegōne, Maximos de Seleukeias tēs en Isaurią Tēnikauta oun houtoi spoudaioi peri tēn aretēn genomenoi, mathēteuousin eis ta aschēticha Diodōrǭ Karteriǭ, oitines tote men askētēriǭ proistanto. Diodōros de autōn hysteron episkopos Tarsou genomenos, polla biblia synegrapse, psilǭ tǭ grammati tōn theiōn prosechōn Graphōn, tas theōrias autōn ektrepomenos. Tauta men oun peri toutōn. Iōannēn de hama Basileiǭ, tǭ pote men diakonǭ hypo Meletiou katastathenti, metatauta de genomenǭ Kaisareias tēs Kappadokōn episkopǭ, ta polla syndiagonta, Zēnōn ho epi; skopos ek tōn Hierosolymōn hypostrephōn, anagnōstēn tēs en Antiocheią Ekklēsias kathistēsin. En tę̄ tou anagnōstou oun taxei kathestōs, ton kata Ioudaiōn logon synetaxen 8. Met' ou poly de kai tēs tou diakonou axias para Meletiou tychōn, tous peri hierōsynēs logous synetaxe ē, kai tous pros Stageirion; eti mēn kai tous peri akatalēptou, kai tous peri tōn syneisaktōn. Metatauta de Meletiou en Kōnstantinou polei teleutēsantos; ekei gar paragegonei dia tēn Grēgoriou tou Nazianzēnou katastasin; anachōrēsas Iōannēs tōn Meletia - nōn, kai mēte Paulinǭ synkoinōnōn, epi treis holous eniautous hēsychōs diēgen; hysteron de, Paulinou teleutēsantos, hypo Euagriou tou diadexamenou Paulinon cheirotoneitai presbyteros. Hautē men hē Iōannou pro tēs episkopēs, hōs syntomōs eipein, diagōgē. Hēn de anthrōpos, hōs phasi, dia zēlon sōphrosynēs pikroteros, kai pleon, hōs ephē tis tōn oikeiotatōn autǭ ek neas hēlikias, thymǭ mallon ē aidoi echarizeto; kai dia men orthotēta biou ouk asphalēs pros ta mellonta, di' haplotēta de eucherēs. Eleutherostomią te pros tous entynchanontas ametrōs ekechrēto; kai en men tǭ didaskein polys ēn ōphelēsai ta tōn akouontōn ēthē; en de tais syntychiais alazonikos tois agnoousin auton enomizeto.
John was an Antiochene of Coele-Syria, the son of Secundus and his mother Anthusa, of the nobility there. He was a pupil of Libanius the sophist and a hearer of Andragathius the philosopher. When he was about to turn to the law courts, seeing the toilsome and unjust life in the courts, he turned rather to the quiet life. He did this in emulation of Evagrius, who had himself studied with the same teachers and had long been following the quiet life. At once he changed his dress and his gait, applied his mind to reading the sacred writings, and was assiduous in going to church. He also persuaded Theodore and Maximus, who had been his fellow students under Libanius the sophist, to leave the life of gain and pursue the simple life. Of these, Theodore later became bishop of Mopsuestia, a city in Cilicia, and Maximus of Seleucia in Isauria. At that time, then, zealous for virtue, they became disciples in the ascetic life of Diodore and Carterius, who were then in charge of an ascetic house. Diodore later became bishop of Tarsus and wrote many books, attending to the bare letter of the divine Scriptures and avoiding their spiritual interpretations. So much about these. John, who was spending much of his time with Basil, who had been made a deacon by Meletius and afterwards became bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, was appointed reader of the church in Antioch by Zeno the bishop, returning from Jerusalem. While in the order of reader he composed the discourse Against the Jews. Not long after, receiving the rank of deacon from Meletius, he composed the books On the Priesthood and those To Stagirius, and also those On the Incomprehensible and those On the Women Living with Clergy. Afterwards, when Meletius had died at Constantinople, for he had gone there for the installation of Gregory of Nazianzus, John withdrew from the Meletians and, without communicating with Paulinus either, lived quietly for three whole years. Later, when Paulinus died, he was ordained presbyter by Evagrius, Paulinus's successor. Such, briefly, was John's life before his episcopate. He was, they say, a man rather harsh because of his zeal for self-control, and, as one of those most intimate with him from his youth said, he gave way to anger rather than to modesty. Because of the uprightness of his life he was not wary about the future, and because of his simplicity he was easily led. He used unbounded freedom of speech toward those he met; in teaching he was very effective in helping the characters of his hearers, but in conversation those who did not know him thought him arrogant.
6.4PG 67:669–671
Τοιοῦτος ὢν τὸ ἦθος, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προβληθεὶς, μείζονι ἢ ἐχρῆν τῇ ὀφρύϊ κατὰ τῶν ὑπηκόων ἐκέχρητο, διορθοῦν τοὺς βίους τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὐτῷ κληρικῶν, ὡς ᾤετο, προαιρούμενος. Εὐθὺς οὖν ἐν ἀρχῇ φανεὶς τοῖς τῆς ἐκκλησίας τραχὺς, ὑπ' αὐτῶν ἐμισεῖτο, πολλοί τε πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπηχθάνοντο, καὶ ὡς ὀργίλον ἐξέκλινον. Ἐνῆγε δὲ αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸ πᾶσι προσκρούειν Σαραπίων διάκονος ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ ταττόμενος. Καί ποτε παρόντων τῶν κληρικῶν, μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ πρὸς τὸν ἐπίσκοπον τοιοῦτον λόγον ἐφθέγξατο· Οὔποτε, ὦ ἐπίσκοπε, τούτων κρατῆσαι δυνήσῃ, εἰ μὴ μιᾷ ῥάβδῳ πάντας ἐλαύνοις. Τοῦτο λεχθὲν τὸ κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου μίσος ἐξήγειρεν. Ὁ δὲ ἐπίσκοπος οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν πολλοὺς τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἄλλον δι᾿ ἄλλην αἰτίαν ἐξέβαλλεν· οἱ δὲ, οἷα φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι ἐν ταῖς τοιαύταις τῶν κρατούντων ὁρμαῖς, φατρίας συνίστασαν κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ, καὶ διαβολαῖς πρὸς τὸν δῆμον ἐκέχρηντο. Εἰς πίστιν δὲ ἦγεν τοὺς ἀκούοντας τὰ λεγόμενα, τὸ μὴ βούλεσθαι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον συνεσθίειν τινί, μηδὲ καλούμενον ἐφ᾽ ἐστίαν παραγίνεσθαι· ἐξ οὗ καὶ μάλιστα ἡ μείζων ἐκράτησε διαβολὴ κατ' αὐτοῦ. Καὶ τίνι μὲν σκοπῷ συνεσθίειν οὐδενὶ προήρητο, σαφῶς οὐδεὶς ἀπαγγεῖλαι δεδύνηται. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ ἀπολογεῖσθαι βουλόμενοι ἔφασκον, ὡς εἴη ἐμπαθὴς, καὶ δυσφόρως τὰ σιτία προσφέροιτο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο μόνος ἐσθίει. "Αλλοι δὲ, ὅτι δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἄσκησιν τοῦτο ἐποίει. "Οπως δὲ ἀληθείας ἂν εἶχε τὸ γινόμενον, οὐ μικρὰ συνεβάλλετο πρὸς διαβολὴν τοῖς κατηγοροῦσιν αὐτοῦ. Ὁ μέντοι λαὸς, διὰ τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησία λεγομένους ὑπ' αὐτοῦ λόγους, σφόδρα συνεκρότει καὶ ἠγάπα τὸν ἄνθρωπον, μικρά φροντίζων τῶν κατηγορεῖν ἐπιχει ρούντων αὐτοῦ. Ὁποῖοι δὲ εἰσιν οἵ τε ἐκδοθέντες παρ᾿ αὐτοῦ λόγοι, καὶ οἱ λέγοντος αὐτοῦ ὑπὸ τῶν ὀξυγράφων ἐκληφθέντες, ὅπως τε λαμπροὶ, καὶ τὸ ἐπαγωγὸν ἔχοντες, τί δεῖ νῦν λέγειν, ἐξὸν τοῖς βουλομένοις αὐτοὺς ἀναλέγεσθαι, καὶ τὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν ὠφέλειαν καρποῦσθαι;
Toioutos ōn to ēthos, kai epi tēn episkopēn problētheis, meizoni ē echrēn tę̄ ophryï kata tōn hypēkoōn ekechrēto, diorthoun tous bious tōn hyph᾽ autǭ klērikōn, hōs ǭeto, proairoumenos. Euthys oun en archę̄ phaneis tois tēs ekklēsias trachys, hyp' autōn emiseito, polloi te pros auton apēchthanonto, kai hōs orgilon exeklinon. Enēge de auton pros to pasi proskrouein Sarapiōn diakonos hyp᾿ autǭ tattomenos. Kai pote parontōn tōn klērikōn, megalę̄ tę̄ phōnę̄ pros ton episkopon toiouton logon ephthenxato; Oupote, ō episkope, toutōn kratēsai dynēsę̄, ei mē mią rhabdǭ pantas elaunois. Touto lechthen to kata tou episkopou misos exēgeiren. Ho de episkopos ouk eis makran pollous tēs ekklēsias, allon di᾿ allēn aitian exeballen; hoi de, hoia philei ginesthai en tais toiautais tōn kratountōn hormais, phatrias synistasan kat᾿ autou, kai diabolais pros ton dēmon ekechrēnto. Eis pistin de ēgen tous akouontas ta legomena, to mē boulesthai ton episkopon synesthiein tini, mēde kaloumenon eph᾽ estian paraginesthai; ex hou kai malista hē meizōn ekratēse diabolē kat' autou. Kai tini men skopǭ synesthiein oudeni proērēto, saphōs oudeis apangeilai dedynētai. Hoi men gar hyper autou apologeisthai boulomenoi ephaskon, hōs eiē empathēs, kai dysphorōs ta sitia prospheroito, kai dia touto monos esthiei. "Alloi de, hoti di᾽ hyperballousan askēsin touto epoiei. "Opōs de alētheias an eiche to ginomenon, ou mikra syneballeto pros diabolēn tois katēgorousin autou. Ho mentoi laos, dia tous en tę̄ ekklēsia legomenous hyp' autou logous, sphodra synekrotei kai ēgapa ton anthrōpon, mikra phrontizōn tōn katēgorein epichei rountōn autou. Hopoioi de eisin hoi te ekdothentes par᾿ autou logoi, kai hoi legontos autou hypo tōn oxygraphōn eklēphthentes, hopōs te lamproi, kai to epagōgon echontes, ti dei nyn legein, exon tois boulomenois autous analegesthai, kai tēn ex autōn ōpheleian karpousthai?
Being of such a character and having been advanced to the episcopate, he treated those under him with more haughtiness than he ought, choosing, as he thought, to correct the lives of the clergy under him. So, appearing harsh to the members of the church right from the beginning, he was hated by them; many became hostile to him and avoided him as irascible. Serapion, a deacon under him, urged him on to offend everyone. Once, in the presence of the clergy, he said in a loud voice to the bishop, 'You will never be able to master these, bishop, unless you drive them all with one rod.' This saying roused hatred against the bishop. Not long after, the bishop expelled many from the church, one for one reason and another for another; and they, as usually happens in such impulses of those in power, formed factions against him and used slanders before the people. What made their hearers believe what was said was that the bishop would not eat with anyone and would not come to a meal when invited; from this above all the greater slander against him prevailed. For what purpose he had chosen to eat with no one, no one has been able to report clearly. Those who wished to defend him said that he had an ailment and digested food with difficulty, and so ate alone; others said that he did this because of his exceeding asceticism. However the truth of the matter stood, it contributed not a little to slander for his accusers. The people, however, because of the discourses he delivered in the church, warmly supported and loved the man, caring little for those who tried to accuse him. What the discourses are like, both those he published and those taken down by the shorthand writers as he spoke, how brilliant and attractive they are, why need I say now, when those who wish may read them and reap the benefit from them?
6.5PG 67:671–675
Ἕως μὲν οὖν τῷ κλήρῳ μόνῳ προσέκρουεν, ἀσθε νὴς ἦν σκευωρουμένη ἡ κατ' αὐτοῦ μηχανή. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ πολλοὺς τῶν ἐν τέλει πέρα τοῦ προσήκοντος ἐξελέγχειν επειρᾶτο, τηνικαῦτα καὶ ὁ κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ φθόνος πλείων ἐξήπτετο· καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ἐλέγετο κατ' αὐτοῦ· τὰ πλεῖστα δὲ λοιπὸν καὶ πίστιν ἐνεποίει τοῖς ἀκούουσι. Προσθήκην δὲ τῇ διαβολῇ ἐποίει, ἡ κατὰ Εὐτροπίου τότε λεχθεῖσα ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ προσομιλία. Εὐτρόπιος γὰρ εὐνοῦχος προεστὼς τοῦ βασιλικοῦ κοιτῶνος, καὶ τὴν τοῦ ὑπάτου ἀξίαν πρῶτος εὐνούχων παρὰ βασιλέως λαβὼν, ἀμύνασθαί τινας προσφεύγοντας τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ βουλόμενος, σπουδὴν πεποίητο νόμον παρὰ τῶν αὐτοκρατόρων προτεθῆναι, κελεύοντα μηδένα προσφεύγειν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἤδη προσφεύγοντας ἀφέλκεσθαι. Δίκη δὲ εὐθὺς ἐπηκολούθει. Προὔκειτο γὰρ ὁ νόμος, καὶ μετ' οὐ πολὺ προσκρούσας τῷ βασιλεῖ ὁ Εὐτρόπιος, ἐν τοῖς πρόσφυξιν ἦν. Ὁ οὖν ἐπίσκοπος, τοῦ Εὐτροπίου ὑπὸ τὸ θυσιαστήριον κειμένου, καὶ ἐκπεπληγότος ὑπὸ τοῦ φόβου, καθεσθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῦ ἄμβωνος, ὅθεν εἰώθει καὶ πρότερον ὁμιλεῖν χάριν τοῦ ἐξακούεσθαι, λόγον ἐλεγκτικὸν ἐξέτεινε κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πλέον ἐδόκει προσκρούειν τισὶν, ὅτι τὸν ἀτυχοῦντα οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἠλέει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τοῦ ἐναντίου καὶ ἤλεγχεν. Εὐτροπίου μὲν οὖν τότε τὴν ὕπατον ἀξίαν ἐγχειρίζοντος, διά τινα πταίσματα ὁ βασιλεὺς τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτμηθῆναι ἐκέλευσεν· ἐκ δὲ τοῦ καταλόγου τῶν ὑπάτων περιηρέθη τὸ ὄνομα, καὶ μόνου τοῦ συνυπατεύσαντος Θεοδώρου ἐγέγραπτο. Λόγος δὲ, ὅτι ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Ἰωάννης καὶ Γαϊνᾶν τὸν τηνικαῦτα στρατηλάτην, τῇ συνήθει παῤῥησίᾳ χρώμενος, ἰσχυρῶς περιύβρισεν, ὅτι μίαν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν ἐντὸς τῆς πόλεως προσνεμηθῆναι τοῖς ὁμοθρήσκοις αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρειανοῖς παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως αἰτῆσαι ἐτόλμησεν. ῎Αλλον τε δι' ἄλλην αἰτίαν τῶν κρατούντων ἐξήλεγχεν σὺν παῤῥησία πολλῇ, δι᾿ ἣν πολλοῖς διάφορος ἦν. Ὅθεν καὶ Θεόφιλος ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν, ἐπενόει ὅπως αὐτὸν σκευωρήσηται· και τισι μὲν τῶν παρόντων περὶ τούτου κρυφαίως διελέγετο, πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ τῶν μακρὰν ἀπόντων τὴν οἰκείαν διήγγειλε βούλησιν. Ἐλύπει γὰρ αὐτὸν οὐ μόνον ἡ ὑπερβάλλουσα Ἰωάννου παῤῥησία, ἀλλ᾿ ὅτι καὶ Ἰσίδωρον τὸν πρεσβύτερον ὑπ' αὐτῷ ταττόμενον εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως προβάλλεσθαι οὐκ ἴσχυσεν. Ἐν τούτοις μὲν τὰ κατὰ Ἰωάννην τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἦν· καὶ εὐθὺς ἐν ἀρχῇ κατ' αὐτοῦ ὤδινε τὸ κακόν. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ αὐτοῦ προϊόντες δηλώσομεν.
Heōs men oun tǭ klērǭ monǭ prosekrouen, asthe nēs ēn skeuōroumenē hē kat' autou mēchanē. Epeidē de kai pollous tōn en telei pera tou prosēkontos exelenchein epeirato, tēnikauta kai ho kat᾿ autou phthonos pleiōn exēpteto; kai polla men elegeto kat' autou; ta pleista de loipon kai pistin enepoiei tois akouousi. Prosthēkēn de tę̄ diabolę̄ epoiei, hē kata Eutropiou tote lechtheisa hyp᾿ autou prosomilia. Eutropios gar eunouchos proestōs tou basilikou koitōnos, kai tēn tou hypatou axian prōtos eunouchōn para basileōs labōn, amynasthai tinas prospheugontas tę̄ ekklēsią boulomenos, spoudēn pepoiēto nomon para tōn autokratorōn protethēnai, keleuonta mēdena prospheugein tais ekklēsiais, alla kai tous ēdē prospheugontas aphelkesthai. Dikē de euthys epēkolouthei. Proukeito gar ho nomos, kai met' ou poly proskrousas tǭ basilei ho Eutropios, en tois prosphyxin ēn. Ho oun episkopos, tou Eutropiou hypo to thysiastērion keimenou, kai ekpeplēgotos hypo tou phobou, kathestheis epi tou ambōnos, hothen eiōthei kai proteron homilein charin tou exakouesthai, logon elenktikon exeteine kat᾿ autou. Eph᾽ hǭ pleon edokei proskrouein tisin, hoti ton atychounta ou monon ouk ēleei, all᾽ ek tou enantiou kai ēlenchen. Eutropiou men oun tote tēn hypaton axian encheirizontos, dia tina ptaismata ho basileus tēn kephalēn apotmēthēnai ekeleusen; ek de tou katalogou tōn hypatōn periērethē to onoma, kai monou tou synypateusantos Theodōrou egegrapto. Logos de, hoti ho episkopos Iōannēs kai Gaïnan ton tēnikauta stratēlatēn, tę̄ synēthei parrhēsią chrōmenos, ischyrōs periybrisen, hoti mian ekklēsian tōn entos tēs poleōs prosnemēthēnai tois homothrēskois autou ᾿Areianois para tou basileōs aitēsai etolmēsen. ᾿Allon te di' allēn aitian tōn kratountōn exēlenchen syn parrhēsia pollę̄, di᾿ hēn pollois diaphoros ēn. Hothen kai Theophilos ho ᾿Alexandreias episkopos, euthys meta tēn cheirotonian, epenoei hopōs auton skeuōrēsētai; kai tisi men tōn parontōn peri toutou kryphaiōs dielegeto, pollois de kai tōn makran apontōn tēn oikeian diēngeile boulēsin. Elypei gar auton ou monon hē hyperballousa Iōannou parrhēsia, all᾿ hoti kai Isidōron ton presbyteron hyp' autǭ tattomenon eis tēn episkopēn Kōnstantinou poleōs proballesthai ouk ischysen. En toutois men ta kata Iōannēn ton episkopon ēn; kai euthys en archę̄ kat' autou ōdine to kakon. Kai ta men peri autou proïontes dēlōsomen.
As long as he offended only the clergy, the scheme being contrived against him was weak. But when he tried to rebuke many of those in high office too, beyond what was fitting, then the envy against him was kindled more; much was said against him, and most of it now gained credence with the hearers. The address that he gave at that time against Eutropius added to the slander. Eutropius, the eunuch at the head of the imperial bedchamber, the first of eunuchs to receive the rank of consul from the emperor, wishing to take revenge on some who had fled to the church for refuge, had taken pains to have a law issued by the emperors ordering that no one should take refuge in the churches, and that even those who had already taken refuge should be dragged away. Justice followed at once: the law was published, and not long after Eutropius, having offended the emperor, was among the refugees. So the bishop, while Eutropius lay beneath the altar, stricken with fear, sat on the ambo, from which he had been accustomed to preach before so as to be heard, and delivered a long speech of rebuke against him. In this he seemed to some to give greater offence, because he not only did not pity the unfortunate man but on the contrary even rebuked him. When Eutropius, who then held the consular rank, was ordered by the emperor to be beheaded for certain offences, his name was removed from the list of the consuls, and only that of his colleague Theodore was recorded. It is said that John the bishop, using his usual frankness, also strongly insulted Gainas, then general, because he dared to ask the emperor that one of the churches within the city be assigned to his fellow religionists, the Arians. He rebuked one of the powerful for one reason and another for another, with great boldness, and for this reason he was at odds with many. Hence Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria, immediately after the ordination began to consider how he might plot against him; he talked about this secretly with some of those present, and made his wish known to many who were far away. For not only John's excessive frankness grieved him, but also that he had not been able to advance Isidore, the presbyter under him, to the bishopric of Constantinople. Such was the position of John the bishop, and at once from the beginning evil was in labour against him. What concerns him we shall show as we proceed.
6.6PG 67:675–681
Πρᾶγμα δὲ ἄξιον μνήμης ἐπὶ τῶνδε τῶν χρόνων γενόμενον διηγήσομαι, δεικνὺς ὅπως ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ πρόνοια τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐκ μεγίστου κινδύνου παραδόξοις βοηθείαις ἐῤῥύσατο. Τί δέ ἐστι τοῦτο, λεκτέον. Γαϊνᾶς βάρβαρος μὲν ἦν τὸ γένος· ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίοις δὲ γενόμενος, καὶ στρατείᾳ προσομιλήσας, κατὰ βραχὺ δὲ προκόψας, τέλος στρατηλάτης Ῥωμαίων ἱππικῆς τε καὶ πεζικῆς ἀναδείκνυται. Ἐπιλαβόμενος δὲ τῆς τηλικαύτης δυναστείας, ἑαυτὸν οὐκ ἐγίνωσκεν, οὐδὲ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ διάνοιαν κατέχειν ἠδύνατο. ᾿Αλλὰ πάντα λίθον, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, ἐκίνει, ὅπως ἂν ὑφ᾽ ἑαυτῷ τὰ Ῥωμαίων ποιήσειε. Καὶ πᾶν μὲν τὸ Γότθων ἔθνος ἐκ τῆς αὐτοῦ χώρας μετεπέμψατο. Τοὺς δὲ αὐτῷ ἐπιτηδείους τῶν στρατιωτικῶν ἀριθμῶν, τούτους ἔχειν παρεσκεύαζεν. Τριβιγίλδου δὲ, ἑνὸς τῶν αὐτοῦ συγγενῶν, χιλιαρχοῦντος τῶν ἱδρυμένων ἐν τῇ Φρυγίᾳ στρατιωτῶν, καὶ γνώμῃ Γαϊνα ( νεωτερίσαντος, καὶ τὰ Φρυγῶν ἔθνη παντάπασιν ἀνατρέποντος, αὐτὸς ἐπιτραπῆναι ἑαυτῷ κατασκευάζει τὴν τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων φροντίδα. Ἔπειτα ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αρκάδιος, οὐδὲν προειδόμενος, ἑτοίμως ἐπέτρεψεν · καὶ ὃς εὐθὺς ἐπορεύετο, τῷ μὲν λόγῳ κατὰ Τριβιγίλδου· τῷ δὲ ἔργῳ τυραννῆσαι βουλόμενος· ἦγε δὲ μεθ' ἑαυτοῦ Γότθων βαρβάρων οὐκ ὀλίγας μυριάδας· καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Φρυγίαν, πάντα ἀνέτρεπεν. Εὐθὺς οὖν ἐν ταραχῇ ἦν τὰ Ῥωμαίων, οὐ μόνον διὰ τὸ προσὸν τῷ Γαϊνᾷ πλῆθος βαρβάρων, ἀλλ' ὅτι καὶ τὰ τῆς ἑῴας ἐπίκαιρα μέρη κινδυνεύειν ἔμελλε. Τότε δὴ ὁ βασιλεὺς, γνώμῃ χρηστῇ πρὸς τὸν παρόντα καιρὸν χρησάμενος, τέχνῃ μετῆλθε τὸν βάρ· βαρον. Διαπεμψάμενος γοῦν πρὸς αὐτὸν, πᾶσι λόγοις καὶ ἔργοις θεραπεύειν ἕτοιμος ἦν. Τούτου δὲ ἐξαιτοῦντος δύο τῶν πρώτων" τῆς συγκλήτου ἄνδρας ἀπὸ 316 ὑπάτων, οὖς ἐπενόει ἐχχόψειν αὐτοῦ τὰς ὁρμὰς, Σατορνῖνον καὶ Αὐρηλιανὸὺν, ἄκων αὐτοὺς τῇ ἀνάγκη τοῦ καιροῦ παρεῖχεν ὁ βασιλεύς. Καὶ οἱ μὲν, ὑπὲρ τοῦ κοινοῦ προαποθνήσχειν αἱρούμενοι, γενναίως τῇ τοῦ βασιλέως χελεύσει ὑπήχουον᾽ πόῤῥω τῆς Χαλχηδόνος, ἐν χωρίῳ ἱπποδρόμῳ ἀπήντων, ἕτοιμοι πάσχειν πᾶν ὁτιοῦν ὁ βάρβαρος ἤθελεν. ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὗτοι μὲν οὐδὲν φαῦλον ὑπέμειναν. Ὁ δὲ ἀκχιζόμενος παρῆν ἐπὶ τὴν Χαλκηδόνα, ἀπήντα δὲ ἐκεῖσε καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αρκάδιος. Γενόμενοί τε ἐν τῷ μαρτυρίῳ, ἔνθα τὸ σῶμα " τῆς μάρτυρος Εὐφημίας ἀπόκειται, ὄρχοις ἐπιστοῦντο ἀλλήλοις ὅ τε βασιλεὺς ὁ βάρθδαρος, ἢ μὴν μὴ ἐπιθουλεύσειν ἀλλήλοις. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν βασιλεὺς, τις ἀνὴρ, καὶ διατοῦτο θεοφιλὴς, τοῖς ὄρχοις ἐνἐμεινε. Γαϊνᾶς δὲ παρεσπόνδει τε τοῦ οἰκείου σκοποῦ οὐχ ἐξέθαινεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐμπρησμούς τε λαφυραγωγίας ἐμελέτα ποιήσασθαι κατά τε τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, καὶ καθ᾽ ὅλης, εἰ δύναιτο, τῆς μαίων ἀρχῆς. Βεύαρθάρωτο οὖν ἡ πόλις ὑπὸ τῶν πολλῶν μυριάδων, καὶ οἱ αὐτῆς οἰχήτορες ἐν βαλώτων μοίρᾳ ἐγένοντο. Τοσοῦτος δὲ ἦν ὁ ἐπιχρεμασθεὶς τῇ πόλει χίνδυνος, ὡς χομήτην μέγιστον τοῦ οὐρανοῦ μέχρι τῆς γῆς διήχοντα, καὶ οἷον οὐδεὶς ἐθεάσατο πρότερον, μηνύειν αὐτόν. Ὃ μέντοι Γαϊνᾶς πρῶτον μὲν ἐπειράθη ἀναίδην διαρπαγὴν τοῦ δημοσίᾳ ἐν τοῖς ἐργαστηρίοις πωλουμένου ἀργυρίου ποιήσασθαι. Ὡς δὲ, φήμης προμηνυθείσης, ἐφυλάξαντο προθεῖναι ἐν ταῖς τραπέζαις τὸν ἄργυρον, αὖθις ἐπὶ ἑτέραν χωρεῖ βουλήν" καὶ νυκτὸς μὲν οὕτης, ἐχπέμπλῆθος βαρόάρων ἐπὶ τὸ ἐμπρῆσαι τὰ βασίλεια. Τότε δὴ καὶ ἐδείχθη περιφανῶς, ὅπως ὁ Θεὸς πρόνοιᾶν ἐποιεῖτο τῆς πόλεως. ᾿Αγγέλων γὰρ πλῆθος ὥφθη τοῖς ἐπιδουλεύουσιν, ἐν σχήματι ὁπλιτῶν, μεγάλα ἐχόντων τὰ σώματα. ὑποτοπήσαντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἀληθῶς εἶναι στρατὸν πολὺν καὶ γενναῖον, κατέἐπλάγῆσάν τε καὶ ὑπανεχύρησαν. Ὥς ὃὲ ἀγγελθὲν τοῦτο τῷ πέρα πίστεως κατεφαίνετο. Ἠπίστατο γὰρ μὴ παρεῖναι τὸ πολὺ τῶν Ρωμαίων ὀπλιτιχόν κατὰ τὰς πόλεις γὰρ ἐνίδρυτο. Πέμπει καὶ αὖθις ἑτέρους τῇ ἐχομένῃ νυκτὶ, μεταταῦτα πολλάκις. Ὡς δὲ καὶ διαφόρως ἀποστείλαντι τὰ αὐτὰ ἀπηγγέλλετο" ἀεὶ γὰρ οἱ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἄγγελοι τὴν αὐτὴν τοῖς ἐπιδουλεύουσι παρεῖχον φαντασίαν, τέως αὐτὸς σὺν πλήθει πολλῷ προσελθών, πεῖραν λαμβάνει τοῦ θαύματος. Ὑπονοήσας δὲ ἀληθῶς στρατιωτῶν εἶναι πλῆθος, καὶ τοῦτο δι᾽ ἡμέρας μὲν λανθάνειν, νύκτωρ δὲ πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐπιχείρησιν ἀντέχειν, τεχνάζεται βούλησιν, ὡς μὲν ἐνόμιζεν, Ῥωμαίους βλάπτουσαν, ἐπωφελῆ δὲ, ὡς ἡ ἔκβασις ἔδειξεν. Ὑποκρινόμενος γὰρ δαιμονᾷν, ὡς εὐξόμενος τὸ μαρτύριον • τοῦ ἀποστόλου Ἰωάννου ἑπτὰ δὲ σημείοις ἀπέχει τοῦτο τῆς πόλεως· καταλαμβάνει. Συνεξῄεσαν δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι, τὰ ὅπλα κρυφαίως ἐξάγοντες, τοῦτο μὲν κεράμοις κατακρύψαντες, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ἑτέραις χρώμενοι μηχαναῖς. Ὡς δὲ οἱ φρουροὶ τῶν πυλῶν τὸν δόλον εὑρόντες, ἐκφέρεσθαι τὰ βέλη διεκώλυον, οἱ βάρβαροι τὰ ξίφη σπασάμενοι τοὺς φρουροὺς διεχρήσαντο. Θόρυβός τε ἐντεῦθεν τὴν πόλιν εἶχε δεινὸς, καὶ πᾶσιν ὁ θάνατος παρεῖναι ἐδόκει. Ἀλλ᾿ ὅμως ἡ μὲν πόλις ἐν τῷ ἀσφαλεῖ τότε ἐγίνετο, τῶν πανταχῆ πυλῶν αὐτῆς ὠχυρωμένων. Γνώμῃ δὲ χρηστῇ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν καιρῷ ἐχρήσατο, καὶ φανερὸν πολέμιον κηρύξας εἶναι τὸν Γαϊνᾶν, κελεύει τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ἐν τῇ πόλει βαρβάρους ἀναιρεῖσθαι. Μιᾶς τε ἐν μέσῳ μετὰ τὴν τῶν πυλῶν ἀναίρεσιν διαγενομένης ἡμέρας, συμβάλλουσιν οἱ παρόντες στρατιῶται τοῖς βαρβάροις ἐντὸς τῶν πυλῶν, περὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῶν Γότθων· ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πάντες οἱ ὑπολειφθέντες ἠθροίσθησαν. Καὶ αὐτὴν μὲν ἐμπιμπρῶσιν· ἀναιροῦσι δὲ αὐτῶν σφόδρα πολλούς. Ὁ Γαϊνᾶς δὲ μαθὼν ἀνῃρῆσθαι τοὺς μὴ φθάσαντας ἐξελθεῖν τῶν πυλῶν, γνούς τε μηκέτι αὐτῷ προχωρεῖν τὰς ἀπάτας, ἄρας ἀπὸ τοῦ μαρτυρίου, ἥλαυνεν ἐπὶ τὰ Θράκια μέρη · καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Χερρόνησον, ἐξ αὐτῆς διαπεραιοῦσθαι, καὶ καταλαμβάνειν τὴν Λάμψακον ἐσπούδαζεν, ὅπως ἂν ἐντεῦθεν τῶν ἑῴων μερῶν κρατῆσαι δυνήσηται. Ὡς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔφθη δύναμιν ἀποστείλας διά τε γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, ἐνταῦθα πάλιν τῆς τοῦ Θεοῦ προνοίας θαυμαστὸν ἔργον ἐδείκνυτο. Ὡς γὰρ οἱ βάρβαροι ἀποροῦντες πλοίων, σχεδίας συμπήξαντες, ἐπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐπεραιοῦντο, ἑτέρων Ῥωμαίων στρατιωτικαὶ νῆες ὅσον οὐδέπω παρῆσαν, ἄνεμός τε Ζέφυρος πνεῖ σφοδρός. Καὶ οἱ μὲν Ῥωμαῖοι ταῖς ναυσὶ ῥᾳδίως διεξέπλεον· οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἅμα τοῖς ἵπποις ἐν ταῖς σχεδίαις ὑπὸ τοῦ κλύδωνος ἀναῤῥιπτούμενοι ἐξελικμῶντο, καὶ ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ διεφθείροντο. Πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἀπώλλυντο. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τότε πλεῖστον πλῆθος τῶν βαρβάρων ἐν τῷ διέκπλῳ ἀπώλετο. δὲ ἀναζεύξας, καὶ διὰ τῆς Θράκης φυγῇ χρώμενος, περιπέπτει ἑτέρᾳ δυνάμει Ῥωμαίων, ἀναιρεῖται ἅμα τοῖς σὺν αὐτῷ ϑαρδάροις. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν, ὡς ἐν ἐπιδρομῇ, περὶ Γαϊνᾷ ἀποχρώντως λελέχθω. δέ τῳ φίλον ἀκριβῶς μαθεῖν τὰ ἐν ἐχείνμ τῷ πολέμῳ γεγενημένα, ἐντυγχανέτω τῇ Γαϊνίᾳ τοῦ Σχολαστιχοῦ Εὐσεδίου, ὃς ἐφοίτα μὲν τηνικαῦτα παρὰ Τρωΐλῳ τῷ Σοφιστῇ" αὐτόπτης δὲ τοῦ πολέμου γενόμενος, τέσσαρσ: βιβλίοις ἡρωϊκῷ μέτρῳ τὰ γενόμενα διηγήσατο. Καὶ προσφάτων ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων, σφόδρα ἐπὶ τοῖς ποιήμασιν ἐθαυμάσθη. Καὶ νῦν δὲ ὁ ποιητὴς ᾿Αμμώνιος τὴν αὐτὴν ὑπόθεσιν ῥαψῳδήσας, ἐν τῇ ἐχχαιδεκάτῃ ὑπατείᾳ τοῦ νέον Θεοδοσίου, ἣν ἅμα Φαύστῳ ἐπετέλει, ἐπὶ τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος ἐπιδειξάμενος, λαμπρῶς εὐδοχίμησε. Τέλος δὲ ἔσχεν οὗτος ὁ πόλεμος, ἐν τῇ ὑπατείᾳ Στελίχωνος Αὐρηλιανοῦ. Τὴν δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείαν ἐδίδου Φραύϊτος, Γότθος μὲν αὐτὸς τῷ γένει, μεγάλῃ δὲ εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς Ῥωμαίους χρησάμενος, μεγάλα δὲ καὶ ἐν τῷδε τῷ πολέμῳ ἀγωνισάμενος. Διὸ καὶ τῆς τοῦ ὑπάτου ἀξίας μετέσχεν, καθ᾽ τίχτετα: τῷ βασιλεῖ ᾿Αρχαδίῳ υἱὸς, ὁ ἀγαθὸς Θεοδόσιος, τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ ᾿Απριλλίου μηνός. Τοσαῦτα μὲν οὖν περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω. Τηλιχούτων δὲ τότε χατειληφότων τὰ μαίων πράγματα, οἱ τὴν ἱερωσύνην πεπιστευμένοι τοῦ ῥάπτειν καθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν δόλους, ἐφ᾽ ὕδρει τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ, οὐδαμῶς ἀπείχοντο. Καὶ γὰρ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ ἐπαναστάσεις ἐμελέτων χατ᾽ ἀλλήλων οἵ ἱερεῖς. ᾿Αρχὴν δὲ τὸ κακὸν τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐλάμθανε, δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιαύτην" οἱ
Pragma de axion mnēmēs epi tōnde tōn chronōn genomenon diēgēsomai, deiknys hopōs hē tou Theou pronoia tēn polin kai ta Rhōmaiōn ek megistou kindynou paradoxois boētheiais errhysato. Ti de esti touto, lekteon. Gaïnas barbaros men ēn to genos; hypo Rhōmaiois de genomenos, kai strateią prosomilēsas, kata brachy de prokopsas, telos stratēlatēs Rhōmaiōn hippikēs te kai pezikēs anadeiknytai. Epilabomenos de tēs tēlikautēs dynasteias, heauton ouk eginōsken, oude tēn heautou dianoian katechein ēdynato. ᾿Alla panta lithon, to dē legomenon, ekinei, hopōs an hyph᾽ heautǭ ta Rhōmaiōn poiēseie. Kai pan men to Gotthōn ethnos ek tēs autou chōras metepempsato. Tous de autǭ epitēdeious tōn stratiōtikōn arithmōn, toutous echein pareskeuazen. Tribigildou de, henos tōn autou syngenōn, chiliarchountos tōn hidrymenōn en tę̄ Phrygią stratiōtōn, kai gnōmę̄ Gaïna ( neōterisantos, kai ta Phrygōn ethnē pantapasin anatrepontos, autos epitrapēnai heautǭ kataskeuazei tēn tōn ekei pragmatōn phrontida. Epeita ho basileus ᾿Arkadios, ouden proeidomenos, hetoimōs epetrepsen ; kai hos euthys eporeueto, tǭ men logǭ kata Tribigildou; tǭ de ergǭ tyrannēsai boulomenos; ēge de meth' heautou Gotthōn barbarōn ouk oligas myriadas; kai katalabōn tēn Phrygian, panta anetrepen. Euthys oun en tarachę̄ ēn ta Rhōmaiōn, ou monon dia to proson tǭ Gaïną plēthos barbarōn, all' hoti kai ta tēs heǭas epikaira merē kindyneuein emelle. Tote dē ho basileus, gnōmę̄ chrēstę̄ pros ton paronta kairon chrēsamenos, technę̄ metēlthe ton bar; baron. Diapempsamenos goun pros auton, pasi logois kai ergois therapeuein hetoimos ēn. Toutou de exaitountos dyo tōn prōtōn" tēs synklētou andras apo 316 hypatōn, ous epenoei echchopsein autou tas hormas, Satorninon kai Aurēlianoun, akōn autous tę̄ anankē tou kairou pareichen ho basileus. Kai hoi men, hyper tou koinou proapothnēschein hairoumenoi, gennaiōs tę̄ tou basileōs cheleusei hypēchouon᾽ porrhō tēs Chalchēdonos, en chōriǭ hippodromǭ apēntōn, hetoimoi paschein pan hotioun ho barbaros ēthelen. ᾿All᾽ houtoi men ouden phaulon hypemeinan. Ho de akchizomenos parēn epi tēn Chalkēdona, apēnta de ekeise kai ho basileus ᾿Arkadios. Genomenoi te en tǭ martyriǭ, entha to sōma " tēs martyros Euphēmias apokeitai, orchois epistounto allēlois ho te basileus ho barthdaros, ē mēn mē epithouleusein allēlois. ᾿All᾽ ho men basileus, tis anēr, kai diatouto theophilēs, tois orchois enemeine. Gaïnas de parespondei te tou oikeiou skopou ouch exethainen, all᾽ emprēsmous te laphyragōgias emeleta poiēsasthai kata te tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, kai kath᾽ holēs, ei dynaito, tēs maiōn archēs. Beuartharōto oun hē polis hypo tōn pollōn myriadōn, kai hoi autēs oichētores en balōtōn moirą egenonto. Tosoutos de ēn ho epichremastheis tę̄ polei chindynos, hōs chomētēn megiston tou ouranou mechri tēs gēs diēchonta, kai hoion oudeis etheasato proteron, mēnyein auton. Ho mentoi Gaïnas prōton men epeirathē anaidēn diarpagēn tou dēmosią en tois ergastēriois pōloumenou argyriou poiēsasthai. Hōs de, phēmēs promēnytheisēs, ephylaxanto protheinai en tais trapezais ton argyron, authis epi heteran chōrei boulēn" kai nyktos men houtēs, echpemplēthos baroarōn epi to emprēsai ta basileia. Tote dē kai edeichthē periphanōs, hopōs ho Theos pronoian epoieito tēs poleōs. ᾿Angelōn gar plēthos hōphthē tois epidouleuousin, en schēmati hoplitōn, megala echontōn ta sōmata. hypotopēsantes hoi barbaroi alēthōs einai straton polyn kai gennaion, kateeplagēsan te kai hypanechyrēsan. Hōs hoe angelthen touto tǭ pera pisteōs katephaineto. Ēpistato gar mē pareinai to poly tōn Rōmaiōn oplitichon kata tas poleis gar enidryto. Pempei kai authis heterous tę̄ echomenę̄ nykti, metatauta pollakis. Hōs de kai diaphorōs aposteilanti ta auta apēngelleto" aei gar hoi tou Theou angeloi tēn autēn tois epidouleuousi pareichon phantasian, teōs autos syn plēthei pollǭ proselthōn, peiran lambanei tou thaumatos. Hyponoēsas de alēthōs stratiōtōn einai plēthos, kai touto di᾽ hēmeras men lanthanein, nyktōr de pros tēn autou epicheirēsin antechein, technazetai boulēsin, hōs men enomizen, Rhōmaious blaptousan, epōphelē de, hōs hē ekbasis edeixen. Hypokrinomenos gar daimonąn, hōs euxomenos to martyrion • tou apostolou Iōannou hepta de sēmeiois apechei touto tēs poleōs; katalambanei. Synexę̄esan de autǭ kai hoi barbaroi, ta hopla kryphaiōs exagontes, touto men keramois katakrypsantes, touto de kai heterais chrōmenoi mēchanais. Hōs de hoi phrouroi tōn pylōn ton dolon heurontes, ekpheresthai ta belē diekōlyon, hoi barbaroi ta xiphē spasamenoi tous phrourous diechrēsanto. Thorybos te enteuthen tēn polin eiche deinos, kai pasin ho thanatos pareinai edokei. All᾿ homōs hē men polis en tǭ asphalei tote egineto, tōn pantachē pylōn autēs ōchyrōmenōn. Gnōmę̄ de chrēstę̄ ho basileus en kairǭ echrēsato, kai phaneron polemion kēryxas einai ton Gaïnan, keleuei tous hypoleiphthentas en tę̄ polei barbarous anaireisthai. Mias te en mesǭ meta tēn tōn pylōn anairesin diagenomenēs hēmeras, symballousin hoi parontes stratiōtai tois barbarois entos tōn pylōn, peri tēn ekklēsian tōn Gotthōn; entautha gar pantes hoi hypoleiphthentes ēthroisthēsan. Kai autēn men empimprōsin; anairousi de autōn sphodra pollous. Ho Gaïnas de mathōn anę̄rēsthai tous mē phthasantas exelthein tōn pylōn, gnous te mēketi autǭ prochōrein tas apatas, aras apo tou martyriou, hēlaunen epi ta Thrakia merē ; kai katalabōn tēn Cherronēson, ex autēs diaperaiousthai, kai katalambanein tēn Lampsakon espoudazen, hopōs an enteuthen tōn heǭōn merōn kratēsai dynēsētai. Hōs de ho basileus ephthē dynamin aposteilas dia te gēs kai thalassēs, entautha palin tēs tou Theou pronoias thaumaston ergon edeiknyto. Hōs gar hoi barbaroi aporountes ploiōn, schedias sympēxantes, ep᾿ autōn eperaiounto, heterōn Rhōmaiōn stratiōtikai nēes hoson oudepō parēsan, anemos te Zephyros pnei sphodros. Kai hoi men Rhōmaioi tais nausi rhądiōs diexepleon; hoi de barbaroi hama tois hippois en tais schediais hypo tou klydōnos anarrhiptoumenoi exelikmōnto, kai en tę̄ thalassę̄ diephtheironto. Polloi de kai hypo tōn Rhōmaiōn apōllynto. Houtō men oun tote pleiston plēthos tōn barbarōn en tǭ diekplǭ apōleto. de anazeuxas, kai dia tēs Thrakēs phygę̄ chrōmenos, peripeptei heterą dynamei Rhōmaiōn, anaireitai hama tois syn autǭ ϑardarois. Kai tauta men, hōs en epidromę̄, peri Gaïną apochrōntōs lelechthō. de tǭ philon akribōs mathein ta en echeinm tǭ polemǭ gegenēmena, entynchanetō tę̄ Gaïnią tou Scholastichou Eusediou, hos ephoita men tēnikauta para Trōïlǭ tǭ Sophistę̄" autoptēs de tou polemou genomenos, tessars: bibliois hērōïkǭ metrǭ ta genomena diēgēsato. Kai prosphatōn ontōn tōn pragmatōn, sphodra epi tois poiēmasin ethaumasthē. Kai nyn de ho poiētēs ᾿Ammōnios tēn autēn hypothesin rhapsǭdēsas, en tę̄ echchaidekatę̄ hypateią tou neon Theodosiou, hēn hama Phaustǭ epetelei, epi tou autokratoros epideixamenos, lamprōs eudochimēse. Telos de eschen houtos ho polemos, en tę̄ hypateią Stelichōnos Aurēlianou. Tēn de hexēs hypateian edidou Phrauïtos, Gotthos men autos tǭ genei, megalę̄ de eunoią tę̄ pros Rhōmaious chrēsamenos, megala de kai en tǭde tǭ polemǭ agōnisamenos. Dio kai tēs tou hypatou axias meteschen, kath᾽ tichteta: tǭ basilei ᾿Archadiǭ huios, ho agathos Theodosios, tę̄ dekatę̄ tou ᾿Aprilliou mēnos. Tosauta men oun peri toutōn eirēsthō. Tēlichoutōn de tote chateilēphotōn ta maiōn pragmata, hoi tēn hierōsynēn pepisteumenoi tou rhaptein kath᾽ heautōn dolous, eph᾽ hydrei tou Christianismou, oudamōs apeichonto. Kai gar en toutǭ tǭ chronǭ epanastaseis emeletōn chat᾽ allēlōn hoi hiereis. ᾿Archēn de to kakon tēs Aigyptou elamthane, di᾽ aitian toiautēn" hoi
I shall relate a thing worth remembering that happened in these times, showing how the providence of God rescued the city and the Roman state from very great danger by unexpected help. What this is must be told. Gainas was a barbarian by race; but having come under the Romans and taken up military service, he advanced little by little and was finally appointed commander of both the Roman cavalry and infantry. Having gained such great power, he did not know himself, nor could he restrain his ambition, but, as the saying goes, he moved every stone to bring the Roman state under himself. He summoned the whole nation of the Goths from their own land, and arranged to have his own adherents in command of the military units. When Tribigild, one of his kinsmen, a tribune of the soldiers stationed in Phrygia, revolted at Gainas's instigation and was utterly devastating the peoples of Phrygia, Gainas arranged to have the management of affairs there entrusted to himself. The emperor Arcadius, foreseeing nothing, readily entrusted it; and he set out at once, in word against Tribigild, but in fact wishing to seize power, and he led with him not a few tens of thousands of Gothic barbarians. Reaching Phrygia, he overturned everything. At once the Roman state was in turmoil, not only because of the multitude of barbarians with Gainas, but also because the important parts of the East were about to be in danger. Then the emperor, using good judgment suited to the moment, dealt with the barbarian by craft. He sent to him and was ready to court him with every word and deed. When Gainas demanded two of the leading men of the senate, former consuls, Saturninus and Aurelian, whose influence he planned to cut off, the emperor reluctantly gave them up under the necessity of the moment. They, choosing to die first for the common good, nobly obeyed the emperor's command: they went to meet him at a place called the Hippodrome some distance from Chalcedon, ready to suffer whatever the barbarian wished. But they suffered no harm. Gainas, feigning, came to Chalcedon, and the emperor Arcadius went to meet him there too. In the martyr-shrine where the body of the martyr Euphemia lies, the emperor and the barbarian pledged to each other by oaths that neither would plot against the other. The emperor, a pious man and for that reason dear to God, kept his oaths; but Gainas broke the treaty and did not depart from his own aim, but planned arson and plunder against Constantinople, and, if he could, against the whole Roman empire. So the city was overrun by barbarians, many tens of thousands of them, and its inhabitants were in the position of captives. So great was the danger hanging over the city that a very great comet, reaching from heaven to the earth, such as no one had seen before, signified it. Gainas first tried to make a shameless seizure of the silver sold publicly in the shops. But when, the rumour having given warning, they took care not to set out the silver on the tables, he turned to another plan: at night he sent out a multitude of barbarians to set fire to the palace. Then it was shown very plainly how God took care of the city. For a multitude of angels appeared to the plotters, in the form of armed soldiers with huge bodies. The barbarians, supposing that it was really a large and brave army, were terrified and withdrew. When this was reported to Gainas, it seemed beyond belief; for he knew that most of the Roman soldiery was not present, being stationed in the cities. He sent others again the next night, and afterwards many times. And when the same report came back to him from those he sent at different times, for the angels of God always presented the same appearance to the plotters, at last he came himself with a large force and put the wonder to the test. Supposing that it really was a body of soldiers, hidden by day but resisting his attempt by night, he devised a plan that he thought would harm the Romans, but that, as the outcome showed, was beneficial. Pretending to be possessed by a demon, he went as if to pray to the martyr-shrine of the apostle John, which is seven miles from the city. The barbarians went out with him, carrying their weapons out secretly, some hiding them in jars, others using other devices. When the guards of the gates discovered the trick and prevented the arms from being carried out, the barbarians drew their swords and killed the guards. From then a terrible tumult held the city, and death seemed present for everyone. Yet the city was then in safety, the gates everywhere having been secured. The emperor used good judgment at the right moment: declaring Gainas a public enemy, he ordered the barbarians left in the city to be put to death. One day after the killing at the gates, the soldiers present engaged the barbarians inside the gates near the church of the Goths, for all who had been left had gathered there. They set the church on fire and killed very many of them. Gainas, learning that those who had not managed to get out of the gates had been killed, and knowing that his deceits no longer succeeded, set out from the martyr-shrine and marched toward the parts of Thrace; and reaching the Chersonese, he tried to cross from there and seize Lampsacus, so as to be able from there to master the eastern parts. But the emperor had already sent a force by land and sea, and here again a wonderful work of the providence of God was shown. For when the barbarians, lacking ships, had put together rafts and were crossing on them, the warships of the Romans were suddenly upon them, and a violent west wind blew. The Romans sailed through easily with their ships, while the barbarians on their rafts, with their horses, were tossed up and down by the surge, scattered, and perished in the sea; many were also killed by the Romans. So a very great multitude of the barbarians perished then in the crossing. Gainas, breaking camp and fleeing through Thrace, fell in with another Roman force and was killed together with the barbarians with him. Let this be enough said, as in a summary, about Gainas. If anyone wishes to learn accurately what happened in that war, let him read the Gainea of Eusebius Scholasticus, who was then studying with Troilus the sophist; being an eyewitness of the war, he narrated what happened in four books in heroic metre, and because the events were recent he was much admired for the poems. And now the poet Ammonius, having treated the same subject in verse, gave a reading before the emperor in the sixteenth consulship of the young Theodosius, which he held with Faustus, and won brilliant acclaim. This war came to an end in the consulship of Stilicho and Aurelian. The next consulship was held by Fravitta, a Goth by race but of great goodwill toward the Romans, who had fought greatly in this war too; for this reason he received the consular rank. In that consulship a son, the good Theodosius, was born to the emperor Arcadius, on the tenth of April. Let this much be said about these things. While such great troubles were besetting the Roman state, those entrusted with the priesthood did not refrain at all from weaving plots against one another, to the insult of Christianity. For at this time the priests were planning uprisings against one another. The evil took its beginning from Egypt, for the following reason.
6.7PG 67:683–687
ὧν μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ζήτησις κινηθεῖσα, πότερον ὁ Θεὸς σῶμά ἐστι, καὶ ἀνθρώπου ἔχει σχῆμα, ἢ ἀσώματός ἐστιν, καὶ ἀπήλλακται ἀνθρωπίνου τε καὶ παντὸς, ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, σωματικοῦ σχήματος. Ἐκ δὲ τούτου τοῦ ζητήματος ἔριδες καὶ φιλονεικίαι παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς ἐγίνοντο· τῶν μὲν τούτῳ προστιθεμένων τῷ λόγῳ, τῶν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ συνηγορούντων. Καὶ μάλιστα μὲν πολλοὶ τῶν ἁπλοϊκῶν ἀσκητῶν σωματικὸν καὶ ἀνθρωπόμορφον τὸν Θεὸν εἶναι ἐβούλοντο. Πλεῖστοι δὲ τούτων καταγινώσκοντες, ἀσώματον εἶναι τὸν Θεὸν ἔλεγον, καὶ πάσης ἐκτὸς εἶναι σωματικῆς μορφῆς ἀπεφήναντο. Οἷς καὶ Θεόφιλος συνεφώνει ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ τοῦ λαοῦ καταδραμεῖν μὲν τῶν ἀνθρωπόμορφον λεγόντων τὸ Θεῖον, ἀσώματον δὲ αὐτὸν δογματίσαι. Ταῦτα μαθόντες οἱ Αἰγυπτίων ἀσκηταὶ, καταλιπόντες τὰ μοναστήρια, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἔρχονται · καὶ κατεστασίαζον τοῦ Θεοφίλου, κρίναντες ως ἀσεβοῦντα, καὶ ἀνελεῖν βουλόμενοι. Τοῦτο γνοὺς ὁ Θεόφιλος, εἰς ἀγῶνα καθίσταται, καὶ ἐπενόει τέχνην, ὅπως ἂν διαφύγῃ τὸν ἀπειλούμενον θάνατον. Καὶ ὀφθεὶς αὐτοῖς, κολακείᾳ μετῆλθε τοὺς ἄνδρας, οὕτως εἰπὼν πρὸς αὐτούς· Οὕτως ὑμᾶς εἶδον, ὡς Θεοῦ πρόσωπον. Τοῦτο λεχθὲν ἐχαύνωσε τοὺς μοναχοὺς τῆς ὁρμῆς. Ἀλλ᾽ εἰ ἀληθεύεις, ἔφασαν, ὅτι τὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ πρόσωπόν ἐστιν ὡς καὶ τὸ ἡμέτερον, ἀναθεμάτισον τὰ Ὠριγένους βιβλία. Ἐξ αὐτῶν γάρ τινες διαλεγόμενοι ἐναντιοῦνται τῇ δόξῃ ἡμῶν. Εἰ δὲ μὴ τοῦτο ποιήσεις, τὰ τῶν ἀσεβούντων καὶ θεομάχων ἐκδέχου παρ' ἡμῶν. Ἀλλ᾿ ἐγὼ, ἔφη Θεόφιλος, ποιήσω τὰ δεδογμένα ὑμῖν, καὶ μὴ χαλεπαίνετε πρὸς μέ· καὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ ἀπεχθῶς ἔχω πρὸς τὰ Ὠριγένους βιβλία, καὶ μέμφομαι τοὺς δεχομένους αὐτά. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τότε τοὺς μοναχούς ἀποκρουσάμενος, ἀπεπέμψατο. Καὶ ἴσως δ' ἂν ἡ περὶ τούτου ζήτησις ἄχρι τούτου προελθοῦσα, ἐπαύ. σατο, εἰ μὴ ἐπισυνήφθη τούτῳ ἕτερον πρᾶγμα τοιόνδέ τι· Τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἀσκητηρίων προεστήκεισαν τέσσαρες ἄνδρες εὐλαβεῖς, Διόσκορος, Αμμώνιος, Εὐσέβιος, Εὐθύμιος · οὗτοι αὐτάδελφοι μὲν ἦσαν, οἱ Μακροὶ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ὠνομάζοντο. Ἦσαν δὲ καὶ βίῳ καὶ λόγῳ ἐκπρέποντες· καὶ διατοῦτο πολὺς ἦν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ περὶ αὐτῶν λόγος. Θεόφιλός τε ὁ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος πάνυ ἠγάπα καὶ ἐτίμα τοὺς ἄνδρας. Διὸ καὶ ἕνα μὲν αὐτῶν, τὸν Διόσκορον, ἐπίσκοπον καθιστᾷ Ἑρμουπόλεως, βίᾳ ἑλκύσας. Δύο δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν παρεκάλεσε συνεῖναι αὐτῷ, καὶ μόλις μὲν ἔπεισεν· ὡς ἐπίσκοπος δὲ ὅμως καὶ προσηνάγκασεν, καὶ τῇ τῶν κληρικῶν ἀξίᾳ τιμήσας, τὴν οἰκονομίαν τῆς Ἐκκλησίας αὐτοῖς ἐνεχείρισεν. Οἱ δὲ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ μὲν ἔμενον, καλῶς τῇ οἰκονομίᾳ προσέχοντες. Ἠνιῶντο δὲ ὅμως, ὅτι μὴ ἐφιλοσόφουν ὡς ἤθελον, τῇ ἀσκήσει προσκείμενοι. Ἐπεὶ δὲ, προϊόντος τοῦ χρόνου, καὶ προσβλάπτεσθαι τὴν ψυχὴν ἐνόμιζον, ὁρῶντες τὸν ἐπίσκοπον χρηματιστικόν τε μετερχόμενον βίον, καὶ πολλὴν σπουδὴν περὶ χρημάτων κτῆσιν νον, καὶ διὰ ταῦτα, τὸ δὴ λεγόμενον, πάντα λίθον" κινοῦντα, παρῃτοῦντό τε συνεῖναι αὐτῷ, τὴν ἐρημίαν ἀγαπᾶν εἰπόντες, καὶ ταύτην προτιμᾶν τῆς ἐν ἄστει διαγωγῆς. Ὁ δὲ, ἕως μὲν μὴ ἐγίνωσκε τὴν ἀληθῆ πρόφασιν, παρεκάλει προσμένειν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔγνω καταγινωσκόμενος ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν, ὀργῆς ὑποπίμπλαται, καὶ πᾶν αὐτοῖς κακὸν ἠπείλει ποιεῖν. Τῶν δὲ μικρὰ φροντισάντων τῆς ἀπειλῆς, καὶ εἰς τὴν ἔρημον χωρησάντων, θερμός τις, ὡς ἔοικεν, ὁ Θεόφιλος ὢν, οὐ μικρὰν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν κίνησιν κατ᾿ αὐτῶν· ἀλλὰ σκευωρεῖσθαι πάσαις μηχαναῖς τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐσπούδαζεν. Ἐμίσει δὲ εὐθὺς καὶ τὸν αὐτῶν ἀδελφὸν Διόσκορον, τὸν τῆς Ἑρμουπόλεως ἐπίσκοπον. Ελύπει δὲ αὐτὸν ἱκανῶς, τὸ προσκεῖσθαι αὐτῷ τοὺς ἀσκητὰς, καὶ περὶ αὐτὸν σέβας ἔχειν πολύ. Ἐγίνωσκέ τε ὡς οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ βλάψει τοὺς ἄνδρας, εἰ μὴ τοὺς μοναχοὺς ἐκπολεμώσει αὐτοῖς. Μεθόδῳ οὖν χρῆται τοιαύτῃ· Εὖ ἡπίστατο τοὺς ἄνδρας πολλάκις ἅμα αὐτῷ περὶ Θεοῦ λόγους κεκινηκότας, ὡς εἴη ὁ Θεὸς ἀσώματος, καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἀνθρωπόμορφος· ἀκολουθεῖ γὰρ ἐξανάγκης τῷ ἀνθρωπομόρφῳ τὸ ἀνθρωποπαθές· καὶ τοῦτο γεγύμνασται παρά τε τῶν παλαιοτέρων, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ Ὠριγένους. Οὕτως ἔχων καὶ φρονῶν περὶ Θεοῦ ὁ Θεόφιλος, διὰ τὸ ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς ἐχθροὺς, ἀντιστρέφων τὰ καλῶς αὐτοῖς δεδογμένα οὐκ ὤκνησεν· ἀλλὰ συναρπάζει τοὺς πλείστους τῶν μοναχῶν, ἀνθρώπους ἀκεραίους μὲν, ἰδιώτας δὲ τῷ λόγῳ, τοὺς πολλοὺς δὲ ἀγραμμάτους ὄντας. Καὶ διαπέμπε ται τοῖς ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ ἀσκητηρίοις, μὴ δεῖν πείθεσθαι Διοσκόρῳ, μήτε τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς αὐτοῦ, λέγουσιν ἀσώματον τὸν Θεόν. Ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς, φησὶν, κατὰ τὴν θείαν Γραφήν, καὶ ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχει καὶ ὦτα, καὶ χεῖρας καὶ πόδας, καθὰ καὶ οἱ ἄνθρωποι. Οἱ δὲ περὶ Διόσκορον, Ωριγένει ἀκολουθοῦντες, βλάσφημον δόγμα εἰσάγουσιν, ὡς ἄρα ὁ Θεὸς οὔτε ὀφθαλμοὺς, οὔτε ὦτα, οὔτε πόδας, οὔτε χεῖρας ἔχει. Τούτῳ τῷ σοφίσματι συναρπάζει τοὺς πλείστους τῶν μοναχῶν· καὶ γίνεται διάπυρος στάσις ἐν αὐτοῖς. Ὅσοι μὲν οὖν γεγυμνασμένον εἶχον τὸν νοῦν, οὐ συνηρπάγησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ σοφίσματος· ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς περὶ Διόσκορον καὶ Ὠριγένην ἐπείθοντο. Οἱ δὲ ἁπλούστεροι, πλείους τε ὄντες, καὶ ζῆλον ἔχοντες θερμὸν, κατὰ τῶν ἀδελνοὺς ὕμνους εὐχὰς, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε· φῶν εὐθέως ἐχώρουν. ὧν οὖν διαίρεσις ἐν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ἀλλήλους ὡς ἀσεβοῦντας διέσυρον. Καὶ οἱ μὲν Θεοφίλῳ προσέχοντες Ὠριγενιαστὰς καὶ ἀσεβεῖς ἐκάλουν τοὺς ἀδελφούς· οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι Ανθρωπομορφιανοὺς τοὺς ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου ἀναπεισθέντας ὠνόμαζον. Ἐκ τούτου παρατριβὴ γίνεται οὐ μικρὰ, καὶ ἦν μεταξὺ τῶν μοναχῶν πόλεμος ἄσπονδος. Θεόφιλος δὲ ὡς ἔγνω προβάντα τὸν σκοπὸν, ἅμα πλήθει καταλαβὼν τὴν Νιτρίαν, ἔνθα εἰσὶ τὰ ἀσκητήρια, ἐξοπλίζει τοὺς μοναχούς κατά τε Διοσκόρου καὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ ἀδελφῶν. Οἱ δὲ κινδυνεύσαντες ἀπολέσθαι, μόλις διέφυγον. Ταῦτα κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον γινόμενα ὁ Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπίσκοπος Ἰωάννης τέως ήγνόει ταῖς διδασκαλίαις τε ἤνθει, καὶ διαβόητος ἐπὶ ταύταις ἦν. Ηὔξησε δὲ πρῶτος καὶ τὰς περὶ τοὺς νυκτερι-
hōn mikron emprosthen zētēsis kinētheisa, poteron ho Theos sōma esti, kai anthrōpou echei schēma, ē asōmatos estin, kai apēllaktai anthrōpinou te kai pantos, haplōs eipein, sōmatikou schēmatos. Ek de toutou tou zētēmatos erides kai philoneikiai para tois pollois eginonto; tōn men toutǭ prostithemenōn tǭ logǭ, tōn de tǭ heterǭ synēgorountōn. Kai malista men polloi tōn haploïkōn askētōn sōmatikon kai anthrōpomorphon ton Theon einai eboulonto. Pleistoi de toutōn kataginōskontes, asōmaton einai ton Theon elegon, kai pasēs ektos einai sōmatikēs morphēs apephēnanto. Hois kai Theophilos synephōnei ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopos, hōs kai epi tēs ekklēsias epi tou laou katadramein men tōn anthrōpomorphon legontōn to Theion, asōmaton de auton dogmatisai. Tauta mathontes hoi Aigyptiōn askētai, katalipontes ta monastēria, epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian erchontai ; kai katestasiazon tou Theophilou, krinantes ōs asebounta, kai anelein boulomenoi. Touto gnous ho Theophilos, eis agōna kathistatai, kai epenoei technēn, hopōs an diaphygę̄ ton apeiloumenon thanaton. Kai ophtheis autois, kolakeią metēlthe tous andras, houtōs eipōn pros autous; Houtōs hymas eidon, hōs Theou prosōpon. Touto lechthen echaunōse tous monachous tēs hormēs. All᾽ ei alētheueis, ephasan, hoti to tou Theou prosōpon estin hōs kai to hēmeteron, anathematison ta Ōrigenous biblia. Ex autōn gar tines dialegomenoi enantiountai tę̄ doxę̄ hēmōn. Ei de mē touto poiēseis, ta tōn asebountōn kai theomachōn ekdechou par' hēmōn. All᾿ egō, ephē Theophilos, poiēsō ta dedogmena hymin, kai mē chalepainete pros me; kai gar egō apechthōs echō pros ta Ōrigenous biblia, kai memphomai tous dechomenous auta. Houtō men oun tote tous monachous apokrousamenos, apepempsato. Kai isōs d' an hē peri toutou zētēsis achri toutou proelthousa, epau. sato, ei mē episynēphthē toutǭ heteron pragma toionde ti; Tōn en Aigyptǭ askētēriōn proestēkeisan tessares andres eulabeis, Dioskoros, Ammōnios, Eusebios, Euthymios ; houtoi autadelphoi men ēsan, hoi Makroi de ek tou sōmatos ōnomazonto. Ēsan de kai biǭ kai logǭ ekprepontes; kai diatouto polys ēn en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią peri autōn logos. Theophilos te ho ᾿Alexandreias episkopos pany ēgapa kai etima tous andras. Dio kai hena men autōn, ton Dioskoron, episkopon kathistą Hermoupoleōs, bią helkysas. Dyo de ex autōn parekalese syneinai autǭ, kai molis men epeisen; hōs episkopos de homōs kai prosēnankasen, kai tę̄ tōn klērikōn axią timēsas, tēn oikonomian tēs Ekklēsias autois enecheirisen. Hoi de tę̄ anankę̄ men emenon, kalōs tę̄ oikonomią prosechontes. Ēniōnto de homōs, hoti mē ephilosophoun hōs ēthelon, tę̄ askēsei proskeimenoi. Epei de, proïontos tou chronou, kai prosblaptesthai tēn psychēn enomizon, horōntes ton episkopon chrēmatistikon te meterchomenon bion, kai pollēn spoudēn peri chrēmatōn ktēsin non, kai dia tauta, to dē legomenon, panta lithon" kinounta, parę̄tounto te syneinai autǭ, tēn erēmian agapan eipontes, kai tautēn protiman tēs en astei diagōgēs. Ho de, heōs men mē eginōske tēn alēthē prophasin, parekalei prosmenein. Epei de egnō kataginōskomenos hyp᾿ autōn, orgēs hypopimplatai, kai pan autois kakon ēpeilei poiein. Tōn de mikra phrontisantōn tēs apeilēs, kai eis tēn erēmon chōrēsantōn, thermos tis, hōs eoiken, ho Theophilos ōn, ou mikran epoieito tēn kinēsin kat᾿ autōn; alla skeuōreisthai pasais mēchanais tous andras espoudazen. Emisei de euthys kai ton autōn adelphon Dioskoron, ton tēs Hermoupoleōs episkopon. Elypei de auton hikanōs, to proskeisthai autǭ tous askētas, kai peri auton sebas echein poly. Eginōske te hōs oudeni tropǭ blapsei tous andras, ei mē tous monachous ekpolemōsei autois. Methodǭ oun chrētai toiautę̄; Eu hēpistato tous andras pollakis hama autǭ peri Theou logous kekinēkotas, hōs eiē ho Theos asōmatos, kai oudamōs anthrōpomorphos; akolouthei gar exanankēs tǭ anthrōpomorphǭ to anthrōpopathes; kai touto gegymnastai para te tōn palaioterōn, kai malista para Ōrigenous. Houtōs echōn kai phronōn peri Theou ho Theophilos, dia to amynasthai tous echthrous, antistrephōn ta kalōs autois dedogmena ouk ōknēsen; alla synarpazei tous pleistous tōn monachōn, anthrōpous akeraious men, idiōtas de tǭ logǭ, tous pollous de agrammatous ontas. Kai diapempe tai tois en tę̄ erēmǭ askētēriois, mē dein peithesthai Dioskorǭ, mēte tois adelphois autou, legousin asōmaton ton Theon. Ho gar Theos, phēsin, kata tēn theian Graphēn, kai ophthalmous echei kai ōta, kai cheiras kai podas, katha kai hoi anthrōpoi. Hoi de peri Dioskoron, Ōrigenei akolouthountes, blasphēmon dogma eisagousin, hōs ara ho Theos oute ophthalmous, oute ōta, oute podas, oute cheiras echei. Toutǭ tǭ sophismati synarpazei tous pleistous tōn monachōn; kai ginetai diapyros stasis en autois. Hosoi men oun gegymnasmenon eichon ton noun, ou synērpagēsan hypo tou sophismatos; alla kai tois peri Dioskoron kai Ōrigenēn epeithonto. Hoi de haplousteroi, pleious te ontes, kai zēlon echontes thermon, kata tōn adelnous hymnous euchas, ex aitias toiasde; phōn eutheōs echōroun. hōn oun diairesis en autois, kai allēlous hōs asebountas diesyron. Kai hoi men Theophilǭ prosechontes Ōrigeniastas kai asebeis ekaloun tous adelphous; hoi de heteroi Anthrōpomorphianous tous hypo Theophilou anapeisthentas ōnomazon. Ek toutou paratribē ginetai ou mikra, kai ēn metaxy tōn monachōn polemos aspondos. Theophilos de hōs egnō probanta ton skopon, hama plēthei katalabōn tēn Nitrian, entha eisi ta askētēria, exoplizei tous monachous kata te Dioskorou kai tōn autou adelphōn. Hoi de kindyneusantes apolesthai, molis diephygon. Tauta kata tēn Aigypton ginomena ho Kōnstantinou poleōs episkopos Iōannēs teōs ēgnoei tais didaskaliais te ēnthei, kai diaboētos epi tautais ēn. Ēuxēse de prōtos kai tas peri tous nykteri-
A little before, a question had been raised whether God is a body and has the form of a man, or is incorporeal and free from human and, in a word, from every bodily form. From this question arose strife and contention among many, some adhering to the one view, others defending the other. Many of the simpler ascetics in particular held that God is corporeal and in human form; but most, condemning them, said that God is incorporeal and declared him to be beyond every bodily form. Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria, agreed with these, so far as even to inveigh in church before the people against those who say the divine has human form, and to teach that he is incorporeal. When the ascetics of Egypt learned this, they left their monasteries and came to Alexandria; and they raised a riot against Theophilus, judging him impious and wishing to kill him. Theophilus, learning this, was in distress and devised a way to escape the death threatened. Appearing before them, he won the men over by flattery, saying to them: 'In seeing you I have seen as it were the face of God.' This saying slackened the monks' rage. 'But if you speak the truth,' they said, 'that the face of God is like ours, anathematize the books of Origen; for some, arguing from them, oppose our opinion. If you will not do this, expect from us what the impious and enemies of God deserve.' 'I will do what you have decided,' said Theophilus, 'and do not be angry with me; for I too dislike the books of Origen and blame those who accept them.' So he then repelled the monks and sent them away. And perhaps the question about this, having gone so far, would have ceased, had not another matter of the following kind been joined to it. Four devout men presided over the ascetic houses in Egypt: Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius and Euthymius. They were brothers, and were called the Tall Brothers from their bodies. They were distinguished in both life and speech, and for this reason there was much talk about them in Alexandria. Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria, loved and honoured the men greatly. So he made one of them, Dioscorus, bishop of Hermopolis, dragging him there by force. Two of them he urged to stay with him, and barely persuaded them; but nonetheless, as bishop, he compelled them, and honouring them with the rank of clergy he entrusted them with the management of the church's affairs. They stayed under compulsion, attending well to the management, but they were grieved that they could not practise philosophy as they wished, devoted to asceticism. As time went on they thought their souls were even being harmed, seeing the bishop following a life of money-making, taking great pains over the acquisition of money, and for this, as the saying goes, moving every stone; and they begged to be excused from staying with him, saying that they loved the desert and preferred it to life in the city. As long as he did not know the real reason, he urged them to stay; but when he learned that he was condemned by them, he was filled with anger and threatened to do them every harm. When they cared little for the threat and went off to the desert, Theophilus, being a hot-tempered man, it seems, made no small stir against them, but was eager to plot against the men by every device. At once he hated their brother Dioscorus too, the bishop of Hermopolis. It vexed him greatly that the ascetics were attached to them and held them in great reverence. He knew that he could in no way harm the men unless he made the monks their enemies. So he used the following method. He knew well that the men had often discussed with him about God, maintaining that God is incorporeal and in no way of human form; for human passions follow necessarily on human form; and this had been worked out by the more ancient writers and especially by Origen. Though Theophilus held and thought this about God, in order to take revenge on his enemies he did not hesitate to turn against what had rightly been decided by them; and he carried away most of the monks, men who were guileless but unskilled in speech, most of them unlettered. He sent word to the ascetic houses in the desert that they must not trust Dioscorus or his brothers, who say that God is incorporeal. 'For God,' he said, 'according to the divine Scripture, has eyes and ears, hands and feet, as men do. But Dioscorus and his party, following Origen, introduce a blasphemous doctrine, that God has neither eyes nor ears nor feet nor hands.' By this sophism he carried away most of the monks, and a fiery faction arose among them. Those who had a trained mind were not carried away by the sophism, but followed Dioscorus and Origen; but the simpler, who were more numerous and had hot zeal, went at once against the brothers. So a division arose among them, and they reviled each other as impious. Those who adhered to Theophilus called the brothers Origenists and impious; the others called those persuaded by Theophilus Anthropomorphites. From this arose no small clash, and there was a truceless war among the monks. When Theophilus knew that his aim was advancing, he went with a crowd to Nitria, where the ascetic houses are, and armed the monks against Dioscorus and his brothers; and they, in danger of being killed, barely escaped. While these things were happening in Egypt, John, bishop of Constantinople, knew nothing of them for the time; he flourished in his teaching and was famous for it. He was also the first to increase the prayers at the night hymns, for the following reason.
6.8PG 67:687–691
Οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες, ὥσπερ ἔφημεν, ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο. Ἡνίκα οὖν ἑκάστης ἑβδ0μάδος ἑορταὶ χατελάμδανον, φημὶ δὴ τό τε Σάδθατον ἡ αἷς συνάξεις κατὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας εἰώθασι γένεσθαι, αὐτοὶ ἐντὸς τῶν τῆς πόλεως πυλῶν περὶ τὰς στοὰς ἀθροιζόμενοι, καὶ ᾧδὰς ἀντιφώνους πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν δόξαν συντιθέντες ἧδον καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίουν κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον μέρος τῆς νυκτός. Ὑπὸ δὲ ὄρθρον, τὰ τοιαῦτα "ἀντίφωνα λέγοντες, διὰ μέσης τῆς πόλεως ἐξήεσαν τῶν πυλῶν, καὶ τοὺς τόποὺς ἔνθα συνῆγον χατελάμβθανον. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔρεθισμοὺς κατὰ τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων λέγοντες οὐκ ἐπαύοντο" πολλάκις γὰρ καὶ τοιαύτην ᾧδὴν ἔλεγον" Ποῦ εἶσιν οἱ λέγοντες τὰ τρία μίαν δύναμιν ; τότε δὴ Ἰωάννης εὐλαδηθεὶς, μήτις τῶν ἀπλουστέρων ὑπὸ τῶν τοιούτων δῶν ἀφελχυσθῇ τῆς Ἐχκλησίας, ἀντιτίθησιν αὐτοῖς τοὺς τοῦ ἰδίου λαοῦ, ὅπως ἂν καὶ αὐτοὶ ταῖς νυχτεριναῖς ὑμνολογίαις σχολάζοντες,ἀμαυρώσωσι μὲν τὴν ἐκείνων περὶ τούτον σπουδὴν, βεδαίους δὲ τοὺς οἰκείους πρὸς τὴν ἑαυτῶν πίστιν ἐργάσωνται. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν σκοπὸς Ἰωάννου ἐδόκει εἶνα: χρηστός σὺν ταραχῇ δὲ κινδύνοις τὸ τέλος ἐδέξατο, Ὡς γὰρ λαμπρότεροι οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου ὕμνοι ἐν ταῖς νυχτεριναῖς ὑμνολογίαις ἐδείκνυντο " ἐπινενόηντο γὰρ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ σταυροὶ ἀργυροῖ, φέροντες φῶτα ἐχ τῶν χηρίνων λαμπάδων, τῆς βασιλίδος Εὐδοξίας παρεχούσης τὴν εἰς αὐτὰ δαπάνην" πλῆθος ὄντες οἱ ᾿Αρειανίζοντες, καὶ ζηλοτυπίᾳ ληφθέντες, ἀμύνεσθαί τε καὶ συμπληγάδας ἐπεχείρουν ποιεῖν. Ἔτι γὰρ τῆς παραλαθούσης δυναστείας, ἔνθερμο! τε πρὸς μάχην ἧσαν, καὶ κατεφρόνουν αὐτῶν. Μὴ μελλήσαντες οὖν, ἐν μιᾷ τῶν νυκτῶν ' βάλλεται μὲν λίθῳ κατὰ μετώπου ὁ τῆς βασιλίδος εὐνοῦχος, συγχροτῶν τότε τοὺς ὑμνῳδούς. ᾿ΑἈπόλλυνται δὲ χαί τινες τοῦ λαοῦ, ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν. οἷς κινηθεὶς ὁ βασιλεὺς, διεκώλυσε τοὺς ᾿Αρειανοὺς τὰς ὑμνολογίας ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ ποιεῖν. Καὶ τὰ μὲν λεγόμενα τοιαῦτα ἦν. Λεκτέον δὲ καὶ ὅθεν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔλαθεν ἡ κατὰ τοὺς ἀντιφώνους ὕμνους ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ συνήθεια. Ἰγνάτιος ᾿Αντιοχείας τῆς Συρίας, τρίτος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀποστόλου Πέτρου ἐπίσκοπος, ὃς καὶ τοῖς ἀποστόλοις αὐτοῖς συνδιέτριψεν, ὀπτασίαν εἶδεν ἀγγέλων, διὰ τῶν ἀντιφώνων ὕμνων τὴν ἁγίαν Τριάδα ὑμνούντων, καὶ τὸν τρόπον τοῦ ὁράματος τῇ ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ Ἐκκλησίᾳ παρέδωκεν. Ὅθεν καὶ ἐν πάσαις ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις αὕτη ἡ παράδοσις διεδόθη. Οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ περὶ τῶν ἀντιφώνων ὕμνων λόγος ἐστίν.
Hoi ᾿Areianizontes, hōsper ephēmen, exō tēs poleōs tas synagōgas epoiounto. Hēnika oun hekastēs hebd0mados heortai chatelamdanon, phēmi dē to te Sadthaton hē hais synaxeis kata tas ekklēsias eiōthasi genesthai, autoi entos tōn tēs poleōs pylōn peri tas stoas athroizomenoi, kai hǭdas antiphōnous pros tēn ᾿Areianēn doxan syntithentes hēdon kai touto epoioun kata to pleiston meros tēs nyktos. Hypo de orthron, ta toiauta "antiphōna legontes, dia mesēs tēs poleōs exēesan tōn pylōn, kai tous topous entha synēgon chatelambthanon. Epei de erethismous kata tōn to homoousion phronountōn legontes ouk epauonto" pollakis gar kai toiautēn hǭdēn elegon" Pou eisin hoi legontes ta tria mian dynamin ? tote dē Iōannēs euladētheis, mētis tōn aplousterōn hypo tōn toioutōn dōn aphelchysthę̄ tēs Echklēsias, antitithēsin autois tous tou idiou laou, hopōs an kai autoi tais nychterinais hymnologiais scholazontes,amaurōsōsi men tēn ekeinōn peri touton spoudēn, bedaious de tous oikeious pros tēn heautōn pistin ergasōntai. ᾿All᾽ ho men skopos Iōannou edokei eina: chrēstos syn tarachę̄ de kindynois to telos edexato, Hōs gar lamproteroi hoi tou homoousiou hymnoi en tais nychterinais hymnologiais edeiknynto " epinenoēnto gar par᾽ autou stauroi argyroi, pherontes phōta ech tōn chērinōn lampadōn, tēs basilidos Eudoxias parechousēs tēn eis auta dapanēn" plēthos ontes hoi ᾿Areianizontes, kai zēlotypią lēphthentes, amynesthai te kai symplēgadas epecheiroun poiein. Eti gar tēs paralathousēs dynasteias, enthermo! te pros machēn hēsan, kai katephronoun autōn. Mē mellēsantes oun, en mią tōn nyktōn ' balletai men lithǭ kata metōpou ho tēs basilidos eunouchos, synchrotōn tote tous hymnǭdous. ᾿AApollyntai de chai tines tou laou, ex amphoterōn tōn merōn. hois kinētheis ho basileus, diekōlyse tous ᾿Areianous tas hymnologias en tǭ dēmosiǭ poiein. Kai ta men legomena toiauta ēn. Lekteon de kai hothen tēn archēn elathen hē kata tous antiphōnous hymnous en tę̄ ekklēsią synētheia. Ignatios ᾿Antiocheias tēs Syrias, tritos apo tou apostolou Petrou episkopos, hos kai tois apostolois autois syndietripsen, optasian eiden angelōn, dia tōn antiphōnōn hymnōn tēn hagian Triada hymnountōn, kai ton tropon tou horamatos tę̄ en Antiocheią Ekklēsią paredōken. Hothen kai en pasais tais Ekklēsiais hautē hē paradosis diedothē. Houtos men oun ho peri tōn antiphōnōn hymnōn logos estin.
The Arianizers, as we said, held their assemblies outside the city. Whenever the weekly feasts came round, I mean the Sabbath and the Lord's day, on which assemblies are usually held in the churches, they gathered inside the city gates about the colonnades and sang songs composed antiphonally according to the Arian opinion; and they did this for most of the night. Toward dawn, chanting such antiphons, they went out through the middle of the city by the gates and reached the places where they assembled. Since they did not cease to say things provoking those who held the 'same essence', for they often sang a song like this, 'Where are those who say that the three are one power?', John, fearing that some of the simpler people might be drawn away from the church by such songs, set the members of his own people against them, so that they too, giving themselves to night-time hymn-singing, might obscure the Arians' zeal in this and make their own people firm in their own faith. John's aim seemed good, but it ended in turmoil and danger. For when the hymns of those of the 'same essence' were shown to be more splendid in the night-time singing, since he had devised silver crosses bearing lights from wax tapers, the empress Eudoxia providing the expense, the Arianizers, who were numerous and seized with jealousy, tried to take revenge and to start clashes. For they were still hot for fighting from the power they had formerly held, and they despised the others. So without delay, one night the empress's eunuch, who was then leading the hymn-singers, was struck on the forehead with a stone; and some of the people on both sides were killed. Moved by this, the emperor forbade the Arians to hold their hymn-singing in public. Such were these events. We must also tell where the custom of antiphonal hymns in the church took its beginning. Ignatius of Antioch in Syria, the third bishop after the apostle Peter, who had also spent time with the apostles themselves, saw a vision of angels praising the holy Trinity in antiphonal hymns, and he handed down the manner of the vision to the church in Antioch. Hence this tradition spread to all the churches. This is the account of the antiphonal hymns.
6.9PG 67:691–693
καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ ἀδελφοῖς. Συνῆν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ἸσίΟὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐρήμου μοναχοί ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἔρχονται, ἄμα Διοσκόρῳ δωρος 4, ὁ πάλαι Θεοφίλῳ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ φιλαίτατος· τότε δὲ ἀπεχθέστατος γενόμενος, δι' αἰτίαν τοιάνδε· Πέτρος τις πρωτοπρεσβύτερος ἦν τῆς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ Ἐκκλησίας. Πρὸς τοῦτον ἀπεχθῶς ἑσχηκὼς ὁ Θεόφιλος, τῆς Ἐκκλησίας αὐτὸν ἐκβαλεῖν κὸς ὁ ἐπίσκοπος. Ἐτύγχανε δὲ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸν καιρὸν ἐπενόησε· καὶ μέμψιν αὐτῷ κατήνεγκεν, ὡς εἴη τινὰ γυναῖκα, Μανιχαῖαν τὴν θρησκείαν, εἰς τὰ ἱερὰ μυστήρια προσδεξάμενος, μή πρότερον τῆς Μανιχαϊκῆς αἱρέσεως ἀποστήσας αὐτήν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Πέτρος ἔλεγε καὶ μετατίθεσθαι τῆς θρησκείας τὴν γυναῖκα, καὶ μηδὲ παρὰ γνώμην Θεοφίλου δεδέχθαι αὐτὴν, ἠγανάκτει ὁ Θεόφιλος, ὡς συκοφαντούμενος · μὴ γὰρ εἰδέναι τὸ γεγονὸς ἔλεγεν. Ὁ οὖν Πέτρος Ἰσίδωρον ἐκάλει μαρτυρῆσαι αὐτῷ, ὡς οὐκ ἠγνόει τὰ περὶ τῆς γυναιἐν τῇ βασιλευούσῃ Ῥώμῃ διάγων ὁ Ἰσίδωρος· ἐπέμπετο γὰρ παρὰ Θεοφίλου πρὸς Δάμασον τὸν Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπον, ἐπὶ τῷ καταλλάξαι αὐτὸν πρὸς Φλαβιανὸν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αντιοχείας. Διεκρίνοντο γὰρ οἱ Μελεείῳ προσκείμενοι πρὸς Φλαβιανὸν, διὰ τὸν ὅρκον, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Ἐπανελθὼν τοίνυν ἐκ τῆς Ῥώμης ὁ Ἰσίδωρος, καὶ πρὸς μαρτυρίαν παρὰ τοῦ Πέτρου κληθεὶς, ἔλεγεν ὡς εἴη δεχθεῖσα ἡ Μανιχαία κατὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκόπου· μεταδεδωκέναι δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ αὐτὸν τὰ μυστήρια. Ἐξάπτεται οὖν πρὸς ὀργὴν ὁ Θεόφιλος, καὶ ἀμφοτέρους πρὸς ὀργὴν ἀπήλασεν. Αὕτη πρόφασις γέγονε τοῦ καὶ Ἰσίδωρον ἅμα τοῖς περὶ Διόσκορον ἐλθεῖν ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, ὅπως ἂν παρά τε τῷ βασιλεῖ καὶ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ, τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐσκευωρημένα ἐξελεγχθήσηται. Μαθών δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Ἰωάννης, ἐν τιμῇ μὲν ἦγε τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ τῶν εὐχῶν μετέχειν οὐκ ἐκώλυσε, κοινωνίαν δὲ τῶν μυστηρίων οὐκ ἔφη πρὸ διαγνώσεως μεταδώσειν αὐτοῖς. Ἐν τούτοις καθεστῶτος τοῦ πράγματος, ἥκει εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς Θεοφίλου λόγος ψευδής, ὡς εἴη Ἰωάννης καὶ εἰς τὰ μυστήρια δεξάμενος αὐτοὺς, καὶ ἕτοιμος πρὸς τὸ ἐπικουρῆσαι αὐτοῖς · καὶ παντοῖος ἐγίνετο, ὅπως ἂν μὴ μόνον τοὺς περὶ Διόσκορον καὶ Ἰσίδωρον ἀμύνηται, ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ Ἰωάννην κατενέγκῃ τοῦ θρόνου. Διαπέμπεται οὖν κατὰ πόλεις πρὸς τοὺς ἐπισκόπους ἐπιστολὰς, κρύπτων μὲν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ σκοπὸν, μόνοις δὲ τοῖς Ωριγένους βιβλίοις δῆθεν μεμφόμενος · οἷς πρὸ αὐτοῦ ᾿Αθανάσιος μάρτυσι τῆς οἰκείας πίστεως, ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ᾿Αρειανῶν λόγοις, ἐχρήσατο πολλάκις.
kai tois autou adelphois. Synēn de autois kai IsiOuk eis makran de hoi apo tēs erēmou monachoi epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin erchontai, ama Dioskorǭ dōros 4, ho palai Theophilǭ tǭ episkopǭ philaitatos; tote de apechthestatos genomenos, di' aitian toiande; Petros tis prōtopresbyteros ēn tēs en ᾿Alexandreią Ekklēsias. Pros touton apechthōs heschēkōs ho Theophilos, tēs Ekklēsias auton ekbalein kos ho episkopos. Etynchane de kat᾿ auton ton kairon epenoēse; kai mempsin autǭ katēnenken, hōs eiē tina gynaika, Manichaian tēn thrēskeian, eis ta hiera mystēria prosdexamenos, mē proteron tēs Manichaïkēs haireseōs apostēsas autēn. Epei de ho Petros elege kai metatithesthai tēs thrēskeias tēn gynaika, kai mēde para gnōmēn Theophilou dedechthai autēn, ēganaktei ho Theophilos, hōs sykophantoumenos ; mē gar eidenai to gegonos elegen. Ho oun Petros Isidōron ekalei martyrēsai autǭ, hōs ouk ēgnoei ta peri tēs gynaien tę̄ basileuousę̄ Rhōmę̄ diagōn ho Isidōros; epempeto gar para Theophilou pros Damason ton Rhōmēs episkopon, epi tǭ katallaxai auton pros Phlabianon ton episkopon ᾿Antiocheias. Diekrinonto gar hoi Meleeiǭ proskeimenoi pros Phlabianon, dia ton horkon, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Epanelthōn toinyn ek tēs Rhōmēs ho Isidōros, kai pros martyrian para tou Petrou klētheis, elegen hōs eiē dechtheisa hē Manichaia kata gnōmēn tou episkopou; metadedōkenai de autę̄ kai auton ta mystēria. Exaptetai oun pros orgēn ho Theophilos, kai amphoterous pros orgēn apēlasen. Hautē prophasis gegone tou kai Isidōron hama tois peri Dioskoron elthein en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, hopōs an para te tǭ basilei kai tǭ episkopǭ Iōannę̄, ta kat᾿ autōn eskeuōrēmena exelenchthēsētai. Mathōn de tauta ho Iōannēs, en timę̄ men ēge tous andras kai tōn euchōn metechein ouk ekōlyse, koinōnian de tōn mystēriōn ouk ephē pro diagnōseōs metadōsein autois. En toutois kathestōtos tou pragmatos, hēkei eis tas akoas Theophilou logos pseudēs, hōs eiē Iōannēs kai eis ta mystēria dexamenos autous, kai hetoimos pros to epikourēsai autois ; kai pantoios egineto, hopōs an mē monon tous peri Dioskoron kai Isidōron amynētai, alla gar kai Iōannēn katenenkę̄ tou thronou. Diapempetai oun kata poleis pros tous episkopous epistolas, kryptōn men ton heautou skopon, monois de tois Ōrigenous bibliois dēthen memphomenos ; hois pro autou ᾿Athanasios martysi tēs oikeias pisteōs, en tois kata ᾿Areianōn logois, echrēsato pollakis.
Not long after, the monks from the desert came to Constantinople, with Dioscorus and his brothers. With them was also Isidore, who had once been very dear to Theophilus the bishop but had then become most hateful to him, for the following reason. A certain Peter was archpresbyter of the church in Alexandria. Theophilus, being hostile to him, planned to expel him from the church; and he brought a charge against him that he had admitted to the sacred mysteries a woman of the Manichaean religion without first turning her away from the Manichaean heresy. When Peter said that the woman had changed her religion and had been received not without Theophilus's consent, Theophilus was indignant as one falsely accused, for he said he did not know of the matter. So Peter called Isidore to testify for him that the bishop was not ignorant of the facts about the woman. At that very time Isidore happened to be staying in imperial Rome; for he had been sent by Theophilus to Damasus, bishop of Rome, to reconcile him with Flavian, bishop of Antioch; for those attached to Meletius were at odds with Flavian because of the oath, as I said before. Isidore, then, having returned from Rome and been called by Peter to testify, said that the Manichaean woman had been received with the bishop's consent, and that he himself had given her the mysteries. So Theophilus was kindled to anger and in his anger drove them both out. This was the reason why Isidore too came to Constantinople with Dioscorus and his party, so that the plots contrived against them might be exposed before the emperor and John the bishop. John, learning this, held the men in honour and did not prevent them from sharing in the prayers, but said he would not give them communion in the mysteries before the case was decided. While matters stood so, a false report reached Theophilus's ears that John had received them into the mysteries and was ready to help them; and he did everything not only to take revenge on Dioscorus and Isidore and their party but also to bring John down from his throne. So he sent letters to the bishops city by city, concealing his own aim and professing only to blame the books of Origen, which Athanasius before him had often used as witnesses to his own faith in his discourses against the Arians.
6.10PG 67:693–695
Σπένδεται δὴ φιλίαν καὶ πρὸς Ἐπιφάνιον τὸν Κωνσταντίας τῆς Κύπρου ἐπίσκοπον, πρότερον διαφερόμενος πρὸς αὐτόν. Ἐμέμφετο γὰρ Ἐπιφανίῳ Θεόφιλος, ὡς μικρὰ φρονοῦντι περὶ Θεοῦ, ὅτι ἀνθρωπόμορφον αὐτὸν εἶναι ἐνόμιζεν. Οὕτως οὖν Θεόφιλος ἔχων περὶ Θεοῦ, καὶ μεμφόμενος τοῖς ἀνθρωπόμορφον τὸ Θεῖον νομίζουσι, διὰ τὴν πρὸς ἑτέρους ἀπέχθειαν, ἠρνεῖτο μὲν ἐν τῷ φανερῷ ὁ ἐδόξαζεν · φιλοποιείται δὲ τότε τὸν Ἐπιφάνιον, διαφερόμενος πρὸς αὑτὸν, ἃ ὡς μετανοίας ὁμοφρονήσας κατὰ τὴν περὶ Θεοῦ δόξαν αὐτῷ " παρασχενάζει σύνοδον ποιῆσαι τῶν ἐν Κύπρῳ ἐπισκόπων, ἐπὶ τῷ διαβαλεῖν τὰ Ὠριγένους βιῦλία. Ἐπιφάνιος δὲ δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν εὐλάδεια". ἁπλοϊχὸς ὧν τὸν τρόπον, ταχέως ὑπήχθη ὑπὸ τῶν Θεοφίλον γραμμάτων. Καὶ καθίσας δυνέδριον τῶν ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἐπισκόπων, ἀπαγορεύξι μὲν τοῦ ἀναγιγώσχειν τὰ Ὠριγένους βιδλία, Διαπέμπεται δὲ γράμματα πρὸς Ἰωάννην, παραινῶν ἀπέχεσθαι μὲν τῶν Ὠριγενείων ἀναγνωσμάτων συνάγειν δὲ αὐτὸν συνέδριον, καὶ σύμψηφον τοῦτο γίνεσθαι. Θεόφιλος τοίνυν τὸν ἐπ᾽ εὐλαδείᾳ περιδόητον Ἐπιφάνιον συναρπάσας, καὶ γνοὺς προβάντα αὐτοῦ τὸν δχοπὸν, θαῤῥῶν καὶ αὐτὸς συνήγαγε πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπισκόπων " παραπλησίαν τῷ Ἐπιφανίῳ κατὰ τῶν Ὠριγένους βιβλίων, τοῦ πρὰ διαχοσίων περίπου ἑτῶν τελευτήσαντος, διαδολὴν ἐποιεῖτο" οὐ τοῦτον προηγουμένως ἔχων τὸν σχηπὸν, ἀλλὰ τοὺς περὶ Διόσκορον σπεύδων ἀμύνασθαι. Ἰωάννης δὲ μικρὰ φροντίσας τῶν μηνυθέντων αὐτῷ πᾶρά τε Ἐπιφανίου καὶ αὐτοῦ Θεοφίλου, τῇ διδασκαλίᾳ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν προσεῖχς τὸν νοῦν. Καὶ ἤνθει μὲν αὐτὴν" τῆς δὲ αὐτοῦ γενομένης σκευωρίας οὐδένα λόγον ἐτίθετο. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Θεόφιλος χαταφανὴς ἐγένετο τοῖς πολλοῖς σπουδάζων καθελεῖν τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς τὸν Ἰωάννην, τότε δὴ καὶ οἱ ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς Ἰωάννην ἔχοντες πρὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ σκευωρίαν ἀνεκινοῦντο. Καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν τοῦ κλήρου, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐν τέλει κατὰ τὰ βχσίλεια μέγιστον ἰσχύονπες, καιρὸν εὑρηκέναι λογιζόμενοι ὃν Ἰωάννην ἀμύνωνται, μεγίστην ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει σύνὑδον γενέσθαι παρεσκεύαζον, τοῦτο μὲν δι᾽ ἐπιστολῶν, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ ἀγράφως διαπεμπόμενοι.
Spendetai dē philian kai pros Epiphanion ton Kōnstantias tēs Kyprou episkopon, proteron diapheromenos pros auton. Emempheto gar Epiphaniǭ Theophilos, hōs mikra phronounti peri Theou, hoti anthrōpomorphon auton einai enomizen. Houtōs oun Theophilos echōn peri Theou, kai memphomenos tois anthrōpomorphon to Theion nomizousi, dia tēn pros heterous apechtheian, ērneito men en tǭ phanerǭ ho edoxazen ; philopoieitai de tote ton Epiphanion, diapheromenos pros hauton, ha hōs metanoias homophronēsas kata tēn peri Theou doxan autǭ " paraschenazei synodon poiēsai tōn en Kyprǭ episkopōn, epi tǭ diabalein ta Ōrigenous biylia. Epiphanios de di᾽ hyperballousan euladeia". haploïchos hōn ton tropon, tacheōs hypēchthē hypo tōn Theophilon grammatōn. Kai kathisas dynedrion tōn en tę̄ nēsǭ episkopōn, apagoreuxi men tou anagigōschein ta Ōrigenous bidlia, Diapempetai de grammata pros Iōannēn, parainōn apechesthai men tōn Ōrigeneiōn anagnōsmatōn synagein de auton synedrion, kai sympsēphon touto ginesthai. Theophilos toinyn ton ep᾽ euladeią peridoēton Epiphanion synarpasas, kai gnous probanta autou ton dchopon, tharrhōn kai autos synēgage pollous tōn episkopōn " paraplēsian tǭ Epiphaniǭ kata tōn Ōrigenous bibliōn, tou pra diachosiōn peripou hetōn teleutēsantos, diadolēn epoieito" ou touton proēgoumenōs echōn ton schēpon, alla tous peri Dioskoron speudōn amynasthai. Iōannēs de mikra phrontisas tōn mēnythentōn autǭ para te Epiphaniou kai autou Theophilou, tę̄ didaskalią tōn Ekklēsiōn proseichs ton noun. Kai ēnthei men autēn" tēs de autou genomenēs skeuōrias oudena logon etitheto. Epei de Theophilos chataphanēs egeneto tois pollois spoudazōn kathelein tēs episkopēs ton Iōannēn, tote dē kai hoi apechthōs pros Iōannēn echontes pros tēn autou skeuōrian anekinounto. Kai polloi men tou klērou, polloi de kai tōn en telei kata ta bchsileia megiston ischyonpes, kairon heurēkenai logizomenoi hon Iōannēn amynōntai, megistēn en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei synydon genesthai pareskeuazon, touto men di᾽ epistolōn, touto de kai agraphōs diapempomenoi.
He made friends also with Epiphanius, bishop of Constantia in Cyprus, with whom he had earlier been at odds. For Theophilus had blamed Epiphanius for having low thoughts about God, because he thought him to be of human form. So Theophilus, though holding such views about God and blaming those who think the divine has human form, because of his enmity toward others publicly denied what he believed; and he then made a friend of Epiphanius, with whom he had been at odds, as though by a change of mind he now agreed with him in his opinion about God; and he arranged for him to hold a synod of the bishops in Cyprus to condemn the books of Origen. Epiphanius, being simple in character because of his exceeding piety, was quickly led on by Theophilus's letters. Convening a council of the bishops of the island, he forbade the reading of Origen's books. He sent letters to John, urging him to keep away from reading Origen and to convene a council himself and vote with them on this. Theophilus, then, having carried along Epiphanius, famous for his piety, and seeing his aim advancing, took courage and himself assembled many bishops; and like Epiphanius he made an attack on the books of Origen, who had died about two hundred years before, not having this as his chief aim, but hastening to take revenge on Dioscorus and his brothers. John, caring little for what Epiphanius and Theophilus himself had informed him, attended to the teaching of the churches and flourished in it, and took no account of the plot being formed against him. But when it became plain to many that Theophilus was eager to depose John from his bishopric, then those who were hostile to John were also stirred to plot against him. Many of the clergy, and many of the officials who had very great power at the palace, reckoning that they had found the moment to take revenge on John, arranged for a very great synod to be held in Constantinople, sending word partly by letters and partly without writing.
6.11PG 67:695–699
Ηὔξησε δὲ τὸ κατὰ Ἰωάννου μῖσος ἕτερον ἐπισυμϑδὰν τοιόνδε" Δύο ἐπίσκοποι αὑτὸν ἤνθησαν, Σύροι ὄντες τὸ γένο;, Σεδηριανὸς καὶ ᾿Αντίοχος. ΣεΓηριανὸς μὲν Γαβάλων, πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῆς Συρίας · ᾿Αντίοχος δὲ Πτολεμαΐδος τῆς ἐν Φοινίκῃ Ἐκκλησίας προειστήκει. "Αμφω μὲν οὖν διὰ λόγων ῥητορικῶν ἤχθησαν. Σεβηριανὸς δὲ δοκῶν πεπαιδεῦσθαι, οὐ πάνυ τῇ φωνῇ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν ἐξετράνου γλῶσσαν· ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑλληνιστὶ φθεγγόμενος, Σύρος ἦν τὴν φωνήν. ᾿Αντίοχος μὲν οὖν πρότερον ἐκ τῆς Πτολεμαΐδος ἐπὶ Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἐλθὼν, κατὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ χρόνον τινὰ πεπονημένως διδάξας, καὶ πολλὰ ἐκ τούτων χρηματισάμενος, ἐπὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἀνέδραμε. Σεβηριανὸς δὲ πυθόμενος μεταταῦτα πολλὰ τὸν ᾿Αντίοχον ἐκ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως συλλέξαντα, ζηλοῦν καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦτο ἐσπούδασεν. Ασκηθείς τε οὖν καὶ συντάξας λόγους συχνοὺς, καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Κων. σταντίνου πόλιν ἔρχεται. Καὶ δεχθεὶς ἀσμένως ὑπὸ Ἰωάννου, μέχρι μέν τινος ὑπέτρεχε τὸν ἄνδρα καὶ ἐκολάκευε, καὶ αὐτὸς οὐδὲν ἧττον ἀγαπώμενος καὶ τιμώμενος, ἤνθει τε κατὰ τὰς διδασκαλίας, καὶ πολλοῖς τῶν ἐν τέλει, καὶ δὴ καὶ αὐτῷ βασιλεῖ γίνεται γνώριμος. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐν τοσούτῳ συνέβη τῆς Ἐφέσου τελευτῆσαι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ἀνάγκη κατέλαβε τὸν Ἰωάννην εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον ἀπελθεῖν, ἐπὶ τῷ χειροτονῆσαι ἐπίσκοπον · καὶ γενόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ, ἄλλον τε ἄλλων προβάλλεσθαι σπουδαζόντων, καὶ σφόδρα διαπληκτιζομένων πρὸς ἑαυτοὺς περὶ ὧν ἕκαστος ἐψηφίζετο, συνιδὼν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη φιλονείκως διακείμενα, καὶ ἐν οὐδενὶ πείθεσθαι τῇ παραινέσει αὐτοῦ θέλοντα, ἐσπούδασεν ἀκοπιαστὶ τὴν τούτων ἔριν λῦσαι. Αὐτὸς τοίνυν Ἡρακλείδην τινὰ διάκονον ἑαυτοῦ, γένει Κύπριον, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ( προεβάλλετο · καὶ οὕτω ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη, παυσάμενα τῆς πρὸς σφᾶς φιλονεικίας, ἡσύχασαν. Ἀνάγκη οὖν γέγονε χρονίζειν τὸν Ἰωάννην κατὰ τὴν Ἔφεσον. Παρέλκοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ κατ᾿ αὐτὴν, ὁ Σεβηριανὸς ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει ἐρασμιώτερος τοῖς ἀκροαταῖς ἐγίνετο. Καὶ ταῦτα οὐκ ἐλάνθανε μὲν τὸν Ἰωάννην ταχέως γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα διηγγέλλετο. Σαραπίωνος δὲ, οὗ καὶ πρότερον ἐποιησάμην μνήμην, ὑποβάλλοντος καὶ ταράττεσθαι λέγοντος ὑπὸ Σεβηριανοῦ τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν, πρὸς ζηλοτυπίαν ὁ Ἰωάννης προήχθη. Ὁδοῦ οὖν πάρεργον, πολλὰς ἐκκλησίας τιανῶν καὶ Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατιτῶν ἀφελὼν, ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἔρχεται. Καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν πάλιν τὴν προσήκουσαν κηδεμονίαν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐποιεῖτο. Σαραπίωνος δὲ τὴν ὀφρὺν καὶ τὴν ἀλαζονείαν οὐδεὶς ὑποφέρειν ἐδύνατο. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ πολλὴν τὴν παῤῥησίαν παρὰ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ ἐκέκτητο, πέρα τοῦ καθήκοντος πᾶσι προσεφέρετο. Διὸ καὶ τὸ κατὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου μίσος πλέον ἐξήπτετο· καί ποτε τοῦ Σεβηριανοῦ παριόντος, τὴν προσήκουσαν ἐπισκόπῳ τιμὴν οὐκ ἀπένειμεν· ἀλλὰ καθήμενος διετέλει, δεικνὺς μικρὰ φροντίζειν τῆς Σεβηριανοῦ παρουσίας. Ταύτην οὐκ ἤνεγκεν ὁ Σεβηριανὸς τὴν τοῦ Σαραπίωνος καταφρόνησιν" πρὸς τούτοις μέγα ἀναχέχραγεν εἰπών" ἃ Σαραπίων Χριστιανὸς ἀποθάνοι, Χριστὸς οὐχ ἐνηνθρώπησε. Ταύτης τῆς ἀφορμῆς ὁ Σαραπίων δραξάμενος, φανερῶς ἐχθρὸν τὸν Σεβηριανὸν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ κατέστησεν, ἀποκρύψας μὲν τὸν προτδιορισμὸν τοῦ, Εἰ Σαραπίων Χριστιανὸς ἀποθάνοι" μόνον δὲ εἰρηκέναι εἰπὼν τὸν Σεδηριανὸν, Χριστὸς οὐχ ἐνηνθρώπησε. Καὶ τὸ στίφος ἑαυτοῦ μάρτυρας ὡς ἐπὶ εἰρημένῳ τούτῳ παρῆγε. Μὴ μελλήσας οὖν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἐξελαύνει αὐτὸν τῆς πόλεως. Καὶ γνοῦσα ταῦτα ἡ Αὐγοῦστα Εὐδοξία, μέμφεται μὲν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ παρασκευάζει δὲ τάχος καλεῖσθαι τὸν Σεθηριανὼὸν τῆς ιθυνίᾳ Χαλκχηδόνος. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ὅσον υὐδέπω παρῆν. Ἰωάννης δὲ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν ἐξέκλινε, οὐδενὶ παραινοῦντι πειθήνιος ἣν" ὡς καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα Εὐδοξία, ἐν τῇ ἐπωνύμῳ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων ἐκκλησίᾳ τὸν υἱὸν Θεοδόσιον τὸν νῦν εὐτυχῶς λεύοντα, κομιδῇ τότε νήπιον ὄντα, εἰς τὰ γόνατα τοῦ Ἰωάννου ἐμβαλοῦσα, ὄρχους χατ᾽ αὐτοῦ πολλοὺς καθορκώσασα μόλις τὴν πρὸς Σεδηριανὸν ἔπεισε φιλίαν ἀσπάσασθαι. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον οὗτοι κατὰ τὸ φανερὸν ἐφιλιώθησαν " ἔμενον δὲ οὐδὲν ἧττον τὴν γνώμην ὕπουλον πρὸς ἀλλήλους φυλάττοντες. μὲν οὖν ὑπόθεσις τῆς πρὸς Σεδηριανὸν λύπης τοιαύτη τις
Ēuxēse de to kata Iōannou misos heteron episymϑdan toionde" Dyo episkopoi hauton ēnthēsan, Syroi ontes to geno?, Sedērianos kai ᾿Antiochos. SeGērianos men Gabalōn, polis de hautē tēs Syrias ; ᾿Antiochos de Ptolemaïdos tēs en Phoinikę̄ Ekklēsias proeistēkei. "Amphō men oun dia logōn rhētorikōn ēchthēsan. Sebērianos de dokōn pepaideusthai, ou pany tę̄ phōnę̄ tēn Hellēnikēn exetranou glōssan; alla kai Hellēnisti phthengomenos, Syros ēn tēn phōnēn. ᾿Antiochos men oun proteron ek tēs Ptolemaïdos epi Kōnstantinoupolin elthōn, kata tas ekklēsias epi chronon tina peponēmenōs didaxas, kai polla ek toutōn chrēmatisamenos, epi tēn heautou anedrame. Sebērianos de pythomenos metatauta polla ton ᾿Antiochon ek tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs syllexanta, zēloun kai autos touto espoudasen. Askētheis te oun kai syntaxas logous sychnous, kai autos epi tēn Kōn. stantinou polin erchetai. Kai dechtheis asmenōs hypo Iōannou, mechri men tinos hypetreche ton andra kai ekolakeue, kai autos ouden hētton agapōmenos kai timōmenos, ēnthei te kata tas didaskalias, kai pollois tōn en telei, kai dē kai autǭ basilei ginetai gnōrimos. Epeidē de en tosoutǭ synebē tēs Ephesou teleutēsai ton episkopon, anankē katelabe ton Iōannēn eis tēn Epheson apelthein, epi tǭ cheirotonēsai episkopon ; kai genomenos en autę̄, allon te allōn proballesthai spoudazontōn, kai sphodra diaplēktizomenōn pros heautous peri hōn hekastos epsēphizeto, synidōn ho Iōannēs amphotera ta merē philoneikōs diakeimena, kai en oudeni peithesthai tę̄ parainesei autou thelonta, espoudasen akopiasti tēn toutōn erin lysai. Autos toinyn Hērakleidēn tina diakonon heautou, genei Kyprion, eis tēn episkopēn ( proeballeto ; kai houtō amphotera ta merē, pausamena tēs pros sphas philoneikias, hēsychasan. Anankē oun gegone chronizein ton Iōannēn kata tēn Epheson. Parelkontos de autou kat᾿ autēn, ho Sebērianos en tę̄ Kōnstantinoupolei erasmiōteros tois akroatais egineto. Kai tauta ouk elanthane men ton Iōannēn tacheōs gar autǭ ta ginomena diēngelleto. Sarapiōnos de, hou kai proteron epoiēsamēn mnēmēn, hypoballontos kai tarattesthai legontos hypo Sebērianou tēn Ekklēsian, pros zēlotypian ho Iōannēs proēchthē. Hodou oun parergon, pollas ekklēsias tianōn kai Tessareskaidekatitōn aphelōn, epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin erchetai. Kai autos men palin tēn prosēkousan kēdemonian tōn ekklēsiōn epoieito. Sarapiōnos de tēn ophryn kai tēn alazoneian oudeis hypopherein edynato. Epei gar pollēn tēn parrhēsian para tǭ episkopǭ Iōannę̄ ekektēto, pera tou kathēkontos pasi prosephereto. Dio kai to kata tou episkopou misos pleon exēpteto; kai pote tou Sebērianou pariontos, tēn prosēkousan episkopǭ timēn ouk apeneimen; alla kathēmenos dietelei, deiknys mikra phrontizein tēs Sebērianou parousias. Tautēn ouk ēnenken ho Sebērianos tēn tou Sarapiōnos kataphronēsin" pros toutois mega anachechragen eipōn" ha Sarapiōn Christianos apothanoi, Christos ouch enēnthrōpēse. Tautēs tēs aphormēs ho Sarapiōn draxamenos, phanerōs echthron ton Sebērianon tǭ Iōannę̄ katestēsen, apokrypsas men ton protdiorismon tou, Ei Sarapiōn Christianos apothanoi" monon de eirēkenai eipōn ton Sedērianon, Christos ouch enēnthrōpēse. Kai to stiphos heautou martyras hōs epi eirēmenǭ toutǭ parēge. Mē mellēsas oun ho Iōannēs exelaunei auton tēs poleōs. Kai gnousa tauta hē Augousta Eudoxia, memphetai men tǭ Iōannę̄ paraskeuazei de tachos kaleisthai ton Sethērianōon tēs ithynią Chalkchēdonos. Kai ho men hoson yydepō parēn. Iōannēs de tēn pros auton philian exekline, oudeni parainounti peithēnios hēn" hōs kai hē basilissa Eudoxia, en tę̄ epōnymǭ tōn ᾿Apostolōn ekklēsią ton huion Theodosion ton nyn eutychōs leuonta, komidę̄ tote nēpion onta, eis ta gonata tou Iōannou embalousa, orchous chat᾽ autou pollous kathorkōsasa molis tēn pros Sedērianon epeise philian aspasasthai. Touton men oun ton tropon houtoi kata to phaneron ephiliōthēsan " emenon de ouden hētton tēn gnōmēn hypoulon pros allēlous phylattontes. men oun hypothesis tēs pros Sedērianon lypēs toiautē tis
Another thing that happened increased the hatred against John. Two bishops flourished in his time, Syrians by race, Severian and Antiochus. Severian presided over the church of Gabala, a city of Syria, and Antiochus over that of Ptolemais in Phoenicia. Both were noted for rhetorical speeches. But Severian, though he seemed educated, did not speak the Greek language very clearly; even when speaking Greek he had a Syrian accent. Antiochus had earlier come from Ptolemais to Constantinople, taught laboriously in the churches for some time, made a great deal of money from it, and gone back to his own city. Severian, learning afterwards that Antiochus had collected much from Constantinople, was eager to emulate him. So he practised and composed many discourses and he too came to Constantinople. Gladly received by John, he for a time courted and flattered the man; and being no less loved and honoured himself, he flourished in his teaching and became known to many of the officials and to the emperor himself. When, meanwhile, the bishop of Ephesus happened to die, John had to go to Ephesus to ordain a bishop. When he was there, different people were eager to put forward different men and were quarrelling fiercely about the candidates each voted for; John, seeing both sides contentiously disposed and unwilling to follow his advice at all, was eager to end their strife without trouble. So he himself put forward for the bishopric one Heraclides, a deacon of his own, a Cypriot by birth; and so both sides, ceasing from their contention with each other, were quiet. So John had to stay some time in Ephesus. While he lingered there, Severian became more beloved by his hearers in Constantinople. This did not escape John's notice, for what was happening was quickly reported to him. When Serapion, whom I mentioned before, hinted and said that the church was being disturbed by Severian, John was moved to jealousy. On his way, as a by-work, he took away many churches from the Novatians and the Quartodecimans, and came to Constantinople. He again exercised the proper care of the churches. But no one could bear the haughtiness and arrogance of Serapion. Since he had acquired great freedom with the bishop John, he behaved toward everyone beyond what was fitting. So the hatred against the bishop was kindled more; and once, when Severian passed by, he did not give him the honour due to a bishop, but remained seated, showing that he cared little for Severian's presence. Severian could not bear this contempt from Serapion, and in addition cried out loudly, saying, 'If Serapion dies a Christian, Christ did not become man.' Seizing on this occasion, Serapion made Severian openly an enemy of John, hiding the condition 'If Serapion dies a Christian' and saying that Severian had said only 'Christ did not become man'; and he brought his own band forward as witnesses that this had been said. Without delay John drove him out of the city. When the Augusta Eudoxia learned this, she blamed John and had Severian quickly recalled from Chalcedon in Bithynia. He was there almost at once. But John refused friendship with him and would not yield to anyone who advised it, until the empress Eudoxia, in the church named after the Apostles, put her son Theodosius, who now reigns happily, then a very small infant, on John's knees, and, adjuring him with many oaths, barely persuaded him to embrace friendship with Severian. In this way they were reconciled in public; but they nonetheless kept their minds festering toward each other. Such was the occasion of John's grievance against Severian.
6.12PG 67:699–701
Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ ὃὲ τῆς Κύπρον ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Ἐπιφάνιος ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν πάλιν ἔρχεται, ταῖς ὑποθήχαις Θεοφίλου πεισθεὶς, ἐπιχομιζόμενος ἐν ταυτῷ τὰ χαθαιρετιχὰ τῶν Ὠριγένους ϑιθλίων, δι ὧν οὐχ αὐτὸν Ὠριγένην ἀκοινώνητον εἶναι ἀπἔφηνεν, ἀλλὰ τὰ βιδλία μόνον διέβαλλεν. Προσορμήσας οὖν τῷ ἐπὶ Ἰωάννην μαρτυρίῳ: ἀπέχει δὲ τοῦτο ἑπτὰ σημεῖα τῆς πόλεως" ἐξελθὼν τῆς νεὼς, σύναξίν τε ἐπιτελέσας, καὶ διάκονον χειροτονήσας, αὖθις εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσέρχεται. Καὶ τὴν μὲν προτροπὴν Ἰωάννου ἐξέκλινε, Θεοφίλῳ χαριζόμενος" ἐν ἰδιαζούσῃ ὃὲ καταλύει μονῇ συγχαλῶν τοὺς ἐπιδημοῦντας τῶν ἐπισκόπων, τὰ χαθαιρετιχὰ τῶν βιδλίων Ὠριγένους ὑπανεγίνωσχεν. Οὐχ ἔχω μέν τι λέγειν πρὸς αὑτά’ δοκεῖ δὲ αὐτῷ Θεοφίλῳ ἐκβαλεῖν αὐτά. Καί τινες μὲν, αἰδούμενοι τὸν ᾿Ἐπιφάνιον, προσυπἐγραφον" πολλοὶ δὲ τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐξετρέποντο᾽ ὧν Θεότιμος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Σχυθίας, ὃς πρὸς τὸν Ἐπιφάνιον τοιάδε ἀπεχρίνατο᾽ Ἐγὼ, ἔφη, ὦ ᾿Ἐπιφάνιε, οὔτε τὸν πάλαι καλῶς χεχοιμημένον χαθυδρίζειν αἱροῦμαι" οὔτε βλάσφημον ἐπιχειρεῖν πρᾶγμα τολμῶ, ἐχδάλλων ἃ οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν οὐχ ἠθέτησαν. ΓΛλλω; τε, μήτε κακὴν εἶναι διδασκαλίαν ἐν τοῖς βιδλίοις εἰπὼν, προχομίσας τε βιβλίον Ὡριγέὑπανέγνω ἐδείκνυεν τὰς ἐχχλησιαστιχὰ: ἐκθέσεις. Καὶ μεταταῦτα ἐπῆγε λέγων" Οἱ ταῦτα ὑθρίσαντες, εἰς τὰ περὶ ὧν οἱ λόγοι, ἐξυθρίσαντες ἔλαθον ἑαυτούς. Ταῦτα μὲν ὁ ἐπ᾽ εὐλαδείᾳ καὶ βίου ὀρθότητι περιδόητος Θεότιμος πρὸς Ἐπιφάνιον ἀπ-
Met᾿ ou poly hoe tēs Kypron ho episkopos Epiphanios epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin palin erchetai, tais hypothēchais Theophilou peistheis, epichomizomenos en tautǭ ta chathaireticha tōn Ōrigenous ϑithliōn, di hōn ouch auton Ōrigenēn akoinōnēton einai apephēnen, alla ta bidlia monon dieballen. Prosormēsas oun tǭ epi Iōannēn martyriǭ: apechei de touto hepta sēmeia tēs poleōs" exelthōn tēs neōs, synaxin te epitelesas, kai diakonon cheirotonēsas, authis eis tēn polin eiserchetai. Kai tēn men protropēn Iōannou exekline, Theophilǭ charizomenos" en idiazousę̄ hoe katalyei monę̄ synchalōn tous epidēmountas tōn episkopōn, ta chathaireticha tōn bidliōn Ōrigenous hypaneginōschen. Ouch echō men ti legein pros hauta’ dokei de autǭ Theophilǭ ekbalein auta. Kai tines men, aidoumenoi ton ᾿Epiphanion, prosypegraphon" polloi de touto poiein exetreponto᾽ hōn Theotimos ho episkopos Schythias, hos pros ton Epiphanion toiade apechrinato᾽ Egō, ephē, ō ᾿Epiphanie, oute ton palai kalōs chechoimēmenon chathydrizein hairoumai" oute blasphēmon epicheirein pragma tolmō, echdallōn ha hoi pro hēmōn ouch ēthetēsan. GLllō? te, mēte kakēn einai didaskalian en tois bidliois eipōn, prochomisas te biblion Hōrigeupanegnō edeiknyen tas echchlēsiasticha: ektheseis. Kai metatauta epēge legōn" Hoi tauta hythrisantes, eis ta peri hōn hoi logoi, exythrisantes elathon heautous. Tauta men ho ep᾽ euladeią kai biou orthotēti peridoētos Theotimos pros Epiphanion ap-
Not long after, Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, came again to Constantinople, persuaded by Theophilus's suggestions, bringing with him the condemnations of Origen's books, in which he did not declare Origen himself excommunicate but only denounced his books. Putting in at the martyr-shrine of John, which is seven miles from the city, he left the ship, held an assembly, ordained a deacon, and then entered the city. He declined John's invitation, to oblige Theophilus, and lodged in a private house. Summoning the bishops in residence, he read out the condemnations of Origen's books, though he had nothing to say against them, except that he and Theophilus had decided to reject them. Some, out of respect for Epiphanius, signed; but many refused to do so, among them Theotimus, bishop of Scythia, who answered Epiphanius thus: 'I, Epiphanius, choose neither to insult one who long ago fell asleep well, nor do I dare to undertake a blasphemous thing, rejecting what those before us did not set aside.' Besides, saying that there was no bad teaching in the books, he brought out a book of Origen, read from it, and showed the church's teachings in it. Then he added: 'Those who insult these writings have, without perceiving it, insulted the things the words are about.' This is what Theotimus, famous for his piety and the uprightness of his life, answered Epiphanius.
6.13PG 67:701–703
Ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ φιλολοίδοροι τοὺς πολλοὺς συνήρπασαν, ὡς βλασφήμῳ προσέχειν τῷ Ὡριγένει, μικρὰ ἐιελθεῖν περὶ τούτων οὐχ ἄκαιρον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι. Οἱ εὖτελεῖς ἀφ᾽ ἑαυτῶν μὴ δυνάμενοι φαίνεστα:, τοῦ ψέγειν τοὺς ἑαυτῶν χρείττονας δείχνυσθαι βούλονται. Τοῦτο πέπονθε πρῶτος Μεθόδιος, τῆς ἐν Λυκίᾳ πόλεως λεγομένης Ὀλύμπου ἐπίσκοπος " εἶτα Εὐστάθιος ὁ τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πρὸς ὀλίγον Ἐκκλησίας προττάς " μεταταῦτα ᾿Απολινάριος, καὶ τὸ τελευταῖον Θεόοἱ Αὕτη τῶν χαχολόγων τετραχτὺς, κατὰ ταὐτὸν ἐλθόντες, τὸν ἄνδρα διέβαλλον· ἄλλος γὰρ δι' ἄλλο ἐπὶ τὴν κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ κατηγορίαν ἐχώρησαν, δεικνύντες ἕκαστοι, ὡς ὁ μὴ διέβαλλον, τοῦτο πάντως ἐδέξαντο. Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἄλλος ἄλλου δόγματος ὁ καθ' εἷς ἐπελαμβάνοντο, δῆλον ὡς ἕκαστος ὁ μὴ ἔσκωπτεν, τοῦτο ὡς ἀληθὲς πάντως ἐδέχετο, τῷ ἀποσιωπῶν ἐπαινῶν τοῦτο ὁ μὴ διέβαλλε. Μεθόδιος μὲν οὖν πολλὰ καταδραμὼν τοῦ Ωριγένους, ὕστερον ὡς ἐκ παλινῳδίας θαυμάζει τὸν ἄνδρα ἐν τῷ διαλόγῳ, ᾧ ἐπέγραψε Ξενώνα. Ἐγὼ δὲ τι καὶ πλέον ἐκ τῆς ἐκείνων αἰτιάσεως εἰς σύστασιν Ωριγένους φημί. Οἱ γὰρ κινήσαντες ὅσαπερ ᾤοντο μέμψεως ἄξια, δι' ὧν ὡς κακῶς δοξάζοντα περὶ τῆς ἁγίας Τριάδος οὐδ᾽ ὅλως ἐμέμψαντο, δείκνυνται περιφανῶς τὴν ὀρθὴν εὐσέβειαν μαρτυροῦντες αὐτῷ. Οὗτοι μὲν διὰ τοῦ μὴ μέμψασθαι μαρτυροῦσιν αὐτῷ. ᾿Αθανάσιος δὲ ὁ τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως ὑπερασπιστὴς, ἐν τοῖς κατὰ ᾿Αρειανῶν λόγοις, μεγάλῃ τῇ φωνῇ μάρτυρα τῆς οἰκείας πίστεως τὸν ἄνδρα καλεῖ, τοὺς ἐκείνου λόγους τοῖς ἰδίοις συνάπτων καὶ λέγων· Ὁ θαυμαστός, φησὶ, καὶ φιλοπονώτατος Ωριγένης τάδε περὶ τοῦ Υἱοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ δόξῃ μαρτυρεῖ, συναΐδιον αὐτὸν λέγων τῷ Πατρί. Ἔλαθον οὖν ἐν τοὺς οἱ λοιδορήσαντες Ωριγένην, βλασφημήσαντες καὶ τὸν ἐπαινέτην αὐτοῦ ᾿Αθανάσιον. Περὶ μὲν οὖν Ωριγένους τοσαῦταν εἰρήσθω· ἐξῆς δὲ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐχώμεθα.
Epeidē de hoi philoloidoroi tous pollous synērpasan, hōs blasphēmǭ prosechein tǭ Hōrigenei, mikra eielthein peri toutōn ouch akairon einai hēgoumai. Hoi euteleis aph᾽ heautōn mē dynamenoi phainesta:, tou psegein tous heautōn chreittonas deichnysthai boulontai. Touto peponthe prōtos Methodios, tēs en Lykią poleōs legomenēs Olympou episkopos " eita Eustathios ho tēs en ᾿Antiocheią pros oligon Ekklēsias prottas " metatauta ᾿Apolinarios, kai to teleutaion Theooi Hautē tōn chachologōn tetrachtys, kata tauton elthontes, ton andra dieballon; allos gar di' allo epi tēn kat᾿ autou katēgorian echōrēsan, deiknyntes hekastoi, hōs ho mē dieballon, touto pantōs edexanto. Epeidē gar allos allou dogmatos ho kath' heis epelambanonto, dēlon hōs hekastos ho mē eskōpten, touto hōs alēthes pantōs edecheto, tǭ aposiōpōn epainōn touto ho mē dieballe. Methodios men oun polla katadramōn tou Ōrigenous, hysteron hōs ek palinǭdias thaumazei ton andra en tǭ dialogǭ, hǭ epegrapse Xenōna. Egō de ti kai pleon ek tēs ekeinōn aitiaseōs eis systasin Ōrigenous phēmi. Hoi gar kinēsantes hosaper ǭonto mempseōs axia, di' hōn hōs kakōs doxazonta peri tēs hagias Triados oud᾽ holōs emempsanto, deiknyntai periphanōs tēn orthēn eusebeian martyrountes autǭ. Houtoi men dia tou mē mempsasthai martyrousin autǭ. ᾿Athanasios de ho tēs homoousiou pisteōs hyperaspistēs, en tois kata ᾿Areianōn logois, megalę̄ tę̄ phōnę̄ martyra tēs oikeias pisteōs ton andra kalei, tous ekeinou logous tois idiois synaptōn kai legōn; Ho thaumastos, phēsi, kai philoponōtatos Ōrigenēs tade peri tou Huiou tou Theou tę̄ hēmeterą doxę̄ martyrei, synaïdion auton legōn tǭ Patri. Elathon oun en tous hoi loidorēsantes Ōrigenēn, blasphēmēsantes kai ton epainetēn autou ᾿Athanasion. Peri men oun Ōrigenous tosautan eirēsthō; exēs de tēs historias echōmetha.
Since the lovers of abuse have carried many people away into thinking that Origen is to be shunned as a blasphemer, I think it not out of place to go through a few things about this. Worthless people, unable to make a show by their own merits, wish to be noticed by finding fault with their betters. This happened first to Methodius, bishop of the city in Lycia called Olympus; then to Eustathius, who for a short time presided over the church in Antioch; afterwards to Apollinaris, and last of all to Theophilus. This foursome of slanderers, coming together on the same course, denounced the man; for each went on to accuse him on a different ground, showing that what each did not denounce he fully accepted. For since each laid hold of a different doctrine, one by one, it is plain that each fully accepted as true whatever he did not ridicule, praising by his silence what he did not denounce. Methodius, after attacking Origen in many things, later admires the man as if in recantation in the dialogue he entitled Xenon. But I say that from their accusation there is something more in Origen's favour. For those who stirred up whatever they thought deserving of blame, yet never blamed him at all as holding wrong views about the holy Trinity, are plainly shown to bear witness to his right piety. These bear witness to him by not blaming him. But Athanasius, the defender of the faith of the 'same essence', in his discourses against the Arians calls the man with a loud voice as witness to his own faith, joining Origen's words to his own and saying: 'The admirable and most laborious Origen bears witness to our opinion with these words about the Son of God, calling him co-eternal with the Father.' So those who reviled Origen did not perceive that they were blaspheming his praiser Athanasius too. So much about Origen; let us keep to the course of the history.
6.14PG 67:705–707
Ἰωάννης οὐκ ἠγανάκτησεν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς παρὰ κανόνα ἐν τῇ αὐτοῦ Ἐκκλησίᾳ Ἐπιφάνιος χειροτονίαν πεποίητο· ἀλλὰ παρεκάλει, ἐν τοῖς ἐπισκοπικοῖς οἴκοις συμμένειν αὐτῷ. Ὁ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη, οὐδὲ συμμένειν αὐτῷ, οὐδὲ συνεύξασθαι, ἐὰν μὴ τοὺς περὶ Διόσκορον ἐξελάσῃ τῆς πόλεως, αὐτὸς δὲ καθυπογράψῃ τοῖς καθαιρετικοῖς τῶν Ωριγένους βίβλων. Ἰωάννου δὲ ταῦτα ποιεῖν ὑπερτιθεμένου, καὶ λέγοντος μὴ δεῖν πρὸ καθολικῆς διαγνώσεως προπετές τι ποιεῖν, ἐπὶ ἑτέραν βουλὴν οἱ ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς Ἰωάννην ἔχοντες τὸν Ἐπιφάνιον ἄγουσι. Κατασκευάζουσι γὰρ, μελλούσης ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ τῇ ἐπωνύμῳ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων συνάξεως γίνεσθαι, προελθεῖν τὸν Ἐπιφάνιον, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς διαβαλεῖν μὲν τὰ Ωριγένους βιβλία, ἀποκηρύξαι δὲ τοὺς περὶ Διόσκομον, καὶ διασύραι Ἰωάννην, ὡς καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκείνοις τιθέμενον. Ταῦτα ἀνηγγέλη τῷ Ἰωάννῃ· καὶ τῇ ἑξῆς τῷ Ἐπιφανίῳ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἤδη κατειληφότι δηλοῖ διὰ Σαραπίωνος τάδε· Παρὰ κανόνας πράττεις πολλὰ, ὦ Ἐπιφάνιε· πρῶτον μὲν χειροτονίαν ἐν ταῖς ὑπ᾿ ἐμὲ ἐκκλησίαις ποιησάμενος· εἶθ᾽ ὅτι μὴ προταγεὶς παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ, ἐν αὐταῖς ἐλειτούργησας, οἱκείᾳ αὐθεντίᾳ χρησάμενος. Πάλιν τε αὐτόθι προτραπεὶς παρῃτήσω, καὶ νῦν αὖθις ἐπιτρέπεις σαυτῷ. Φύλαξαι οὖν, μὴ ταραχῆς ἐν τῷ λαῷ διαγενομένης, τὸν ἐκ ταύτης κίνδυνον ἀναδέξῃ καὶ αὐτός. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Ἐπιφάνιος, εὐλαβηθεὶς ἀναχωρεί μὲν τῆς ἐκκλησίας. Πολλὰ δὲ τῷ Ἰωάννῃ μεμφόμε· νος, ἀπαίρειν ἐπὶ τὴν Κύπρον ἐστέλλετο. Λέγουσι δέ τινες ὅτι ἀπαίρειν μέλλων, τῷ Ἰωάννῃ ταῦτα ἐδήλωσεν, Ἐλπίζω σὲ μὴ ἀποθανεῖν ἐπίσκοπον. Ὁ δὲ ἀντεδήλωσεν, Ἐλπίζω σὲ μὴ ἐπιβῆναι τῆς σαυτοῦ πατρίδος. Ταῦτα οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, εἰ ἀληθῆ ἔλεξαν οἱ ἐμοὶ ἀπαγγείλαντες. ᾿Αμφότεροι δὲ ὅμως ταύτην ἔσχον τὴν ἔκβασιν. Οὔτε γὰρ Ἐπιφάνιος τῆς Κύπρου ἐπέβη· ἐν γὰρ τῷ πλοίῳ ἀπιὼν ἐτελεύτησεν. Καὶ Ἰωάννης μικρὸν ὕστερον κατηνέχθη τοῦ θρόνου, ὡς προϊόντες δηλώσομεν.
Iōannēs ouk ēganaktēsen, eph᾽ hois para kanona en tę̄ autou Ekklēsią Epiphanios cheirotonian pepoiēto; alla parekalei, en tois episkopikois oikois symmenein autǭ. Ho de ouk ephē, oude symmenein autǭ, oude syneuxasthai, ean mē tous peri Dioskoron exelasę̄ tēs poleōs, autos de kathypograpsę̄ tois kathairetikois tōn Ōrigenous biblōn. Iōannou de tauta poiein hypertithemenou, kai legontos mē dein pro katholikēs diagnōseōs propetes ti poiein, epi heteran boulēn hoi apechthōs pros Iōannēn echontes ton Epiphanion agousi. Kataskeuazousi gar, mellousēs en tę̄ ekklēsią tę̄ epōnymǭ tōn ᾿Apostolōn synaxeōs ginesthai, proelthein ton Epiphanion, kai epi tou laou pantos diabalein men ta Ōrigenous biblia, apokēryxai de tous peri Dioskomon, kai diasyrai Iōannēn, hōs kai auton ekeinois tithemenon. Tauta anēngelē tǭ Iōannę̄; kai tę̄ hexēs tǭ Epiphaniǭ tēn ekklēsian ēdē kateilēphoti dēloi dia Sarapiōnos tade; Para kanonas pratteis polla, ō Epiphanie; prōton men cheirotonian en tais hyp᾿ eme ekklēsiais poiēsamenos; eith᾽ hoti mē protageis par᾽ emou, en autais eleitourgēsas, hoikeią authentią chrēsamenos. Palin te autothi protrapeis parę̄tēsō, kai nyn authis epitrepeis sautǭ. Phylaxai oun, mē tarachēs en tǭ laǭ diagenomenēs, ton ek tautēs kindynon anadexę̄ kai autos. Tauta akousas ho Epiphanios, eulabētheis anachōrei men tēs ekklēsias. Polla de tǭ Iōannę̄ memphome; nos, apairein epi tēn Kypron estelleto. Legousi de tines hoti apairein mellōn, tǭ Iōannę̄ tauta edēlōsen, Elpizō se mē apothanein episkopon. Ho de antedēlōsen, Elpizō se mē epibēnai tēs sautou patridos. Tauta ouk echō eipein, ei alēthē elexan hoi emoi apangeilantes. ᾿Amphoteroi de homōs tautēn eschon tēn ekbasin. Oute gar Epiphanios tēs Kyprou epebē; en gar tǭ ploiǭ apiōn eteleutēsen. Kai Iōannēs mikron hysteron katēnechthē tou thronou, hōs proïontes dēlōsomen.
John was not indignant that Epiphanius had held an ordination in his church contrary to the canons, but invited him to stay with him in the bishop's residence. Epiphanius said he would neither stay with him nor pray with him unless he drove Dioscorus and his brothers out of the city and himself signed the condemnations of Origen's books. When John put off doing this, saying that nothing rash should be done before a general examination, those hostile to John led Epiphanius to another plan. They arranged that, when an assembly was to be held in the church named after the Apostles, Epiphanius should come forward and before all the people denounce Origen's books, proscribe Dioscorus and his brothers, and disparage John as siding with them. This was reported to John; and the next day, when Epiphanius had already reached the church, he sent him this message through Serapion: 'You are doing many things contrary to the canons, Epiphanius: first, holding an ordination in the churches under me; then, officiating in them without being invited by me, using your own authority. Again, when invited here, you refused, and now you allow yourself this again. Take care, then, lest if a tumult arises among the people you yourself incur the danger from it.' When Epiphanius heard this, he was afraid and left the church; and blaming John much, he prepared to sail for Cyprus. Some say that when he was about to depart he sent this message to John: 'I hope you will not die a bishop'; and John answered, 'I hope you will not set foot in your own country.' Whether those who reported this to me told the truth I cannot say. But both, nevertheless, had this outcome: Epiphanius did not set foot in Cyprus, for he died on the ship on his way; and John not long after was brought down from his throne, as we shall show further on.
6.15PG 67:707–711
Αποπλεύσαντος γὰρ τοῦ Ἐπιφανίου, πυνθάνεται παρὰ τινῶν ὁ Ἰωάννης, ὡς ἡ βασίλισσα Εὐδοξία τὸν Ἐπιφάνιον ἐξώπλισε κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Καὶ θερμὸς ὢν τὸ ἦθος, καὶ περὶ τὸν λόγον ἕτοιμος, μὴ μελλήσας διέξεισι ψόγον κοινὸν κατὰ πασῶν γυναικῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ λαοῦ. ᾿Αρπάζει τὸ πλῆθος τὸν λόγον, ὡς αἴνιγμα κατὰ τῆς βασιλίδος λεχθέν. Καὶ ὁ λόγος ἐκληφθεὶς ὑπὸ τῶν κακουργούντων, εἰς γνῶσιν ἄγεται τῶν κρατούντων. Γνοῦσα δὲ ἡ Αὐγοῦστα, πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τὴν οἰκείαν ὕβριν ὠδύρατο, αὐτοῦ ὕβριν εἶναι λέγουσα τὴν ἑαυτῆς. Παρασκευάζει οὖν, τὸν Θεό φιλον ταχεῖαν ποιεῖσθαι σύνοδον κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ· συγ( κατασκευάζει δὲ ταῦτα καὶ Σεβηριανός· ἔτι γὰρ τὴν λύπην ἐφύλαττεν. Οὐ πολὺς οὖν ἐν μέσῳ χρόνος, καὶ παρῆν Θεόφιλος, πολλοὺς ἐκ διαφόρων πόλεων ἐπισκόπους ὁ κινήσας. Τοῦτο δὲ καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκέλευε πρόσταγμα· μάλιστα δὲ συνέῤῥεον, ὅσοι πρὸς Ἰωάννην ἄλλος δι᾿ ἄλλην αἰτίαν λελύπηντο. Παρῆσαν δὲ καὶ ὅσους τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἀπεκίνησε· πολλοὺς γὰρ ὁ Ἰωάννης καθῃρήκει · τῶν ἐν Ἀσίᾳ ἐπισκόπων, ὅτε διὰ τὴν Ἡρακλείδου χειροτονίαν ἀπεληλύθει ἐπὶ τὴν Ἔφεσον. Πάντες οὖν συμφωνήσαντες εἰς τὴν Χαλκηδόνα τῆς Βιθυνίας συνήρχοντο. Τότε δὲ ἦν ἐπίσκοπος τῆς Χαλκηδόνος Κυρῖνος ὄνομα, γένει γύπτιος, ὅστις πολλὰ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπισκόπους ἔλεγε, τὸν ἀσεβῆ, τὸν ἀλαζόνα, τὸν ἀγόνατον ἀποκαλῶν. Ἤδοντο μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις οἱ ἐπίσκοποι. Μαρουθᾶς δὲ, Μεσοποταμίας ἐπίσκοπος, ἄκων τὸν πόδα τοῦ Κυρίνου ἐπάτησεν. Ὁ δὲ ὀδυνηρῶς ἐκ τούτου διατεθεὶς, συνδιαβῆναι τοῖς ἐπισκόποις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν οὐ δεδύνηται. Ἀλλὰ μένει μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν τῇ Χαλκηδόνι· οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι διεπεραιώθησαν. Θεοφίλῳ δὲ οὐδενὸς τῶν τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀπαντησάντων, οὐδὲ τιμὴν τὴν εἰωθυῖαν παρεσχηκότων· φανερὸς γὰρ ἐχθρὸς ἐγινώσκετο· τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων τὸ ναυτικὸν, ἔτυχε γὰρ τότε παρεῖναι τὰ σιτηγοῦντα τῶν πλοίων, ἀπαντήσαντα σὺν εὐφημίᾳ ἐδέξαντο. δὲ παρῃτεῖτο μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν εὐκτήριον οἶκον εἰσελθεῖν· • : ἐν μιᾷ δὲ τῶν βασιλίδων οἰκίᾳ καταλύει, ᾗ προσωνυμία Πλακιδιαναί. Τότε ἐντεῦθεν ἀνεκινοῦντο κατὰ Ἰωάννου κατηγορίαι πολλαί· καὶ οὐκέτι μὲν τῶν Ωριγένους βιβλίων μνεία τις ἦν· ἐπὶ ἑτέρας δὲ ἀτόπους κατηγορίας ἐτρέποντο. Τούτων δὲ οὕτω προκατεσκευασμένων, συνελθόντες οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἐν προαστείῳ Χαλκηδόνος ᾧ ἐπώνυμον Δρῦς, καλοῦσιν εὐθὺς τὸν Ἰωάννην, ἀπολογησόμενον περὶ ὧν κατηγορεῖτο. Ἐκέλευον δὲ παρεῖναι ἅμα αὐτῷ Σαραπίωνα, καὶ Τίγριν εὐνοῦχον πρεσβύτερον, καὶ Παῦλον ἀναγνώστην. Καὶ γὰρ οὗτοι συγκατηγοροῦντο αὐτῷ. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Ἰωάννης τοὺς καλοῦντας ὡς ἐχθροὺς παρεγγράφετο, οἰκουμενικὴν δὲ ἐπεκαλεῖτο σύνοδον, μὴ μελλήσαντες τετράκις αὐτὸν ἐκάλεσαν. Τοῦ δὲ μὴ βουληθέντος ἀπαντῆσαι, ἀλλὰ τὰ αὐτὰ λέγοντος, κατεψηφίσαντο καὶ καθεῖλον αὐτὸν, ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν αἰτιασάμενοι, μόνον δὲ ὅτι καλούμενος οὐχ ὑπήκουσε. Τοῦτο ἀπαγγελθὲν περὶ ἑσπέραν πρὸς μεγίστην στάσιν ἐξῆπτε τὸ πλῆθος· καὶ διανυχτερεύοντες οὐ συνεχώρουν ἀφέλκεσθαι τῆς ἐκκλησίας αὐτόν· ἀλλ᾽ ἐβόων δεῖν κρίνεσθαι τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ μείζονος συνεδρίου. Τοῦ βασιλέως δὲ ἐκέλευε πρόσταγμα, ᾗ τάχος ἐξωθεῖσθαι αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἐξορίαν ἀπάγεσθαι. Τοῦτο γνοὺς ὁ Ἰωάννης, τῇ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν καθαίρεσιν περὶ τὸ μεσημβρινὸν ἑαυτὸν ἐξέδωκε, λαθὼν τὸ πλῆθος. Ἐφυλάττετο γὰρ μή τις ταραχή γένηται δι' αὐτόν· καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπήγετο.
Apopleusantos gar tou Epiphaniou, pynthanetai para tinōn ho Iōannēs, hōs hē basilissa Eudoxia ton Epiphanion exōplise kat᾿ autou. Kai thermos ōn to ēthos, kai peri ton logon hetoimos, mē mellēsas diexeisi psogon koinon kata pasōn gynaikōn epi tou laou. ᾿Arpazei to plēthos ton logon, hōs ainigma kata tēs basilidos lechthen. Kai ho logos eklēphtheis hypo tōn kakourgountōn, eis gnōsin agetai tōn kratountōn. Gnousa de hē Augousta, pros ton basilea tēn oikeian hybrin ōdyrato, autou hybrin einai legousa tēn heautēs. Paraskeuazei oun, ton Theo philon tacheian poieisthai synodon kat᾿ autou; syg( kataskeuazei de tauta kai Sebērianos; eti gar tēn lypēn ephylatten. Ou polys oun en mesǭ chronos, kai parēn Theophilos, pollous ek diaphorōn poleōn episkopous ho kinēsas. Touto de kai tou basileōs ekeleue prostagma; malista de synerrheon, hosoi pros Iōannēn allos di᾿ allēn aitian lelypēnto. Parēsan de kai hosous tēs episkopēs apekinēse; pollous gar ho Iōannēs kathę̄rēkei ; tōn en Asią episkopōn, hote dia tēn Hērakleidou cheirotonian apelēlythei epi tēn Epheson. Pantes oun symphōnēsantes eis tēn Chalkēdona tēs Bithynias synērchonto. Tote de ēn episkopos tēs Chalkēdonos Kyrinos onoma, genei gyptios, hostis polla pros tous episkopous elege, ton asebē, ton alazona, ton agonaton apokalōn. Ēdonto men oun epi tois legomenois hoi episkopoi. Marouthas de, Mesopotamias episkopos, akōn ton poda tou Kyrinou epatēsen. Ho de odynērōs ek toutou diatetheis, syndiabēnai tois episkopois epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin ou dedynētai. Alla menei men autos en tę̄ Chalkēdoni; hoi de alloi dieperaiōthēsan. Theophilǭ de oudenos tōn tēs ekklēsias apantēsantōn, oude timēn tēn eiōthuian pareschēkotōn; phaneros gar echthros eginōsketo; tōn ᾿Alexandreōn to nautikon, etyche gar tote pareinai ta sitēgounta tōn ploiōn, apantēsanta syn euphēmią edexanto. de parę̄teito men epi ton euktērion oikon eiselthein; • : en mią de tōn basilidōn oikią katalyei, hę̄ prosōnymia Plakidianai. Tote enteuthen anekinounto kata Iōannou katēgoriai pollai; kai ouketi men tōn Ōrigenous bibliōn mneia tis ēn; epi heteras de atopous katēgorias etreponto. Toutōn de houtō prokateskeuasmenōn, synelthontes hoi episkopoi en proasteiǭ Chalkēdonos hǭ epōnymon Drys, kalousin euthys ton Iōannēn, apologēsomenon peri hōn katēgoreito. Ekeleuon de pareinai hama autǭ Sarapiōna, kai Tigrin eunouchon presbyteron, kai Paulon anagnōstēn. Kai gar houtoi synkatēgorounto autǭ. Epei de ho Iōannēs tous kalountas hōs echthrous parengrapheto, oikoumenikēn de epekaleito synodon, mē mellēsantes tetrakis auton ekalesan. Tou de mē boulēthentos apantēsai, alla ta auta legontos, katepsēphisanto kai katheilon auton, allo men ouden aitiasamenoi, monon de hoti kaloumenos ouch hypēkouse. Touto apangelthen peri hesperan pros megistēn stasin exēpte to plēthos; kai dianychtereuontes ou synechōroun aphelkesthai tēs ekklēsias auton; all᾽ eboōn dein krinesthai ta kat᾿ auton epi meizonos synedriou. Tou basileōs de ekeleue prostagma, hę̄ tachos exōtheisthai auton, kai ep᾿ exorian apagesthai. Touto gnous ho Iōannēs, tę̄ tritę̄ hēmerą meta tēn kathairesin peri to mesēmbrinon heauton exedōke, lathōn to plēthos. Ephylatteto gar mē tis tarachē genētai di' auton; kai ho men apēgeto.
After Epiphanius had sailed away, John learned from some people that the empress Eudoxia had armed Epiphanius against him. Being hot-tempered by character and ready of speech, he did not delay but delivered before the people a general invective against all women. The crowd seized on the speech as spoken in riddles against the empress; and the speech, taken up by ill-disposed people, was brought to the knowledge of those in power. When the Augusta learned of it, she complained to the emperor of the insult to her, saying that the insult to her was an insult to him. So she arranged for Theophilus to hold a synod against him quickly; and Severian helped to arrange it, for he still kept his grievance. Not much time passed before Theophilus arrived, having set in motion many bishops from various cities; an order of the emperor also commanded this. Above all those came flocking who had been aggrieved with John for one reason or another. Those whom he had removed from their bishoprics were also present; for John had deposed many of the bishops in Asia when he went to Ephesus for the ordination of Heraclides. So all, in agreement, assembled at Chalcedon in Bithynia. At that time the bishop of Chalcedon was a man named Cyrinus, an Egyptian by race, who said much against John to the bishops, calling him the impious, the arrogant, the man who will not bend the knee. The bishops were pleased with what was said. But Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, accidentally trod on Cyrinus's foot; and he, badly hurt by it, could not cross with the bishops to Constantinople, but stayed himself in Chalcedon while the others crossed over. None of the church went to meet Theophilus or gave him the customary honour, for he was known to be an open enemy; but the Alexandrian sailors, for the grain ships happened to be there then, met him with acclamation and received him. He declined to enter the house of prayer, and lodged in one of the imperial houses, called the Placidianae. From then many accusations were stirred up against John; and there was no longer any mention of Origen's books, but they turned to other absurd accusations. When these things had been prepared in this way, the bishops met in a suburb of Chalcedon called The Oak and at once summoned John to defend himself on the charges brought against him. They ordered Serapion, Tigrius the eunuch presbyter, and Paul the reader to be present with him, for these were accused together with him. When John objected to those summoning him as his enemies and appealed to an ecumenical synod, they did not delay but summoned him four times. When he would not appear but said the same things, they condemned and deposed him, accusing him of nothing else, but only that he had not obeyed when summoned. When this was reported toward evening, it kindled the multitude to a very great riot; they stayed up all night and would not allow him to be dragged from the church, but shouted that his case must be judged by a greater council. But an order of the emperor commanded that he be expelled with all speed and taken into exile. When John learned this, on the third day after his deposition, about midday, he gave himself up without the crowd's knowledge, for he took care that no tumult should arise on his account; and he was led away.
6.16PG 67:711–713
Ὁ δὲ λαὸς ἀφόρητα ἐστασίαζεν. Οἷα δὲ ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις φιλεῖ γίνεσθαι, πολλοὶ τῶν ἀπεχθῶς πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχόντων ἐπὶ οἶκτον μετεβάλλοντο, καὶ συκοφαντεῖσθαι ἔλεγον, ὃν μικρῷ ἔμπροσθεν καθῃρημένον ἐπεθύμουν θεάσασθαι. Πλείους οὖν καὶ διατοῦτο ἐγίν νοντο οἱ καταβοῶντες καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ τῆς συν· όδου τῶν ἐπισκόπων. Μάλιστα δὲ Θεοφίλῳ τῆς σκευωρίας τὴν αἰτίαν ἐτίθεσαν. Οὐ γὰρ ἔτι λανθάνειν ἐπὶ - τοῖς σκευωρημένοις ἐδύνατο· ἐκ πολλῶν μὲν οὖν καὶ ἄλλων τεκμηρίων, μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι τοῖς περὶ Διόσκορον, τοῖς ἐπιλεγομένοις Μακροῖς, εὐθὺς μετὰ τὴν Ἰωάννου καθαίρεσιν ἐκοινώνησε. Τότε δὴ καὶ Σεβηριανὸς ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας διδάσκων, εὐκαίρως ἔδοξε διασύρειν τὸν Ἰωάννην, φήσας, Εἰ καὶ μηδὲν ἄλλο κατέγνωστο Ἰωάννης, ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε ἱκανὸν ἔγκλημα πρὸς καθαίρεσιν τὸ ἀλαζονικὸν ἦθος αὐτοῦ. Πάντα μὲν γὰρ τὰ ἁμαρτήματα συγχωρεῖται τοῖς ἀνθρώποις· ὑπερηφάνοις δὲ ὁ Θεὸς ἀντιτάσσεται, ὡς διδάσκουσιν αἱ θεῖαι Γραφαί. Ταῦτα λεχθέντα, φιλονεικότερον ἐποίει τὸ πλῆθος. Διὸ τὴν ἀνάκλησιν ταχεῖαν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐποίησε γενέσθαι. Πεμφθεὶς οὖν Βρίσων, ὁ τῆς βασιλίδος εὐνοῦχος, καταλαμβάνει αὐτὸν ἐν Πρενέτῳ, ἐμπόριον δὲ τοῦτο καταντικρὺ τῆς Νικομηδείας κείμενον, καὶ ἀναστρέφει αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνακληθεὶς Ἰωάννης οὐ πρότερον εἰς τὴν πόλιν εἰσελθεῖν προ ῃρεῖτο, ἢ ἐν μείζονι δικαστηρίῳ ἀθωωθῆναι, ἐν προαστείῳ, ὅ καλεῖται Μαριαναὶ τέως ἐπέμενε. Παρέλκοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ μὴ βουλομένου εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἐπανελθεῖν, ἠγανάκτει τὸ πλῆθος, καὶ ᾗ τάχος βλάσφημα κατὰ τῶν κρατούντων ἠφίεσαν ῥήματα· διὸ καὶ ἀνάγκην ἐπέθηκαν τῇ ἐπανόδῳ αὐτοῦ. Ἀπαντῆσαν οὖν τὸ πλῆθος σὺν πολλῇ σεβασμίῳ τιμῇ, ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν εὐθὺς ἄγουσι· καὶ παρεκάλουν, ἔν τε τῷ ἐπισκοπικῷ θρόνῳ καθέζεσθαι, καὶ συνήθως τῷ λαῷ τὴν εἰρήνην ἐπεύξασθαι. Τοῦ δὲ παραιτουμένου, καὶ λέγοντος ὅτι τοῦτο δεῖ κρίσει γενέσθαι, καὶ δεῖν τοὺς καταψηφισαμένους πάλιν ἀποψηφίσασθαι, ἐξεκαίετο τὸ πλῆθος, ἰδεῖν αὐτὸν καθήμενον ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ ποθοῦντες, καὶ πάλιν αὐτοῦ διδάσκοντος ἀκροᾶσθαι· ἐξίσχυσεν ὁ λαὸς ταῦτα κατεργάσασθαι. Καl καθίσας ὁ Ἰωάννης εἰς τὸν ἐπισκοπικὸν θρόνον συνήθως μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην τῷ λαῷ ἐπηύξατο. Προσαναγκασθεὶς δὲ καὶ ἐδίδαξε. Τοῦτο πραχθὲν τοῖς ἀπεχθῶς ἔχουσι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἑτέρας σκευωρίας παρέσχεν ὑπόθεσιν· ἀλλὰ περὶ τούτου μὲν τέως ἡσύχαζον.
Ho de laos aphorēta estasiazen. Hoia de en tois toioutois philei ginesthai, polloi tōn apechthōs pros auton echontōn epi oikton meteballonto, kai sykophanteisthai elegon, hon mikrǭ emprosthen kathę̄rēmenon epethymoun theasasthai. Pleious oun kai diatouto egin nonto hoi kataboōntes kai tou basileōs kai tēs syn; odou tōn episkopōn. Malista de Theophilǭ tēs skeuōrias tēn aitian etithesan. Ou gar eti lanthanein epi - tois skeuōrēmenois edynato; ek pollōn men oun kai allōn tekmēriōn, malista de hoti tois peri Dioskoron, tois epilegomenois Makrois, euthys meta tēn Iōannou kathairesin ekoinōnēse. Tote dē kai Sebērianos epi tēs ekklēsias didaskōn, eukairōs edoxe diasyrein ton Iōannēn, phēsas, Ei kai mēden allo kategnōsto Iōannēs, all᾽ oun ge hikanon enklēma pros kathairesin to alazonikon ēthos autou. Panta men gar ta hamartēmata synchōreitai tois anthrōpois; hyperēphanois de ho Theos antitassetai, hōs didaskousin hai theiai Graphai. Tauta lechthenta, philoneikoteron epoiei to plēthos. Dio tēn anaklēsin tacheian ho basileus epoiēse genesthai. Pemphtheis oun Brisōn, ho tēs basilidos eunouchos, katalambanei auton en Prenetǭ, emporion de touto katantikry tēs Nikomēdeias keimenon, kai anastrephei auton epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin. Epei de anaklētheis Iōannēs ou proteron eis tēn polin eiselthein pro ę̄reito, ē en meizoni dikastēriǭ athōōthēnai, en proasteiǭ, ho kaleitai Marianai teōs epemene. Parelkontos de autou kai mē boulomenou eis tēn polin epanelthein, ēganaktei to plēthos, kai hę̄ tachos blasphēma kata tōn kratountōn ēphiesan rhēmata; dio kai anankēn epethēkan tę̄ epanodǭ autou. Apantēsan oun to plēthos syn pollę̄ sebasmiǭ timę̄, epi tēn ekklēsian euthys agousi; kai parekaloun, en te tǭ episkopikǭ thronǭ kathezesthai, kai synēthōs tǭ laǭ tēn eirēnēn epeuxasthai. Tou de paraitoumenou, kai legontos hoti touto dei krisei genesthai, kai dein tous katapsēphisamenous palin apopsēphisasthai, exekaieto to plēthos, idein auton kathēmenon en tǭ thronǭ pothountes, kai palin autou didaskontos akroasthai; exischysen ho laos tauta katergasasthai. Kal kathisas ho Iōannēs eis ton episkopikon thronon synēthōs men tēn eirēnēn tǭ laǭ epēuxato. Prosanankastheis de kai edidaxe. Touto prachthen tois apechthōs echousi pros auton heteras skeuōrias pareschen hypothesin; alla peri toutou men teōs hēsychazon.
The people rioted beyond control. As usually happens in such cases, many of those hostile to him turned to pity, and said that he was being falsely accused whom a little before they had longed to see deposed. So for this reason those who cried out against both the emperor and the synod of bishops became more numerous. Above all they laid the blame for the plot on Theophilus, for he could no longer hide what he had contrived, from many other signs, but above all because immediately after John's deposition he entered into communion with Dioscorus and his brothers, the ones called the Tall. Then Severian too, teaching in the church, thought it a good moment to disparage John, saying: 'Even if John had been convicted of nothing else, his arrogant character is a sufficient charge for deposition. For all sins are forgiven men, but God opposes the proud, as the divine Scriptures teach.' This speech made the multitude more contentious. So the emperor had the recall made speedily. Briso, the empress's eunuch, was sent and found him at Prenetus, a market town lying opposite Nicomedia, and brought him back to Constantinople. When John, recalled, chose not to enter the city before being acquitted by a greater court, he stayed for a time in the suburb called Marianae. As he delayed and would not return to the city, the multitude grew indignant and at once let fly blasphemous words against those in power; and so they forced his return. The multitude met him with great reverence and honour and at once led him to the church, and urged him to sit on the bishop's throne and, as usual, to pray peace on the people. When he declined, saying that this must be done by judgment and that those who had condemned him must reverse their vote, the multitude burned with desire, longing to see him seated on the throne and to hear him teach again; and the people prevailed in bringing this about. John took his seat on the bishop's throne and prayed peace on the people as usual; and being compelled, he also taught. This gave those hostile to him material for another plot; but for the time being they kept quiet about it.
6.17PG 67:713–715
Πρότερον δὲ κατὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν Ἡρακλεί δου ἀναζητεῖσθαι Θεόφιλος παρεσκεύαζεν, ὅπως εἰ δύναιτο, ταύτην γοῦν ἀφορμὴν λάβοι πρὸς τὴν Ἰωάννου καθαίρεσιν. Ἡρακλείδης μὲν οὖν οὐ παρῆν· ἐκρίνετο δὲ ἀπὼν, ὡς εἴη τυπτήσας τινὰς ἀδίκως, ἀλύσει τε δήσας, καὶ πομπεῦσαι ποιήσας διὰ μέσης τῆς Ἐφεσίων πόλεως. Τῶν τοίνυν περὶ Ἰωάννου λεγόντων, μὴ δεῖν κατὰ ἀπόντων κριτήριον ποιεῖσθαι, οἱ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐφιλονείκουν, δεῖν δέχεσθαι τοὺς κατηγοροῦντας Ἡρακλείδου, εἰ καὶ κατηγοροῦσιν ἀπόντος αὐτοῦ. Στάσις οὖν ἐντεῦθεν καὶ διαπληκτι σμὸς μεταξὺ τῶν Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως καὶ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐγίνετο σύντονος· καὶ γενομένης συμπληγάδος, πολλοὶ μὲν τραύματα ἔλαβον, ὀλίγοι δὲ καὶ ἀπώλοντο. Ταῦτα εἰδὼς Θεόφιλος, εὐθὺς, ὡς εἶχεν, ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἔφυγε. Τοῦτο δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι ἐποίουν ἐπίσκοποι, πλὴν ὀλίγων, οἳ τὰ Ἰωάννου ἡσπάζοντο· καὶ πάντες εἰς τὰ ἑαυτῶν φυγῇ ἀνεχώρησαν. Τούτων οὕτω γενομένων, ἐν καταγνώσει μὲν τοῖς πᾶσιν ὁ Θεόφιλος ἦν. Ηὔξησε δὲ τὸ κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ μίσος, τὸ αὖθις αὐτὸν μηδὲν ὑποστειλάμενον τὰ Ὠριγένους ἀσκεῖσθαι βιβλία. Ἐρωτηθεὶς οὖν ὑπό τινος, πῶς ἃ νατο· Τὰ Ὠριγένους ἔοικε βιβλία λειμῶνι πάντων ἀνθέων. Εἴ τι οὖν ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐφεύρω καλὸν, τοῦτο δρέπομαι, εἰ δὲ τί μοι ἀκανθῶδες φανείη, τοῦτο ὡς κεντοῦν ὑπερβαίνω. Τοιαῦτα Θεόφιλος ἀπεκρίνατο, μὴ λογισάμενος τὸ τοῦ σοφοῦ Σολομῶντος, ὅτι λόγοι σοφῶν ὡς τὰ βούκεντρα, καὶ οὐκ ὀφείλουσι λακτίζειν πρὸς αὐτοὺς οἱ ὑπὸ τῶν θεωρημάτων κεντούμενοι. Διαταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐν καταγνώσει παρὰ πᾶσιν ὁ Θεόφιλος ἦν. Διόσκορος δὲ εἷς τῶν Μακρῶν, ὁ τῆς Ἑρμουπόλεως ἐπίσκοπος, ὀλίγον ὕστερον μετὰ τὴν Θεοφίλου φυγὴν ἐτελεύτησε, καὶ ταφῆς ἠξιώθη λαμπρᾶς, ἐν τῷ μαρτυρίῳ τῷ ἐν τῇ δρυΐ κηδευθεὶς, ἔνθα διὰ Ἰωάννην γέγονεν ἡ σύνοδος. Ἰωάννης δὲ ταῖς διδασκαλίαις ἐσχόλαζε. Καὶ χειροτονεῖ Σαραπίωνα, τῆς ἐν Θράκῃ 'Ἡρακλείας ἐπίσκοπον, δι' ὂν τὸ κατ' αὐτοῦ μῖσος ἐγήγερτο. Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ δὲ ταῦτα ἐπισυνέβη γενέσθαι. - ἀπεκήρυξε, ταῦτα ἀσπάζεται πάλιν, ταῦτα ἀπεκρί-
Proteron de kata tēn cheirotonian Hēraklei dou anazēteisthai Theophilos pareskeuazen, hopōs ei dynaito, tautēn goun aphormēn laboi pros tēn Iōannou kathairesin. Hērakleidēs men oun ou parēn; ekrineto de apōn, hōs eiē typtēsas tinas adikōs, alysei te dēsas, kai pompeusai poiēsas dia mesēs tēs Ephesiōn poleōs. Tōn toinyn peri Iōannou legontōn, mē dein kata apontōn kritērion poieisthai, hoi ek tēs ᾿Alexandreias ephiloneikoun, dein dechesthai tous katēgorountas Hērakleidou, ei kai katēgorousin apontos autou. Stasis oun enteuthen kai diaplēkti smos metaxy tōn Kōnstantinou poleōs kai tēs ᾿Alexandreias egineto syntonos; kai genomenēs symplēgados, polloi men traumata elabon, oligoi de kai apōlonto. Tauta eidōs Theophilos, euthys, hōs eichen, epi tēn ᾿Alexandreian ephyge. Touto de kai hoi alloi epoioun episkopoi, plēn oligōn, hoi ta Iōannou hēspazonto; kai pantes eis ta heautōn phygę̄ anechōrēsan. Toutōn houtō genomenōn, en katagnōsei men tois pasin ho Theophilos ēn. Ēuxēse de to kat᾿ autou misos, to authis auton mēden hyposteilamenon ta Ōrigenous askeisthai biblia. Erōtētheis oun hypo tinos, pōs ha nato; Ta Ōrigenous eoike biblia leimōni pantōn antheōn. Ei ti oun en autois epheurō kalon, touto drepomai, ei de ti moi akanthōdes phaneiē, touto hōs kentoun hyperbainō. Toiauta Theophilos apekrinato, mē logisamenos to tou sophou Solomōntos, hoti logoi sophōn hōs ta boukentra, kai ouk opheilousi laktizein pros autous hoi hypo tōn theōrēmatōn kentoumenoi. Diatauta men dē en katagnōsei para pasin ho Theophilos ēn. Dioskoros de heis tōn Makrōn, ho tēs Hermoupoleōs episkopos, oligon hysteron meta tēn Theophilou phygēn eteleutēse, kai taphēs ēxiōthē lampras, en tǭ martyriǭ tǭ en tę̄ dryï kēdeutheis, entha dia Iōannēn gegonen hē synodos. Iōannēs de tais didaskaliais escholaze. Kai cheirotonei Sarapiōna, tēs en Thrakę̄ 'Hērakleias episkopon, di' on to kat' autou misos egēgerto. Met᾿ ou poly de tauta episynebē genesthai. - apekēryxe, tauta aspazetai palin, tauta apekri-
Earlier, Theophilus had arranged for an inquiry into the ordination of Heraclides, so that, if he could, he might take this at least as an occasion for deposing John. Heraclides was not present, but he was tried in his absence on the charge of having beaten some people unjustly, bound them with a chain and paraded them through the middle of the city of Ephesus. When John's party said that no trial should be held against people who were absent, those from Alexandria contended that the accusers of Heraclides should be heard even though he was absent when they accused him. From this a fierce riot and fighting arose between the people of Constantinople and those of Alexandria; and in the clash many were wounded and a few even killed. Knowing this, Theophilus at once fled to Alexandria just as he was; and the other bishops did the same, except a few who embraced John's side; all fled back to their own places. After this, Theophilus was condemned by everyone. The hatred against him increased because he again, without any concealment, studied the books of Origen. When someone asked him how he again embraced what he had proscribed, he answered: 'The books of Origen are like a meadow of all kinds of flowers. If I find anything good in them, I pick it; if anything seems thorny to me, I pass over it as something that pricks.' So Theophilus answered, not considering the saying of the wise Solomon that the words of the wise are like goads, and that those pricked by their teachings ought not to kick against them. For these reasons Theophilus was condemned by all. Dioscorus, one of the Tall Brothers, the bishop of Hermopolis, died a little after Theophilus's flight and was granted a splendid burial, being interred in the martyr-shrine at The Oak, where the synod had been held on John's account. John devoted himself to his teaching; and he ordained Serapion bishop of Heraclea in Thrace, on whose account the hatred against him had been roused. Not long after, the following happened.
6.18PG 67:715–721
Τῆς Αὐγούστης Εὐδοξίας ἀνδριὰς ἀνέστη ἀργυροῦς ἐπὶ κίονος πορφυροῦ, χλανίδα ἐνδεδυμένος. Ἔστηκε δὲ οὗτος ἐπὶ βήματος ὑψηλοῦ, οὔτε ἐγγὺς πόῤῥω τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ᾗ ἐπώνυμον Σοφία· ἀλλὰ διείργει ἄμφω μέση πλατείας ὁδός. . Ἐπὶ τοῦτο συνήθως δημώδεις ἤγοντο παιδιαί. Ἰωάννης δὲ ὕβριν τὰ γινόμενα τῆς ἐκκλησίας νομίζων, τῇ συνηθείᾳ τε παῤῥησίαν ἀνακτησάμενος πάλιν, τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γλῶτταν κατὰ τῶν ταῦτα ποιούντων ἐξώπλιζε. Καὶ δέον τοὺς κρατοῦντας λόγῳ παρακλητικῷ πείθειν παῦσαι τῆς παιδιᾶς· ὁ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἐποίει· καταφορικῇ δὲ τῇ γλώσσῃ χρησάμενος, ἔσκωπτε τοὺς γενέσθαι ταῦτα κελεύσαντας. Ἡ δὲ βασίλισσα πάλιν εἰς ἑαυτὴν εἶλκε τὰ γενόμενα· καὶ ὕβριν ἑαυτῆς τοὺς ἐκείνου λόγους νομίζουσα, πάλιν παρασκευάζει σύνοδον ἐπισκόπων συνάγεσθαι κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ. Αἰσθόμενος δὲ ὁ Ἰωάννης τὴν περιβόητον ἐκείνην ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας διεξῆλθεν όμιλίαν, ἧς ἡ ἀρχή · Πάλιν Ἡρωδίας μαίνεται, πάλιν ταράσσεται, πάλιν ὀρχεῖται, πάλιν ἐπὶ πίνακι τὴν κεφαλὴν Ἰωάννου ζητεῖ λαβεῖν. Τοῦτο πλέον εἰς ὀργὴν ἐξῆψε τὴν βασιλίδα. Καὶ μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ παρῆσαν οἱ ἐπίσκοποι, Λεόντιος ἐπίσκοπος ᾿Αγκύρας, τῆς μικρᾶς Γαλατίας· Αμμώνιος Λαοδικείας, τῆς ἐν Πισιδίᾳ· Βρίσων Φιλίππων, τῶν ἐν Θράκῃ· ᾿Ακάκιος Βεροίας, τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ, καὶ ἄλλοι τινές. Παρόντων δὲ τούτων, ἀνεκινοῦντο οἱ πρώην κατήγοροι. Ἰωάννης μὲν οὖν ἐθάῤῥει ἐπὶ τούτοις, καὶ ἠξίου ἐπιζητεῖσθαι τὰ κατηγορούμενα. Τῆς δὲ ἑορτῆς τῶν Γενεθλίων τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπελθούσης, ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συνήθως οὐκ ἀπήντα, ἀλλὰ δηλοῖ τῷ Ἰωάννῃ ὡς οὐ πρότερον αὐτῷ κοινωνήσει, πρὶν ἂν πρότερον ἀποδύηται τὰ ἐγκλήματα. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοῦ Ἰωάννου θαῤῥοῦν· α τος οἱ κατήγοροι δειλότεροι ἐδείκνυντο, οἱ παρόντες ἐπίσκοποι ἄλλο μὲν ἐρεύνων οὐδέν· μόνον δὲ τοῦτο δεῖν εἰς κρίσιν ἄγεσθαι ἔλεγον, ὅτι μετὰ τὴν καθαίρεσιν, μὴ ψηφισαμένης τῆς συνόδου αὐτῷ, εἰς τὸν θρόνον εἰσεπήδησε. Τοῦ δὲ λέγοντος, ὡς ἐξηκονταπέντε ἐπίσκοποι κοινωνήσαντες αὐτῷ ἐψηφίσαντο, οἱ περὶ Λεόντιον ἀντεπῆγον· Ἀλλὰ πλείους, ὦ Ἰωάννη, κατεψηφίσαντό σου ἐν τῇ συνόδῳ. Ἐπεὶ δὲ πάλιν ὁ Ἰωάννης τὸν κανόνα τοῦτον οὐ τῆς αὐτῶν Ἐκκλησίας, ἀλλὰ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν εἶναι ἔλεγεν· οἱ γὰρ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ συνελθόντες ἐπὶ τῇ καθαιρέσει τῆς ὁμοουσίου πίστεως, ἀπεχθείᾳ τῇ πρὸς ᾿Αθανάσιον, τὸν κανόνα ἐξέδωκαν· μὴ προσδεξάμενοι τὰς ἀπολογίας, κατεψηφίσαντο · μὴ νοήσαντες, ὅτι τῷ κανόνι τούτῳ χρησάμενοι καὶ ᾿Αθανάσιον καθεῖλον. Ταῦτα πέπρακται, ἐγγιζούσης τῆς ἑορτῆς τοῦ Πάσχα. Δηλοῖ οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς τῷ Ἰωάννῃ μὴ δύνασθαι εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐλθεῖν, ὅτι δύο αὐτοῦ κατεψηφίσαντο σύνοδοι. Ἥργει οὖν ὁ Ἰωάννης λοιπὸν, οὐδαμῶς τε : εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν κατήρχετο. Εὐθὺς οὖν πάντες οἱ αὐτῷ προσκείμενοι, ἐκ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἀναχωρήσαντες, τὸ μὲν Πάσχα ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ λουτρῷ τῷ ἐν Κωνσταντιαναῖς ἐπετέλεσαν· σὺν αὐτοῖς δὲ πολλοὶ ἐπίσκοποι καὶ πρεσβύτεροι, καὶ ἄλλοι ἱερατικοῦ τάγματος. Ἐξ ἐκείνου τε κατ᾿ ἰδίαν τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐν διαφόροις τόποις ποιούμενοι, Ἰωαννίται προσηγορεύθησαν. Ἰωάννης δὲ ἐπὶ δύο μῆνας οὐδαμοῦ προέβαινεν, ἕως ὅτου βασιλέως ἐκέλευε πρόσταγμα εἰς ἐξορίαν ἀπἀγεσθαι. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἀπήγετο, τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἑλκυσθείς.. Τινὲς δὲ τῶν Ἰωαννιτῶν κατ᾿ αὐτὴν τὴν ἡμέραν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐνέπρησαν. Καιομένης δὲ αὐτῆς, ἄνεμος ἀπηλιώτης πνεύσας, καὶ τὸν οἶκον τῆς συγκλήτου γερουσίας κατέκαυσεί. Τοῦτο γέγονε τῇ εἰκάδι τοῦ Ἰουνίου μηνὸς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ονωρίου ἕκτῃ, ἣν σὺν ᾿Αρισταινέτῳ ἐδίδου. "Οσα μὲν οὖν διὰ τὸν γεγενημένον ἐμπρησμὸν, ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ὕπαρχος, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Ὀπτάτος, Ἕλλην τὴν θρησκείαν ὑπάρχων καὶ διατοῦτο τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς μισῶν, κατὰ τῶν φιλούντων τὸν Ἰωάννην ἔπραξε, καὶ ὡς πολλοὺς ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐκόλασεν, παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ.
Tēs Augoustēs Eudoxias andrias anestē argyrous epi kionos porphyrou, chlanida endedymenos. Estēke de houtos epi bēmatos hypsēlou, oute engys porrhō tēs ekklēsias, hę̄ epōnymon Sophia; alla dieirgei amphō mesē plateias hodos. . Epi touto synēthōs dēmōdeis ēgonto paidiai. Iōannēs de hybrin ta ginomena tēs ekklēsias nomizōn, tę̄ synētheią te parrhēsian anaktēsamenos palin, tēn heautou glōttan kata tōn tauta poiountōn exōplize. Kai deon tous kratountas logǭ paraklētikǭ peithein pausai tēs paidias; ho de touto men ouk epoiei; kataphorikę̄ de tę̄ glōssę̄ chrēsamenos, eskōpte tous genesthai tauta keleusantas. Hē de basilissa palin eis heautēn eilke ta genomena; kai hybrin heautēs tous ekeinou logous nomizousa, palin paraskeuazei synodon episkopōn synagesthai kat᾿ autou. Aisthomenos de ho Iōannēs tēn periboēton ekeinēn epi tēs ekklēsias diexēlthen omilian, hēs hē archē ; Palin Hērōdias mainetai, palin tarassetai, palin orcheitai, palin epi pinaki tēn kephalēn Iōannou zētei labein. Touto pleon eis orgēn exēpse tēn basilida. Kai met᾿ ou poly parēsan hoi episkopoi, Leontios episkopos ᾿Ankyras, tēs mikras Galatias; Ammōnios Laodikeias, tēs en Pisidią; Brisōn Philippōn, tōn en Thrakę̄; ᾿Akakios Beroias, tēs en Syrią, kai alloi tines. Parontōn de toutōn, anekinounto hoi prōēn katēgoroi. Iōannēs men oun etharrhei epi toutois, kai ēxiou epizēteisthai ta katēgoroumena. Tēs de heortēs tōn Genethliōn tou Sōtēros epelthousēs, ho basileus eis tēn ekklēsian synēthōs ouk apēnta, alla dēloi tǭ Iōannę̄ hōs ou proteron autǭ koinōnēsei, prin an proteron apodyētai ta enklēmata. Epei de tou Iōannou tharrhoun; a tos hoi katēgoroi deiloteroi edeiknynto, hoi parontes episkopoi allo men ereunōn ouden; monon de touto dein eis krisin agesthai elegon, hoti meta tēn kathairesin, mē psēphisamenēs tēs synodou autǭ, eis ton thronon eisepēdēse. Tou de legontos, hōs exēkontapente episkopoi koinōnēsantes autǭ epsēphisanto, hoi peri Leontion antepēgon; Alla pleious, ō Iōannē, katepsēphisanto sou en tę̄ synodǭ. Epei de palin ho Iōannēs ton kanona touton ou tēs autōn Ekklēsias, alla tōn ᾿Areianōn einai elegen; hoi gar en tę̄ ᾿Antiocheią synelthontes epi tę̄ kathairesei tēs homoousiou pisteōs, apechtheią tę̄ pros ᾿Athanasion, ton kanona exedōkan; mē prosdexamenoi tas apologias, katepsēphisanto ; mē noēsantes, hoti tǭ kanoni toutǭ chrēsamenoi kai ᾿Athanasion katheilon. Tauta pepraktai, engizousēs tēs heortēs tou Pascha. Dēloi oun ho basileus tǭ Iōannę̄ mē dynasthai eis tēn ekklēsian elthein, hoti dyo autou katepsēphisanto synodoi. Hērgei oun ho Iōannēs loipon, oudamōs te : eis tēn ekklēsian katērcheto. Euthys oun pantes hoi autǭ proskeimenoi, ek tēs ekklēsias anachōrēsantes, to men Pascha en tǭ dēmosiǭ loutrǭ tǭ en Kōnstantianais epetelesan; syn autois de polloi episkopoi kai presbyteroi, kai alloi hieratikou tagmatos. Ex ekeinou te kat᾿ idian tas synagōgas en diaphorois topois poioumenoi, Iōannitai prosēgoreuthēsan. Iōannēs de epi dyo mēnas oudamou proebainen, heōs hotou basileōs ekeleue prostagma eis exorian apagesthai. Kai ho men apēgeto, tēs ekklēsias helkystheis.. Tines de tōn Iōannitōn kat᾿ autēn tēn hēmeran tēn ekklēsian eneprēsan. Kaiomenēs de autēs, anemos apēliōtēs pneusas, kai ton oikon tēs synklētou gerousias katekausei. Touto gegone tę̄ eikadi tou Iouniou mēnos, en hypateią Onōriou hektę̄, hēn syn ᾿Aristainetǭ edidou. "Osa men oun dia ton gegenēmenon emprēsmon, ho tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs hyparchos, hǭ onoma ēn Optatos, Hellēn tēn thrēskeian hyparchōn kai diatouto tous Christianous misōn, kata tōn philountōn ton Iōannēn epraxe, kai hōs pollous ex autōn ekolasen, paralipein moi dokō.
A silver statue of the Augusta Eudoxia, clothed in a robe, was set up on a column of porphyry. It stood on a high platform, neither near nor far from the church called Sophia, but the middle of a broad street separated the two. Popular games were customarily held at it. John, regarding what was done as an insult to the church, and having recovered his usual freedom of speech, armed his tongue against those who did these things. Whereas he ought to have persuaded the authorities by words of entreaty to stop the games, he did not do this, but with abusive language he mocked those who had ordered them to be held. The empress again took what was said to herself, and regarding his words as an insult to her, she again arranged for a synod of bishops to be assembled against him. John, aware of this, delivered in the church that famous homily that begins: 'Again Herodias rages, again she is troubled, again she dances, again she seeks to receive the head of John on a platter.' This inflamed the empress to still greater anger. Not long after the bishops arrived: Leontius, bishop of Ancyra in Lesser Galatia; Ammonius of Laodicea in Pisidia; Briso of Philippi in Thrace; Acacius of Beroea in Syria; and some others. When they were present, the former accusers were stirred up again. John took courage at this and demanded that the charges be examined. When the feast of the Saviour's Nativity came, the emperor did not go to the church as usual, but let John know that he would not communicate with him until he had first cleared himself of the charges. Since the accusers appeared more cowardly as John grew bolder, the bishops present examined nothing else, but said only that this must be brought to trial: that after his deposition he had leapt onto the throne without a synod voting for him. When he said that sixty-five bishops in communion with him had voted for him, Leontius and his party retorted, 'But more, John, voted against you in the synod.' And when John said again that this canon was not of their church but of the Arians, for those who met at Antioch to overthrow the faith of the 'same essence' had issued the canon out of hatred for Athanasius, they did not accept his defence but condemned him, not perceiving that by using this canon they condemned Athanasius too. This was done as the feast of Easter drew near. So the emperor let John know that he could not come into the church, because two synods had condemned him. So John was idle from then on, and did not go down to the church at all. At once all who were attached to him withdrew from the church and celebrated Easter in the public bath at the Constantianae; with them were many bishops and presbyters and others of the priestly order. From then on, holding their assemblies apart in various places, they were called Johannites. John did not go out anywhere for two months, until an order of the emperor commanded that he be taken into exile. And he was taken away, dragged from the church. Some of the Johannites on that very day set fire to the church. While it burned, an east wind blew and burned down the house of the senate too. This happened on the twentieth of June, in the sixth consulship of Honorius, which he held with Aristaenetus. What Optatus, the prefect of Constantinople, a pagan by religion and for that reason a hater of Christians, did because of the fire against those who loved John, and how he punished many of them, I think best to pass over.
6.19PG 67:721–723
Ὀλίγων δὲ ἡμερῶν διελθουσών χειροτονεῖται ἐπίσχοπος Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ᾿Αρσάκιος, ὃς ἀδελφὸς μὲν ἐγεγόνει Νεκταρίου, τοῦ πρὸ Ἰωάννου τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν καλῶς διοικήσαντος, γηραιὸς δὲ σφόδρα· ὑπὲρ, γὰρ ὀγδοήκοντα ἔτη ἐτύγχανεν ὧν. Καὶ τούτου δι' ὑπερβολὴν πραότητος τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἡσύχως διέπον τος, ὁ τῆς Χαλκηδόνος ἐπίσκοπος Κυρῖνος, οὗ τὸν πόδα ἄκων Μαρουθᾶς ὁ Μεσοποταμίας ἐπίσκοπος ἐπάτησεν, οὕτω κακῶς διετέθη, ὡς σηπεδόνα ποιῆται, καὶ γενέσθαι ἀνάγκην ὥστε ἀποπρισθῆναι τὸν πόδα. Οὐχ ἅπαξ δὲ τοῦτο ἐγένετο, ἀλλὰ πλειστάκις ἀπεπρίζετο. Ἐπενέμετο γὰρ τὸ πάθος καὶ ὅλον τὸ σῶμα, ὥστε καὶ τὸν ἕτερον πόδα, μεταλαβόντα τοῦ κακοῦ, τὸ αὐτὸ ὑπομεῖναι. Τούτου χάριν δὲ πεποίημαι μνήμην, ὅτι πολλοὶ ἔφασκον, διὰ τὴν εἰς Ἰωάντην βλασφημίαν ταῦτα παθεῖν τὸν Κυρῖνον, ὅτι ἀγό· νατον αὐτὸν συνεχῶς ἀπεκάλει, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον : εἴρηται. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ συνέβη καὶ χάλαζαν παμμέγεθεστάτην ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει καὶ περὶ τὰ αὐτῆς κατενεχθῆναι προάστεια · γέγονε δὲ τοῦτο ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ὑπατείᾳ, περὶ τὴν τριακάδα τοῦ Σεπτεμβρίου μηνός· τοῦτο ἔλεγον κατὰ Θεοῦ μῆνιν γενέσθαι, ἐπὶ τῇ ἀκρίτῳ καθαιρέσει Ἰωάννου. Ηὔξησε δὲ τοὺς τοιούτους λόγους καὶ ἡ τῆς βασιλίδος ἐπιγενομένη τελευτή· τετάρτῃ γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὸ κατενεχθῆναι τὴν χάλαζαν ἐτελεύτησεν. "Ἄλλοι δὲ ἔφασκον δίκαια πεπονθέναι τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐπὶ τῇ καθαιρέσει, ὅτι πολλὰς ἐκκλησίας τῶν Ναυατιανῶν καὶ Τεσσαρεσκαιδεκατι τῶν, καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν κατὰ τὴν Ἀσίαν καὶ τὴν Λυ δίαν γενόμενος ἔλαβεν, ἡνίκα διὰ τὴν Ἡρακλείδου χειροτονίαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἔφεσον ἐστάλη. Ἀλλὰ πότερον δικαία ἡ καθαίρεσις Ἰωάννου κατὰ τὸν λόγον τῶν λυπηθέντων ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ ἐγένετο, ἡ Κυρῖνος δικαίαν τῆς βλασφημίας ἐδίδου δίκην, καὶ πότερον διὰ Ἰωάννην ἡ χάλαζα κατηνέχθη, καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα ἐτελεύτησεν, ἢ ταῦτα δι᾽ ἑτέρους ἐγίνετο λόγους, ἢ καὶ δι ἀμφότερα, Θεὸς ἂν εἰδείη, ὁ τῶν κρυπτῶν γνώστης, ὁ καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας κριτής δίκαιος. Ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ τότε θρυλλούμενα ἔγραψα.
Oligōn de hēmerōn dielthousōn cheirotoneitai epischopos Kōnstantinou poleōs ᾿Arsakios, hos adelphos men egegonei Nektariou, tou pro Iōannou tēn episkopēn kalōs dioikēsantos, gēraios de sphodra; hyper, gar ogdoēkonta etē etynchanen hōn. Kai toutou di' hyperbolēn praotētos tēn episkopēn hēsychōs diepon tos, ho tēs Chalkēdonos episkopos Kyrinos, hou ton poda akōn Marouthas ho Mesopotamias episkopos epatēsen, houtō kakōs dietethē, hōs sēpedona poiētai, kai genesthai anankēn hōste apopristhēnai ton poda. Ouch hapax de touto egeneto, alla pleistakis apeprizeto. Epenemeto gar to pathos kai holon to sōma, hōste kai ton heteron poda, metalabonta tou kakou, to auto hypomeinai. Toutou charin de pepoiēmai mnēmēn, hoti polloi ephaskon, dia tēn eis Iōantēn blasphēmian tauta pathein ton Kyrinon, hoti ago; naton auton synechōs apekalei, hōs moi kai proteron : eirētai. Epeidē de synebē kai chalazan pammegethestatēn en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei kai peri ta autēs katenechthēnai proasteia ; gegone de touto en tę̄ autę̄ hypateią, peri tēn triakada tou Septembriou mēnos; touto elegon kata Theou mēnin genesthai, epi tę̄ akritǭ kathairesei Iōannou. Ēuxēse de tous toioutous logous kai hē tēs basilidos epigenomenē teleutē; tetartę̄ gar hēmerą meta to katenechthēnai tēn chalazan eteleutēsen. "Alloi de ephaskon dikaia peponthenai ton Iōannēn epi tę̄ kathairesei, hoti pollas ekklēsias tōn Nauatianōn kai Tessareskaidekati tōn, kai allōn tinōn kata tēn Asian kai tēn Ly dian genomenos elaben, hēnika dia tēn Hērakleidou cheirotonian epi tēn Epheson estalē. Alla poteron dikaia hē kathairesis Iōannou kata ton logon tōn lypēthentōn hyp᾿ autou egeneto, hē Kyrinos dikaian tēs blasphēmias edidou dikēn, kai poteron dia Iōannēn hē chalaza katēnechthē, kai hē basilissa eteleutēsen, ē tauta di᾽ heterous egineto logous, ē kai di amphotera, Theos an eideiē, ho tōn kryptōn gnōstēs, ho kai autēs tēs alētheias kritēs dikaios. Egō de ta tote thrylloumena egrapsa.
A few days later Arsacius was ordained bishop of Constantinople. He was the brother of Nectarius, who had governed the bishopric well before John, and very old, for he was over eighty years. While he administered the bishopric quietly because of his exceeding gentleness, Cyrinus, the bishop of Chalcedon, whose foot Maruthas, bishop of Mesopotamia, had accidentally trodden on, became so ill that it mortified and the foot had to be sawn off. This happened not once but many times, for the disease spread over his whole body, so that the other foot too, catching the evil, underwent the same. I have mentioned this because many said that Cyrinus suffered this because of his blasphemy against John, since he constantly called him 'the man who will not bend the knee', as I have said before. When very great hail also fell in Constantinople and its suburbs, which happened in the same consulship about the thirtieth of September, people said it came through God's wrath at John's deposition without trial. The death of the empress that followed strengthened such talk, for she died on the fourth day after the hail fell. Others said that John had suffered justly in his deposition, because when he went to Ephesus for the ordination of Heraclides he took many churches of the Novatians, the Quartodecimans and some others in Asia and Lydia. But whether John's deposition was just, as those he had aggrieved said; whether Cyrinus paid a just penalty for his blasphemy; whether the hail fell and the empress died because of John, or these things came about for other reasons, or for both, God alone knows, who knows hidden things and is the just judge of the truth itself. I have written what was commonly said at the time.
6.20PG 67:725
᾿Αρσάκιος δὲ οὐ πολὺν ἐπεδίω τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ χρόνον. Τῇ γὰρ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἣν Στελίχωνος τὸ δεύτερον καὶ ᾿Ανθεμίου, περὶ τὴν ἐνδεχάτη"» τοῦ Νοεμμηνὸς ἐτελεύτησε. Περισπουδάστου δὲ πολλοῖς γενομένης τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, καὶ διατοῦτο πολλοῦ διαδραμόντος χρόνου, τῇ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἣν ᾿Αρκαδίου τὸ ἔχτον καὶ Πρόθδου, προεβλήθη εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀνὴρ εὐλαβὴς, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν ᾿Αττιχός. Ὃς τὸ μὲν γένος Σεβαστείας τῆς ᾿Αρμενίας χατῆγεν, ἀσκητικὸς τὸν βίον νέας ἡλικίας, ἄλλως μετὰ τοῦ μετρίως πεπαιδεῦσθαι, πλέον φυσιχῶς φρόνιμος ἦν. ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν. τούτου μικρὸν ὕστερον λέξω..
᾿Arsakios de ou polyn epediō tę̄ episkopę̄ chronon. Tę̄ gar hexēs hypateią, hētis hēn Stelichōnos to deuteron kai ᾿Anthemiou, peri tēn endechatē"» tou Noemmēnos eteleutēse. Perispoudastou de pollois genomenēs tēs episkopēs, kai diatouto pollou diadramontos chronou, tę̄ hexēs hypateią, hētis hēn ᾿Arkadiou to echton kai Prothdou, proeblēthē eis tēn episkopēn anēr eulabēs, hǭ onoma ēn ᾿Attichos. Hos to men genos Sebasteias tēs ᾿Armenias chatēgen, askētikos ton bion neas hēlikias, allōs meta tou metriōs pepaideusthai, pleon physichōs phronimos ēn. ᾿Alla peri men. toutou mikron hysteron lexō..
Arsacius did not survive long in the episcopate. In the next consulship, that of Stilicho for the second time and Anthemius, he died about the eleventh of November. As the bishopric was eagerly sought by many, and so a long time passed, in the following consulship, that of Arcadius for the sixth time and Probus, a devout man named Atticus was advanced to the bishopric. He came by birth from Sebaste in Armenia and had lived an ascetic life from his youth; and, besides being moderately educated, he was even more naturally sensible. But about him I shall speak a little later.
6.21PG 67:725–727
Ἰωάννης δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἐξορίαν ἀπαγόμενος ἐν Κομάνοις τοῦ Εὐξείνου Πόντου ἐτελεύτησε", τῇ τεσααρεσχαιδεχάτῃ τοῦ Σεπτεμόρίου μηνὸς. τῇ ἑξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἣν ᾿θνωρίονυ τὸ ξύδομον Θεοδησίου τὸ δεύτερον᾽ ἀνὴρ, ὡς πρότερον ἔφην, διὰ ζῆλον σωφροσύνης, θυμῷ πλέον ἣ αἰδοῖ χαριζόμενος, καὶ διὰ σωφροσύνην παῤῥησιαιτέρᾳ διὰ βίου τῇ γλώσσῃ χρησάμενος. Θαυμάσα: δὲ μοι ἔπεισι, πῶς τοσοῦτον ζῆλον. σωφροσύγης ἀσκῶν, ἐν προσομιλίαις αὐτοῦ καταφρονεῖν τῆς σωφροσύνης ἐδίδαξε. ΔΙ .ᾶς γὰρ μετὰ τὸ βάπτισμα παρὰ τῆς συνόδου τῶν ἐπισκόπων μετανοία: τοῖς ἐ πταιχόσι δοθείσης, αὐτὸς ἀπετόλμησεν εἰπεῖν - Χιλιάχις μετανοήσας εἴσελθε. Ἐφ᾽ διδασκαλίᾳ πολλοὶ μὲν καὶ τῶν πιο οἱ ἃ : γνωρίμων αὑτοῦ κατέγνωσαν " μάλιστα δὲ Σισίννιος ὁ τῶν Νανατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος. λόγον ὑπεναντίον τοῦ λεχθέντος συνέγραψεν, καὶ γενναίως αὐτοῦ διατοῦτο κατέδραμεν. ᾿Αλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη πρότερον ἐγεγόνει. |
Iōannēs de epi tēn exorian apagomenos en Komanois tou Euxeinou Pontou eteleutēse", tę̄ tesaareschaidechatę̄ tou Septemoriou mēnos. tę̄ hexēs hypateią, hētis hēn ᾿thnōriony to xydomon Theodēsiou to deuteron᾽ anēr, hōs proteron ephēn, dia zēlon sōphrosynēs, thymǭ pleon hē aidoi charizomenos, kai dia sōphrosynēn parrhēsiaiterą dia biou tę̄ glōssę̄ chrēsamenos. Thaumasa: de moi epeisi, pōs tosouton zēlon. sōphrosygēs askōn, en prosomiliais autou kataphronein tēs sōphrosynēs edidaxe. DI .as gar meta to baptisma para tēs synodou tōn episkopōn metanoia: tois e ptaichosi dotheisēs, autos apetolmēsen eipein - Chiliachis metanoēsas eiselthe. Eph᾽ didaskalią polloi men kai tōn pio hoi ha : gnōrimōn hautou kategnōsan " malista de Sisinnios ho tōn Nanatianōn episkopos. logon hypenantion tou lechthentos synegrapsen, kai gennaiōs autou diatouto katedramen. ᾿Alla tauta men ēdē proteron egegonei. |
John, while being taken into exile, died at Comana on the Euxine Sea on the fourteenth of September, in the next consulship, that of Honorius for the seventh time and Theodosius for the second; a man, as I said before, who out of zeal for self-control gave way rather to anger than to modesty, and who because of his self-control used a rather too free tongue throughout his life. I cannot help wondering how, practising such zeal for self-control, he taught in his addresses contempt for self-control. For whereas the synod of bishops granted repentance once to those who had fallen after baptism, he dared to say: 'Come in, even if you have repented a thousand times.' For this teaching many even of his acquaintances condemned him, and especially Sisinnius, bishop of the Novatians, who wrote a discourse against what had been said and attacked him vigorously for it. But this had happened earlier.
6.22PG 67:727–729
Περὶ δὲ Σισιννίου βραχέα διεξελθεῖν, οὐχ ἄκαιρον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι. ᾿Ανὴρ ἦν, ὡς πολλάκις ἔφην, ἐλλόγιμος, τὰ φιλόσοφα ἄκρως μαθών. Διαλεχτιχῇς δὲ σφόδρα ἐπεμελεῖτο, καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ Γράμματα ἄκρως ἑρμηνεύειν ἠπίστατο ὡς καὶ Εὐνόμιον τὸν ἀἐρετιχὸν πολλάκις αὐτοῦ φυγεῖν τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ διαλέξει δεινότητα. Τὴν δὲ δίαιταν ἦν οὐ λιτός. ἐν ἄκρᾳ σωφροσύνῃ, πολυτελεῖ ταύτῃ ἐκέχρητο, τρυφῶν τε ἐν ἐσθῆτι λευκῇ, καὶ δὶς τῆς ἡμέρα: ἐν λουτροῖς ὅπμοσίοις λουόμενος διετέλει. Καί ποτε ἐρομένου αὐτόν τινος, τοῦ χάριν ἐπίσκοπος ὧν, δὶς λούοιτο τῆς ἡμέρας, Ἐπειδὴ τρίτον οὐ φθάνει, ἀπεκρίνατο. "Ἄλλοτε δὲ ᾿Αρσάκιον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον κατὰ τιμὴν ὁρῶν, ἢρωτήθη ὑπό τινος τῶν περὶ ᾿Αρσάκιον, διὰ πί ἀνοίχειον ἐπισκόπῳ ἐσθῆτα φοροίη, ποῦ γέγρᾶπται λευχὰ τὸν ἱερωμένον' ἀμφιέννυσθαι " ὁ δὲ, Σὺ πρότερον, ἔφη, εἰπὲ ποῦ γέγραπται μέλαιναν ἐσθῆτα φορεῖν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον. Τοῦ δὲ ἐρωτήσαντος ἐν ἀπόρῳ γενομένου πρὸς τὴν ἀντερώτησιν, ἐπήγαγεν ὁ Σισίννιος " ᾿Αλλὰ σὺ μὲν οὐχ ἂν, ἔφη, δεῖξαι ( δυνήσῃ, ὡς δεῖ τὸν ἱερωμένον μέλανα ἀμφιέννυσθαι" ἐμοὶ δὲ ὁ Σηλομὼν παρῇήνεσε λέγων, « Ἔστωσάν σοι ἱμάτια λευκά" ν ὁ Σωτὴρ ἐν τοῖς Εὐαγγελίοις λευκῇ φαίνεται ἐσθῆτι χρησάμενος. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Μωῦσῆν Ἠλίαν λευχοφοροῦντας τοῖς ἀποστόλοις ἔδειξεν. Ταῦτα δὴ ἄλλα πολλὰ ἑτοίμως εἰπὼν, τὰ μέγιστα ἐπὶ τῶν παρόντων ἐθαυμάσθη. Λεοντίου δὲ, τοῦ ᾿Αγκύρας τῆς ἐν τῇ μικρᾷ Γαλατίᾳ ἐπισκόπου, Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίαν ἀφαιρουμένου, καὶ τῇ Κωσταντίνου πόλει ἐπιδημοῦντος, ὁ Σισίννιος ἐλθὼν παρ' αὐτὸν, παρεκάλει ἀποδοῦναι τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. Ὁ δὲ θερμῶς ἀπήντησε, καί φησι πρὸς αὐτόν · Ὑμεῖς, φησὶν, οἱ Ναυατιανοὶ οὐκ ὀφείλετε ἐκκλησίας ἔχειν, τὴν μετάνοιαν ἀναιροῦντες, καὶ τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀποκλείοντες. Ταῦτα καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα πλείονα τοῦ Λεοντίου κακῶς τοὺς Ναυατιανοὺς λέγοντος, ἔφη ὁ Σισίννιος· Καὶ μὴν οὐδεὶς οὕτω μετανοεῖ ὡς ἐγώ. Τοῦ δὲ πάλιν ἐπάγοντος, Πῶς μετανοεῖς; ἔφη ὁ Σισίννιος, Ὅτι σε εἶδον, ἀπεκρίνατο. Ἰωάννου δὲ ποτε τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐγκαλοῦντος αὐτῷ, καὶ λέγοντος, ὅτι οὐ δύναται ἡ πόλις ο ἐπισκόπους ἔχειν, ὁ Σισίννιος ἔφη, Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἔχει. Τοῦ δὲ Ἰωάννου χαλεπήναντος, καὶ φήσαντος, Ὁρᾶς ὅτι μόνος εἶναι βούλει ἐπίσκοπος; ὁ Σισίννιος, Οὐ τοῦτο, ἔφη, λέγω, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἐγὼ παρὰ σοὶ μόνῳ οὐκ εἰμὶ ἐπίσκοπος, ὃς τοῖς ἄλλοις εἰμί. Ὁ δὲ Ἰωάννης πρὸς τὸ λεχθὲν ἀγανακτήσας, ᾿Αλλ' ἐγώ σε, ἔφη, παύσω προσομιλεῖν· αἱρετικὸς γὰρ ὑπάρχεις. Πρὸς δὴ τούτῳ χαριέντως ὁ Σισίννιος ὑπήντησεν· Ἀλλ᾿ ἐγὼ, ἔφη, καὶ μισθοὺς παρέξω, εἴ με τηλικούτου καμάτου ἀπαλλάξειας. Διαμαλαχθεὶς δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἀποκρίσεως ὁ Ἰωάννης, Ἀλλ᾿ οὐκ ἄν σε, ἔφη, παύσω τοῦ προσομιλεῖν ἐγὼ, εἴ σε ὅλως τὸ λέγειν λυπεῖ. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν ἕτοιμος πρὸς τὰς ἀποκρίσεις, καὶ χαρίεις ἦν ὁ Σισίννιος. Γράφειν δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ἀπομνημονεύειν τὰ εἰρημένα αὐτῷ, μακρὸν ἂν εἴη · διὸ καὶ δι' ( ὀλίγων ἐπέδειξα οἷος ἦν, ἀρκεῖν ἡγησάμενος. Ἐκεῖνο δὲ φημι, ὅτι διὰ παίδευσιν περιβόητος ἦν· καὶ διὰ ταύτην πάντες ἐφεξῆς οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἠγάπων τε καὶ ἐτίμων αὐτόν. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ πάντες οἱ τῆς συγκλήτου περιφανεῖς ἔστεργόν τε αὐτὸν καὶ ἐθαύμαζον. Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν αὐτῷ βιβλία συγγέγραπται· λεξιθηρεῖ δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς, καὶ ποιητικὰς παραμίγνυσι λέξεις. Λέγων δὲ μᾶλλον, ἢ ἀναγινωσκόμενος έθαυμάζετο. Προσῆν γὰρ αὐτῷ χάρις, τῷ τε προσώπῳ καὶ τῇ φωνῇ, καὶ τῷ σχήματι καὶ τῷ βλέμματι, καὶ τῇ ὅλῃ κινήσει τοῦ σώματος. Ἠγαπᾶτο οὖν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα παρὰ πασῶν τε τῶν θρησκειῶν, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ἀττικοῦ. Καὶ τὰ μὲν περὶ Σισιννίου ἐξαρκεῖν ἡγοῦμαι.
Peri de Sisinniou brachea diexelthein, ouch akairon einai hēgoumai. ᾿Anēr ēn, hōs pollakis ephēn, ellogimos, ta philosopha akrōs mathōn. Dialechtichę̄s de sphodra epemeleito, kai ta hiera Grammata akrōs hermēneuein ēpistato hōs kai Eunomion ton aeretichon pollakis autou phygein tēn epi tę̄ dialexei deinotēta. Tēn de diaitan ēn ou litos. en akrą sōphrosynę̄, polytelei tautę̄ ekechrēto, tryphōn te en esthēti leukę̄, kai dis tēs hēmera: en loutrois hopmosiois louomenos dietelei. Kai pote eromenou auton tinos, tou charin episkopos hōn, dis louoito tēs hēmeras, Epeidē triton ou phthanei, apekrinato. "Allote de ᾿Arsakion ton episkopon kata timēn horōn, ērōtēthē hypo tinos tōn peri ᾿Arsakion, dia pi anoicheion episkopǭ esthēta phoroiē, pou gegraptai leucha ton hierōmenon' amphiennysthai " ho de, Sy proteron, ephē, eipe pou gegraptai melainan esthēta phorein ton episkopon. Tou de erōtēsantos en aporǭ genomenou pros tēn anterōtēsin, epēgagen ho Sisinnios " ᾿Alla sy men ouch an, ephē, deixai ( dynēsę̄, hōs dei ton hierōmenon melana amphiennysthai" emoi de ho Sēlomōn parę̄ēnese legōn, « Estōsan soi himatia leuka" n ho Sōtēr en tois Euangeliois leukę̄ phainetai esthēti chrēsamenos. Ou mēn alla kai Mōysēn Ēlian leuchophorountas tois apostolois edeixen. Tauta dē alla polla hetoimōs eipōn, ta megista epi tōn parontōn ethaumasthē. Leontiou de, tou ᾿Ankyras tēs en tę̄ mikrą Galatią episkopou, Nauatianōn ekklēsian aphairoumenou, kai tę̄ Kōstantinou polei epidēmountos, ho Sisinnios elthōn par' auton, parekalei apodounai tēn ekklēsian. Ho de thermōs apēntēse, kai phēsi pros auton ; Hymeis, phēsin, hoi Nauatianoi ouk opheilete ekklēsias echein, tēn metanoian anairountes, kai tēn philanthrōpian tou Theou apokleiontes. Tauta kai ta toiauta pleiona tou Leontiou kakōs tous Nauatianous legontos, ephē ho Sisinnios; Kai mēn oudeis houtō metanoei hōs egō. Tou de palin epagontos, Pōs metanoeis? ephē ho Sisinnios, Hoti se eidon, apekrinato. Iōannou de pote tou episkopou enkalountos autǭ, kai legontos, hoti ou dynatai hē polis o episkopous echein, ho Sisinnios ephē, Oude gar echei. Tou de Iōannou chalepēnantos, kai phēsantos, Horas hoti monos einai boulei episkopos? ho Sisinnios, Ou touto, ephē, legō, all᾽ hoti egō para soi monǭ ouk eimi episkopos, hos tois allois eimi. Ho de Iōannēs pros to lechthen aganaktēsas, ᾿All' egō se, ephē, pausō prosomilein; hairetikos gar hyparcheis. Pros dē toutǭ charientōs ho Sisinnios hypēntēsen; All᾿ egō, ephē, kai misthous parexō, ei me tēlikoutou kamatou apallaxeias. Diamalachtheis de ek tēs apokriseōs ho Iōannēs, All᾿ ouk an se, ephē, pausō tou prosomilein egō, ei se holōs to legein lypei. Houtō men oun hetoimos pros tas apokriseis, kai charieis ēn ho Sisinnios. Graphein de tauta kai apomnēmoneuein ta eirēmena autǭ, makron an eiē ; dio kai di' ( oligōn epedeixa hoios ēn, arkein hēgēsamenos. Ekeino de phēmi, hoti dia paideusin periboētos ēn; kai dia tautēn pantes ephexēs hoi episkopoi ēgapōn te kai etimōn auton. Ou mēn alla kai pantes hoi tēs synklētou periphaneis estergon te auton kai ethaumazon. Kai polla men autǭ biblia syngegraptai; lexithērei de en autois, kai poiētikas paramignysi lexeis. Legōn de mallon, ē anaginōskomenos ethaumazeto. Prosēn gar autǭ charis, tǭ te prosōpǭ kai tę̄ phōnę̄, kai tǭ schēmati kai tǭ blemmati, kai tę̄ holę̄ kinēsei tou sōmatos. Ēgapato oun kai dia tauta para pasōn te tōn thrēskeiōn, kai malista para tou episkopou Attikou. Kai ta men peri Sisinniou exarkein hēgoumai.
I think it not out of place to go through a few things about Sisinnius. He was, as I have often said, a learned man who had thoroughly studied philosophy. He took great pains with dialectic and knew how to interpret the sacred writings excellently, so that even Eunomius the heretic often avoided his skill in debate. In his way of life he was not frugal; with the greatest self-control he nevertheless lived expensively, indulging in white clothing and bathing twice a day in the public baths. Once, when someone asked him why, being a bishop, he bathed twice a day, he answered, 'Because there is no time for a third.' Another time, when he visited the bishop Arsacius as a courtesy, he was asked by one of those with Arsacius why he wore clothing unsuitable for a bishop, and where it is written that a consecrated man should be dressed in white. He said, 'You tell me first where it is written that a bishop should wear black clothing.' When the questioner was at a loss at the counter-question, Sisinnius went on: 'You cannot show that a consecrated man must be dressed in black; but Solomon advises me, saying, "Let your garments be white"; and the Saviour in the Gospels is seen wearing white clothing; and he showed Moses and Elijah to the apostles clothed in white.' By saying these and many other things readily, he was greatly admired by those present. When Leontius, bishop of Ancyra in Lesser Galatia, had taken away a church of the Novatians and was visiting Constantinople, Sisinnius went to him and asked him to give the church back. He answered him hotly and said, 'You Novatians ought not to have churches, for you abolish repentance and shut out the loving-kindness of God.' When Leontius was abusing the Novatians with these and many more such words, Sisinnius said, 'Yet no one repents as I do.' When Leontius went on to ask, 'How do you repent?' Sisinnius answered, 'That I came to see you.' Once when John the bishop was reproaching him and saying that the city could not have two bishops, Sisinnius said, 'Nor does it have.' When John grew angry and said, 'You see that you want to be the only bishop?' Sisinnius said, 'I do not mean that, but that only with you am I not a bishop, though I am one with others.' John, vexed at this, said, 'But I will stop you from preaching, for you are a heretic.' To this Sisinnius answered pleasantly, 'I will even pay you a fee, if you will free me from so great a labour.' John, softened by the answer, said, 'Then I will not stop you from preaching, if speaking grieves you so.' So ready in answers and so witty was Sisinnius. To write down and record what he said would take long; so I have shown briefly what he was like, thinking it enough. But I say this: he was famous for his learning, and for this all the bishops in succession loved and honoured him; moreover all the eminent members of the senate cherished and admired him. He wrote many books; but in them he hunts after words and mixes in poetic expressions. He was admired more when speaking than when read; for there was grace in him, in his face and voice, his bearing and look, and the whole movement of his body. For this too he was loved by all the religions, and especially by the bishop Atticus. I think this enough about Sisinnius.
6.23PG 67:729–735
Τελευτᾷ δὲ οὐ πολὺ μετὰ τὴν Ἰωάννου τελευτὴν ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αρκάδιος, ἀνὴρ πρᾶος καὶ ἡσύχιος, καὶ πρὸς τῷ τέλει τῆς ζωῆς, θεοφιλοῦς δόξαν κτησάμενος ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε· Ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπολει οἶκος ἐστὶ μέγιστος, Καρύαν ἔχων ἐπώνυμον· ἔστι γὰρ ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τοῦ οἴκου δένδρον καροία, ἐφ᾿ ἧς κρεμασθῆναι· λόγος τὸν μάρτυρα ᾿Ακάκιον καὶ τελειωθῆναι · δι᾽ ἣν· αἰτίαν καὶ οἰκίσκος τῷ δένδρῳ παρῳκοδομήθη εὐκτήριος. Τοῦτον ἱστορῆσαι ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αρκάδιος βουληθεὶς, εἰς αὐτὸν παρεγένετο. Εὐξάμενός τε αὖθις ἀπεχώρει. Πάντες δὲ οἱ περιοικοῦντες τὸν εὐκτήριον, οἶκον ἐπὶ τῷ θεάσασθαι τὸν βασιλέα συνέτρεχον·:· καὶ οἱ μὲν, ἔξω τῆς οἰκίας γενόμενοι, προκαταλαβεῖν τὰς παρόδους ἐσπούδαζον, ἀφ᾽ ὧν φανερώτερόν τε τοῦ βασιλέως τὸ πρόσωπον, καὶ τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν δορυφορίαν ἡγοῦντο θεάσασθαι. "Αλλοι δὲ ἐπηκολούθουν, ἕως ἅπαντες σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ παιδίοις ἐκτὸς τοῦ οἴκου ἐγένοντο. Καὶ μετατοῦτο εὐθὺς ὁ περικείμενος. τῷ εὐκτηρίῳ μέγιστος οἶκος, ἅπας κατέπεσεν. Ἐκ δὴ τούτου βοὴ σὺν θαύματι ἐπηκολούθει, ὡς ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως εὐχὴ τοσούτους τῆς ἀπωλείας ἐῤῥύσατο.. Τοῦτο μὲν οὕτως ἐγένετο. Καταλιπὼν δὲ τὸν υἱὸν. Θεοδόσιον ὀκταετῆ τυγχάνοντα, ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Βάσσου καὶ Φιλίππου, τῇ πρώτῃ τοῦ Μαΐου. μηνός · τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἔτος δεύτερον τῆς διακοσιοστῆς ἐνενηκοστῆς ἑβδόμης Ὀλυμπιάδος· συμβασιλεύσας μὲν τῷ πατρὶ Θεοδοσίῳ ἔτη δεκατρία, μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦ πατρὸς, ἔτη δεκατέσσαρα · ζήσας ἔτη τριακονταέν. Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν δώδεκα, μηνῶν ἔξ. Ἐν ἄλλοις ἀντιγράφοις εὕρηται ταῦτα κείμενα, οὐχ ὡς λείποντα, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τρόπον ἄλλον φρά-. σεως ὄντα. Συνείδομεν οὖν ὡς καλόν ἐστι ταῦτα παραθέσθαι· τούτου χάριν ταῦτα παρεθήκαμεν ἐνταῦθα. Ἐπειδὴ Ρ δὲ ἐν τοσούτῳ συνέβη τῆς Ἐφέσου τελευτῆσαι τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, ἀνάγκη κατέλαβε τὸν Ἰωάννην εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον ἀπελθεῖν, ἐπὶ τὸ χειροτονῆσαι ἐπίσκοπον. Καὶ γενόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ, ἄλλων τε ἄλλον προβαλέσθαι σπουδαζόντων, αὐτὸς Ἡρακλείδη τινὰ διάκονον ἑαυτοῦ, γένει Κύπριον, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προεβάλετο. Γενομένης δὲ ἐπὶ τούτῳ στάσεως ἐν τῇ Ἐφέσῳ, ὡς οὐκ ἀξίου πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τοῦ Ἡρα-· κλείδου, ἀνάγκη γέγονε χρονίζειν τὸν Ἰωάννην κατά τὴν Ἔφεσον. Παρέλκοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ κατ᾿ αὐτὴν, ὁ Σεβηριανὸς ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐρασμιώτερος τοῖς ἀκροαταῖς ἐγίνετο. Καὶ ταῦτα οὐκ ἐλάνθανε τὸν Ἰωάννην· ταχέως γὰρ αὐτῷ τὰ γινόμενα διηγγέλλετο παρὰ Σαραπίωνος, ὃς πάνυ ἠγαπᾶτο παρὰ τοῦ Ἰωάννου, καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν περὶ τὸ ἐπισκόπειον φροντίδα ἐκεχείριστο, διὰ τὸ εὐλαβὲς αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐν πᾶσι πιστὸν, καὶ περὶ πάντα νηφάλεον καὶ σπουδαῖον περὶ τὴν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου συγχρήτησιν. οὐχ εἰς μακρὰν Ἰωάννης ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν ἔρχεται. Καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν πάλιν τὴν προσήκουσαν κηδεμονίαν τῶν ἔχχλησιῶν ἐποιεῖτο. Μεταξὺ δὲ Σαραπίωνος τοῦ διακόνου Σεβηριανοῦ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου πολλή τις ἣν μικροψυχία, 7.9 μὲν Σαραπίωνος ἀντιχειμένου τῷ Σεβηριανῷ, διὰ τὸ ἐθέλειν αὐτὸν ἐν ταῖς διαλέξεσι παρευδοχιμεῖν τοῦ Ἰωάννου" τοῦ δὲ Σεβηριανοῦ ζηλοῦντος τὸν Σαραπίωνα, διὰ τὸ προσχεῖσθα: αὐτῷ Ἰωάννην τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, πᾶσαν τὴν φροντίδα ἐγχειρισθῆναι τοῦ ἐπισχοπείου, Οὕτω δὲ πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐχόντων, συνέβη τὴν χαχίαν τοῦ μίσους ἐπὶ πλεῖον προελθεῖν, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε" Ποτὲ γὰρ τοῦ Σεβηριανοῦ παριόντος, τὴν προσήκουσαν ἐπιτχόπῳ τιμὴν ὁ Σαραπίων οὐχ ἀπένειμεν ἀλλὰ καθήμενος διετέλει, ἢ μὴ ἑωρακὼς αὐτὸν, ὡς ὕστερον ἐπὶ τοῦ συνεδρίου μεθ᾽ ὄρχων ἐδεδαιοῦτο, ἢ μικρὰ φροντίσας ὡς κατὰ ἐπισκόπου παρουσίας, καθὼς ἔλεγε Σεδηριανὸς, οὖχ ἔχω λέγειν" ὁ Θεὸς μόνος ἴστω. Τότε δὲ Σεβηριανὸς οὐχ ἤνεγκε τὴν τοῦ Σαραπίωνος καταφρόνησιν, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ αὐτὰ πρὸ κοινῆς διαγνώσεως συνεδρίου, μεθ" ὅρκου χαταχρίνει τὸν Σαραπίωνα, καὶ οὐ μόνον τῆς ἀξίας τοῦ διακόνου ἀποχηρύττει, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας αὑτῆς. Μαθὼν ταῦτα Ἰωάννης βαρέως ἤνεγκεν. Τοῦ δὲ πράγματος μεταταῦτα ζητουμένου ἐπὶ συνεδρίου, καὶ τοῦ Σαραπίωνος ἀπολογουμένου, πιστουμένου τὸ μὴ ἑωρακέναι, ἀλλὰ μάρτυρᾶς παράγοντος, τὸ μὲν κοινὸν τῶν συνεληλυθότων ἐπισκόπων συνεγίνωσχε, καὶ παρεκάλει τὸν Σεθηριανὺν δέξασθαι ἀπολογούμενον τὸν Σαραπίωνα. Ὁ δὲ ἐπίσκοπος Ἰωάννης, πρὸς πληροφορίαν Σεδηρ!ιανοῦ, ἀφορίζει: τὸν Σαραπίωνα, ἑθδομάδα ἀποστήσας τῆς τιμῆς τοῦ διακόνου ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς πράγμασι δεξιὰν χεῖρα ἔχων αὐτὸν, περὶ τὰς ἐκκλησιαστικὰς ἀποκρίσεις ὀξύτατον σπουδαῖον ὄντα. Σεβηριανὸς δὲ οὐδ' οὕτως ἐπείθετο " ἀλλὰ παντοῖος ἐγίνετο, πελείως ἀποχηρυχθῆναι τῆς διακονίας τὸν Σαραπίωνα, τῆς κοινωνίας. Λυπηθεὶς σφόδρα ἐπὶ τούτοις Ἰωάννης, καὶ ἀναστὰς ἀπὸ ταῦ συνεδρίου, κατέλιπε τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπισκόποις τὰ τῆς δίκης, εἰρηκὼς πρὰς αὐτοὺ:, Τὸ παριστάμενον ὑμῖν καταξιώσατε αὐτοὶ διαλαθόντες, καὶ κρίναντες ὁρίσαι" ἐγὼ γὰρ παραιτοῦμαι τὴν μεταξὺ αὐτῶν διάγνωσιν. Τούτων λεχθέντων ὑπὸ Ἰωάννου, καὶ ἀναστάντος αὐτοῦ, ὁμοίως τὸ κοινὸν τοῦ συνεδρίου ἀναστὰν, κατέλιπεν οὕτω τὰ τῆς δίκης, χαταμεμφόμενοι μᾶλλων Σεδηριανὸν, διὰ τὸ μὴ εἶξαι τοῖς ῥηθεῖσι παρὰ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Τοῦ λοιποῦ δὲ οὐχέτ: εἰς συντυχίαν τὸν Σεδηριανὸν Ἰωάννης ἐδέξατο" ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα τὴν αὐτοῦ ἐκδημεῖν αὐτὸν παρεκελεύετο, δηλώσας αὐτῷ τοιάδε: Οὐχέτι χρήσιμον. φησὶ, ὦ Σεδηριανὲ, ἐν τοτούτῳ χρόνῳ τὴν ἐμπιστευθεῖσάν σοι παροικίαν ἀπρονόητον καὶ ἐκτὸς ἐπισκόπου τυγχάνειν. Διὸ σπεύσας κατάλαβε τὰς ἐκκλησίας σου, καὶ μὴ ἀμέλει τοῦ χαρίσματος τοῦ ἐν σοί. Ἤδη δὲ στειλαμένου αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὴν ὁδοιπορίαν, γνοῦσα ταῦτα ἡ Αὐγοῦστα Εὐδοξία, μέμφεται μὲν τῷ Ἰωάννῃ, παρασκευάζει δὲ ᾗ τάχος καλεῖσθαι τὸν Σεβηριανὸν ἐκ τῆς ἐν Βιθυνία Χαλκηδόνος· καὶ ὁ μὲν ὅσον οὐδέπω, παρῆν. Ἰωάννης δὲ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν φιλίαν ἐξέκλινε, καὶ οὐδενὸς παρακαλοῦντος ἐπείθετο· ἕως ἡ βασίλισσα Εὐδοξία, ἐν τῇ ἐπωνύμῳ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων ἐκ. κλησίᾳ τὸν υἱὸν Θεοδόσιον τοῦτον τὸν νέον, τότε κοι μιδῇ νήπιον ὄντα, εἰς τὰ γόνατα τοῦ Ἰωάννου έμβαλοῦσα, καὶ ὅρκους κατ᾿ αὐτοῦ πολλοὺς καθορκώσασα, μόλις τὴν πρὸς Σεβηριανὸν ἔπεισε φιλίαν ἀσπάσασθαι. Τοῦτον μὲν οὖν τὸν τρόπον, καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς.
Teleutą de ou poly meta tēn Iōannou teleutēn ho basileus ᾿Arkadios, anēr praos kai hēsychios, kai pros tǭ telei tēs zōēs, theophilous doxan ktēsamenos ex aitias toiasde; En tę̄ Kōnstantinoupolei oikos esti megistos, Karyan echōn epōnymon; esti gar en tę̄ aulę̄ tou oikou dendron karoia, eph᾿ hēs kremasthēnai; logos ton martyra ᾿Akakion kai teleiōthēnai ; di᾽ hēn; aitian kai oikiskos tǭ dendrǭ parǭkodomēthē euktērios. Touton historēsai ho basileus ᾿Arkadios boulētheis, eis auton paregeneto. Euxamenos te authis apechōrei. Pantes de hoi perioikountes ton euktērion, oikon epi tǭ theasasthai ton basilea synetrechon;:; kai hoi men, exō tēs oikias genomenoi, prokatalabein tas parodous espoudazon, aph᾽ hōn phanerōteron te tou basileōs to prosōpon, kai tēn peri auton doryphorian hēgounto theasasthai. "Alloi de epēkolouthoun, heōs hapantes syn gynaixi kai paidiois ektos tou oikou egenonto. Kai metatouto euthys ho perikeimenos. tǭ euktēriǭ megistos oikos, hapas katepesen. Ek dē toutou boē syn thaumati epēkolouthei, hōs hē tou basileōs euchē tosoutous tēs apōleias errhysato.. Touto men houtōs egeneto. Katalipōn de ton huion. Theodosion oktaetē tynchanonta, eteleutēsen en hypateią Bassou kai Philippou, tę̄ prōtę̄ tou Maïou. mēnos ; touto de ēn etos deuteron tēs diakosiostēs enenēkostēs hebdomēs Olympiados; symbasileusas men tǭ patri Theodosiǭ etē dekatria, meta de tēn teleutēn tou patros, etē dekatessara ; zēsas etē triakontaen. Periechei hē biblos chronon etōn dōdeka, mēnōn ex. En allois antigraphois heurētai tauta keimena, ouch hōs leiponta, alla kata tropon allon phra-. seōs onta. Syneidomen oun hōs kalon esti tauta parathesthai; toutou charin tauta parethēkamen entautha. Epeidē R de en tosoutǭ synebē tēs Ephesou teleutēsai ton episkopon, anankē katelabe ton Iōannēn eis tēn Epheson apelthein, epi to cheirotonēsai episkopon. Kai genomenos en autę̄, allōn te allon probalesthai spoudazontōn, autos Hērakleidē tina diakonon heautou, genei Kyprion, eis tēn episkopēn proebaleto. Genomenēs de epi toutǭ staseōs en tę̄ Ephesǭ, hōs ouk axiou pros tēn episkopēn tou Hēra-; kleidou, anankē gegone chronizein ton Iōannēn kata tēn Epheson. Parelkontos de autou kat᾿ autēn, ho Sebērianos en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei erasmiōteros tois akroatais egineto. Kai tauta ouk elanthane ton Iōannēn; tacheōs gar autǭ ta ginomena diēngelleto para Sarapiōnos, hos pany ēgapato para tou Iōannou, kai pasan tēn peri to episkopeion phrontida ekecheiristo, dia to eulabes autou, kai en pasi piston, kai peri panta nēphaleon kai spoudaion peri tēn tou episkopou synchrētēsin. ouch eis makran Iōannēs epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin erchetai. Kai autos men palin tēn prosēkousan kēdemonian tōn echchlēsiōn epoieito. Metaxy de Sarapiōnos tou diakonou Sebērianou tou episkopou pollē tis hēn mikropsychia, 7.9 men Sarapiōnos anticheimenou tǭ Sebērianǭ, dia to ethelein auton en tais dialexesi pareudochimein tou Iōannou" tou de Sebērianou zēlountos ton Sarapiōna, dia to proscheistha: autǭ Iōannēn ton episkopon, pasan tēn phrontida encheiristhēnai tou epischopeiou, Houtō de pros allēlous echontōn, synebē tēn chachian tou misous epi pleion proelthein, ex aitias toiasde" Pote gar tou Sebērianou pariontos, tēn prosēkousan epitchopǭ timēn ho Sarapiōn ouch apeneimen alla kathēmenos dietelei, ē mē heōrakōs auton, hōs hysteron epi tou synedriou meth᾽ orchōn ededaiouto, ē mikra phrontisas hōs kata episkopou parousias, kathōs elege Sedērianos, ouch echō legein" ho Theos monos istō. Tote de Sebērianos ouch ēnenke tēn tou Sarapiōnos kataphronēsin, alla par᾽ auta pro koinēs diagnōseōs synedriou, meth" horkou chatachrinei ton Sarapiōna, kai ou monon tēs axias tou diakonou apochēryttei, alla kai tēs Ekklēsias hautēs. Mathōn tauta Iōannēs bareōs ēnenken. Tou de pragmatos metatauta zētoumenou epi synedriou, kai tou Sarapiōnos apologoumenou, pistoumenou to mē heōrakenai, alla martyras paragontos, to men koinon tōn synelēlythotōn episkopōn syneginōsche, kai parekalei ton Sethērianyn dexasthai apologoumenon ton Sarapiōna. Ho de episkopos Iōannēs, pros plērophorian Sedēr!ianou, aphorizei: ton Sarapiōna, hethdomada apostēsas tēs timēs tou diakonou en pasi tois pragmasi dexian cheira echōn auton, peri tas ekklēsiastikas apokriseis oxytaton spoudaion onta. Sebērianos de oud' houtōs epeitheto " alla pantoios egineto, peleiōs apochērychthēnai tēs diakonias ton Sarapiōna, tēs koinōnias. Lypētheis sphodra epi toutois Iōannēs, kai anastas apo tau synedriou, katelipe tois parousin episkopois ta tēs dikēs, eirēkōs pras autou:, To paristamenon hymin kataxiōsate autoi dialathontes, kai krinantes horisai" egō gar paraitoumai tēn metaxy autōn diagnōsin. Toutōn lechthentōn hypo Iōannou, kai anastantos autou, homoiōs to koinon tou synedriou anastan, katelipen houtō ta tēs dikēs, chatamemphomenoi mallōn Sedērianon, dia to mē eixai tois rhētheisi para tou episkopou Tou loipou de ouchet: eis syntychian ton Sedērianon Iōannēs edexato" all᾽ eis tēn patrida tēn autou ekdēmein auton parekeleueto, dēlōsas autǭ toiade: Oucheti chrēsimon. phēsi, ō Sedēriane, en totoutǭ chronǭ tēn empisteutheisan soi paroikian apronoēton kai ektos episkopou tynchanein. Dio speusas katalabe tas ekklēsias sou, kai mē amelei tou charismatos tou en soi. Ēdē de steilamenou autou epi tēn hodoiporian, gnousa tauta hē Augousta Eudoxia, memphetai men tǭ Iōannę̄, paraskeuazei de hę̄ tachos kaleisthai ton Sebērianon ek tēs en Bithynia Chalkēdonos; kai ho men hoson oudepō, parēn. Iōannēs de tēn pros auton philian exekline, kai oudenos parakalountos epeitheto; heōs hē basilissa Eudoxia, en tę̄ epōnymǭ tōn ᾿Apostolōn ek. klēsią ton huion Theodosion touton ton neon, tote koi midę̄ nēpion onta, eis ta gonata tou Iōannou embalousa, kai horkous kat᾿ autou pollous kathorkōsasa, molis tēn pros Sebērianon epeise philian aspasasthai. Touton men oun ton tropon, kai ta hexēs.
Not long after John's death the emperor Arcadius died, a gentle and quiet man, who toward the end of his life gained a reputation for being dear to God for the following reason. In Constantinople there is a very large house named Karya, for in the court of the house there is a walnut tree on which the martyr Acacius is said to have been hanged and to have been perfected; for this reason a small house of prayer was also built beside the tree. The emperor Arcadius, wishing to visit it, went there, prayed, and then went away. All who lived around the house of prayer ran together to see the emperor. Some, getting outside the house, were eager to get first to the passages from which they thought they would see the emperor's face and his guard more clearly; others followed, until all, with women and children, were outside the house. Immediately after this the very large house surrounding the house of prayer fell down entirely. Then a shout with wonder followed, that the emperor's prayer had saved so many from destruction. This happened so. Leaving his son Theodosius, who was eight years old, he died in the consulship of Bassus and Philip, on the first of May. This was the second year of the two hundred and ninety-seventh Olympiad. He had reigned with his father Theodosius thirteen years, and after his father's death fourteen years, having lived thirty-one years. The book covers a period of twelve years and six months.
[In other copies the following is found, not as something missing but as a different wording. We have thought it good to set it down, and for this reason we have added it here:]
When, meanwhile, the bishop of Ephesus happened to die, John had to go to Ephesus to ordain a bishop. When he was there, and different people were eager to put forward different men, he himself put forward for the bishopric one Heraclides, a deacon of his own, a Cypriot by birth. When a riot arose over this in Ephesus, on the ground that Heraclides was unworthy of the bishopric, John had to stay some time in Ephesus. While he lingered there, Severian became more beloved by his hearers in Constantinople. This did not escape John's notice, for what was happening was quickly reported to him by Serapion, who was much loved by John and had been entrusted with the whole care of the bishop's house because of his piety, his faithfulness in all things, his soberness in everything, and his zeal in serving the bishop. Not long after, John came to Constantinople, and he again exercised the proper care of the churches. Between Serapion the deacon and Severian the bishop there was much pettiness, Serapion opposing Severian because he wished to win more esteem than John in his discourses, and Severian jealous of Serapion because John the bishop was attached to him and had entrusted him with the whole care of the bishop's house. While they were so disposed toward each other, the malice of their hatred happened to go further, for the following reason. Once, when Severian passed by, Serapion did not give him the honour due to a bishop but remained seated; whether because he had not seen him, as he afterwards affirmed with oaths before the council, or because he cared little for the presence of a bishop, as Severian said, I cannot say: God alone knows. Then Severian would not bear Serapion's contempt, but at once, before a general examination by a council, condemned Serapion with an oath and proscribed him not only from the rank of deacon but from the church itself. John took this hard. When the matter was later examined before a council, and Serapion defended himself, affirming that he had not seen him and bringing witnesses, the body of bishops assembled forgave him and urged Severian to accept Serapion's defence. But John the bishop, to satisfy Severian, suspended Serapion, removing him for a week from the honour of deacon, though he held him as his right hand in all affairs, a man very sharp and diligent in church business. But not even so was Severian persuaded; he did everything to have Serapion entirely proscribed from the diaconate and from communion. John, greatly grieved at this, rose from the council and left the judgment to the bishops present, saying to them: 'Deign yourselves to examine what is before you, judge and decide; for I decline to judge between them.' When John had said this and risen, the whole council likewise rose and so left the judgment, blaming Severian rather for not yielding to what the bishop had said. From then on John no longer received Severian to meet him, but urged him to depart for his own country, sending him this message: 'It is no longer useful, Severian, that the diocese entrusted to you should be so long without care and without a bishop. So make haste and return to your churches, and do not neglect the gift that is in you.' When he had already set out on the journey, the Augusta Eudoxia, learning this, blamed John and had Severian quickly recalled from Chalcedon in Bithynia; and he was there almost at once. But John refused friendship with him and would not be persuaded by anyone who urged it, until the empress Eudoxia, in the church named after the Apostles, put her son Theodosius, this young emperor, then a very small infant, on John's knees, and, adjuring him with many oaths, barely persuaded him to embrace friendship with Severian. In this way, and so on.
Chapter 7
7.1PG 67:739–741
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως ᾿Αρκαδίου τελευτήσαντος τῇ σοφίας, καὶ κατὰ τὴν πολιτικὴν φρόνησιν τῷ πρώτῃ τοῦ Μαΐου μηνὸς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Βάσσου καὶ Φιλίππου, Ονώριος μὲν ὁ αὐτοῦ ἀδελφὸς τὰ ἑσπέρια. διεῖπε μέρη· ὑπὸ δὲ τῷ υἱῷ τῷ νέῳ Θεοδοσίῳ ὀκταετεῖ τυγχάνοντι τὰ τῆς ἑῴας ἑτάττετο, ᾿Ανθεμίου τοῦ ὑπάρχου τὴν διοίκησιν ποιουμένου τῶν ὅλων. ὡς ἔγγονος μὲν ἦν Φιλίππου τοῦ Παῦλον τὸν ἐπίσκοπον ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου ἐκβαλόντος τῆς ἐκκλησίας, ἀντεισαγαγόντος δὲ Μακεδόνιον. Οὗτος τὰ μεγάλα τείχη τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει περιεβάλετο. Φρονιμώτατος δὲ τῶν τότε ἀνθρώπων καὶ ἐδόκει καὶ ἦν, καὶ ἀβούλως ἔπραττεν οὐδέν · ἀλλὰ ἀνεκοινοῦτο πολλοῖς τῶν γνωρίμων περὶ τῶν πρακτέων, μάλιστα δὲ Τρωΐλῳ τῷ Σοφιστῇ ὃς μετὰ τῆς οὔσης αὐτῷ ᾿Ανθεμίῳ ἐφάμιλλος ἦν· διὸ σχεδὸν πάντα τῇ συμβουλῇ Τρωΐλου ἐπράττετο.
Tou dē basileōs ᾿Arkadiou teleutēsantos tę̄ sophias, kai kata tēn politikēn phronēsin tǭ prōtę̄ tou Maïou mēnos, en hypateią Bassou kai Philippou, Onōrios men ho autou adelphos ta hesperia. dieipe merē; hypo de tǭ huiǭ tǭ neǭ Theodosiǭ oktaetei tynchanonti ta tēs heǭas hetatteto, ᾿Anthemiou tou hyparchou tēn dioikēsin poioumenou tōn holōn. hōs engonos men ēn Philippou tou Paulon ton episkopon epi Kōnstantiou ekbalontos tēs ekklēsias, anteisagagontos de Makedonion. Houtos ta megala teichē tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei periebaleto. Phronimōtatos de tōn tote anthrōpōn kai edokei kai ēn, kai aboulōs epratten ouden ; alla anekoinouto pollois tōn gnōrimōn peri tōn prakteōn, malista de Trōïlǭ tǭ Sophistę̄ hos meta tēs ousēs autǭ ᾿Anthemiǭ ephamillos ēn; dio schedon panta tę̄ symboulę̄ Trōïlou epratteto.
When the emperor Arcadius had died on the first of May, in the consulship of Bassus and Philip, his brother Honorius governed the western parts, while the East was ranged under his son, the young Theodosius, who was eight years old, Anthemius the prefect having the administration of the whole. He was the grandson of the Philip who under Constantius expelled Paul the bishop from the church and brought in Macedonius in his place. He surrounded Constantinople with the great walls. He both seemed and was the most prudent man of his time, and did nothing without counsel, but consulted many of his acquaintances about what was to be done, and above all Troilus the sophist, who, with the wisdom he had, was Anthemius's rival in political prudence too; and so almost everything was done on Troilus's advice.
7.2PG 67:741
Τοῦ τοίνυν βασιλέως ὄγδοον ἔτος ἄγοντος, τρίτον ἔτος εἶχεν Αττικὸς τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διαπρέπων· ἀνὴρ, ὡς φθάσαντες εἴπομεν, μετὰ τοῦ πολὺ πεπαιδεῦσθαι, εὐλαβής τε καὶ φρόνιμος. Διὸ καὶ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐπὶ αὐτοῦ συνέβη εἰς μέγα ἐπιδοῦναι. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον τοὺς οἰκείους τῆς πίστεως συνεκρότει, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς αἱρεσιώτας τῇ φρονήσει κατέπληττε· καὶ σκύλλειν αὐτοὺς οὐδαμῶς ἡρεῖτο, φοβεῖν δὲ ἐπιχειρῶν, αὖθις αὐτοῖς πρᾶον ἑαυτὸν ἐπεδείκνυεν. ᾿Αλλὰ μὴν οὔτε λόγων ἠμέλει. Ἐπόνει γὰρ περὶ τὰ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀναγνώσματα, διανυκτερεύων ἐν αὐτοῖς · διὸ καὶ οὐκ ἐξενοφωνεῖτο παρὰ τῶν φιλοσόφων ἢ σοφιστῶν. Ἦν δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι χαρίεις τε καὶ ἐπαγωγός· καὶ τοῖς λυπουμένοις συνεστύγναζε. Καὶ ἁπλῶς, κατὰ τὸν ᾿Απόστολον, τοῖς πᾶσι τὰ πάντα ἐγίνετο. Καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἡνίκα ἐν τῷ πρεσβυτερίῳ ἐτάττετο, ἐκμαθὼν οὓς καὶ ἐπόνει λόγους, ἐπ' ἐκκλησίας ἐδίδασκε. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα σὺν τῇ φιλοπονίᾳ καὶ παῤῥησίαν κτησάμενος, ἐξ αὐτοσχεδίου καὶ πανηγυρικωτέραν τὴν διδασκαλίαν ἐποιεῖτο. Οὐ μὴν τοιοῦτοι ἦσαν οἱ λόγοι, ὡς καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἀκροατῶν σπουδάζεσθαι, ἢ γραφῇ παραδίδοσθαι. Περὶ μὲν ἤθους αὐτοῦ καὶ τρόπου καὶ παιδεύσεως ἀποχρώντως εἰρήσθω. Ὅσα μέντοι μνήμης ἄξια ἐπὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ χρόνων ἐγένετο, διηγήσομαι.
Tou toinyn basileōs ogdoon etos agontos, triton etos eichen Attikos touto en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei diaprepōn; anēr, hōs phthasantes eipomen, meta tou poly pepaideusthai, eulabēs te kai phronimos. Dio kai tas ekklēsias epi autou synebē eis mega epidounai. Ou gar monon tous oikeious tēs pisteōs synekrotei, alla kai tous hairesiōtas tę̄ phronēsei kateplētte; kai skyllein autous oudamōs hēreito, phobein de epicheirōn, authis autois praon heauton epedeiknyen. ᾿Alla mēn oute logōn ēmelei. Eponei gar peri ta tōn palaiōn anagnōsmata, dianyktereuōn en autois ; dio kai ouk exenophōneito para tōn philosophōn ē sophistōn. Ēn de kai tois entynchanousi charieis te kai epagōgos; kai tois lypoumenois synestygnaze. Kai haplōs, kata ton ᾿Apostolon, tois pasi ta panta egineto. Kai proteron men hēnika en tǭ presbyteriǭ etatteto, ekmathōn hous kai eponei logous, ep' ekklēsias edidaske. Meta de tauta syn tę̄ philoponią kai parrhēsian ktēsamenos, ex autoschediou kai panēgyrikōteran tēn didaskalian epoieito. Ou mēn toioutoi ēsan hoi logoi, hōs kai para tōn akroatōn spoudazesthai, ē graphę̄ paradidosthai. Peri men ēthous autou kai tropou kai paideuseōs apochrōntōs eirēsthō. Hosa mentoi mnēmēs axia epi tōn autou chronōn egeneto, diēgēsomai.
When the emperor was in his eighth year, Atticus was in his third year of distinction in Constantinople, a man, as we said before, who with much learning was also devout and prudent. So it came about that the churches grew greatly under him. For he not only strengthened those of his own faith, but also astonished the heretics by his prudence; he would by no means harass them, but after attempting to frighten them he showed himself gentle toward them again. Nor did he neglect learning: he laboured over the writings of the ancients, spending whole nights on them, so that he was not put out of countenance by the philosophers or sophists. He was gracious and attractive to those who met him, and sympathized with those in grief; in short, as the Apostle says, he became all things to all. Earlier, when he was ranked in the presbyterate, he used to learn by heart the discourses he composed and deliver them in church; but afterwards, having gained confidence along with his diligence, he taught extempore and in a more festive style. Yet his discourses were not such as to be sought after by his hearers or handed down in writing. Let this be enough about his character, manner and learning. I shall now relate what happened worth remembering in his times.
7.3PG 67:741–743
Ἐν Συνάδῳ πόλει τῆς Πακατιανῆς Φρυγίας Θεοδόσιός τις ἐπίσκοπος ἦν, ὃς τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ αἱρετικοὺς, πολλοὶ δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ ὄντες ἐτύγχανον τῆς Μακεδονιανῶν θρησκείας, συντόνως ἐδίωκεν · ἐξελαύνων αὐτοὺς οὐ μόνον τῆς πόλεως, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίει, οὐκ εἰωθὸς διώκειν τῇ ὀρθοδόξῳ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, οὔτε μὴν ζήλῳ τῆς ὀρθῆς πίστεως · ἀλλὰ φιλαργυρίας πάθει δουλεύων, ἐκ τῶν αἱρετικῶν χρήματα συλλέγειν ἐσπούδαζεν. Διὸ πάντα ἐκίνει κατὰ τῶν τὰ Μακεδονίου φρονούντων, τὰς χεῖρας ἐξοπλί ζων τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὑτῷ κληρικῶν, καὶ μυρίαις κατ᾿ αὐτῶν χρώμενος μηχαναῖς, οὐδὲ τοῦ δικαστηρίοις αὐτοὺς προσδεσμεῖν ἀπήλλακτο. Μάλιστα δὲ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον αὐτῶν, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν ᾿Αγαπητὸς, διαφόρως ἑτάραττεν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ οἱ τῆς ἐπαρχίας ἄρχοντες οὐδαμῶς ἐξαρκεῖν αὐτῷ πρὸς τιμωρίαν ἐδόκουν, ἀναδραμὼν ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν, ἐπαρχικῶν προσταγμάτων ἐδέετο. Ἐν ὅσῳ οὖν ὁ Θεοδόσιος ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διὰ ταῦτα παρεῖλκεν, ὁ ᾿Αγαπητὸς ὂν προεστάναι τῆς Μακεδονίου θρησκείας ἔφην, ἐπὶ ἀγαθὴν ἦλθεν ἀπόνοιαν. Βουλευσάμενος γὰρ ἅμα τῷ αὐτοῦ κλήρῳ παντὶ, καὶ προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν ὑφ᾽ αὐτῷ λαὸν, πείθει τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν προσδέξασθαι. Καὶ τοῦτο καταστήσας, εὐθὺς ὡς εἶχε σὺν πλήθει πολλῷ, μᾶλλον δὲ σὺν παντὶ τῷ λαῷ, ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ὥρμησεν. Εὐχήν τε ἐπιτελέσας, καταλαμβάνει τὸν θρόνον ἐν ᾧ εἰώθει ὁ Θεοδόσιος προκαθέζεσθαι. Ἑνώσας δὲ τὸν λαὸν, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τὴν τοῦ ὁμοουσίου πίστιν διδάσκων, τῶν ὑπὸ Σύναδα ἐκκλησιῶν ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο. Τούτων οὕτω γενομένων, ἐφίσταται μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ Θεοδόσιος, τὴν ἐπαρχικὴν βοήθειαν ἐπαγόμενος· οὐδέν τε τῶν γενομένων εἰδὼς, ὡς εἶχεν ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἐχώρει· ἐξελαθεὶς δὲ ἐξ αὐτῆς παρὰ πάντων ὁμοῦ, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν πάλιν ἐπορεύετο. Γενόμενός τε ἐν αὐτῇ, ἐπὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Αττικοῦ τὰ καθ' ἑαυτὸν ἀπωδύρετο, ὡς παραλόγως εἴη τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἐκβληθείς. ᾿Αττικὸς δὲ γνοὺς πρᾶγμα λυσιτελῶς ἀποβὰν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ, τὸν μὲν Θεοδόσιον λόγῳ παρεμυθήσατο, πείσας ἀνεξικάκως τὸν ἡσύχιον βίον ἀσπάζεσθαι, προκρίνειν τε τὰ κοινὰ τῶν ἰδίων διδάξας· γράφει τε τῷ ᾿Αγαπητῷ, ἔχεσθαι τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, μηδὲν ἐκ τῆς Θεοδοσίου λύπης ἀνιαρὸν ὑφορώμενον.
En Synadǭ polei tēs Pakatianēs Phrygias Theodosios tis episkopos ēn, hos tous en autę̄ hairetikous, polloi de en autę̄ ontes etynchanon tēs Makedonianōn thrēskeias, syntonōs ediōken ; exelaunōn autous ou monon tēs poleōs, alla dē kai tōn agrōn. Kai touto epoiei, ouk eiōthos diōkein tę̄ orthodoxǭ Ekklēsią, oute mēn zēlǭ tēs orthēs pisteōs ; alla philargyrias pathei douleuōn, ek tōn hairetikōn chrēmata syllegein espoudazen. Dio panta ekinei kata tōn ta Makedoniou phronountōn, tas cheiras exopli zōn tōn hyph᾽ hautǭ klērikōn, kai myriais kat᾿ autōn chrōmenos mēchanais, oude tou dikastēriois autous prosdesmein apēllakto. Malista de ton episkopon autōn, hǭ onoma ēn ᾿Agapētos, diaphorōs hetaratten. Epeidē de hoi tēs eparchias archontes oudamōs exarkein autǭ pros timōrian edokoun, anadramōn epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin, eparchikōn prostagmatōn edeeto. En hosǭ oun ho Theodosios en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei dia tauta pareilken, ho ᾿Agapētos on proestanai tēs Makedoniou thrēskeias ephēn, epi agathēn ēlthen aponoian. Bouleusamenos gar hama tǭ autou klērǭ panti, kai proskalesamenos ton hyph᾽ autǭ laon, peithei tēn tou homoousiou pistin prosdexasthai. Kai touto katastēsas, euthys hōs eiche syn plēthei pollǭ, mallon de syn panti tǭ laǭ, epi tēn ekklēsian hōrmēsen. Euchēn te epitelesas, katalambanei ton thronon en hǭ eiōthei ho Theodosios prokathezesthai. Henōsas de ton laon, kai tou loipou tēn tou homoousiou pistin didaskōn, tōn hypo Synada ekklēsiōn enkratēs egeneto. Toutōn houtō genomenōn, ephistatai met᾿ ou poly Theodosios, tēn eparchikēn boētheian epagomenos; ouden te tōn genomenōn eidōs, hōs eichen epi tēn ekklēsian echōrei; exelatheis de ex autēs para pantōn homou, authis epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin palin eporeueto. Genomenos te en autę̄, epi tou episkopou Attikou ta kath' heauton apōdyreto, hōs paralogōs eiē tēs episkopēs ekblētheis. ᾿Attikos de gnous pragma lysitelōs apoban tę̄ Ekklēsią, ton men Theodosion logǭ paremythēsato, peisas anexikakōs ton hēsychion bion aspazesthai, prokrinein te ta koina tōn idiōn didaxas; graphei te tǭ ᾿Agapētǭ, echesthai tēs episkopēs, mēden ek tēs Theodosiou lypēs aniaron hyphorōmenon.
In Synnada, a city of Phrygia Pacatiana, there was a bishop named Theodosius, who vigorously persecuted the heretics in the city, many of whom there were of the Macedonian religion, driving them out not only from the city but also from the countryside. He did this not because the orthodox church is accustomed to persecute, nor out of zeal for the right faith, but being a slave to the passion of avarice, he was eager to collect money from the heretics. So he moved everything against those who held the opinions of Macedonius, arming the hands of the clergy under him and using countless devices against them; nor did he refrain from binding them over to the courts. Above all he harassed their bishop, whose name was Agapetus, in various ways. When the governors of the province seemed by no means sufficient for his purpose of punishment, he hastened to Constantinople and sought orders from the prefects. While Theodosius was lingering in Constantinople for this, Agapetus, whom I said presided over the Macedonian religion, came to a good resolution. Taking counsel with all his clergy and calling together the people under him, he persuaded them to accept the faith of the 'same essence'. Having settled this, at once, just as he was, with a great crowd, or rather with all the people, he went to the church; and having offered prayer, he took possession of the throne on which Theodosius used to preside. Having united the people, and teaching from then on the faith of the 'same essence', he became master of the churches under Synnada. When this had happened so, not long after Theodosius arrived, bringing the prefect's help; and knowing nothing of what had happened, he went straight to the church. Driven out of it by all together, he went back again to Constantinople, and there he lamented his case before the bishop Atticus, saying that he had been unreasonably expelled from his bishopric. Atticus, recognizing that the matter had turned out to the advantage of the church, consoled Theodosius with words, persuading him to embrace the quiet life patiently and teaching him to prefer the common good to his own; and he wrote to Agapetus to keep the bishopric, fearing nothing unpleasant from Theodosius's grievance.
7.4PG 67:745
Ἓν μὲν οὖν τοῦτο χρηστὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ᾿Αττικοῦ χρό νων τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ὑπῆρξεν. Οὔτε δὲ θαυμάτων, ἢ ἰαμάτων, ἡ τῶν χρόνων τούτων κατάστασις ἅμοιρος ἦν. Ἰουδαῖος γάρ τις παραλυτικὸς ὧν ἐκ πολλῶν ἐτῶν, ἐπὶ κλίνης κατέκειτο, καὶ πάσης ἰατρικῆς εἰς αὐτὸν γυμνασθείσης, καὶ πάσης Ἰουδαϊκῆς εὐχῆς οὐδὲν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ δυνηθείσης, τέλος προστρέχει τῷ χριστιανικῷ βαπτίσματι, τούτῳ μόνῳ ἀληθινῷ ἰατρῷ χρήσασθαι πιστεύσας. Τοῦτο καταφανὲς τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Αττικῷ ταχέως ἐγίνετο. Κατηχήσας οὖν αὐτὸν, καὶ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν ἐλπίδα εὐαγγελισάμενος, κομισθῆναι σὺν τῇ κλίνῃ κελεύει ἐπὶ τὸ φωτιστήριον. Ὁ δὲ παραλυτικὸς Ἰουδαῖος εἰλικρινεῖ πίστει τὸ βάπτισμα δεξάμενος, ἀπὸ τῆς κολυμβήθρας τοῦ βαπτιστηρίου ἀναληφθεὶς, εὐθὺς ἀπήλλακτο τοῦ νοσήματος, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ ἐν τοῖς ὑγιαίνουσιν ἦν. Ταύτην τὴν θεραπείαν ἡ τοῦ Χριστοῦ δύναμις καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμετέροις καιροῖς δεῖξαι τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ἠθέλησε· δι᾽ ἣν Ἕλληνες μὲν πολλοὶ πιστεύσαντες ἐβαπτίσθησαν· Ἰουδαίους δὲ καίπερ σημεία ζητοῦντας, οὐδὲ τὰ γινόμενα σημεία προσηγάγετο. Τοιαῦτα μὲν οὖν παρὰ τοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῖς ἀνθρώποις ὑπῆρχε χρηστά.
Hen men oun touto chrēston epi tōn ᾿Attikou chro nōn tę̄ Ekklēsią hypērxen. Oute de thaumatōn, ē iamatōn, hē tōn chronōn toutōn katastasis hamoiros ēn. Ioudaios gar tis paralytikos hōn ek pollōn etōn, epi klinēs katekeito, kai pasēs iatrikēs eis auton gymnastheisēs, kai pasēs Ioudaïkēs euchēs ouden ep᾿ autǭ dynētheisēs, telos prostrechei tǭ christianikǭ baptismati, toutǭ monǭ alēthinǭ iatrǭ chrēsasthai pisteusas. Touto kataphanes tǭ episkopǭ Attikǭ tacheōs egineto. Katēchēsas oun auton, kai tēn eis Christon elpida euangelisamenos, komisthēnai syn tę̄ klinę̄ keleuei epi to phōtistērion. Ho de paralytikos Ioudaios eilikrinei pistei to baptisma dexamenos, apo tēs kolymbēthras tou baptistēriou analēphtheis, euthys apēllakto tou nosēmatos, kai tou loipou en tois hygiainousin ēn. Tautēn tēn therapeian hē tou Christou dynamis kai epi tois hēmeterois kairois deixai tois anthrōpois ēthelēse; di᾽ hēn Hellēnes men polloi pisteusantes ebaptisthēsan; Ioudaious de kaiper sēmeia zētountas, oude ta ginomena sēmeia prosēgageto. Toiauta men oun para tou Christou tois anthrōpois hypērche chrēsta.
This, then, was one good thing that happened to the church in the times of Atticus. Nor was the state of these times without its share of miracles and healings. A certain Jew, who had been paralysed for many years, lay on a bed; and when every medical skill had been tried on him and every Jewish prayer had been able to do nothing for him, he at last ran to Christian baptism, believing that this alone was the true physician. This quickly became known to the bishop Atticus. So he instructed him, preached to him the hope in Christ, and ordered him to be carried on his bed to the place of illumination. The paralysed Jew, receiving baptism with sincere faith, was taken up from the font of the baptistery at once freed from his disease, and from then on was among the healthy. The power of Christ willed to show people this healing in our times too; because of it many pagans believed and were baptized; but the Jews, though seeking signs, were not won over even by the signs that happened. Such good things were given to people by Christ.
7.5PG 67:745–747
Πολλοὶ δὲ παρ᾽ οὐδὲν ταῦτα τιθέμενοι, τῇ αὐτῶν μοχθηρίᾳ ἐσχόλαζον. Οὐ γὰρ μόνον Ἰουδαῖοι τοῖς γινομένοις τεραστίοις ἠπίστουν, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ οἱ φιλοῦντες ἐκείνοις ἀκολουθεῖν, ἐφάμιλλα αὐτοῖς φρονοῦντες ἠλέγχθησαν. Σαββάτιος μὲν οὖν, οὗ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν ἐμνήσθημεν, μὴ βουλόμενος ἐν τῷ οἰκείῳ τάγματι τοῦ πρεσβυτερείου μένειν, ἐπισκοπεῖν δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς σπεύδων, ὑπὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους τῆς Ναυατιανῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἀνεχώρησε, πρόφασιν τὴν παρατήρησιν τοῦ Ἰουδαϊκοῦ Πάσχα ποιούμενος. Παρασυνἀγων οὖν τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ἑαυτοῦ Σισιννίῳ ἐν τόπῳ τῆς πόλεως, ᾧ προσωνυμία Ξηρόλοφος, ἐν ᾧ νῦν ἡ ἀγορὰ ᾿Αρκαδίου ὀνομάζεται, πρᾶγμα ἐτόλμησε πολλῶν κινδύνων ἄξιον. Ἐν ἡμέρᾳ γὰρ συνάξεως, τοῦ Εὐαγγελίου περιοχὴν ἀναγινώσκων ἐν ᾧ λέλεκται, ὅτι ὧν δὲ ἡ ἑορτὴ ἡ λεγομένη τῶν Ἰουδαίων Πάσχα, προστίθησι τὰ μηδαμῶς μήτε γεγραμμένα, μήτε ἀκουσθέντα ποτέ · ἔστι δὲ ταῦτα· Ἐπικατάρατος, φησὶν, ὁ ἔξω ἀζύμων τὸ Πάσχα ποιήσας. Τοῦτο ἀκουσθὲν, διεδόθη εἰς τοὺς πολλούς. Καὶ συναρπασθέντες οἱ ἀκέραιοι τῶν παρὰ Ναυατιανοῖς λαϊκῶν, πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐχώρουν. Οὐ μὴν ἀπώνατο τοῦ σοφίσματος. Εἰς κακὸν γὰρ τέλος αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς πλαστογραφίας κατέστρεψε. Μετ᾿ οὐ πολὺ γὰρ τὴν ἐκ προλήψεως ἑορτὴν ἐπετέλει· καὶ συνέῤῥεον πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐξ ἔθους πολλοί · καὶ τὴν ἐξ ἔθους παννυχίδα ποιούντων, θόρυβός τις δαιμόνιος ἐνέπεσεν εἰς αὐτοὺς, ὡς ἄρα Σισίννιος ὁ αὐτῶν ἐπίσκοπος σὺν πολλῷ πλήθει ἔρχεται κατ᾿ αὐτῶν. Καὶ ταραχῆς γενομένης, οἷα εἰκὸς, ἐν νυκτὶ καὶ στενῷ τόπῳ ἀποληφθέντες, ἑαυτοὺς συνέτριψαν · ὡς ἀπολέσθαι ἐξ αὐτῶν νον, πολλοὺς τοῦ Σαββατίου ἀπέστησε. Τινὲς δὲ αὐτῷ παρέμειναν, τῇ ἀγροικικῇ προλήψει κρατούμενοι. ᾿Αλλὰ Σαββάτιος μὲν, ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπίορκον παρῆλθεν ἐπισκοπὴν, μικρὸν ὕστερον λέξομεν. • ὑπὲρ τοὺς ἑβδομήκοντα ἀνθρώπους. Τοῦτο γενόμε-
Polloi de par᾽ ouden tauta tithemenoi, tę̄ autōn mochthērią escholazon. Ou gar monon Ioudaioi tois ginomenois terastiois ēpistoun, alla dē kai hoi philountes ekeinois akolouthein, ephamilla autois phronountes ēlenchthēsan. Sabbatios men oun, hou mikron emprosthen emnēsthēmen, mē boulomenos en tǭ oikeiǭ tagmati tou presbytereiou menein, episkopein de ex archēs speudōn, hypo tous autous chronous tēs Nauatianōn Ekklēsias anechōrēse, prophasin tēn paratērēsin tou Ioudaïkou Pascha poioumenos. Parasynagōn oun tǭ episkopǭ heautou Sisinniǭ en topǭ tēs poleōs, hǭ prosōnymia Xērolophos, en hǭ nyn hē agora ᾿Arkadiou onomazetai, pragma etolmēse pollōn kindynōn axion. En hēmerą gar synaxeōs, tou Euangeliou periochēn anaginōskōn en hǭ lelektai, hoti hōn de hē heortē hē legomenē tōn Ioudaiōn Pascha, prostithēsi ta mēdamōs mēte gegrammena, mēte akousthenta pote ; esti de tauta; Epikataratos, phēsin, ho exō azymōn to Pascha poiēsas. Touto akousthen, diedothē eis tous pollous. Kai synarpasthentes hoi akeraioi tōn para Nauatianois laïkōn, pros auton echōroun. Ou mēn apōnato tou sophismatos. Eis kakon gar telos autǭ ta tēs plastographias katestrepse. Met᾿ ou poly gar tēn ek prolēpseōs heortēn epetelei; kai synerrheon pros auton ex ethous polloi ; kai tēn ex ethous pannychida poiountōn, thorybos tis daimonios enepesen eis autous, hōs ara Sisinnios ho autōn episkopos syn pollǭ plēthei erchetai kat᾿ autōn. Kai tarachēs genomenēs, hoia eikos, en nykti kai stenǭ topǭ apolēphthentes, heautous synetripsan ; hōs apolesthai ex autōn non, pollous tou Sabbatiou apestēse. Tines de autǭ paremeinan, tę̄ agroikikę̄ prolēpsei kratoumenoi. ᾿Alla Sabbatios men, hōs epi tēn epiorkon parēlthen episkopēn, mikron hysteron lexomen. • hyper tous hebdomēkonta anthrōpous. Touto genome-
But many, counting these things as nothing, gave themselves to their own wickedness. For not only did the Jews disbelieve the wonders that happened, but those too who love to follow them were shown to think as they do. Sabbatius, whom we mentioned a little before, unwilling to remain in his own rank of the presbyterate and from the beginning eager to be a bishop, about this time withdrew from the Novatian church, making the observance of the Jewish Passover his pretext. Holding assemblies in opposition to his own bishop Sisinnius in a place in the city called Xerolophus, where the Forum of Arcadius is now so named, he dared a deed deserving many dangers. On a day of assembly, reading the passage of the Gospel in which it is said, 'Now the feast of the Jews called Passover was near', he added words that were never written nor ever heard; they are these: 'Accursed is he who keeps the Passover outside the days of unleavened bread.' When this was heard it spread to many, and the guileless among the Novatian laity were carried away and went over to him. But he did not profit by the sophism; for the forgery turned out to a bad end for him. Not long after, he was celebrating the feast according to his prejudice, and many flocked to him as usual; and while they were keeping the usual all-night vigil, a panic sent by a demon fell on them, as if Sisinnius their bishop were coming against them with a great crowd. A tumult arose, as one would expect; caught at night in a narrow place, they trampled one another, so that more than seventy people of them perished. When this had happened, it turned many away from Sabbatius; but some remained with him, held by their rustic prejudice. How Sabbatius came to his perjured episcopate we shall tell a little later.
7.6PG 67:747–749
Δωρόθεος δὲ, ὁ τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς προεστὼς θρησκείας, ὃν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν μετενηνέχθαι ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν ὡς ἀνωτέρω τ ἐμνημονεύσαμεν, ἑκατὸν πρὸς τοῖς δεκαεννέα ἐπιβιοὺς ἔτη, ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ονωρίου τὸ ἔβδομον καὶ Θεοδοσίου Αὐγούστου τὸ δεύτερον, τῇ ἔκτῃ τοῦ Νοεμβρίου μηνός. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς θρησκείας προέστη Βάρβας. Ἐπὶ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Βάρδα, δύο ἀνδρῶν ἐλλογίμων ἡ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν θρησκεία ηὐτύχησε, τὴν ἀξίαν τοῦ πρεσβυτέρου ἐχόντων. Τιμόθεος θατέρῳ ὄνομα· τῷ δὲ ἑτέρῳ Γεώργιος. Ἀλλὰ Γεώργιος μὲν μᾶλλον τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν κατωρθώκει παίδευσιν· Τιμόθεος δὲ πάλιν τὰ ἱερὰ ἡσκεῖτο γράμματα. Καὶ μὴν καὶ τὰ ᾿Αριστοτέλους καὶ Πλάτωνος ἀεὶ μετὰ χεῖρας εἶχεν ὁ Γεώργιος · Τιμόθεος δὲ τὸν Ωριγένην ἀνέπνεεν· καὶ δημοσίᾳ τὰ ἱερὰ ἑρμηνεύων γράμματα, οὐδὲ τῆς Ἑβραίων γλώσσης ἄμοιρος ἦν. Καὶ Τιμόθεος μὲν ἤδη πρότερον, τῆς Ψαθυριανῶν • θρησκείας ἦν, Γεώργιος δὲ ὑπὸ κεχειροτόνητο. Δὐϊιοβογαι ἃ Τῷ δὴ Τιμοθέῳ καὶ αὐτὲς ἐντετύχηχα, καὶ ἔγνων ὅπως τοῖς ἐπερωτῶσιν ἕτοιμος ἣν ἀποχρίνεσθαι, διαλύων ὅσα ἀσαφῆ κατὰ τὰ θεῖα εὑρίσκοιτο λόγια. Πανταχοῦ τε τὸν Ὡριγένην ἐκάλει, ὡς ἀληθῆ μάρτυρα τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῷ λεγομένων. Θαυμάσα! οὖν μοι ἔπεισι, πῶς οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες τῇ ᾿Αρειανῶν θρησκείᾳ παρέμειναν, ὧν ὁ μὲν τὸν Πλάτωνα ἀεὶ μετὰ χεῖρας εἶχεν. ὁ δὲ τὸν Ὡριγένην ἀνέπνεεν. Οὐδὲ γὰρ Πλάτων τὸ δεύτερον καὶ τὸ τρίτον αἴτιον, ὡς αὐτὸς ὀνομάζειν εἴωθεν, ἀρχὴν ὑπάρξεως εἰληφέναι φησί. Καὶ Ὠριγένης συναΐδιον πανταχοῦ ὁμολογεῖ τὸν Υἱὸν τῷ Πατρί. Πλὴν εἰ καὶ τῇ ἑαυτῶν Ἐκκλησίᾳ παρέμειναν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως τὴν ᾿Αρειανὴν θρησκείαν λεληθότως ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖσσον μετέθεσαν. Πηλλὰς γὰρ τῶν τοῦ ᾿Αρείου βλασφημιῶν ταῖς οἰκείαις διδασκαλίαις ἐξέβαλλον. ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων τοιαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Οὐχ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ καὶ Σισιννίου τοῦ Νανατιανῶν ἐπισκόπου τελευτήσαντος ἐν τῇ αὐτῇ ὑπατείᾳ, χειροτονεῖται Χρύσανθος, περὶ οὗ μιχρὺν ὕστερον λέξομεν.
Dōrotheos de, ho tēs ᾿Areianēs proestōs thrēskeias, hon ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin metenēnechthai hypo tōn ᾿Areianōn hōs anōterō t emnēmoneusamen, hekaton pros tois dekaennea epibious etē, eteleutēsen en hypateią Onōriou to ebdomon kai Theodosiou Augoustou to deuteron, tę̄ ektę̄ tou Noembriou mēnos. Meta de touton tēs ᾿Areianēs thrēskeias proestē Barbas. Epi toutou dē tou Barda, dyo andrōn ellogimōn hē tōn ᾿Areianōn thrēskeia ēutychēse, tēn axian tou presbyterou echontōn. Timotheos thaterǭ onoma; tǭ de heterǭ Geōrgios. Alla Geōrgios men mallon tēn Hellēnikēn katōrthōkei paideusin; Timotheos de palin ta hiera hēskeito grammata. Kai mēn kai ta ᾿Aristotelous kai Platōnos aei meta cheiras eichen ho Geōrgios ; Timotheos de ton Ōrigenēn anepneen; kai dēmosią ta hiera hermēneuōn grammata, oude tēs Hebraiōn glōssēs amoiros ēn. Kai Timotheos men ēdē proteron, tēs Psathyrianōn • thrēskeias ēn, Geōrgios de hypo kecheirotonēto. Dyïiobogai ha Tǭ dē Timotheǭ kai autes entetychēcha, kai egnōn hopōs tois eperōtōsin hetoimos hēn apochrinesthai, dialyōn hosa asaphē kata ta theia heuriskoito logia. Pantachou te ton Hōrigenēn ekalei, hōs alēthē martyra tōn hyp᾽ autǭ legomenōn. Thaumasa! oun moi epeisi, pōs houtoi hoi andres tę̄ ᾿Areianōn thrēskeią paremeinan, hōn ho men ton Platōna aei meta cheiras eichen. ho de ton Hōrigenēn anepneen. Oude gar Platōn to deuteron kai to triton aition, hōs autos onomazein eiōthen, archēn hyparxeōs eilēphenai phēsi. Kai Ōrigenēs synaïdion pantachou homologei ton Huion tǭ Patri. Plēn ei kai tę̄ heautōn Ekklēsią paremeinan, all᾽ homōs tēn ᾿Areianēn thrēskeian lelēthotōs epi to kreisson metethesan. Pēllas gar tōn tou ᾿Areiou blasphēmiōn tais oikeiais didaskaliais exeballon. ᾿Alla peri men toutōn toiauta eirēsthō. Ouch eis makran de kai Sisinniou tou Nanatianōn episkopou teleutēsantos en tę̄ autę̄ hypateią, cheirotoneitai Chrysanthos, peri hou michryn hysteron lexomen.
Dorotheus, who presided over the Arian religion and who, as we mentioned above, had been brought by the Arians from Antioch to Constantinople, having lived one hundred and nineteen years, died in the consulship of Honorius for the seventh time and Theodosius Augustus for the second, on the sixth of November. After him Barbas presided over the Arian religion. Under this Barbas the Arian religion was fortunate in two learned men who held the rank of presbyter, one named Timothy and the other George. George had mastered Greek learning more, while Timothy had trained himself in the sacred writings. George always had Aristotle and Plato in his hands, while Timothy breathed Origen; and in interpreting the sacred writings publicly he was not without knowledge of the Hebrew language. Timothy had earlier belonged to the Psathyrian religion, while George had been ordained by Barbas. I myself have met this Timothy and learned how ready he was to answer questioners, resolving whatever was found obscure in the divine oracles; and everywhere he called on Origen as a true witness to what he said. I cannot help wondering how these men remained in the Arian religion, one of whom always had Plato in his hands, the other breathed Origen. For Plato does not say that the second and third cause, as he is accustomed to call them, took a beginning of existence; and Origen everywhere confesses that the Son is co-eternal with the Father. However, though they remained in their own church, they nevertheless secretly changed the Arian religion for the better; for they removed many of Arius's blasphemies by their own teaching. Let this be said about these. Not long after, when Sisinnius, bishop of the Novatians, died in the same consulship, Chrysanthus was ordained, about whom we shall speak a little later.
7.7PG 67:749–751
οὐ πολὺ Θεόφιλος ὁ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπος, ληθαργιχῷ πάθεν περιπεσὼν, ἐτελεύτησεν} ἐν ὑπατείᾳ ᾿Ὀνωρίου τὸ ἔννατον Θεοδοσίου τὸ πέμπτον, τῇ πεντεχαιδεχάτῃ τοῦ Ὀκχτοῦρίου νός. Ἐπιμάχου ὃς γενομένης ἐνταῦθα τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς, οἱ μὲν ἐζήτουν ἐνθρονισθῆναι Τιμόθεον ἀρχιδιάκονον, οἱ ὃὲ Κύριλλον, ὃς ἣν ἀδελφιδοὺς Θεοφίλον. Στάσεως δὲ διατοῦτο μεταξὺ τοῦ λαοῦ κινηθείσης, σννελαμύάνετο τῷ μέρει Τιμοθέου ὁ τοῦ στρατιωτικοῦ τάγματος ἡγεμὼν ᾿Αὐουδάτιος, Διὸ τρίτῃ ἡμέρᾳ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν Θεοφίλον ὁ Κύριλλος ἐνθρονισθεὶς, ἐπὶ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἀρχ:χώτερον Θεοφίλου παρῆλθε" καὶ γὰρ ἐξ ἐκείνου, ἡ ἐπισχοπὴ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας παρὰ τῆς ἱερατικῆς τάξεως καταδυναστεύειν τῶν πραγμάτων ἔλαβε τὴν ἀρχήν. Εὐθέως οὖν Κύριλλος τὰς ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀποκλείσας, πάντα μὲν αὐτῶν τὰ ἱερὰ κειμήλια ἔλαβεν· τὸν δὲ ἐπίσκοπον αὐτῶν Θεόπεμπτον, πάντων ὧν εἶχεν ἀφείλετο.
ou poly Theophilos ho tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopos, lēthargichǭ pathen peripesōn, eteleutēsen} en hypateią ᾿Onōriou to ennaton Theodosiou to pempton, tę̄ pentechaidechatę̄ tou Okchtouriou nos. Epimachou hos genomenēs entautha tēs episkopēs, hoi men ezētoun enthronisthēnai Timotheon archidiakonon, hoi hoe Kyrillon, hos hēn adelphidous Theophilon. Staseōs de diatouto metaxy tou laou kinētheisēs, snnelamyaneto tǭ merei Timotheou ho tou stratiōtikou tagmatos hēgemōn ᾿Auoudatios, Dio tritę̄ hēmerą meta tēn teleutēn Theophilon ho Kyrillos enthronistheis, epi tēn episkopēn arch:chōteron Theophilou parēlthe" kai gar ex ekeinou, hē epischopē ᾿Alexandreias para tēs hieratikēs taxeōs katadynasteuein tōn pragmatōn elabe tēn archēn. Eutheōs oun Kyrillos tas en ᾿Alexandreią Nauatianōn ekklēsias apokleisas, panta men autōn ta hiera keimēlia elaben; ton de episkopon autōn Theopempton, pantōn hōn eichen apheileto.
Not long after, Theophilus, the bishop of Alexandria, fell into a lethargic illness and died, in the consulship of Honorius for the ninth time and Theodosius for the fifth, on the fifteenth of October. Since the bishopric became disputed here, some sought to enthrone Timothy the archdeacon, others Cyril, who was Theophilus's nephew. When a riot arose among the people over this, Abundantius, the commander of the military unit, assisted Timothy's side. However, on the third day after Theophilus's death Cyril was enthroned, and came to the bishopric with more domineering power than Theophilus; for from him the bishopric of Alexandria began to dominate affairs beyond the priestly order. At once Cyril closed the Novatian churches in Alexandria, took all their sacred treasures, and stripped their bishop Theopempt of all he had.
7.8PG 67:751–753
εἰώθει καιρὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς εὔχεσθαι, παρεσκεύασαν άναὙπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον, καὶ τὸν ἐν Περσίδι Χριστιανισμὸν πλατυνθῆναι συνέβη ἐξ αἰτίας τοιᾶσδε· Μεταξὺ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Περσῶν συνεχεῖς ἀεὶ πρεσβεῖαι γίνονται. Διάφοροι δέ εἰσιν αἰτίαιν, δι' ἃς συνεχῶς παρ' ἀλλήλους πρεσβεύονται. Χρεία δὴ οὖν καὶ τότε ἤγαγεν, ὥστε Μαρουθᾶν τὸν Μεσο"ποταμίας ἐπίσκοπον, οὗ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν μνήμην πεποιήμεθα, πεμφθῆναι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ῥωμαίων πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα Περσῶν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν Περσῶν πολλὴν εὐλάβειαν παρὰ τῷ ἀνδρὶ εὐρηκὼς, διὰ τιμῆς ἦγεν αὐτὸν, καὶ ὡς ὄντως θεοφιλεῖ προσεἶχεν. Τοῦτο γινόμενον ὑπέκνιζε τοὺς μάγους, οἱ πολλοὶ παρὰ τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ ἰσχύουσιν. Έδε δοίκεισαν γάρ, μὴ τὸν βασιλέα Χριστιανίζειν πείσῃ. Καὶ γὰρ κεφαλαλγίαν αὐτοῦ χρονίαν, ἣν οἱ μάγοι θεραπεῦσαι μὴ δεδύνηνται, ταύτην ὁ Μαρουθᾶς εὐχαῖς έθεράπευσε. Βουλεύονται οὖν ἀπάτην οἱ μάγοι. Καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἱ Πέρσαι τὸ πῦρ σέβουσιν, εἰώθει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐν οἴκῳ τινὶ τὸ διηνεκῶς καιόμενον πῦρ προσκυνεῖν, ὑπὸ γῆν κατακρύψαντες ἄνθρωπον, καθ' ὃν φθέγγεσθαι, ἔξω βάλλεσθαι δεῖν τὸν βασιλέα· ήσεβηκέναι γὰρ, ὅτι τὸν τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἱερέα νομίζη θεοφιλῆ. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Ἰσδιγέρδης, τοῦτο γὰρ ὄνομα τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ, αἰδούμενος μὲν, ἀποπέμπεσθαι δ' οὖν ὅμως τὸν Μαρουθᾶν ἐβούλετο. Μαρουθᾶς δὲ ἀληθῶς θεοφιλής ἄνθρωπος, εὐχαῖς προσέκειτο, δι᾽ ὧν εὑρίσκει τὸν παρὰ τῶν μάγων γενόμενον δόλον. Τῷ οὖν βασιλεῖ, Μὴ παίζου, ἔφη, βασιλεῦ. ᾿Αλλ' εἰσελθὼν ὅτε τῆς φωνῆς ἀκούσεις, ὀρύξας τὸν δόλον εὐ - : ρήσεις. Οὐ γὰρ τὸ πῦρ φθέγγεται, ἀλλὰ ἀνθρώπων κατασκευή τοῦτο ποιεῖ. Πείθεται τῷ Μαρουθᾷ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς, καὶ αὖθις εἰσῄει εἰς τὸν οἰκίσκον, ὅπου ἦν τὸ ἄσβεστον πῦρ. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ αὖθις ἀκούει τῆς αὐτῆς φωνῆς, ὀρύττεσθαι τὸν τόπον ἐκέλευσε. Καὶ ὁ προπέμπων τὴν νομισθεῖσαν θεοῦ φωνὴν, ἐξηλέγχετο. Περιοργὴς οὖν γενόμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς, τὸ τῶν μάγων γένος ἀπεδεκάτωσε. Τούτου γενομένου, εἶπεν τῷ Μαρουθᾷ, ἔνθα ἂν βούλοιτο, κτίζειν ἐκκλησίας. Ἐκ τούτου παρὰ Πέρσαις ὁ Χριστιανισμός ἐπλατύνετο. Τότε μὲν οὖν Μαρουθᾶς ἀποχωρήσας τῶν Περσῶν, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐπανέρχεται. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ πάλιν πρεσβείας ἕνεκεν άντεπέμπετο. Αὖθίς τε οἱ μάγοι σκευωρίας ἐπενοοῦντο, ὅπως ἂν μηδαμῶς τὸν ἄνδρα προσδέχοιτο ὁ βασιλεύς. Ἐπενόησάν τε δυσωδίαν τινὰ κατασκευαστὴν, ὅθεν ὁ βασιλεὺς εἰώθει προσέρχεσθαι· διαβολῇ τε ἐχρῶντο, ὡς ἄρα ταύτην οἱ τῷ Χριστιανισμῷ συνόντες εἰργάσαντο. Ὡς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἤδη πρότερον ὑπόπτους ἔχων τοὺς μάγους, σπουδαιότερον ἀνεζήτει τοὺς δράσαντας, αὖθις ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνηυρίσκοντο οἱ τῆς κακῆς ὀδμῆς ποιηταί. Διὸ καὶ αὖθις πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἐτιμωρήσατο· Μαρουθᾶν δὲ διὰ πλείονος ἦγε τιμῆς. Καὶ ἠγάπα μὲν Ῥωμαίους, καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς φιλίαν ἡσπάζετο. Μικρὸν δὲ ἐδέησε καὶ χριστιανίσαι αὐτὸν, πεῖραν δεδωκότος ἑτέραν τοῦ Μαρουθᾶ, σὺν ᾿Ανλδᾷ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Περσίδος. "Αμφω γὰρ τὸν ὀχλοῦντα δαίμονα τῷ υἱῷ βασιλέως ἀπήλασαν, νηστείαις καὶ προσευχαῖς σχολάσαντες. Καὶ ὁ Ἰσδιγέρδης μὲν ἔφθασε τελευτῆσαι, πρὶν τελείως Χριστιανίσαι · εἰς δὲ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ Βαραράνην ἧκεν ἡ βασιλεία. Ἐφ' οὗ αἱ μεταξὺ Ῥωμαίων καὶ Περσῶν σπονδαὶ διελύθησαν, ὡς ὀλίγον ὕστερον λέξομεν.
eiōthei kairon ho basileus euchesthai, pareskeuasan anaUpo de ton auton touton chronon, kai ton en Persidi Christianismon platynthēnai synebē ex aitias toiasde; Metaxy Rhōmaiōn kai Persōn synecheis aei presbeiai ginontai. Diaphoroi de eisin aitiain, di' has synechōs par' allēlous presbeuontai. Chreia dē oun kai tote ēgagen, hōste Marouthan ton Meso"potamias episkopon, hou mikron emprosthen mnēmēn pepoiēmetha, pemphthēnai para tou basileōs Rhōmaiōn pros ton basilea Persōn. Ho de basileus tōn Persōn pollēn eulabeian para tǭ andri eurēkōs, dia timēs ēgen auton, kai hōs ontōs theophilei proseichen. Touto ginomenon hypeknize tous magous, hoi polloi para tǭ Persōn basilei ischyousin. Ede doikeisan gar, mē ton basilea Christianizein peisę̄. Kai gar kephalalgian autou chronian, hēn hoi magoi therapeusai mē dedynēntai, tautēn ho Marouthas euchais etherapeuse. Bouleuontai oun apatēn hoi magoi. Kai epeidē hoi Persai to pyr sebousin, eiōthei de ho basileus en oikǭ tini to diēnekōs kaiomenon pyr proskynein, hypo gēn katakrypsantes anthrōpon, kath' hon phthengesthai, exō ballesthai dein ton basilea; ēsebēkenai gar, hoti ton tōn Christianōn hierea nomizē theophilē. Tauta akousas ho Isdigerdēs, touto gar onoma tǭ Persōn basilei, aidoumenos men, apopempesthai d' oun homōs ton Marouthan ebouleto. Marouthas de alēthōs theophilēs anthrōpos, euchais prosekeito, di᾽ hōn heuriskei ton para tōn magōn genomenon dolon. Tǭ oun basilei, Mē paizou, ephē, basileu. ᾿All' eiselthōn hote tēs phōnēs akouseis, oryxas ton dolon eu - : rēseis. Ou gar to pyr phthengetai, alla anthrōpōn kataskeuē touto poiei. Peithetai tǭ Marouthą ho Persōn basileus, kai authis eisę̄ei eis ton oikiskon, hopou ēn to asbeston pyr. Epeidē de authis akouei tēs autēs phōnēs, oryttesthai ton topon ekeleuse. Kai ho propempōn tēn nomistheisan theou phōnēn, exēlencheto. Periorgēs oun genomenos ho basileus, to tōn magōn genos apedekatōse. Toutou genomenou, eipen tǭ Marouthą, entha an bouloito, ktizein ekklēsias. Ek toutou para Persais ho Christianismos eplatyneto. Tote men oun Marouthas apochōrēsas tōn Persōn, authis epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin epanerchetai. Ouk eis makran de palin presbeias heneken antepempeto. Authis te hoi magoi skeuōrias epenoounto, hopōs an mēdamōs ton andra prosdechoito ho basileus. Epenoēsan te dysōdian tina kataskeuastēn, hothen ho basileus eiōthei proserchesthai; diabolę̄ te echrōnto, hōs ara tautēn hoi tǭ Christianismǭ synontes eirgasanto. Hōs de ho basileus ēdē proteron hypoptous echōn tous magous, spoudaioteron anezētei tous drasantas, authis ex autōn anēuriskonto hoi tēs kakēs odmēs poiētai. Dio kai authis pollous autōn etimōrēsato; Marouthan de dia pleionos ēge timēs. Kai ēgapa men Rhōmaious, kai tēn pros autous philian hēspazeto. Mikron de edeēse kai christianisai auton, peiran dedōkotos heteran tou Maroutha, syn ᾿Anldą tǭ episkopǭ Persidos. "Amphō gar ton ochlounta daimona tǭ huiǭ basileōs apēlasan, nēsteiais kai proseuchais scholasantes. Kai ho Isdigerdēs men ephthase teleutēsai, prin teleiōs Christianisai ; eis de ton huion autou Bararanēn hēken hē basileia. Eph' hou hai metaxy Rhōmaiōn kai Persōn spondai dielythēsan, hōs oligon hysteron lexomen.
About this same time Christianity also happened to spread in Persia, for the following reason. Embassies are always going continually between the Romans and the Persians, and there are various reasons for which they continually send embassies to each other. Need then brought it about that Maruthas, the bishop of Mesopotamia, whom we mentioned a little before, was sent by the emperor of the Romans to the king of the Persians. The king of the Persians, finding great piety in the man, held him in honour and attended to him as one truly dear to God. This vexed the magi, who have great power with the king of the Persians; for they feared that he would persuade the king to become a Christian. Indeed Maruthas had healed by prayers the king's chronic headache, which the magi had been unable to cure. So the magi devised a deception. Since the Persians worship fire, and the king was accustomed to worship the perpetually burning fire in a certain house, they hid a man underground and arranged that, at the time when the king was accustomed to pray, he should cry out that the king must be cast out, for he had committed impiety in thinking the priest of the Christians dear to God. When Isdigerdes, for that was the name of the king of the Persians, heard this, though he respected Maruthas, he nevertheless wished to send him away. But Maruthas, being truly a man dear to God, devoted himself to prayers, through which he discovered the trick contrived by the magi. So he said to the king, 'Do not be deceived, king; but go in, and when you hear the voice, dig and you will find the trick. For it is not the fire that speaks; it is the contrivance of men that does this.' The king of the Persians was persuaded by Maruthas, and went again into the little house where the unquenchable fire was. When he heard the same voice again, he ordered the place to be dug up; and the man who sent forth what was taken for the voice of a god was exposed. The king, in great anger, decimated the race of the magi. When this had been done, he told Maruthas to build churches wherever he wished. From this Christianity spread among the Persians. Maruthas then left the Persians and returned to Constantinople. Not long after he was sent again on an embassy. Again the magi devised plots so that the king would by no means receive the man. They contrived an artificial stench where the king was accustomed to go, and used the slander that those who were with the Christian had made it. But since the king already held the magi in suspicion, he searched more diligently for those who had done it, and again the makers of the foul smell were found to be among them. So again he punished many of them, and held Maruthas in greater honour. He loved the Romans and embraced friendship with them. He came close even to becoming a Christian, when Maruthas, together with Abdas, bishop of Persia, gave another proof: both, devoting themselves to fasting and prayers, drove out a demon that troubled the king's son. But Isdigerdes died before becoming fully a Christian, and the kingdom passed to his son Varanes, under whom the treaty between the Romans and the Persians was broken, as we shall tell a little later.
7.9PG 67:753–755
Περὶ δὲ τοὺς αὐτοὺς χρόνους, κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν Φλαβιανοῦ τελευτήσαντος, Πορφύριος τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν διεδέξατο. Μετὰ δὲ Πορφύριον, αὖθις ᾿Αλέξανδρος τῆς ἐκεῖσε Ἐκκλησίας προέστη. Κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ῥωμαίων Δάμασον ἐπὶ δεκαοκτὼ ἔτη τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς κρατήσαντα, Σιρίκιος διεδέξατο. Σιρικίου δὲ δεκαπέντε ἔτη κρατήσαντος, ᾿Αναστάσιος ἐπὶ ἔτη τρία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας ἐκράτησε. Μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αναστάσιον Ἰνοκέντιος, ὃς πρῶτος τοὺς ἐν 'Ρώμῃ Ναυατιανοὺς ἐλαύνειν ἤρξατο, πολλάς τε αὐτῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀφείλετο.
Peri de tous autous chronous, kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian Phlabianou teleutēsantos, Porphyrios tēn episkopēn diedexato. Meta de Porphyrion, authis ᾿Alexandros tēs ekeise Ekklēsias proestē. Kata de tēn Rhōmaiōn Damason epi dekaoktō etē tēs episkopēs kratēsanta, Sirikios diedexato. Sirikiou de dekapente etē kratēsantos, ᾿Anastasios epi etē tria tēs Ekklēsias ekratēse. Meta de ᾿Anastasion Inokentios, hos prōtos tous en 'Rōmę̄ Nauatianous elaunein ērxato, pollas te autōn ekklēsias apheileto.
About the same time, when Flavian died at Antioch, Porphyrius succeeded to the bishopric; and after Porphyrius, Alexander presided over the church there. In Rome Siricius succeeded Damasus, who had held the bishopric for eighteen years. After Siricius had held it for fifteen years, Anastasius governed the church for three years; and after Anastasius, Innocent, who was the first to begin driving out the Novatians in Rome and took away many of their churches.
7.10PG 67:755–757
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον, καὶ Ῥώμην ὑπὸ Βαρβάρων ἁλῶναι συνέβη. ᾿Αλάριχος γάρ τις Βάρβα ρος, ὑπόσπονδος ὢν Ῥωμαίοις, καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ εἰς τὸν κατὰ Εὐγενίου τοῦ τυράννου πόλεμον συμμαχήσας, καὶ διατοῦτο Ῥωμαϊκῇ ἀξίᾳ τιμηθεὶς, οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὴν εὐτυχίαν. Ἀλλὰ βασιλεύειν μὲν οὐ προείλετο · ἀναχωρήσας δὲ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, ἐπὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη διέβαινε. Γενόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ Ἰλλυριῶν, εὐθὺς πάντα ἀνέτρεπε. Διαβαίνοντι δὲ αὐτῷ Θεσσαλοὶ ἀντέστησαν περὶ τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Πηνειοῦ ποταμοῦ, ὅθεν δι᾿ ὄρους Πίνδου ἐπὶ Νικόπολιν τῆς Ἠπείρου διαβῆναι ἔστι. Καὶ συμβαλόντες, περὶ τρισχιλίους ἀνεῖλον οἱ Θεσσαλοί. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πᾶν τὸ παραπεσὸν ἀφανίζοντες οἱ σὺν αὐτῷ, τέλος καὶ τὴν Ῥώμην κατέλαβον · · καὶ πορθήσαντες αὐτὴν, τὰ μὲν πολλὰ τῶν θαυμαστῶν ἐκείνων θεαμάτων κατέκαυσαν · τὰ δὲ χρήματα δι᾽ ἁρπαγῆς ἔλαβον. Καὶ πολλοὺς τῆς συγκλήτου βουλῆς διαφόροις δίκαις ὑποβαλόντες, ἀπώλεσαν. Καταπαίζων τε τῆς βασιλείας, ἀναδείκνυσι βασιλέα, ὀνόματι "Ατταλον. Ὃν μίαν μὲν ἡμέραν, ὡς βασιλέα δορυφορούμενον προϊέναι ἐκέλευε· τὴν δὲ ἄλλην, ἐν δούλου τάξει φαίνεσθαι παρεσκεύαζεν. Καὶ ταῦτα καταπραξάμενος, εἰς φυγὴν ἐτράπη, φήμης αὐτὸν ἐν φόβῳ κατο στησάσης, ὡς εἴη ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος δύναμιν ἀποστείλας τὴν αὐτῷ πολεμήσουσαν. Τὰ μὲν οὖν τῆς φήμης οὐκ ἣν πεπλασμένα " ἀληθῶς γὰρ ἡ δύναμις ἐπορεύετο" κἀκεῖνος τὴν φήμην οὐχ ὑπομείνας, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔφην, ἀποδρὰς ῴχετο. Λέγεται δὲ ὡς ἀπιόντι αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τὴν Ῥώμην, εὐλαδής τις ἀνὴρ μοναχὸς τὸν βίον, παρήνει μὴ ἐπιχαίρειν ἐν τηλιχούτοις κακοῖς, μηδὲ χαίρειν φόνοις καὶ αἵμασιν. Ὃ δὲ, Οὐκ ἐγὼ, ἔφη, ἐθελοντὴς ἐπὶ τὰ ἐκεῖ πορεύομαι ἀλλά τις καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ὀχλεῖ μοι βασανίζων, λέγων ἤΛπιθι, τὴν Ῥωμαίων πόρθησον πόλιν. Τοσαῦτα μὲν καὶ περὶ τούτου.
Hypo de ton auton touton chronon, kai Rhōmēn hypo Barbarōn halōnai synebē. ᾿Alarichos gar tis Barba ros, hypospondos ōn Rhōmaiois, kai tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ eis ton kata Eugeniou tou tyrannou polemon symmachēsas, kai diatouto Rhōmaïkę̄ axią timētheis, ouk ēnenke tēn eutychian. Alla basileuein men ou proeileto ; anachōrēsas de tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, epi ta hesperia merē diebaine. Genomenos de epi ta Illyriōn, euthys panta anetrepe. Diabainonti de autǭ Thessaloi antestēsan peri tas ekbolas tou Pēneiou potamou, hothen di᾿ orous Pindou epi Nikopolin tēs Ēpeirou diabēnai esti. Kai symbalontes, peri trischilious aneilon hoi Thessaloi. Meta de tauta pan to parapeson aphanizontes hoi syn autǭ, telos kai tēn Rhōmēn katelabon ; ; kai porthēsantes autēn, ta men polla tōn thaumastōn ekeinōn theamatōn katekausan ; ta de chrēmata di᾽ harpagēs elabon. Kai pollous tēs synklētou boulēs diaphorois dikais hypobalontes, apōlesan. Katapaizōn te tēs basileias, anadeiknysi basilea, onomati "Attalon. Hon mian men hēmeran, hōs basilea doryphoroumenon proïenai ekeleue; tēn de allēn, en doulou taxei phainesthai pareskeuazen. Kai tauta katapraxamenos, eis phygēn etrapē, phēmēs auton en phobǭ kato stēsasēs, hōs eiē ho basileus Theodosios dynamin aposteilas tēn autǭ polemēsousan. Ta men oun tēs phēmēs ouk hēn peplasmena " alēthōs gar hē dynamis eporeueto" kakeinos tēn phēmēn ouch hypomeinas, all᾽ hōs ephēn, apodras ǭcheto. Legetai de hōs apionti autǭ epi tēn Rhōmēn, euladēs tis anēr monachos ton bion, parēnei mē epichairein en tēlichoutois kakois, mēde chairein phonois kai haimasin. Ho de, Ouk egō, ephē, ethelontēs epi ta ekei poreuomai alla tis kath᾽ hekastēn ochlei moi basanizōn, legōn ēLpithi, tēn Rhōmaiōn porthēson polin. Tosauta men kai peri toutou.
About this same time it also happened that Rome was taken by barbarians. A certain Alaric, a barbarian, an ally of the Romans, who had fought alongside the emperor Theodosius in the war against the usurper Eugenius and for this had been honoured with Roman rank, could not bear his good fortune. He did not choose to make himself emperor, but, withdrawing from Constantinople, he crossed to the western parts. Reaching Illyricum, he at once overturned everything. As he was crossing, the Thessalians opposed him at the mouths of the river Peneus, from which one can cross over Mount Pindus to Nicopolis in Epirus; and in the engagement the Thessalians killed about three thousand. After this, those with him, destroying everything in their way, at last took Rome too; and having plundered it, they burned most of those wonderful sights, took the riches by plunder, and put to death many of the senate under various penalties. Making a mockery of the imperial office, he proclaimed as emperor a man named Attalus, whom on one day he ordered to go out guarded like an emperor, and on the next he made him appear in the rank of a slave. Having done these things, he turned to flight, a rumour having put him in fear that the emperor Theodosius had sent a force to fight him. The rumour was not invented, for a force really was on its way; and he, not awaiting the report, as I said, ran off and went away. It is said that as he was going to Rome, a devout man, a monk by life, urged him not to rejoice in such great evils nor delight in slaughter and blood. He said, 'I am not going there willingly; but someone troubles me every day, tormenting me and saying, "Go, sack the city of the Romans."' So much about this.
7.11PG 67:757
Μετὰ δὲ Ἰνοχέντιον Ζώσιμος τῆς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐχκχλησίας ἐπὶ δύο ἔτη ἐκράτησε. Καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον δὲ, Βονιφάτιος ἔτη τρία τῆς Ἐκκλησίας προέστη, ὃν Κελεστῖνος διεδέξατο. Καὶ οὗτος ὁ Κελεστῖνος τὰς ἐν Ῥώμῃ Νανατιανῶν ἐκκλησίας ἀφείλετο, καὶ τὸν ἐπίαὐτῶν Ῥουττιχούλαν, οἰκίας ἐν παραΟύστῳ συνάγειν ἠνάγκασεν. γὰρ τούτου, τιανοὶ μεγάλως ἐπὶ τῆς Ῥώμης ἤνθησαν, ἐκκλησίας πλείστας ἔχοντες, καὶ λαὺν πολὺν συναθροίζοντες. ὁ φθόνος τούτων ἥψατο, τῆς Ῥωμαίων ἐπισκοπῆς ὁμοίως τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέιυν πέρα τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἐπὶ δυναστείαν ἤδη πάλαι προελθούσης. Καὶ διατοῦτο, οὐδὲ τοὺς ὁμοφρονοῦντας οἱ ἐπίσκοποι ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας συνάγεσθαι συνεχώρησαν" ἀλλὰ πάντα λαθόντες αὐτῶν, μόνον διὰ τὴν ὁμοφροσύνην ἐπαινοῦσιν αὐτούς. Οὐ μὴν οἱ ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τοῦτο πεπόνθασιν ἀλλὰ μετὰ τοῦ στέργειν αὐτοὺς, καὶ ἔνδον πόλεως συνάγειν εἴασαν, ὡς δὴ πρότερον ἤδη ταῦτα ἱκανῶς ἔφην.
Meta de Inochention Zōsimos tēs en Rhōmę̄ Echkchlēsias epi dyo etē ekratēse. Kai meta touton de, Boniphatios etē tria tēs Ekklēsias proestē, hon Kelestinos diedexato. Kai houtos ho Kelestinos tas en Rhōmę̄ Nanatianōn ekklēsias apheileto, kai ton epiautōn Rhouttichoulan, oikias en paraOustǭ synagein ēnankasen. gar toutou, tianoi megalōs epi tēs Rhōmēs ēnthēsan, ekklēsias pleistas echontes, kai laun polyn synathroizontes. ho phthonos toutōn hēpsato, tēs Rhōmaiōn episkopēs homoiōs tę̄ ᾿Alexandreiyn pera tēs hierōsynēs epi dynasteian ēdē palai proelthousēs. Kai diatouto, oude tous homophronountas hoi episkopoi ep᾽ adeias synagesthai synechōrēsan" alla panta lathontes autōn, monon dia tēn homophrosynēn epainousin autous. Ou mēn hoi en Kōnstantinou polei touto peponthasin alla meta tou stergein autous, kai endon poleōs synagein eiasan, hōs dē proteron ēdē tauta hikanōs ephēn.
After Innocent, Zosimus governed the church in Rome for two years; and after him Boniface presided over the church for three years, and Celestine succeeded him. This Celestine took away the churches of the Novatians in Rome and compelled their bishop Rusticula to hold assemblies secretly in houses. Until then the Novatians had flourished greatly in Rome, having very many churches and gathering a large people. But envy laid hold of them, the episcopate of the Romans, like that of the Alexandrians, having long since advanced beyond the priesthood to domination. For this reason the bishops did not allow even those who shared their faith to assemble freely, but, taking everything from them, they merely praise them for their agreement in faith. Those in Constantinople, however, did not suffer this; but, besides cherishing them, they allowed them to assemble within the city, as I have already said sufficiently before.
7.12PG 67:757–759
Σισιννίου δὲ τελευτήσαντος, Χούσανθος χαθειλκύσθη εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπήν. Ὃς υἱὸς μὲν ἣν Μαρκιανοῦ τοῦ γενομένου Ναυατιανῶν ἐπισκόπου Σισιννίου, ἘΧ γέα: δὲ ἡλικίας κατὰ τὰ βασίλεια στρατευσάμενος, ὕστερον ἐπὶ τοῦ μεγάλου Θεοδοτίου τοῦ βασιλέως, ὑπατιχὺς τῆς Ἰταλίας γενόμενος, μεταταῦτα βικάριος τῶν Βρεττανικῶν νήσων καταστὰς, ἐθαυπρεσβυτέρου τάξιν προχειρίσασθαι. Οὗ γλαφυραὶ μάσθη ἐπὶ ταῖς διοικήσεσι. Προβὰς δὲ τῇ ἡλικίᾳ, καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν, σπεύδων δὲ ἔπαρχος γενέσθαι πόλεως, εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἄκων εἰλκύσθη. Σισιννίου γὰρ ἐν καιρῷ τελευτῆς μνεῖαν αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐπιτηδείου πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ποιησαμένου, ὁ Ναυατιανῶν λαὸς ὡς νόμον τὴν ἐκείνου φωνὴν λαβών, καὶ ἄκοντα βιαίως ἕλκειν ἐπεχείρουν. Τοῦ δὴ Χρυ σάνθου φυγόντος, Σαββάτιος, καιρὸν νομίσας εὑρηκέναι εὔκαιρον, ἐν ᾧ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἐγκρατὴς γένηται, κατασκευάζει χεῖρας ἐπιθεῖναι αὐτῷ τινας ἀσήμους, τὸν ὅρκον ὃν ὀμωμόκει παρ' οὐδὲν θέμενος. Ἐν δὲ τοῖς χειροτονήσασιν αὐτὸν ἦν καὶ Ἑρμογένης, ὃς ἐπὶ βλασφήμοις συγγράμμασιν ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ μετὰ κατάρας ἐκκεκήρυκτο. Οὐ μὴν αὐτῷ ὁ σκοπὸς τέλος ἐδέξατο. Μισήσας γὰρ αὐτοῦ ὁ λαὸς τὸ δύστροπον, ὅτι πάντα σκοπὸν τοῦ παρεισδῦναι εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἔπραττε, παντοῖος ἐγένετο ἀνερευνᾶν τὸν Χρύσανθον • καὶ εὐρόντες περὶ Βιθυνίαν κρυπτόμενον, πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ἑλκύσαντες προεβάλλοντο. Οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ φρόνιμος ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ σώφρων, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος, ὑπῆρχε· καὶ σφόδρα τὰς Ναυατιανῶν Ἑκκλησίας ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει συνεκρότησέν τε καὶ ηὔξησε. Καὶ πρῶτος τοῖς πτωχοῖς οἴκοθεν χρυσίον διένειμεν. ᾿Από τε τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν οὐδὲν ἐδέξατο, πλὴν κατὰ Κυριακὴν δύο ἄρτους τῶν εὐλογιῶν ἐλάμβανεν. Οὕτω δὲ ἦν περὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ Ἐκκλησίαν σπουδαῖος, ὡς καὶ ᾿Αβλάβιον τὸν ἑαυτοῦ γενναιότατον ῥήτορα, τοῦ σοφιστοῦ Τρωΐλου συλλαβεῖν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν τοῦ προσομιλίαι καὶ σύντονοι φέρονται. Αλλ' ᾿Αβλάβιος μὲν ὕστερον τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἐπίσκοπος κατέστη, ἐν ταὐτῷ καὶ σοφιστεύων ἐν ταύτῃ.
Sisinniou de teleutēsantos, Chousanthos chatheilkysthē eis tēn episkopēn. Hos huios men hēn Markianou tou genomenou Nauatianōn episkopou Sisinniou, ECh gea: de hēlikias kata ta basileia strateusamenos, hysteron epi tou megalou Theodotiou tou basileōs, hypatichys tēs Italias genomenos, metatauta bikarios tōn Brettanikōn nēsōn katastas, ethaupresbyterou taxin procheirisasthai. Hou glaphyrai masthē epi tais dioikēsesi. Probas de tę̄ hēlikią, kai katalabōn tēn Kōnstantinoupolin, speudōn de eparchos genesthai poleōs, eis tēn episkopēn akōn eilkysthē. Sisinniou gar en kairǭ teleutēs mneian autou hōs epitēdeiou pros tēn episkopēn poiēsamenou, ho Nauatianōn laos hōs nomon tēn ekeinou phōnēn labōn, kai akonta biaiōs helkein epecheiroun. Tou dē Chry santhou phygontos, Sabbatios, kairon nomisas heurēkenai eukairon, en hǭ tōn Ekklēsiōn enkratēs genētai, kataskeuazei cheiras epitheinai autǭ tinas asēmous, ton horkon hon omōmokei par' ouden themenos. En de tois cheirotonēsasin auton ēn kai Hermogenēs, hos epi blasphēmois syngrammasin hyp᾿ autou meta kataras ekkekērykto. Ou mēn autǭ ho skopos telos edexato. Misēsas gar autou ho laos to dystropon, hoti panta skopon tou pareisdynai eis tēn episkopēn epratte, pantoios egeneto anereunan ton Chrysanthon • kai eurontes peri Bithynian kryptomenon, pros tēn episkopēn helkysantes proeballonto. Houtos ho anēr phronimos en tautǭ kai sōphrōn, ei kai tis allos, hypērche; kai sphodra tas Nauatianōn Hekklēsias en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei synekrotēsen te kai ēuxēse. Kai prōtos tois ptōchois oikothen chrysion dieneimen. ᾿Apo te tōn ekklēsiōn ouden edexato, plēn kata Kyriakēn dyo artous tōn eulogiōn elambanen. Houtō de ēn peri tēn heautou Ekklēsian spoudaios, hōs kai ᾿Ablabion ton heautou gennaiotaton rhētora, tou sophistou Trōïlou syllabein, kai pros tēn tou prosomiliai kai syntonoi pherontai. All' ᾿Ablabios men hysteron tēs en Nikaią tōn Nauatianōn Ekklēsias episkopos katestē, en tautǭ kai sophisteuōn en tautę̄.
When Sisinnius died, Chrysanthus was drawn into the bishopric. He was the son of Marcian, who had been bishop of the Novatians before Sisinnius. From his youth he had served in the palace; later, under the great emperor Theodosius, he became consular governor of Italy, and afterwards, appointed vicar of the British islands, he was admired for his administration. Advanced in age, he came to Constantinople, eager to become prefect of the city, but was drawn against his will into the bishopric. For since Sisinnius, at the time of his death, had mentioned him as suitable for the bishopric, the Novatian people took his word as law and tried to drag him by force against his will. When Chrysanthus fled, Sabbatius, thinking he had found a convenient moment to become master of the churches, arranged for some obscure men to lay hands on him, counting as nothing the oath he had sworn. Among those who ordained him was Hermogenes, whom he himself had proscribed with a curse for blasphemous writings. But his aim did not succeed. For the people, hating his perversity, because he did everything with the aim of slipping into the bishopric, did all they could to search for Chrysanthus; and finding him hiding in Bithynia, they dragged him to the bishopric and put him forward. This man was prudent and at the same time self-controlled, if anyone was; and he greatly strengthened and increased the Novatian churches in Constantinople. He was the first to distribute gold to the poor from his own means. He took nothing from the churches except that on Sundays he received two loaves of the blessed bread. He was so zealous for his own church that he took Ablabius, a most excellent orator, a pupil of the sophist Troilus, and advanced him to the order of presbyter; polished and vigorous discourses of his are in circulation. Ablabius later became bishop of the Novatian church in Nicaea, while also teaching rhetoric there.
7.13PG 67:759–765
Ὑπὸ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον, καὶ τὸ Ἰουδαίων ἔθνος τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐξελαθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κυρέἔλλου συνέδη, δι᾽ αἰτίαν τοιάνδε" Ὃ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δῆμος, πλέον τῶν ἄλλων δήμων, χαίρει ταῖς στάσεσιν εἰ δέ ποτε καὶ προφάσεως ἐπιλάδηται, εἰς ἀφόρητα χαταστρέφει κακά. Δίχα γὰρ αἵματος, οὐ παύεται τῆς ὁρμῆς. δὲ τότε στασιάζειν αὐτὸ τὸ πλῆθος πρὸς ἑαυτὸ, οὐ δι᾽ ἀναγκαίαν τινὰ πρόφασιν, ἀλλὰ διὸ τὸ ἐπιπολάζον ἁπάσαις πόλεσι κακὸν, φημὶ δὴ τὸ σπουδάζειν περὶ τοὺς στάς. Ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ Σαδθάτου ὀρχούμενος, πλείονας ὄχλους συνήθροιζε, τῷ Ἰουδαίους ἀργοῦντας ἐν αὐτῇ, μὴ τῇ ἀκροάσει: τοῦ νόμου, ἀλλὰ τοῖς θεατριχοῖς σχολάζειν, ἐπέμαχος τοῖς τοῦ δήμου μέρεσιν ἡ ἡμέρα κατέστη. Καὶ τοῦτο τρόπον τινὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ ὑπάρχου τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐν τάξει καταστάντος, οὐδὲν ἧττον ἔμειναν οἱ Ἰουδαῖοι, τοῖς τοῦ ἑτέρου μέρους ἀντιπαθοῦντες ἀεὶ μὲν πολέμιοι πανταχοῦ τοῖς Χριστιανοῖς: καθεστῶτες, ἔτι δὲ πλέον διὰ τοὺς ὀρχηστὰς ἐχπεπολέμωντο καθ᾽ ἑχυτῶν. δὴ τότε ᾿Ὀρέστου τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδροείας ἐπάρχου πολιτείαν ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ ποιοῦντος, οὕτω δὲ μάξειν εἰώθασιν τὰς δημοτιχὰς διατυπώσεις, πα ρήῇσαν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κυρίλλου οἱ σπουδασταὶ, τὰς γινομένας παρὰ τοῦ ἐπάρχου διατυπώσεις γνῶναι βουλόμενοι, δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖς τις ἀνὴρ ὀνόματι Ἱέραξ, ὃς γραμμάτων μὲν τῶν πεζῶν διδάσκαλος ἦν" διάπυρος δὲ ἀχρηατὴς τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κυρίλλου χαῦεστὼς, περὶ τὸ κρότους ἐν ταῖς διδασκαλία:ς αὐτοῦ ἐγείρειν ἣν σπουδαιότατος. Τοῦτον τοίνυν τὸν Ἱέρακα τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ θεασάμενοι, κατεβόων εὐθὺς, ὡς οὐ δι᾽ οὐδὲν ἄλλο παρα- ἢ βάλλει τῷ θεάτρῳ, ἣ ἵνα στάσιν τῷ δήμῳ ἐμθάλλοι. [συ πολιτείαν ᾿Ορέστης δὲ καὶ πρότερον μὲν ἐμίσει τὴν δυναστείαν τῶν ἐπισκόπων, ὅτι παρῃροῦντο πολὺ τῆς ἐξουσίας τῶν ἐκ βασιλέως ἄρχειν τεταγμένων. Μάλιστα δὲ ὅτι καὶ ἐποπτεύειν αὐτοῦ τὰς διατυπώσεις Κύριλλος ἐβούλετο. ᾿Αρπάσας οὖν τὸν Ἱέρακα δημοσίᾳ ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ βασάνοις ἐπέβαλλε. Τοῦτο γνοὺς ὁ Κύριλλος, μεταπέμπεται τοὺς Ἰουδαίων πρωτεύοντας, καὶ ὅσα εἰκὸς, εἰ μὴ παύσαιντο κατὰ Χριστιανῶν στασιάζοντες, διηπείλησε. Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰουδαίων τῆς ἀπειλῆς αἰσθόμενον, φιλονεικότερον γέγονε · καὶ μηχανὰς ἐπενόουν ἐπὶ βλάβῃ τῶν Χριστιανῶν, ὧν τὴν κορυφαιοτάτην καὶ αἰτίαν τοῦ ἐξελαθῆναι αὐτοὺς τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας γενομένην, διηγήσομαι. Σύνθεμα δόντες ἑαυτοῖς ·, δακτυλίου φόρεμα ἐκ φοίνικος γεγονός ο φλοκοῦ θαλλοῦ, νυκτομαχίαν κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν γῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ πλήθους ἀφείς. Οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἰουδαῖοι, ἐπενόησαν. Καὶ ἐν μιᾷ τῶν νυκτῶν, κηρύσσειν κατὰ τὰ κλίματα τῆς πόλεως τινὰς παρεσκεύασαν βοῶντας, ὡς ἡ ἐπώνυμος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἐκκλησία πυρὶ καίοιτο. Τοῦτο ἀκούσαντες Χριστιανοὶ, ἄλλος άλλαχόθεν συνέτρεχεν, ὡς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν περισώσοντες. Οἱ τε Ἰουδαῖοι εὐθὺς ἐπετίθεντο, καὶ ἀπέσφαττον, ἀλλήλων μὲν ἀπεχόμενοι, δεικνύντες τοὺς δακτυλίους· τοὺς δὲ προσπίπτοντας τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἀναιροῦντες. Γενομένης δὲ ἡμέρας, οὐκ ἐλάνθανον οἱ τὸ ἄγος ἐργασάμενοι. Ἐφ᾽ ᾧ κινηθεὶς ὁ Κύριλλος, σὺν πολλῷ πλήθει ἐπὶ τὰς συναγωγὰς τῶν Ἰουδαίων παραγενόμενος, οὕτω γὰρ τοὺς εὐκτηρίους αὐτῶν ὀνομάζουσι τόπους, τὰς μὲν ἀφαιρεῖται, τοὺς δὲ ἐξελαύνει τῆς πόλεως, καὶ τὰς οὐσίας αὐτῶν διαρπαἐκ τῶν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος χρόνων οἰκήσαντες τὴν πόλιν, τότε αὐτῆς γυμνοὶ ἅπαντες ἀπανέστησαν, καὶ ἄλλοι ἀλλαχοῦ διεσπάρησαν. ᾿Αδαμάντιος δὲ, ἰατρικῶν λόγων σοφιστὴς, ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ὁρμήσας, καὶ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ προσφυγὼν ᾿Αττικῷ, ἐπαγγειλάμενός τε χριστιανίζειν, αὖθις ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ᾤκησεν. Ὁ τοίνυν τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἔπαρχος Ορέστης, σφόδρα ἐπὶ τῷ γενομένῳ ἐχαλέπηνε · καὶ πένθος μέγα ἐτίθετο, τηλικαύτην πόλιν οὕτως ἄρδην τοσούτων ἐκκενωθῆναι ἀνθρώπων. Διὸ καὶ τὰ γενόμενα ἀνέφερε βασιλεῖ. Κύριλλος δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὰς Ἰουδαίων πλημμελείας γνωρίμους καθιστῶν βασιλεῖ, οὐδὲν ἦττον καὶ περὶ φιλίας πρὸς Ὀρέστην ἐπρεσβεύετο. Τοῦτο γὰρ ὁ λαὸς τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων αὐτὸν ποιεῖν κατηνάγκαζεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ τοὺς περὶ φιλίας λόγους Ορέστης οὐ προσεδέχετο, τὴν βίβλον τῶν Εὐαγγελίων ὁ Κύριλλος προΐσχετο, διὰ ταύτης γοῦν καταιδέσειν τὸν Ορέστην ἡγούμενος. Ὡς δὲ οὐδὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ ὁ Ὀρέστης ἐμαλάσσετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμενε μεταξὺ αὐτῶν ἄσπονδος πόλεμος, τάδε ἐπισυνέβη γενέσθαι.
Hypo de ton auton touton chronon, kai to Ioudaiōn ethnos tēs ᾿Alexandreias exelathēnai hypo tou episkopou Kyreellou synedē, di᾽ aitian toiande" Ho ᾿Alexandreōn dēmos, pleon tōn allōn dēmōn, chairei tais stasesin ei de pote kai prophaseōs epiladētai, eis aphorēta chatastrephei kaka. Dicha gar haimatos, ou pauetai tēs hormēs. de tote stasiazein auto to plēthos pros heauto, ou di᾽ anankaian tina prophasin, alla dio to epipolazon hapasais polesi kakon, phēmi dē to spoudazein peri tous stas. Epeidē gar en hēmerą Sadthatou orchoumenos, pleionas ochlous synēthroize, tǭ Ioudaious argountas en autę̄, mē tę̄ akroasei: tou nomou, alla tois theatrichois scholazein, epemachos tois tou dēmou meresin hē hēmera katestē. Kai touto tropon tina hypo tou hyparchou tēs ᾿Alexandreias en taxei katastantos, ouden hētton emeinan hoi Ioudaioi, tois tou heterou merous antipathountes aei men polemioi pantachou tois Christianois: kathestōtes, eti de pleon dia tous orchēstas echpepolemōnto kath᾽ hechytōn. dē tote ᾿Orestou tou tēs ᾿Alexandroeias eparchou politeian en tǭ theatrǭ poiountos, houtō de maxein eiōthasin tas dēmotichas diatypōseis, pa rēę̄san tou episkopou Kyrillou hoi spoudastai, tas ginomenas para tou eparchou diatypōseis gnōnai boulomenoi, de en autois tis anēr onomati Hierax, hos grammatōn men tōn pezōn didaskalos ēn" diapyros de achrēatēs tou episkopou Kyrillou chauestōs, peri to krotous en tais didaskalia:s autou egeirein hēn spoudaiotatos. Touton toinyn ton Hieraka to plēthos tōn Ioudaiōn en tǭ theatrǭ theasamenoi, kateboōn euthys, hōs ou di᾽ ouden allo para- ē ballei tǭ theatrǭ, hē hina stasin tǭ dēmǭ emthalloi. [sy politeian ᾿Orestēs de kai proteron men emisei tēn dynasteian tōn episkopōn, hoti parę̄rounto poly tēs exousias tōn ek basileōs archein tetagmenōn. Malista de hoti kai epopteuein autou tas diatypōseis Kyrillos ebouleto. ᾿Arpasas oun ton Hieraka dēmosią en tǭ theatrǭ basanois epeballe. Touto gnous ho Kyrillos, metapempetai tous Ioudaiōn prōteuontas, kai hosa eikos, ei mē pausainto kata Christianōn stasiazontes, diēpeilēse. To de plēthos tōn Ioudaiōn tēs apeilēs aisthomenon, philoneikoteron gegone ; kai mēchanas epenooun epi blabę̄ tōn Christianōn, hōn tēn koryphaiotatēn kai aitian tou exelathēnai autous tēs ᾿Alexandreias genomenēn, diēgēsomai. Synthema dontes heautois ;, daktyliou phorema ek phoinikos gegonos o phlokou thallou, nyktomachian kata tōn Christianōn gēnai hypo tou plēthous apheis. Hoi men oun Ioudaioi, epenoēsan. Kai en mią tōn nyktōn, kēryssein kata ta klimata tēs poleōs tinas pareskeuasan boōntas, hōs hē epōnymos ᾿Alexandrou ekklēsia pyri kaioito. Touto akousantes Christianoi, allos allachothen synetrechen, hōs tēn ekklēsian perisōsontes. Hoi te Ioudaioi euthys epetithento, kai apesphatton, allēlōn men apechomenoi, deiknyntes tous daktylious; tous de prospiptontas tōn Christianōn anairountes. Genomenēs de hēmeras, ouk elanthanon hoi to agos ergasamenoi. Eph᾽ hǭ kinētheis ho Kyrillos, syn pollǭ plēthei epi tas synagōgas tōn Ioudaiōn paragenomenos, houtō gar tous euktērious autōn onomazousi topous, tas men aphaireitai, tous de exelaunei tēs poleōs, kai tas ousias autōn diarpaek tōn ᾿Alexandrou tou Makedonos chronōn oikēsantes tēn polin, tote autēs gymnoi hapantes apanestēsan, kai alloi allachou diesparēsan. ᾿Adamantios de, iatrikōn logōn sophistēs, epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin hormēsas, kai tǭ episkopǭ prosphygōn ᾿Attikǭ, epangeilamenos te christianizein, authis hysterǭ chronǭ tēn ᾿Alexandreian ǭkēsen. Ho toinyn tēs ᾿Alexandreōn eparchos Orestēs, sphodra epi tǭ genomenǭ echalepēne ; kai penthos mega etitheto, tēlikautēn polin houtōs ardēn tosoutōn ekkenōthēnai anthrōpōn. Dio kai ta genomena anephere basilei. Kyrillos de kai autos tas Ioudaiōn plēmmeleias gnōrimous kathistōn basilei, ouden ētton kai peri philias pros Orestēn epresbeueto. Touto gar ho laos tōn ᾿Alexandreōn auton poiein katēnankazen. Epei de tous peri philias logous Orestēs ou prosedecheto, tēn biblon tōn Euangeliōn ho Kyrillos proïscheto, dia tautēs goun kataidesein ton Orestēn hēgoumenos. Hōs de oude toutǭ tǭ tropǭ ho Orestēs emalasseto, all᾽ emene metaxy autōn aspondos polemos, tade episynebē genesthai.
About this same time it also happened that the Jewish people were driven out of Alexandria by the bishop Cyril, for the following reason. The populace of the Alexandrians delights in riots more than other populaces; and if ever it gets hold of a pretext, it turns to intolerable evils, for it does not cease from its impulse without bloodshed. It happened then that the populace rioted among themselves, not for any necessary reason, but because of the evil that prevails in all cities, I mean partisanship over the dancers. For since the dance shows on the Sabbath day gathered greater crowds, because the Jews, idle on that day, gave their time not to hearing the law but to theatrical entertainments, the day became a cause of strife for the parties of the populace. Though this was in some measure brought to order by the prefect of Alexandria, the Jews nonetheless remained hostile to those of the other party; always enemies of the Christians everywhere, they were now still more embittered against them because of the dancers. When Orestes, the prefect of Alexandria, was holding a public session in the theatre, for that is how they are accustomed to publish popular regulations, the supporters of the bishop Cyril were present, wishing to learn the regulations being made by the prefect. Among them was a man named Hierax, a teacher of elementary letters, an ardent hearer of the bishop Cyril, and very zealous in raising applause at his sermons. When the crowd of the Jews saw this Hierax in the theatre, they at once cried out that he had come into the theatre for no other reason than to stir up the populace to riot. Orestes had already hated the domination of the bishops, because they took away much of the authority of those appointed by the emperor to govern, and above all because Cyril wished to oversee his regulations. So he seized Hierax and publicly subjected him to torture in the theatre. When Cyril learned this, he sent for the leading men of the Jews and threatened them with what one would expect, if they did not stop rioting against the Christians. The crowd of the Jews, aware of the threat, became more contentious, and devised plots to harm the Christians, of which I shall relate the chief, which became the cause of their being driven out of Alexandria. Giving themselves a signal, the wearing of a ring made of palm bark, they planned a night attack on the Christians. One night they arranged for some to cry out through the quarters of the city that the church named after Alexander was on fire. When the Christians heard this, they ran together from every side to save the church. The Jews at once fell upon them and slaughtered them, sparing one another by showing their rings, but killing the Christians who came their way. When day came, the authors of the crime were not hidden. Moved by this, Cyril came with a great crowd to the synagogues of the Jews, for so they call their places of prayer, took them away, drove the Jews out of the city, and let their property be plundered by the crowd. So the Jews, who had lived in the city since the times of Alexander of Macedon, then all left it stripped of everything, and were scattered, some here, some there. Adamantius, a teacher of medicine, set out for Constantinople, took refuge with the bishop Atticus, and, professing to become a Christian, later lived in Alexandria again. Orestes, the prefect of the Alexandrians, was very angry at what had happened and mourned greatly that so great a city had been so utterly emptied of so many people. So he reported the events to the emperor. Cyril too made the offences of the Jews known to the emperor, but nonetheless sent envoys to Orestes about friendship; for the people of the Alexandrians forced him to do this. When Orestes would not accept the proposals of friendship, Cyril held out the book of the Gospels, thinking to shame Orestes by it at least. When Orestes was not softened even in this way, and truceless war remained between them, the following happened.
7.14PG 67:765–767
Τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὅρεσι τῆς Νιτρίας μοναχῶν τινες, ἔνθερμον ἔχοντες φρόνημα ἀπὸ Θεοφίλου ἀρξάμενοι, ὅτε αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖνος κατὰ τῶν περὶ Διόσκορον ἀδίκως ἐξώπλισε, ζῆλόν τε τότε κτησάμενοι, προθύμως καὶ ὑπὲρ Κυρίλλου μάχεσθαι προῃροῦντο. Αφέμενοι οὖν τῶν μοναστηρίων ἄνδρες περὶ τοὺς πεντακοσίους, καὶ καταλαβόντες τὴν πόλιν, ἐπιτηροῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῦ ὀχήματος προϊόντα τὸν ἔπαρχον. Καὶ προσελθόντες ἀπεκάλουν θύτην καὶ Ἕλληνα, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ περιὑβριζον. Ὁ δὲ, ὑποτοπήσας σκευωρίαν αὐτῷ παρὰ Κυρίλλου γίνεσθαι, ἐβόα Χριστιανός τε εἶναι, καὶ ὑπὸ ᾿Αττικοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει βεβαπτίσθαι. Ὡς δὲ οὐ προσεῖχον τοῖς λεγομένοις οἱ μοναχοὶ, εἷς τις ἐξ αὐτῶν Ἀμμώνιος ὄνομα, λίθῳ βάλλει τὸν Ὀρέστην κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς · καὶ πληροῦται μὲν αἵματι ὅλος ἐκ τοῦ τραύματος· ὑποχωροῦσι δὲ οἱ ταξεῶται πλὴν ὀλίγων, ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ ἐν : τῷ πλήθει διαδύναντες, τὸν ἐκ τῆς βολῆς τῶν λίθων θάνατον φυλαττόμενοι. Ἐν τοσούτῳ δὲ συνέῤῥεον οἱ τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων δῆμοι, ἀμύνασθαι τοὺς μοναχούς ὑπὲρ τοῦ ἐπάρχου προθυμούμενοι. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους πάντας εἰς φυγὴν ἔτρεψαν· τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον δὲ συλλαβόντες, παρὰ τὸν ἔπαρχον ἄγουσιν. ὡς δημοσίᾳ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ἐξετάσει αὐτὸν ὑπολαβὼν, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον ἐβασάνισεν, ὡς ἀποκτεῖναι. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ καὶ τὰ γενόμενα γνώριμα τοῖς κρατοῦσι κατέστησεν. Οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ Κύριλλος τὰ ἐναντία ἐγνώριζε βασιλεῖ. Τοῦ δὲ Ἀμμωνίου τὸ σῶμα ἀναλαβὼν, καὶ ἐν μιᾷ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἀποθέμενος, ὄνομα ἕτερον αὐτῷ ἐπιθεὶς, Θαυμάσιον ἐπεκάλεσε, καὶ μάρτυρα χρηματίζειν ἐκέλευσεν, ἐγκωμιάζων αὐτοῦ ἐπ᾿ ἐκκλησίας τὸ φρόνημα, ὡς ἀγῶνα ὑπὲρ εὐσεβείας ἀνελομένου. Αλλ' οἱ σωφρονοῦντες, καίπερ Χριστια νοὶ ὄντες, οὐκ ἀπεδέχοντο τὴν περὶ τούτου Κυρίλλου σπουδήν. Ἠπίσταντο γὰρ, προπετείας δίκην δεδωκέναι τὸν ᾿Αμμώνιον, οὐ μὴν ἀνάγκῃ ἀρνήσεως Χριστοῦ ἐναποθανεῖν ταῖς βασάνοις. Διὸ καὶ Κύριλλος καταβραχὺ τῷ ἡσυχάζειν λήθην τοῦ γινομένου εἰργάσατο. ᾿Αλλ' οὐχ ἕως τούτου ἔστη τὸ δεινὸν τῆς μεταξύ Κυρίλλου καὶ Ὀρέστου φιλονεικίας. ᾿Απέσβεσε γὰρ αὐτὴν ἕτερόν τι ἐπισυμβάν, τοῖς φθάσασι παρα πλήσιον.
Tōn en tois horesi tēs Nitrias monachōn tines, enthermon echontes phronēma apo Theophilou arxamenoi, hote autous ekeinos kata tōn peri Dioskoron adikōs exōplise, zēlon te tote ktēsamenoi, prothymōs kai hyper Kyrillou machesthai proę̄rounto. Aphemenoi oun tōn monastēriōn andres peri tous pentakosious, kai katalabontes tēn polin, epitērousin epi tou ochēmatos proïonta ton eparchon. Kai proselthontes apekaloun thytēn kai Hellēna, kai alla polla periybrizon. Ho de, hypotopēsas skeuōrian autǭ para Kyrillou ginesthai, eboa Christianos te einai, kai hypo ᾿Attikou episkopou en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei bebaptisthai. Hōs de ou proseichon tois legomenois hoi monachoi, heis tis ex autōn Ammōnios onoma, lithǭ ballei ton Orestēn kata tēs kephalēs ; kai plēroutai men haimati holos ek tou traumatos; hypochōrousi de hoi taxeōtai plēn oligōn, allos allachou en : tǭ plēthei diadynantes, ton ek tēs bolēs tōn lithōn thanaton phylattomenoi. En tosoutǭ de synerrheon hoi tōn ᾿Alexandreōn dēmoi, amynasthai tous monachous hyper tou eparchou prothymoumenoi. Kai tous men allous pantas eis phygēn etrepsan; ton ᾿Ammōnion de syllabontes, para ton eparchon agousin. hōs dēmosią kata tous nomous exetasei auton hypolabōn, epi tosouton ebasanisen, hōs apokteinai. Ouk eis makran de kai ta genomena gnōrima tois kratousi katestēsen. Ou mēn alla kai Kyrillos ta enantia egnōrize basilei. Tou de Ammōniou to sōma analabōn, kai en mią tōn ekklēsiōn apothemenos, onoma heteron autǭ epitheis, Thaumasion epekalese, kai martyra chrēmatizein ekeleusen, enkōmiazōn autou ep᾿ ekklēsias to phronēma, hōs agōna hyper eusebeias anelomenou. All' hoi sōphronountes, kaiper Christia noi ontes, ouk apedechonto tēn peri toutou Kyrillou spoudēn. Ēpistanto gar, propeteias dikēn dedōkenai ton ᾿Ammōnion, ou mēn anankę̄ arnēseōs Christou enapothanein tais basanois. Dio kai Kyrillos katabrachy tǭ hēsychazein lēthēn tou ginomenou eirgasato. ᾿All' ouch heōs toutou estē to deinon tēs metaxy Kyrillou kai Orestou philoneikias. ᾿Apesbese gar autēn heteron ti episymban, tois phthasasi para plēsion.
Some of the monks of the mountains of Nitria, who had had a hot temper since the time of Theophilus, when he unjustly armed them against Dioscorus and his brothers, and had then acquired zeal, were eager to fight for Cyril too. So about five hundred men left their monasteries, came into the city, and watched for the prefect as he went out in his carriage. Approaching him, they called him a sacrificer and a pagan and heaped many other insults on him. He, suspecting a plot from Cyril, cried out that he was a Christian and had been baptized by the bishop Atticus in Constantinople. But when the monks paid no heed to what he said, one of them, named Ammonius, struck Orestes on the head with a stone; and he was covered all over with blood from the wound. His officers, except a few, withdrew, slipping away into the crowd, some here, some there, guarding against death from the stoning. Meanwhile the populace of the Alexandrians ran together, eager to defend the prefect against the monks. They put all the others to flight; but seizing Ammonius they brought him to the prefect. He, taking him in hand publicly according to the laws, examined him under torture so severely that he killed him. Not long after he made known what had happened to the authorities; but Cyril too reported the contrary to the emperor. Taking up the body of Ammonius and laying it in one of the churches, Cyril gave him another name, called him Thaumasius, and ordered him to be styled a martyr, praising his spirit in church as one who had taken up a contest for piety. But the sober-minded, though they were Christians, did not approve Cyril's zeal in this; for they knew that Ammonius had paid the penalty for rashness and had not died under torture through being compelled to deny Christ. So Cyril, by keeping quiet, gradually brought about forgetfulness of what had happened. But the trouble of the rivalry between Cyril and Orestes did not stop there; it was quenched by another event, similar to those before.
7.15PG 67:767–769
Ἦν τις γυνὴ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ τοὔνομα Ὑπατία· αὕτη Θέωνος μὲν τοῦ φιλοσόφου θυγάτηρ ἦν. Ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον δὲ προὔβη παιδείας, ὡς ὑπερακοντίσαι τοὺς κατ' αὐτὴν φιλοσόφους, τὴν δὲ Πλατωνικὴν ἀπὸ Πλωτίνου καταγομένην διατρι6ὴν διαδέξασθαι, καὶ πάντα τὰ φιλόσοφα μαθήματα τοῖς βουλομένοις ἐκτίθεσθαι. Διὸ καὶ οἱ πανταχόθεν φιλοσοφεῖν βουλόμενοι, κατέτρεχον παρ᾿ αὐτὴν. Διὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν αὐτῇ ἐκ τῆς παιδεύσεως σεμνὴν παῤῥησίαν, καὶ τοῖς ἄρχουσι σωφρόνως εἰς πρόσωπον ἤρχετο· καὶ οὐκ ἦν τις αἰσχύνη, ἐν μέσῳ ἀνδρῶν παρεῖναι αὐτήν. Πάντες γὰρ, δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν σωφροσύνην, πλέον αὐτὴν ἠδοῦντο, καὶ κατεπλήττοντο. Κατὰ δὴ ταύτης τότε ὁ φθόνος ὡπλίσατο. Ἐπεὶ γὰρ συνετύγχανε συχνότερον τῷ Ὀρέστῃ, τοῦτ᾽ ἐκίνησε κατ' αὐτῆς παρὰ τῷ τῆς Ἐκ–κλησίας λαῷ, ὡς ἄρα εἴη αὕτη ἡ μὴ συγχωροῦσα τὸν Ὀρέστην εἰς φιλίαν τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ συμβῆναι. Καὶ δὴ συμφωνήσαντες ἄνδρες τὸ φρόνημα ἔνθερμοι, ὧν ἡγεῖτο Πέτρος τις ἀναγνώστης, ἐπιτηροῦσι τὴν ἄνθρωπον ἐπανιοῦσαν ἐπὶ οἰκίαν ποθέν· καὶ ἐκ τοῦ δίφρου ἐκβαλόντες, ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ᾗ ἐπώνυμον Καισάριον συνέλκουσιν· ἀποδύσαντές τε τὴν ἐσθῆτα, ὀστράκοις ἀνεῖλον. Καὶ μεληδὸν διασπάσαντες, ἐπὶ τὸν καλούμενον Κιναρῶνα τὰ μέλη συνάραντες, πυρὶ κατηνάλωσαν. Τοῦτο οὐ μικρὸν μῶμον Κυρίλλῳ καὶ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρέων Ἐκκλησίᾳ εἰργάσατο. ᾿Αλλότριον γὰρ παντελῶς τῶν φρονούντων τὰ Χριστοῦ, φόνοι καὶ μάχαι, καὶ τὰ τούτοις παραπλήσια. Καὶ ταῦτα πέπρακται τῷ τετάρτῳ ἔτει τῆς Κυρίλλου ἐπισκοπῆς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ὁνωρίου τὸ δέκατον, καὶ Θεοδοσίου τὸ ἕκτον, ἐν μηνὶ Μαρτίῳ, νηστειῶν οὐσῶν.
Ēn tis gynē en tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią tounoma Hypatia; hautē Theōnos men tou philosophou thygatēr ēn. Epi tosouton de proubē paideias, hōs hyperakontisai tous kat' autēn philosophous, tēn de Platōnikēn apo Plōtinou katagomenēn diatri6ēn diadexasthai, kai panta ta philosopha mathēmata tois boulomenois ektithesthai. Dio kai hoi pantachothen philosophein boulomenoi, katetrechon par᾿ autēn. Dia tēn prosousan autę̄ ek tēs paideuseōs semnēn parrhēsian, kai tois archousi sōphronōs eis prosōpon ērcheto; kai ouk ēn tis aischynē, en mesǭ andrōn pareinai autēn. Pantes gar, di᾽ hyperballousan sōphrosynēn, pleon autēn ēdounto, kai kateplēttonto. Kata dē tautēs tote ho phthonos hōplisato. Epei gar synetynchane sychnoteron tǭ Orestę̄, tout᾽ ekinēse kat' autēs para tǭ tēs Ek–klēsias laǭ, hōs ara eiē hautē hē mē synchōrousa ton Orestēn eis philian tǭ episkopǭ symbēnai. Kai dē symphōnēsantes andres to phronēma enthermoi, hōn hēgeito Petros tis anagnōstēs, epitērousi tēn anthrōpon epaniousan epi oikian pothen; kai ek tou diphrou ekbalontes, epi tēn ekklēsian hę̄ epōnymon Kaisarion synelkousin; apodysantes te tēn esthēta, ostrakois aneilon. Kai melēdon diaspasantes, epi ton kaloumenon Kinarōna ta melē synarantes, pyri katēnalōsan. Touto ou mikron mōmon Kyrillǭ kai tę̄ ᾿Alexandreōn Ekklēsią eirgasato. ᾿Allotrion gar pantelōs tōn phronountōn ta Christou, phonoi kai machai, kai ta toutois paraplēsia. Kai tauta pepraktai tǭ tetartǭ etei tēs Kyrillou episkopēs, en hypateią Honōriou to dekaton, kai Theodosiou to hekton, en mēni Martiǭ, nēsteiōn ousōn.
There was a woman in Alexandria named Hypatia. She was the daughter of Theon the philosopher. She advanced so far in learning that she surpassed the philosophers of her time, succeeded to the Platonic school derived from Plotinus, and expounded all the philosophical sciences to those who wished. So those who wished to study philosophy ran to her from every quarter. Because of the dignified freedom of speech that her learning gave her, she came modestly into the presence of the rulers too; and it was no shame for her to be present among men, for all, because of her exceeding modesty, respected her the more and were awed by her. Against her, then, envy armed itself. Since she met rather often with Orestes, this stirred up talk against her among the people of the church, that it was she who would not allow Orestes to be reconciled with the bishop. So some men of hot temper, agreeing together, led by a certain Peter, a reader, watched for the woman as she was returning home from somewhere; they threw her out of her carriage and dragged her to the church called the Caesareum; they stripped off her clothing and killed her with potsherds. Having torn her limb from limb, they carried the limbs to the place called Cinaron and burned them with fire. This brought no small reproach on Cyril and on the church of the Alexandrians; for murders and fights and things like these are utterly alien to those who think the things of Christ. This was done in the fourth year of Cyril's episcopate, in the consulship of Honorius for the tenth time and Theodosius for the sixth, in the month of March, during the fast.
7.16PG 67:769–771
Ὀλίγον δὲ μετὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον, Ἰουδαῖοι πάλιν ἄτοπα κατὰ Χριστιανῶν πράξαντες, δίκην δεδώκασιν. Ἐν Ἰνμεστάρ, οὕτω καλουμένῳ τόπῳ, ἐς κεῖται μεταξύ Χαλκίδος καὶ ᾿Αντιοχείας τῆς ἐν Συρίᾳ, δαῖοι συνήθως ἑαυτοῖς παίγνια ἐπετέλουν τινὰ· καὶ πολλὰ ἐν τῷ παίζειν ἄλογα ποιοῦντες, ὑπὸ μέθης ἐξαχθέντες, Χριστιανούς τε καὶ αὐτὸν τὸν Χριστὸν ἐν τοῖς παιγνίοις διέσυρον· γελῶντές τε τὸν σταυρὸν, καὶ τοὺς ἐπηλπικότας ἐπὶ τῷ ἐσταυρωμένῳ, καὶ τοιοῦτόν τι ἐπενόησαν. Παιδίον χριστιανὸν συλλαβόμενοι, σταυρῷ προσδήσαντες ἀπεκρέμασαν. Καὶ πρῶτον μὲν καταγελῶντες καὶ χλευάζοντες διετέλουν · μετ' οὐ πολὺ δὲ καὶ τῶν φρενῶν ἐκστάντες, τὸ παιδίον ἠκίσαντο, ὥστε καὶ ἀνελεῖν. Ἐπὶ τούτῳ χαλεπή μὲν συμπληγὰς μεταξὺ αὐτῶν τε καὶ Χριστιανῶν ἐγίνετο. Γνώριμον δὲ τοῦτο τοῖς κρατοῦσι καταστὰν, ἐπεστάλη τοῖς κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν ἄρχουσιν, ἀναζητῆσαι τοὺς αἰτίους καὶ τιμωρήσασθαι. Καὶ οὕτως οἱ ἐκεῖ Ἰουδαῖοι δίκην ἔδοσαν, ὧν παίζοντες ἐκακούργησαν.
Oligon de meta tonde ton chronon, Ioudaioi palin atopa kata Christianōn praxantes, dikēn dedōkasin. En Inmestar, houtō kaloumenǭ topǭ, es keitai metaxy Chalkidos kai ᾿Antiocheias tēs en Syrią, daioi synēthōs heautois paignia epeteloun tina; kai polla en tǭ paizein aloga poiountes, hypo methēs exachthentes, Christianous te kai auton ton Christon en tois paigniois diesyron; gelōntes te ton stauron, kai tous epēlpikotas epi tǭ estaurōmenǭ, kai toiouton ti epenoēsan. Paidion christianon syllabomenoi, staurǭ prosdēsantes apekremasan. Kai prōton men katagelōntes kai chleuazontes dieteloun ; met' ou poly de kai tōn phrenōn ekstantes, to paidion ēkisanto, hōste kai anelein. Epi toutǭ chalepē men symplēgas metaxy autōn te kai Christianōn egineto. Gnōrimon de touto tois kratousi katastan, epestalē tois kata tēn eparchian archousin, anazētēsai tous aitious kai timōrēsasthai. Kai houtōs hoi ekei Ioudaioi dikēn edosan, hōn paizontes ekakourgēsan.
A little after this time, Jews again did outrageous things against Christians and paid the penalty. At a place called Inmestar, which lies between Chalcis and Antioch in Syria, the Jews were holding certain games among themselves, as was their custom; and doing many senseless things in their play, carried away by drunkenness, they ridiculed Christians and Christ himself in their games, mocking the cross and those who have set their hope on the Crucified, and they devised something of this kind. They seized a Christian boy, tied him to a cross and hung him up. At first they kept laughing and jeering; but soon, out of their minds, they so mistreated the boy that they killed him. Over this a fierce clash took place between them and the Christians. When this became known to the authorities, orders were sent to the governors of the province to search out those responsible and punish them. So the Jews there paid the penalty for the crime they committed in play.
7.17PG 67:771–773
Κατὰ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τόνδε, καὶ ὁ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος Χρύσανθος, ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἔτη τῶν ὑφ᾽ αὑτὸν Ἐκκλησιῶν προστὰς, ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Μοναξίου καὶ Πλίνθα, ἕκτῃ καὶ εἰκάδι Αὐγούστου μηνός. Διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν Παῦλος · ὃς πρότερον μὲν λόγων Ῥωμαϊκῶν διδάσκαλος ἦν· μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, πολλὰ χαίρειν τῇ Ῥωμαϊκῇ φράσας φωνῇ, ἐπὶ τὸν ἀσκητικὸν ἐτράπη βίον · καὶ συστησάμενος ἀνδρῶν σπουδαίων μοναστήριον, οὐκ ἀλλοιότερον τῶν ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ μοναχῶν διετέλει. Τοιοῦτον γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐγὼ κατέλαβον ὄντα, οἷους ὁ Εὐάγριος φησὶ δεῖν εἶναι τοὺς ἐν ταῖς ἐρήμοις διατρίβοντας μοναχούς. Πάντα γὰρ ἐκείνους μιμούμενος διετέλει, τὴν συνεχῆ νηστείαν, τὸ ὀλίγα φθέγγεσθαι, τὴν ἀποχὴν τῶν ἐμψύχων· ταπολλὰ δὲ καὶ οἶνου καὶ ἐλαίου ἀπείχετο. Ἀλλὰ μὴν καὶ περὶ τοὺς πτωχοὺς σπου δαῖος, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος, ἐγένετο· τοὺς ἐν φυλακαῖς ἀόκνως ἐπεσκέπτετο. Ὑπὲρ πολλῶν δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας παρεκάλει, οἳ καὶ ἑτοίμως ὑπήκουον, διὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν εὐλάβειαν τῷ ἀνδρί. Καὶ τί με δεῖ μηκύνειν τὰ κατ᾿ αὐτόν; Ἔρχομαι γὰρ λέξων πρᾶγμα ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ γενόμενον, ἄξιον τοῦ ἐν γραφῆς παραδοθῆναι μνήμῃ. Ἰουδαῖός τις ἀπατεών χριστιανίζειν ὑποκρινόμενος, πολλάκις ἐβαπτίζετο, καὶ διὰ ταύτης τῆς τέχνης, χρήματα συνελέγετο. Ὡς δὲ πολλὰς αἱρέσεις τῇ τέχνῃ ἡπάτησε · καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αρειανῶν καὶ Μακεδονιανῶν ἐδέξατο βάπτισμα · μηκέτι ἔχων οὓς ἀπατήσειεν, τέλος ἥκει καὶ πρὸς τὸν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπον Παῦλον· καὶ τοῦ βαπτίσματος ἐπιθυμεῖν εἰπὼν, διὰ τῆς αὐτοῦ χειρὸς παρεκάλει τούτου τυχεῖν. Ὁ δὲ ἀποδέχεται μὲν αὐτοῦ τὴν προαίρεσιν · οὐ πρότερον δὲ ἔφη δώσειν τὸ βάπτισμα, εἰ μὴ κατηχηθείη τὸν περὶ τῆς πίστεως λόγον, μετὰ τοῦ νηστείαις σχολάται ἡμέρας πολλάς. Ὁ οὖν Ἰου δαῖος παρὰ γνώμην νηστεύειν ἀναγκαζόμενος, σπουδαιότερον ἐνέκειτο, βαπτισθῆναι παρακαλῶν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ Παῦλος ἐπικείμενον λυπεῖν οὐκ ἔτι ἐβούλετο τῇ παρολκῇ, εὐτρεπίζει τὰ πρὸς τὸ βάπτισμα. Ἐσθῆτά τε αὐτῷ λαμπρὰν ὠνησάμενος, καὶ τὴν κολυμβήθραν τοῦ βαπτιστηρίου πληρωθῆναι κελεύσας, ἦγεν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν τὸν Ἰουδαῖον, ὡς βαπτίσων αὐτόν. Θεοῦ δέ τις ἀόρατος δύναμις ἀφανὲς τὸ ὕδωρ κατέστησεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὅ τε ἐπίσκοπος καὶ οἱ παρόντες οὐδὲν ὑπολογησάμενοι οἷον ἐγένετο, ὑπέλαβον ἐκρεῦσαι τὸ ὕδωρ διὰ τοῦ ὑποκειμένου πόρου, ὅθεν καὶ εἰώθασιν αὐτὸ ἐκπέμπειν, πάλιν ἐπλήρουν τὴν κολυμβήθραν ἀκριβῶς, πανταχόθεν τὰς ἐκροίας αὐτῆς ἀσφαλισάμενοι. Αὖθις δὲ προσαγομένου αὐτῇ τοῦ Ἰουδαίου, αὖθις ἀφανὲ; τὸ ὕδωρ ἐγένετο. Τότε δὴ ὁ Παῦλος, Ἢ κακουργεῖς, ἔφη, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, ἢ ἀγνοῶν ἤδη τοῦ βαπτίσματος ἔτυχες. Συνδρομῆς οὖν ἐπὶ τῷ τεραστίῳ γενομένης, ἐπέγνω τις τὸν Ἰουδαῖον, ὃς ᾔδει αὐτὸν ὑπὸ Ἀττικοῦ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου βεβαπτισμένον. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν τὸ τεράστιον ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῶν Ναυατιανῶν Παύλου ἐγένετο.
Kata de ton chronon tonde, kai ho tōn Nauatianōn episkopos Chrysanthos, epi hepta etē tōn hyph᾽ hauton Ekklēsiōn prostas, eteleutēsen en hypateią Monaxiou kai Plintha, hektę̄ kai eikadi Augoustou mēnos. Diedexato de tēn episkopēn Paulos ; hos proteron men logōn Rhōmaïkōn didaskalos ēn; meta de tauta, polla chairein tę̄ Rhōmaïkę̄ phrasas phōnę̄, epi ton askētikon etrapē bion ; kai systēsamenos andrōn spoudaiōn monastērion, ouk alloioteron tōn en tę̄ erēmǭ monachōn dietelei. Toiouton gar auton egō katelabon onta, hoious ho Euagrios phēsi dein einai tous en tais erēmois diatribontas monachous. Panta gar ekeinous mimoumenos dietelei, tēn synechē nēsteian, to oliga phthengesthai, tēn apochēn tōn empsychōn; tapolla de kai oinou kai elaiou apeicheto. Alla mēn kai peri tous ptōchous spou daios, ei kai tis allos, egeneto; tous en phylakais aoknōs epeskepteto. Hyper pollōn de kai tous archontas parekalei, hoi kai hetoimōs hypēkouon, dia tēn prosousan eulabeian tǭ andri. Kai ti me dei mēkynein ta kat᾿ auton? Erchomai gar lexōn pragma en tais chersin autou genomenon, axion tou en graphēs paradothēnai mnēmę̄. Ioudaios tis apateōn christianizein hypokrinomenos, pollakis ebaptizeto, kai dia tautēs tēs technēs, chrēmata synelegeto. Hōs de pollas haireseis tę̄ technę̄ hēpatēse ; kai gar ᾿Areianōn kai Makedonianōn edexato baptisma ; mēketi echōn hous apatēseien, telos hēkei kai pros ton Nauatianōn episkopon Paulon; kai tou baptismatos epithymein eipōn, dia tēs autou cheiros parekalei toutou tychein. Ho de apodechetai men autou tēn proairesin ; ou proteron de ephē dōsein to baptisma, ei mē katēchētheiē ton peri tēs pisteōs logon, meta tou nēsteiais scholatai hēmeras pollas. Ho oun Iou daios para gnōmēn nēsteuein anankazomenos, spoudaioteron enekeito, baptisthēnai parakalōn. Epei de ho Paulos epikeimenon lypein ouk eti ebouleto tę̄ parolkę̄, eutrepizei ta pros to baptisma. Esthēta te autǭ lampran ōnēsamenos, kai tēn kolymbēthran tou baptistēriou plērōthēnai keleusas, ēgen ep᾿ autēn ton Ioudaion, hōs baptisōn auton. Theou de tis aoratos dynamis aphanes to hydōr katestēsen. Epei de ho te episkopos kai hoi parontes ouden hypologēsamenoi hoion egeneto, hypelabon ekreusai to hydōr dia tou hypokeimenou porou, hothen kai eiōthasin auto ekpempein, palin eplēroun tēn kolymbēthran akribōs, pantachothen tas ekroias autēs asphalisamenoi. Authis de prosagomenou autę̄ tou Ioudaiou, authis aphane? to hydōr egeneto. Tote dē ho Paulos, Ē kakourgeis, ephē, ō anthrōpe, ē agnoōn ēdē tou baptismatos etyches. Syndromēs oun epi tǭ terastiǭ genomenēs, epegnō tis ton Ioudaion, hos ę̄dei auton hypo Attikou tou episkopou bebaptismenon. Touto men oun to terastion en tais chersi tou episkopou tōn Nauatianōn Paulou egeneto.
At this time Chrysanthus too, the bishop of the Novatians, having presided over the churches under him for seven years, died in the consulship of Monaxius and Plintha, on the twenty-sixth of August. Paul succeeded to the bishopric. He had formerly been a teacher of Latin letters; afterwards, bidding a long farewell to the Latin language, he turned to the ascetic life, and founding a monastery of earnest men, he lived no differently from the monks in the desert. For I found him to be such as Evagrius says the monks living in the deserts ought to be: he imitated them in everything, continual fasting, speaking little, abstaining from living creatures, and for the most part abstaining also from wine and oil. He was also zealous for the poor if anyone was, and tirelessly visited those in prison. He interceded with the governors on behalf of many, and they readily listened because of the man's piety. But why should I lengthen the account of him? I come to relate a thing done by his hands that deserves to be handed down to memory in writing. A certain Jewish impostor, pretending to become a Christian, was often baptized, and by this trick he collected money. When he had deceived many sects by this trick, for he had received baptism from the Arians and the Macedonians, having no one left to deceive, he came at last to Paul, the bishop of the Novatians, and saying that he desired baptism, he begged to receive it by his hand. Paul approved his purpose, but said he would not give him baptism until he had been instructed in the teaching of the faith and had given himself to fasting for many days. The Jew, forced against his will to fast, pressed the more earnestly, begging to be baptized. Since Paul no longer wished to grieve him by delay when he was so insistent, he prepared what was needed for baptism. Buying him a splendid garment and ordering the font of the baptistery to be filled, he led the Jew to it to baptize him. But an invisible power of God made the water vanish. Since the bishop and those present, not reckoning what had happened, supposed that the water had run out through the drain beneath, through which they usually let it out, they filled the font again carefully, stopping its outlets on every side. When the Jew was brought to it again, again the water vanished. Then Paul said, 'Either you are a villain, man, or you have unknowingly been baptized already.' When a crowd gathered at the wonder, someone recognized the Jew and knew that he had been baptized by Atticus the bishop. This wonder, then, happened at the hands of Paul, the bishop of the Novatians.
7.18PG 67:773–777
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως Περσῶν Ἰσδιγέρδου, ὃς τοὺς ἐκεῖ Χριστιανοὺς οὐδαμῶς ἐδίωκεί, τελευτήσαντος, ὁ υἱὸς αὐτοῦ Βαραράνης ὄνομα, τὴν βασιλείαν διαδεξάμενος, καὶ ὑπὸ τῶν μάγων ἀναπεισθεὶς, χαλεπῶς τοὺς Χριστιανοὺς ἤλαυνε, τιμωρίας καὶ στρέβλας περσικὰς διαφόρους ἐπάγων αὐτοῖς. Πιεζόμενοι οὖν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης οἱ ἐν Πέρσαις Χριστιανοὶ, προσφεύγουσι Ῥωμαίοις, δεόμενοι μὴ παρορᾶν αὐτοὺς φθειρομένους. ᾿Αττικὸς μὲν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, ἀσμένως τοὺς ἱκετεύοντας προσδέχεται. Παντοῖος δὲ ἦν, ὅσον δυνατὸν ἐπαμύνειν αὐτοῖς, γνώριμά τε τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ καθιστᾷ τὰ γενόμενα. Ἔτυχε δὲ κατὰ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν, καὶ ἄλλης ἕνεκα αἰτίας λυπεῖσθαι Ῥωμαίους πρὸς Πέρσας· ἐπειδὴ Πέρσαι, οὓς παρὰ Ῥωμαίων χρυσορύκτας ἐπὶ μισθῷ λαβόντες ἔσχον, ἀποδοῦναι οὐκ ἤθελον· καὶ ὅτι τὰ φορτία τῶν ἐμπόρων Ῥωμαίων ἀφείλοντο. Συλλαμβάνεται οὖν ἐκείνῃ τῇ λύπῃ καὶ ἡ τῶν ἐκεῖ Χριστιανῶν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους καταφυγή. Εὐθὺς γὰρ ὁ Πέρσης πρεσβείας ἔπεμπε, τοὺς φυγάδας ἐξαιτούμενος. Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ οὐδαμῶς προεξέδοσαν τοὺς προσφεύγοντας αὐτοῖς, οὐ μόνον ὡς ἱκέτας σώζειν ἐθέλοντες, ἀλλὰ γὰρ ὑπὲρ τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ πάντα ποιεῖν προθυμούμενοι. Διὸ καὶ πολεμεῖν μᾶλλον Πέρσαις ἡροῦντο, ἢ περιορᾶν ἀπολλυμένους Χριστιανούς. Λυθεισῶν οὖν διατοῦτο τῶγ σπονδῶν, πόλεμος συνεκροτήθη δεινὸς, περὶ οὗ μικρὰ ἐπιδραμεῖν, οὐκ ἄκαιρον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι. Φθάσας ὁ Ῥωμαίων βασιλεὺς ἀποστέλλει μερικὴν δύναμιν, ἧς ἦρχεν ὁ στρατηγός ᾿Αρδαβούριος· ὅε διὰ τῆς ᾿Αρμενίων χώρας ἐμβαλὼν τῇ Περσίδι, μίαν αὐτῆς τῶν ἐπαρχιῶν ᾿Αζαζηνὴν καλουμένην ἐπόρθει. ᾿Απήντα δὲ αὐτῷ Ναρσαῖος στρατηγὸς τοῦ Περσῶν βασιλέως, σὺν δυνάμει Περσικῇ. Συμβαλὼν δὲ καὶ ἡττηθεὶς, φυγῇ ἀνεχώρησεν· ἔγνω τε λυσιτελεῖν, διὰ Μεσοποταμίας εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων χώραν ἀφύλακτον οὖσαν, ἀπροόπτως ἐμβαλεῖν, καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἀμύνασθαι Ῥωμαίους. Οὐ μὴν τὸν Ῥωμαίων στρατη γὸν ἡ βουλὴ Ναρσαίου διέλαθε. Λαφυραγωγήσας οὖν ᾗ τάχος τὴν ᾿Αζαζηνὴν, ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπορεύθη. Διόπερ ὁ Ναρσαῖος καὶ αὐτὸς πολλὴν παρασκευάσας δύναμιν, ὅμως οὐκ ἴσχυσεν εἰς τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἐμβαλεῖν. Καταλαβὼν δὲ τὴν Νίσιβιν, πόλις δὲ αὕτη μεθόριος, Πέρσαις ἀνήκουσα, ἐκ ταύτης τῷ ᾿Αρδαβουρίῳ ἐδήλου, κατὰ συνθήκας ποιεἴσθαι τὸν πόλεμον, ὁρίσαι τε τόπον καὶ ἡμέραν τῇ συμβολῇ. Ὁ δὲ τοῖς ἐλθοῦσιν, ᾿Απαγγείλατε, ἔφη, Ναρσαίῳ· Οὐχ ὅτε σὺ θέλεις, πολεμήσουσι Ῥωμαίων βασιλεῖς. Πάσῃ δὲ δυνάμει παρασκευάσασθαι τὸν Πέρσην ἐννοῶν ὁ βασιλεὺς, Θεῷ τὴν ὅλην τοῦ πολέμου ἀναθεὶς ἐλπίδα, μεγίστην προσεξαπέστειλε δύνα( μιν. Ὅτι δὲ πιστεύσας ὁ βασιλεὺς εὐθὺς εὔρετο τὴν παρ' αὐτοῦ εὐεργεσίαν, ἐκεῖθεν γέγονε δῆλον. Τῶν ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐν ἀγωνίᾳ ὄντων, καὶ ἐν ἀμφιβολίᾳ τῆς ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου τύχης καθεστώτων, ἄγγελοι Θεοῦ περὶ τὴν Βιθυνίαν τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν κατ' οἰκείαν χρείαν πορευομένοις ὀφθέντες, ἀπαγγέλλειν ἐκέλευον, θαῤῥεῖν τε καὶ εὔχεσθαι, καὶ πιστεύειν Θεῷ ὡς Ῥωμαῖοι νικήσουσιν. Αὐτοὶ γὰρ βραβευταὶ τοῦ πολέμου πεπέμφθαι παρὰ Θεοῦ ἔφασκον. Τοῦτο ἀκουσθὲν, οὐ μόνον τὴν πόλιν ἐπέρῥωσεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας θαρσαλεωτέρους εἰργάσατο. Ἐπεὶ οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἐπὶ τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρμενίων χώρας ὁ πόλεμος μετήνεκτο, οἱ 'Ῥωμαῖοι τοὺς ἐν τῇ Νισιβηνῶν πόλει κατάκλεισθέντας Πέρσας ἐπολιόρκουν· πύργους τε ξυλίνους συμπήξαντες, ἐκ μηχανῆς τινος βαδίζοντας προσῆγον τείχεσι, καὶ πολλοὺς τειχομαχοῦντας τῶν ἀμύνασθαι σπευδόντων ἀνήρουν. Βαραράνης δὲ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς, πυθόμενος καὶ τὴν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ ᾿Αζαζηνῶν χώραν πεπορθῆσθαι, καὶ πολιορκεῖσθαι τοὺς συγκλεισθέντας ἐν τῇ Νισιβηνῶν πόλει, πάσῃ μὲν δυνάμει δι᾽ ἑαυτοῦ ἀπαντᾶν παρεσκευάζετο. Καταπλαγεὶς δὲ τὴν Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν, Σαρακηνοὺς ἐκάλεσε πρὸς βοήθειαν, ὧν ἦρχεν ᾿Αλαμούνδαρος, ἀνὴρ γενναῖος καὶ πολεμικός · ὅστις πολλὰς μυριάδας τῶν Σαρακηνῶν ἐπαγόμενος, θαῤῥεῖν ἔλεγε τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ αὐτῷ Ῥωμαίους τε παραστήσασθαι ἐπηγγέλλετο, καὶ τὴν ἐν Συρίᾳ παραδώσειν ᾿Αντιόχειαν. Οὐ μὴν τέλος αὐτῷ τὰ τῆς ἐπαγγελίας διεδέξατο. Θεὸς γὰρ τοῖς Σαρακηνοῖς ἄλογον φόβον ἐνέβαλε. Καὶ νομίσαντες ἐπιέναι αὐτοῖς Ῥωμαίων δύναμιν, ἐν θορύβῳ γενόμενοι, οὐκ ἔχοντες ὅποι φύγωσιν, εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν Εὐφράτην ἔνοπλοι ἔῤῥιπτον ἑαυτοὺς, εἰς ὃν περὶ τὰς δέκα μυριάδας ἀνδρῶν πνιγόμενοι διεφθάρησαν. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν, τοιοῦτο. Οἱ δὲ τὴν Νίσιβιν πολιορκοῦντες Ῥωμαῖοι, πυθόμενοι ὡς ὁ βασιλεὺς Περσῶν πλῆθος ἐλεφάντων ἐπάγοιτο, περιδεεῖς γενόμενοι, πάσας τὰς τῆς πολιορκίας μηχανὰς ἐμπρήσαντες, εἰς τοὺς οἰκείους ἐπεχώρησαν τόπους. Ὅσαι μὲν οὖν συμβολαὶ μεταταῦτα γεγόνασι, καὶ ὅπως Ἁρεόβινδος ἕτερος τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, τὸν γενναιότατον τῶν Περσῶν μονομαχήσας ἀπέκτεινεν, ἢ ὅπως ᾿Αρδαβούριος τοὺς ἑπτὰ γενναίους στρατηγοὺς τῶν Περσῶν ἐνεδρεύσας ἀνεῖλεν, ἢ τίνα τρόπον Βιτιανὸς ἄλλος Ῥωμαίων στρατηγός, τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας τῶν Σαρακηνῶν κατηγωνίσατο, παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ, ἵνα μὴ πολὺ τοῦ προκειμένου παρεκβαίνειν δοκῶ.
Tou dē basileōs Persōn Isdigerdou, hos tous ekei Christianous oudamōs ediōkei, teleutēsantos, ho huios autou Bararanēs onoma, tēn basileian diadexamenos, kai hypo tōn magōn anapeistheis, chalepōs tous Christianous ēlaune, timōrias kai streblas persikas diaphorous epagōn autois. Piezomenoi oun hypo tēs anankēs hoi en Persais Christianoi, prospheugousi Rhōmaiois, deomenoi mē paroran autous phtheiromenous. ᾿Attikos men ho episkopos, asmenōs tous hiketeuontas prosdechetai. Pantoios de ēn, hoson dynaton epamynein autois, gnōrima te tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ kathistą ta genomena. Etyche de kata touton ton kairon, kai allēs heneka aitias lypeisthai Rhōmaious pros Persas; epeidē Persai, hous para Rhōmaiōn chrysoryktas epi misthǭ labontes eschon, apodounai ouk ēthelon; kai hoti ta phortia tōn emporōn Rhōmaiōn apheilonto. Syllambanetai oun ekeinę̄ tę̄ lypę̄ kai hē tōn ekei Christianōn pros Rhōmaious kataphygē. Euthys gar ho Persēs presbeias epempe, tous phygadas exaitoumenos. Rhōmaioi de oudamōs proexedosan tous prospheugontas autois, ou monon hōs hiketas sōzein ethelontes, alla gar hyper tou Christianismou panta poiein prothymoumenoi. Dio kai polemein mallon Persais hērounto, ē perioran apollymenous Christianous. Lytheisōn oun diatouto tōg spondōn, polemos synekrotēthē deinos, peri hou mikra epidramein, ouk akairon einai hēgoumai. Phthasas ho Rhōmaiōn basileus apostellei merikēn dynamin, hēs ērchen ho stratēgos ᾿Ardabourios; hoe dia tēs ᾿Armeniōn chōras embalōn tę̄ Persidi, mian autēs tōn eparchiōn ᾿Azazēnēn kaloumenēn eporthei. ᾿Apēnta de autǭ Narsaios stratēgos tou Persōn basileōs, syn dynamei Persikę̄. Symbalōn de kai hēttētheis, phygę̄ anechōrēsen; egnō te lysitelein, dia Mesopotamias eis tēn Rhōmaiōn chōran aphylakton ousan, aprooptōs embalein, kai touton ton tropon amynasthai Rhōmaious. Ou mēn ton Rhōmaiōn stratē gon hē boulē Narsaiou dielathe. Laphyragōgēsas oun hę̄ tachos tēn ᾿Azazēnēn, epi tēn Mesopotamian kai autos eporeuthē. Dioper ho Narsaios kai autos pollēn paraskeuasas dynamin, homōs ouk ischysen eis tēn Rhōmaiōn embalein. Katalabōn de tēn Nisibin, polis de hautē methorios, Persais anēkousa, ek tautēs tǭ ᾿Ardabouriǭ edēlou, kata synthēkas poieisthai ton polemon, horisai te topon kai hēmeran tę̄ symbolę̄. Ho de tois elthousin, ᾿Apangeilate, ephē, Narsaiǭ; Ouch hote sy theleis, polemēsousi Rhōmaiōn basileis. Pasę̄ de dynamei paraskeuasasthai ton Persēn ennoōn ho basileus, Theǭ tēn holēn tou polemou anatheis elpida, megistēn prosexapesteile dyna( min. Hoti de pisteusas ho basileus euthys eureto tēn par' autou euergesian, ekeithen gegone dēlon. Tōn en Kōnstantinou polei en agōnią ontōn, kai en amphibolią tēs ek tou polemou tychēs kathestōtōn, angeloi Theou peri tēn Bithynian tois epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin kat' oikeian chreian poreuomenois ophthentes, apangellein ekeleuon, tharrhein te kai euchesthai, kai pisteuein Theǭ hōs Rhōmaioi nikēsousin. Autoi gar brabeutai tou polemou pepemphthai para Theou ephaskon. Touto akousthen, ou monon tēn polin eperrhōsen, alla kai tous stratiōtas tharsaleōterous eirgasato. Epei oun, hōs ephēn, epi tēn Mesopotamian ek tēs ᾿Armeniōn chōras ho polemos metēnekto, hoi 'Rhōmaioi tous en tę̄ Nisibēnōn polei katakleisthentas Persas epoliorkoun; pyrgous te xylinous sympēxantes, ek mēchanēs tinos badizontas prosēgon teichesi, kai pollous teichomachountas tōn amynasthai speudontōn anēroun. Bararanēs de ho Persōn basileus, pythomenos kai tēn hyp᾿ autǭ ᾿Azazēnōn chōran peporthēsthai, kai poliorkeisthai tous synkleisthentas en tę̄ Nisibēnōn polei, pasę̄ men dynamei di᾽ heautou apantan pareskeuazeto. Kataplageis de tēn Rhōmaiōn dynamin, Sarakēnous ekalese pros boētheian, hōn ērchen ᾿Alamoundaros, anēr gennaios kai polemikos ; hostis pollas myriadas tōn Sarakēnōn epagomenos, tharrhein elege tǭ Persōn basilei. Ouk eis makran de autǭ Rhōmaious te parastēsasthai epēngelleto, kai tēn en Syrią paradōsein ᾿Antiocheian. Ou mēn telos autǭ ta tēs epangelias diedexato. Theos gar tois Sarakēnois alogon phobon enebale. Kai nomisantes epienai autois Rhōmaiōn dynamin, en thorybǭ genomenoi, ouk echontes hopoi phygōsin, eis ton potamon Euphratēn enoploi errhipton heautous, eis hon peri tas deka myriadas andrōn pnigomenoi diephtharēsan. Touto men oun, toiouto. Hoi de tēn Nisibin poliorkountes Rhōmaioi, pythomenoi hōs ho basileus Persōn plēthos elephantōn epagoito, perideeis genomenoi, pasas tas tēs poliorkias mēchanas emprēsantes, eis tous oikeious epechōrēsan topous. Hosai men oun symbolai metatauta gegonasi, kai hopōs Hareobindos heteros tōn Rhōmaiōn stratēgos, ton gennaiotaton tōn Persōn monomachēsas apekteinen, ē hopōs ᾿Ardabourios tous hepta gennaious stratēgous tōn Persōn enedreusas aneilen, ē tina tropon Bitianos allos Rhōmaiōn stratēgos, tous hypoleiphthentas tōn Sarakēnōn katēgōnisato, paralipein moi dokō, hina mē poly tou prokeimenou parekbainein dokō.
When Isdigerdes, the king of the Persians, who did not persecute the Christians there at all, died, his son, named Varanes, succeeded to the kingdom; and persuaded by the magi, he harshly persecuted the Christians, inflicting various Persian punishments and tortures on them. So the Christians in Persia, pressed by necessity, fled for refuge to the Romans, begging them not to overlook their destruction. Atticus the bishop gladly received the suppliants; he did everything possible to help them and made the events known to the emperor Theodosius. It happened at this time that the Romans were aggrieved with the Persians for another reason too: the Persians would not give back the gold-miners whom they had taken on hire from the Romans, and they had seized the cargoes of Roman merchants. To that grievance was added the flight of the Christians there to the Romans. For the Persian king at once sent embassies demanding the fugitives. But the Romans would by no means give up those who fled to them, not only wishing to save them as suppliants, but being eager to do everything for Christianity. So they chose rather to make war on the Persians than to look on while Christians perished. The treaty was therefore broken and a terrible war was joined, about which I think it not out of place to say a little. The emperor of the Romans first sent a partial force under the general Ardaburius, who invaded Persia through Armenia and ravaged one of its provinces called Azazene. Narsaeus, general of the king of the Persians, met him with a Persian force; he engaged, was defeated and withdrew in flight; and he judged it advantageous to invade unexpectedly through Mesopotamia into Roman territory, which was unguarded, and so take revenge on the Romans. But Narsaeus's plan did not escape the Roman general. Having plundered Azazene with all speed, he too marched into Mesopotamia. So Narsaeus, though he had prepared a great force, was unable to invade Roman territory. Reaching Nisibis, a frontier city belonging to the Persians, he sent word from there to Ardaburius to conduct the war by agreement and to fix a place and day for battle. He said to those who came, 'Tell Narsaeus: the emperors of the Romans will not fight when you wish.' The emperor, perceiving that the Persian was preparing with his whole force, and placing his whole hope of the war in God, sent a very great force besides. That the emperor, having believed, at once found God's kindness was made plain by this. While those in Constantinople were in anxiety and uncertain about the outcome of the war, angels of God appeared in Bithynia to some travelling to Constantinople on their own business and told them to announce that they should take courage and pray and trust God that the Romans would conquer; for they said they had been sent by God as umpires of the war. When this was heard, it not only strengthened the city but also made the soldiers bolder. So, since the war, as I said, had moved from Armenia into Mesopotamia, the Romans besieged the Persians shut up in the city of Nisibis; constructing wooden towers, they brought them up to the walls on rollers by some contrivance, and killed many of those who tried to defend the walls. Varanes, the king of the Persians, learning that the country of Azazene under him had been ravaged and that those shut up in Nisibis were being besieged, prepared to meet them himself with his whole force. But, terrified of the Roman power, he called the Saracens to his help, led by Alamundarus, a brave and warlike man, who, bringing many tens of thousands of Saracens, told the Persian king to take courage, and promised that before long he would subdue the Romans for him and hand over Antioch in Syria. But his promise had no fulfilment. For God threw a senseless fear into the Saracens; thinking that a Roman force was attacking them, and thrown into confusion, having nowhere to flee, they threw themselves in their armour into the river Euphrates, in which about a hundred thousand men were drowned and perished. So much for that. The Romans besieging Nisibis, learning that the king of the Persians was bringing a multitude of elephants, were terrified, burned all their siege engines and withdrew to their own territory. What engagements took place after this, and how Areobindus, another Roman general, killed the bravest of the Persians in single combat, or how Ardaburius ambushed and killed the seven brave generals of the Persians, or in what way Vitianus, another Roman general, overcame the remaining Saracens, I think best to pass over, so as not to seem to stray far from my subject.
7.19PG 67:777–779
Τὰ μέντοι γενόμενα, ταχέως τῷ βασιλεῖ Θεοδοσίῳ ἐγνωρίζετο. Ὅπως δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τὰ πόῤῥω γινόμενα ταχέως ἐμάνθανε, διηγήσομαι. Ηὐτύχησεν ἀνδρὸς γενναίου ψυχήν τε καὶ σῶμα· ὄνομα ἦν αὐτῷ Παλλάδιος. Οὗτος τοσοῦτον ἱππεύων ἤλαυνεν, ὡς ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις καταλαμβάνειν τοὺς τόπους τοὺς ὀρίζοντας τὴν χώραν Ῥωμαίων τε καὶ Περσῶν, καὶ αὖθις ἐν τοσαύταις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν παραγίνεσθαι. Διέβαινε δὲ οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ ταχύτατα καὶ κατὰ πάντα τὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης μέρη, ἔνθα αὐτὸν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ ἀπέστελλε. Καί ποτε τῶν ἑλλογίμων τις περὶ αὐτοῦ τοιοῦτον λόγον ἐφθέγξατο • Οὗτος ὁ ἀνὴρ : μεγίστην οὖσαν τὴν Ῥωμαίων ἀρχὴν, μικρὰν ἔδειξε τῇ ταχυτῆτι. Κατεπλήττετο δὲ καὶ ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς, ταῦτα περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς πυνθανόμενος. Ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν δὴ Παλλαδίου τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω.
Ta mentoi genomena, tacheōs tǭ basilei Theodosiǭ egnōrizeto. Hopōs de ho basileus ta porrhō ginomena tacheōs emanthane, diēgēsomai. Ēutychēsen andros gennaiou psychēn te kai sōma; onoma ēn autǭ Palladios. Houtos tosouton hippeuōn ēlaunen, hōs en trisin hēmerais katalambanein tous topous tous orizontas tēn chōran Rhōmaiōn te kai Persōn, kai authis en tosautais epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin paraginesthai. Diebaine de houtos ho anēr tachytata kai kata panta ta tēs oikoumenēs merē, entha auton ho autokratōr apestelle. Kai pote tōn hellogimōn tis peri autou toiouton logon ephthenxato • Houtos ho anēr : megistēn ousan tēn Rhōmaiōn archēn, mikran edeixe tę̄ tachytēti. Kateplētteto de kai ho Persōn basileus, tauta peri tou andros pynthanomenos. Alla peri men dē Palladiou tosauta eirēsthō.
What happened was quickly made known to the emperor Theodosius. How the emperor quickly learned of distant events I shall relate. He was fortunate in having a man strong in soul and body, named Palladius. He rode so fast that he reached the places on the frontier of the Romans and the Persians in three days, and came back to Constantinople in as many again. This man travelled very quickly to every part of the world wherever the emperor sent him. Once one of the learned said of him, 'This man has made the Roman empire, very great as it is, small by his speed.' The king of the Persians too was astonished when he learned these things about the man. But let this much be said about Palladius.
7.20PG 67:779–781
Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν Ῥωμαίων ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει διατρίβων, γνούς τε τὴν ἐναργῶς ἐκ Θεοῦ παρασχεθεῖσαν νίκην, οὕτως ἦν ἀγαθὸς, ὡς καὶ εὐτυχῶς πραξάντων τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ, ὅμως εἰρήνην ἀσπάζεσθαι. Πέμπει οὖν Ἡλίωνα, ἄνδρα ὃν πάνυ διὰ τιμῆς ἦγεν, εἰρήνην σπείσασθαι πρὸς Πέρσας ἐντειλάμενος. Γενόμενος δὲ Ἡλίων ἐν Μεσοποταμίᾳ, ἔνθα τὴν τάφρον οἱ Ῥωμαῖοι πρὸς οἰκείαν φυλακήν ἐπεποίηντο, πέμπει πρεσβευτὴν περὶ εἰρήνης Μαξιμίνον, ἄνδρα ἑλλόγιμον, ὃς τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ᾿Αρδαβουρίου συγκάθεδρος ἦν. Οὗτος παρὰ τὸν τῶν Περσῶν βασιλέα γενόμενος, περὶ εἰρήνης πεπέμφθαι ἔλεγεν, οὐ παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τῶν αὐτοῦ στρατηγῶν. Οὔτε γὰρ γινώσκεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ἔφασκεν. Εὐτελῆ δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ γνωσθέντα νομίζεσθαι. Τοῦ δὲ Πέρσου ἑτοίμως τὴν πρεσβείαν δέξασθαι προαιρουμένου ἔκαμνε γὰρ αὐτῷ ἡ στρατιὰ ὑπὸ λιμοῦ · παρελθόντες οἱ καλούμενοι παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς ἀθάνατοι· ἀριθμὸς δὲ ἐστιν οὗτος μυρίων γενναίων ἀνδρῶν· μὴ πρότερον ἔφασαν τὴν εἰρήνην προσδέξασθαι, πρὶν ἂν αὐτοῖς ἀφυλάκτοις οὖσι νῦν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ἐπιθῶνται. Πείθεται ὁ βασιλεὺς, καὶ τὸν μὲν πρεσβευτὴν συγ κλείσας ἐφύλαττεν· ἐκπέμπει δὲ τοὺς ἀθανάτους, ἕνεδραν τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ποιήσοντας. Οἱ καὶ παγα γενόμενοι, εἰς δύο τε τάγματα μερισθέντες, μεσολαβεῖν ἔγνωσαν τῶν Ῥωμαίων μοῖράν τινα. Οἱ δὲ Ῥω μαῖοι, τὸ μὲν ἓν τάγμα τῶν Περσῶν καθορῶντες, πρὸς τὴν αὐτῶν ὁρμὴν ηὐτρεπίζοντο· τὸ δὲ ἕτερον αὐτοῖς οὐ καθωρᾶτο. Ἐξαίφνης γὰρ προσέβαλλον. Μελλούσης δὲ γίνεσθαι συμβολῆς, ἐκκύπτει κατά τινα Θεοῦ πρόνοιαν ἐκ γεωλόφου τινὸς στρατὸς Ῥωμαίων, ὑπὸ Προκοπίῳ τῷ στρατηλάτῃ ταττόμενος. "Ος κατιδὼν μέλλοντας κινδυνεύειν τοὺς ὁμοφύλους, ἐπιτίθεται κατὰ νώτου τῶν Περσῶν, καὶ μεσολαβοῦνται οἱ πρὸ μικροῦ τοὺς Ῥωμαίους μεσολαβήσαντες. Τούτους οὖν σύμπαντας οἱ Ῥωμαίοι βραχὺ διαφθείραντες, ἐπὶ τοὺς τῆς ἐνέδρας ἐπιόντας ἐτράπησαν, ὁμοίως τε τούτους σύμπᾶαντας χατηχόντισαν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν λεγόμενοι παρὰ Πέρσαι: ἀθάνατοι, θνητοὶ πάντες ἐδείχθηδαν, δίκην εἰσπραξαμένου τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀνθ᾽ ὧν πολλοὺς αὐτοῦ τῶν θεραπευτῶν εὐσεβεῖς ἄνδρας ἀπέχτεινσν. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς τῶν Περσῶν γνοὺς τὸ ἀτύχημα, προσποιεῖται μὲν μὴ εἰδέναι τὰ γενόμενα. Δέχεται δὲ τὴν πρεσβείαν, εἰπὼν πρὸς τὸν πρεσῦεντὴν " Οὐ Ῥωμαίοις εἴκων, τὴν εἰρήνην ἀσπάζομαι" ἀλλὰ χάριν διδοὺς, ὅτι σε φρονιμώτατον πάντων Ῥωμαίων χατέλαδον. θὕτω μὲν καὶ διὰ τοὺς ἐν Περσίδε γενομένους Χριστιανοὺς ὁ πόλεμος κατἐστάλη, ὃς γέγονεν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῶν δύο Αὐγούστων, Ὁνωρίου τὸ τρισκαιδέκατον καὶ Θεοδοσίου") τὸ δέκατον, τετάρτῳ ἔτει τῆς τριαχοσιοστῆς Ὀλυμπιάδος, - Ἐπαύσατο δὲ ὁ ἐν Περσίδι κατὰ Χριστιανῶν διωγμός ".
Ho de basileus tōn Rhōmaiōn en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei diatribōn, gnous te tēn enargōs ek Theou paraschetheisan nikēn, houtōs ēn agathos, hōs kai eutychōs praxantōn tōn hyp᾿ autǭ, homōs eirēnēn aspazesthai. Pempei oun Hēliōna, andra hon pany dia timēs ēgen, eirēnēn speisasthai pros Persas enteilamenos. Genomenos de Hēliōn en Mesopotamią, entha tēn taphron hoi Rhōmaioi pros oikeian phylakēn epepoiēnto, pempei presbeutēn peri eirēnēs Maximinon, andra hellogimon, hos tou stratēgou ᾿Ardabouriou synkathedros ēn. Houtos para ton tōn Persōn basilea genomenos, peri eirēnēs pepemphthai elegen, ou para tou basileōs Rhōmaiōn, alla para tōn autou stratēgōn. Oute gar ginōskesthai para tou basileōs tonde ton polemon ephasken. Eutelē de autǭ kai gnōsthenta nomizesthai. Tou de Persou hetoimōs tēn presbeian dexasthai proairoumenou ekamne gar autǭ hē stratia hypo limou ; parelthontes hoi kaloumenoi par᾿ autois athanatoi; arithmos de estin houtos myriōn gennaiōn andrōn; mē proteron ephasan tēn eirēnēn prosdexasthai, prin an autois aphylaktois ousi nyn tois Rhōmaiois epithōntai. Peithetai ho basileus, kai ton men presbeutēn syg kleisas ephylatten; ekpempei de tous athanatous, henedran tois Rhōmaiois poiēsontas. Hoi kai paga genomenoi, eis dyo te tagmata meristhentes, mesolabein egnōsan tōn Rhōmaiōn moiran tina. Hoi de Rhō maioi, to men hen tagma tōn Persōn kathorōntes, pros tēn autōn hormēn ēutrepizonto; to de heteron autois ou kathōrato. Exaiphnēs gar proseballon. Mellousēs de ginesthai symbolēs, ekkyptei kata tina Theou pronoian ek geōlophou tinos stratos Rhōmaiōn, hypo Prokopiǭ tǭ stratēlatę̄ tattomenos. "Os katidōn mellontas kindyneuein tous homophylous, epitithetai kata nōtou tōn Persōn, kai mesolabountai hoi pro mikrou tous Rhōmaious mesolabēsantes. Toutous oun sympantas hoi Rhōmaioi brachy diaphtheirantes, epi tous tēs enedras epiontas etrapēsan, homoiōs te toutous sympaantas chatēchontisan. Houtō men oun legomenoi para Persai: athanatoi, thnētoi pantes edeichthēdan, dikēn eispraxamenou tou Christou anth᾽ hōn pollous autou tōn therapeutōn eusebeis andras apechteinsn. Ho de basileus tōn Persōn gnous to atychēma, prospoieitai men mē eidenai ta genomena. Dechetai de tēn presbeian, eipōn pros ton presyentēn " Ou Rhōmaiois eikōn, tēn eirēnēn aspazomai" alla charin didous, hoti se phronimōtaton pantōn Rhōmaiōn chateladon. thytō men kai dia tous en Perside genomenous Christianous ho polemos katestalē, hos gegonen en hypateią tōn dyo Augoustōn, Honōriou to triskaidekaton kai Theodosiou") to dekaton, tetartǭ etei tēs triachosiostēs Olympiados, - Epausato de ho en Persidi kata Christianōn diōgmos ".
The emperor of the Romans, staying in Constantinople and recognizing the victory plainly given by God, was so good that, although his forces had been successful, he nevertheless embraced peace. So he sent Helion, a man he held in great honour, instructing him to make peace with the Persians. When Helion reached Mesopotamia, where the Romans had made a trench for their own protection, he sent as envoy about peace Maximinus, a learned man who was assessor to the general Ardaburius. When he came to the king of the Persians, he said he had been sent about peace not by the emperor of the Romans but by his generals; for he said that this war was not known to the emperor, and that even if it were known it would be thought trifling by him. When the Persian was ready to receive the embassy, for his army was suffering from hunger, those called by them the Immortals came forward, a body of ten thousand brave men, and said that they should not accept peace until they had attacked the Romans, who were now off their guard. The king was persuaded; he shut up the envoy and kept him under guard, and sent out the Immortals to lay an ambush for the Romans. Arriving, they divided into two bodies and planned to surround a part of the Romans. The Romans, seeing one of the Persian bodies, prepared against its attack, but the other was not seen by them, for it was to attack suddenly. When the battle was about to begin, by a providence of God a Roman army under the general Procopius appeared from a hill. He, seeing his countrymen about to be in danger, fell on the Persians from behind, and those who a little before had surrounded the Romans were themselves surrounded. Having destroyed all these in a short time, the Romans turned against those coming from the ambush and likewise shot them all down with javelins. So those called Immortals among the Persians were all shown to be mortal, Christ exacting the penalty for their having killed many of his servants, pious men. The king of the Persians, learning of the disaster, pretended not to know what had happened; but he received the embassy, saying to the envoy: 'I embrace peace not yielding to the Romans, but doing you a favour, because I have found you the most prudent of all the Romans.' So the war, which arose on account of the Christians in Persia, was ended; it took place in the consulship of the two Augusti, Honorius for the thirteenth time and Theodosius for the tenth, in the fourth year of the three hundredth Olympiad; and the persecution of the Christians in Persia ceased.
7.21PG 67:781–783
Τότε δὴ καὶ ᾿Ακάκιον τὸν τῆς ᾿Αμίδης [ἐπίσκοπον " πρᾶξις ἀγαθὴ περιφανέστερον πεποίηκε τοῖς πᾶσιν. Ὡς γὰρ οἱ Ῥωμαίων στρατιῶται τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους Περσῶν, οὖς τὴν ᾿Αζαζηνὴν πορθήσαντες ἔλαἀποδοῦναι τῷ Περσῶν βασιλεῖ κατ᾽ οὐδένα τρόπὸν ἐθδούλοντο, λιμῷ τε οἱ αἰχμάλωτοι ἐφθείροντο, Οἷα τοῖς περὶ τοὺς ἑπτακισχιλίους ὄντες τὸν ἀριθμόν" ταῦτα οὐ μιχρῶς ἐλύπει τὺν βασιλέα τῶν Περσῶν" τότε ὁ ᾿Ακάκιος οὐ παρεῖδε ταῦτα γινόμενα, συγχαλέσας τοὺς ὑφ᾽ αὐτῷ κληρικοὺς ἄνδρας , ἔφη; Ὁ Θεὸς ἡμῶν οὔτε δίσχων, οὔτε ποτηρίων χρήζει. Οὔτε γὰρ ἐσθίει, οὔτε πίνει, ἐπεὶ μὴ προσδεῆς ἐστιν. Ἐπεὶ τοίνυν πολλὰ κειμήλια χρυσᾶ τε καὶ ἀργυρᾶ ἡ ἐκκλησία ἐχ τῆς εὐγνωμοσύνης τῶν προσηκόντων ἃς αὐτῇ κέκτηται, προσήκει ἐκ τούτων ῥύσασθαί τε τῶν στρατιωτῶν τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους, καὶ διαθρέψαι αὐτούς. Ταῦτα καὶ ἄλλα πλείονα τούτοις παραπλήσια διεξελθὼν, χωνεύει μὲν τὰ κειμήλια. Τιμήματα δὲ τοῖς στρατιώταις ὑπὲρ τῶν αἰχμαλώτων καταβαλώὼν, καὶ διαθρέψας αὐτοὺς, εἶτα δοὺς ἐφόδια, τῷ οἰκείῳ ἀπέπεμψε βασιλεῖ. Αὕτη ἡ τοῦ θαυμαστοῦ ᾿Ακακίου πρᾶξις πλέον τὸν Περσῶν βασιλέα κατέπληττεν, ὅτι ἀμφότερα Ῥωμαίοι μεμελετήκασι, πολέμῳ τε καὶ εὐεργεσίᾳ νικᾶν. Φασὶν δὲ ὡς καὶ ἐπιθυμήσειν ὁ Περσῶν βασιλεὺς εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν αὐτῷ τὸν Ἀκάκιον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧτε καὶ τῆς θέας ἀπολαῦσαι τ᾿ ἀνδρὸς, καὶ τοῦτο γενέσθαι τοῦ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου κελεύσαντος. Τῆς οὖν ἐκ Θεοῦ νίκης τοῖς Ῥωμαίοις ὑπαρξάσης, πολλοὶ τῶν ἐν λόγοις ἀνθούντων – εἰς τὸν βασιλέα βασιλικοὺς ἔγραφον λόγους, δημοσίᾳ τε τούτους παρῄεσαν. Καὶ δὴ καὶ ἡ τοῦ βασιλέως γαμετὴ Ρ ἡρωϊκῷ μέτρῳ ποιήματα ἔγραφεν ἦν γὰρ ἐλλόγιμος· Λεοντίου γὰρ τοῦ σοφιστοῦ τῶν ᾿Αθηνῶν θυγάτηρ οὖσα, ὑπὸ τῷ πατρὶ ἐπαιδεύθη, καὶ διὰ λόγων ἐληλύθει παντοίων. Ταύτην ἡνίκα ὁ βασιλεὺς ἔμελλεν ἄγεσθαι, Χριστιανὴν ὁ ἐπίσκοπος ᾿Αττικὸς ποιήσας, ἐν τῷ βαπτίζειν, ἀντὶ ᾿Αθηναΐδος Εὐδοκίαν ὠνόμασεν. Πολλοὶ μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, βασιλικοὺς ἔλεγον λόγους· ὁ μὲν τις τῷ βασιλεῖ γνώριμος βουλόμενος γενέσθαι· ὁ δὲ τις τὴν οἰκείαν ἐν λόγοις δύναμιν εἰς πολλοὺς ἄγειν ἐσπουδακὼς, μηδαμῶς ἀγνοεῖσθαι θέλων ἣν πολλοῖς πόνοις παιδείαν ἐκτήσατο.
Tote dē kai ᾿Akakion ton tēs ᾿Amidēs [episkopon " praxis agathē periphanesteron pepoiēke tois pasin. Hōs gar hoi Rhōmaiōn stratiōtai tous aichmalōtous Persōn, ous tēn ᾿Azazēnēn porthēsantes elaapodounai tǭ Persōn basilei kat᾽ oudena tropon ethdoulonto, limǭ te hoi aichmalōtoi ephtheironto, Hoia tois peri tous heptakischilious ontes ton arithmon" tauta ou michrōs elypei tyn basilea tōn Persōn" tote ho ᾿Akakios ou pareide tauta ginomena, synchalesas tous hyph᾽ autǭ klērikous andras , ephē? Ho Theos hēmōn oute dischōn, oute potēriōn chrēzei. Oute gar esthiei, oute pinei, epei mē prosdeēs estin. Epei toinyn polla keimēlia chrysa te kai argyra hē ekklēsia ech tēs eugnōmosynēs tōn prosēkontōn has autę̄ kektētai, prosēkei ek toutōn rhysasthai te tōn stratiōtōn tous aichmalōtous, kai diathrepsai autous. Tauta kai alla pleiona toutois paraplēsia diexelthōn, chōneuei men ta keimēlia. Timēmata de tois stratiōtais hyper tōn aichmalōtōn katabalōōn, kai diathrepsas autous, eita dous ephodia, tǭ oikeiǭ apepempse basilei. Hautē hē tou thaumastou ᾿Akakiou praxis pleon ton Persōn basilea kateplētten, hoti amphotera Rhōmaioi memeletēkasi, polemǭ te kai euergesią nikan. Phasin de hōs kai epithymēsein ho Persōn basileus eis opsin elthein autǭ ton Akakion, eph᾽ hǭte kai tēs theas apolausai t᾿ andros, kai touto genesthai tou basileōs Theodosiou keleusantos. Tēs oun ek Theou nikēs tois Rhōmaiois hyparxasēs, polloi tōn en logois anthountōn – eis ton basilea basilikous egraphon logous, dēmosią te toutous parę̄esan. Kai dē kai hē tou basileōs gametē R hērōïkǭ metrǭ poiēmata egraphen ēn gar ellogimos; Leontiou gar tou sophistou tōn ᾿Athēnōn thygatēr ousa, hypo tǭ patri epaideuthē, kai dia logōn elēlythei pantoiōn. Tautēn hēnika ho basileus emellen agesthai, Christianēn ho episkopos ᾿Attikos poiēsas, en tǭ baptizein, anti ᾿Athēnaïdos Eudokian ōnomasen. Polloi men oun, hōs ephēn, basilikous elegon logous; ho men tis tǭ basilei gnōrimos boulomenos genesthai; ho de tis tēn oikeian en logois dynamin eis pollous agein espoudakōs, mēdamōs agnoeisthai thelōn hēn pollois ponois paideian ektēsato.
At that time a good deed made Acacius, the bishop of Amida, more famous to all. The Roman soldiers would by no means give back to the king of the Persians the Persian captives whom they had taken when they ravaged Azazene; and the captives, about seven thousand in number, were perishing of hunger; and this grieved the king of the Persians not a little. Then Acacius did not overlook what was happening; calling together the clergy under him, he said: 'Our God needs neither dishes nor cups, for he neither eats nor drinks, since he lacks nothing. Since, then, the church possesses many treasures of gold and silver from the generosity of its members, it is fitting from these to ransom the captives from the soldiers and feed them.' Having gone through these and many more like things, he melted down the treasures, paid the soldiers ransoms for the captives, fed them, and then, giving them provisions for the journey, sent them back to their own king. This deed of the admirable Acacius astonished the king of the Persians the more, because the Romans had practised both, to conquer by war and by kindness. They say that the king of the Persians also desired Acacius to come into his presence, so that he might enjoy the sight of the man, and that this happened at the order of the emperor Theodosius. When the victory from God had come to the Romans, many of those who flourished in letters wrote imperial panegyrics on the emperor and delivered them publicly. Even the emperor's wife wrote poems in heroic metre, for she was learned: being the daughter of Leontius, the sophist of Athens, she had been educated by her father and had gone through every kind of letters. When the emperor was about to marry her, Atticus the bishop made her a Christian and at her baptism named her Eudocia instead of Athenais. Many, as I said, delivered imperial panegyrics, one wishing to become known to the emperor, another eager to bring his own power in speaking before many, not wishing the learning he had acquired with much labour to go unknown.
7.22PG 67:783–787
Ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε τῷ βασιλεῖ γνωρισθῆναι σπουδάζων, οὔτε λόγων ἐπίδειξιν ποιήσασθαι βουλόμενος, αὐτὰ ψιλὰ μετὰ τῆς ἀληθείας τὰ προσόντα καλὰ τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀπομνημονεῦσαι προήρημαι. Ἐπεὶ καὶ τῷ σιγῆσαι αὐτὰ οὕτως ὄντα χρηστά, ζημίαν κρίνω μὴ γνωσθέντα τοῖς μεθ' ἡμᾶς. Πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ ἐν βασιλείᾳ τεχθεὶς καὶ τραφεὶς, οὐδὲν ἐκ τῆς ἀνατροφῆς εἶχε βλακῶδες· ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἦν φρόνιμος, ὡς τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι νομίζεσθαι διάπειραν πολλῶν εἰληφέναι πραγμάτων. Καρτερὸς δὲ οὕτως ἦν, ὡς καὶ κρύος καὶ καῦμα γενναίως ὑπομένειν· νηστεύειν τε ταπολλὰ, καὶ μάλιστα τὰς καλουμένας τετράδας καὶ παρασκευὰς ἡμέρας. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίει, ἄκρως χριστιανίζειν ἐσπουδακώς. Οὐκ ἀλλοιότερα δὲ ἀσκητηρίου κατέστησε τὰ βασίλεια. Αὐτὸς τοιγαροῦν ταῖς ἑαυτοῦ ἀδελφαῖς ὀρθρίζων, ἀντιφώνους ὕμνους εἰς τὸ Θεῖον ἔλεγε. Διὸ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ Γράμματα ἀπὸ στήθους ἀπήγγειλεν. Ἐντυγχάνουσι γοῦν τοῖς ἐπισκόποις, ὡς ἱερεὺς πάλαι καθεστὼς, ἐκ τῶν Γραφῶν διελέγετο. Συνῆγε δὲ καὶ τὰς βίβλους τὰς ἱερὰς, καὶ ὅσας οἱ ἑρμηνεῖς αὐτῶν συνέγραψαν, μᾶλλον ἢ Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλάδελφος πρότερον. Τὸ ἀνεξίκακον καὶ φιλάνθρωπον, πάντας ἀνθρώπους ὑπερηκόντιζεν. Ἰουλιανὸς μὲν γὰρ ὁ βασιλεὺς, καίπερ φιλοσοφεῖν ἐπαγγειλάμενος, ὅμως οὐκ ἤνεγκε τὴν ὀργὴν κατὰ τῶν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ αἰνιξαμένων αὐτόν· ἀλλὰ βασάνους μεγίστας τῷ Θεοδώρῳ προσήγαγεν. Θεοδόσιος δὲ πολλὰ χαίρειν τοῖς Ἀριστοτέλους φράσας συλλογισμοῖς, τὴν δι' ἔργων ἤσκει φιλοσοφίαν, ὀργῆς τε κρατῶν καὶ λύπης καὶ ἡδονῆς· καὶ οὐδένα τῶν ἡδικηκότων ἡμύνατο. ᾿Αλλ' οὐδὲ ὅλως αὐτὸν ὀργιζόμενόν τις τεθέαται. Καί ποτε τινὸς τῶν γνωρίμων αὐτὸν ἐρομένου· διὰ τί μηδένα τῶν ἀδικούντων θανάτῳ ποτὲ ἐζημίωσας; Εἴθε, φησὶ, δυνατὸν καὶ τοὺς τελευτήσαντας ἦν ἐπαγαγεῖν εἰς τὴν ζωήν ! Πρὸς ἄλλον δὲ περὶ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐρωτήσαντα, Οὐ μέγα, ἔφη, οὐδὲ δυσχερές, ἄνθρωπον ὄντα ἀποθανεῖν· ὅτι μηδὲ Θεῷ μόνῳ τὸν ἅπαξ θανόντα, ἐκ μετανοίας ἀνακαλέσασθαι. Οὕτω δὲ τοῦτο βεβαίως αὐτῷ κατώρθωτο, ὥστε εἴ ποτέ τις ἄξια κεφαλικῆς ἐπλημμέλησε τιμωρίας, οὐδ᾽ ἄχρι τῆς πόλεως τῶν πυλῶν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ἀπήγετο, καὶ ἡ ἐκ τῆς φιλανθρωπίας εὐθὺς ἀνάκλησις εἴπετο. Κυνήγια δέ ποτε ἐν τῷ ἀμφιθεάτρῳ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπιτελοῦντος αὐτοῦ, ὁ δῆμος κατεβόα, δεινῷ θηρίῳ ἕνα τῶν εὐφυῶν παραβόλων μάχεσθαι. Ὁ δὲ πρὸς αὐτοὺς, Οὐκ εἶδατε, ἔφη, ὅτι ἡμεῖς φιλανθρώπως εἰθίσμεθα θεωρεῖν; Καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν, τοῦ λοιποῦ τὸν δῆμον φιλανθρώπως θεᾶσθαι ἐπαίδευσεν. Οὕτω μὲν ἦν εὐσεβὴς, : ὥστε πάντας τοὺς τῷ Θεῷ ἱερωμένους τιμᾷν" ἐξαἱρέτως δὲ οὺς ἐπυνθάνετο ἐπ᾽ εὐλαβείᾳ πλέον ἐχπρέποντας. Λέγεται δὲ ὅτι τοῦ Χεβρῶν ἐπισκόπου ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει τελευτήσαντος, σπτάγιον 4 ἐπιζητῆσαι, καὶ σφόδρα ἐῤῥυπωμένον περιθαλέσθαι, πιστεύσας μεταλαθεῖν τι τῆς τοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἁγιότητος. Δυσχειμέρου δὲ ποτε γενομένου τοῦ ἕτους, τὰ συνήθη ὡρισμένα τῶν ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρομίῳ θεαμάτων, διὰ τὸν δῆμον ταῦτα ἐπιζητοῦντα, ἀναγκαίως ἐπετέλει. Ὡς δὲ πεπληρωμένου ἀνδρῶν ἱπποδρόμου ἐπέτεινεν ὁ χειμὼν, πολλοῦ νιφετοῦ χαταῤῥαγέντος, τότε δὴ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ γνώμην ὁ βασιλεὺς, οἵαν εἶχε περὶ τὸ Θεῖον, δήλην καθίστησι, τῷ δήμῳ προσφωνήδιὰ τῶν χηρύχων᾽ ᾿Αλλὰ πολλῷ κρεῖσσον, ἔφη, χαταφρονήσαντας τῆς θέας, κοινῇ πάντας λιτανεῦσαι Θεὸν, ὅπως ἀδλαδεῖς τοῦ ἐπικειμένου χειμῶνος φυλαχθείημεν. Καὶ οὕπω πᾶν ἤρετο τὸ ἔπος, σὺν χαρᾷ μεγίστῃ ἐν τῷ ἱπποδρόμῳ λιτανεύοντες, ὕμνους συμφωνίας πάντες ἀνέπεμπον τῷ Θεῷ. Καὶ ὅλη μὲν πόλις μία ἐκκλησία ἐγένετο. Βασιλεὺς δὲ μέσος ἐξήρχετο τῶν ὕμνων, ἐν ἰδιωτικῷ σχήματι πορευόμενος, τῆς ἐλπίδος οὐχ ἥμαρτεν. Ὁ ἀὴρ γὰρ εἰς͵ τὸ εὐδιεινὸν μετεδάλλετο" ἐκ σιτοδείας, ἢ του Θεοῦ φιλανθρωπία εὐετηρίαν παρεῖχε τοῖς σύμπασιν. Εἰ δέ ποτε πόλεμος ἐχινεῖτο, τὸν Δαδὶ; τῷ Θεῷ προσέφευγεν, εἰδὼς αὐτὸν τῶν πολέμων εἶναι ταμίαν, καὶ εὐχὴ τούτους κατώρθου. ᾿Αὐτίχα γοῦν ὀλίγον μετὰ τὸν πρὸς Πέρσας πόλεμον τοῦ βασιλέως Ὄνωρίου τελευτήσαντος, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ ᾿Ασχληπιοδότου καὶ €, Μαριανοῦ, τῇ πεντεχαιϊδεχάτῃ " τοῦ Αὐγούστου μὴν νὸς, ὅπως τὸν τύραννον Ἰωάννην Θεῷ πιστεύσας ἐτροπώσατο, διηγήσομαι. λξια γὰρ μνήμης κρίνω τὰ τότε. γενόμενα. Ὅτι οἷα ἐπὶ Μωῦσέως τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ὑπῆρξε τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν θάλασσαν διαθαίνοναι, τοιαῦτα καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ στρατηγοῖς, ἡνίκα αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον ἔπεμψεν. διὰ βραχέων ἐχθήσομαᾶι, τὸ μέγεθος αὐτῶν, ἰδίας πραγματείας δεόμενον, ἑτέροις παρείς.
Egō de oute tǭ basilei gnōristhēnai spoudazōn, oute logōn epideixin poiēsasthai boulomenos, auta psila meta tēs alētheias ta prosonta kala tǭ basilei apomnēmoneusai proērēmai. Epei kai tǭ sigēsai auta houtōs onta chrēsta, zēmian krinō mē gnōsthenta tois meth' hēmas. Prōton men gar en basileią techtheis kai trapheis, ouden ek tēs anatrophēs eiche blakōdes; all᾽ houtōs ēn phronimos, hōs tois entynchanousi nomizesthai diapeiran pollōn eilēphenai pragmatōn. Karteros de houtōs ēn, hōs kai kryos kai kauma gennaiōs hypomenein; nēsteuein te tapolla, kai malista tas kaloumenas tetradas kai paraskeuas hēmeras. Kai touto epoiei, akrōs christianizein espoudakōs. Ouk alloiotera de askētēriou katestēse ta basileia. Autos toigaroun tais heautou adelphais orthrizōn, antiphōnous hymnous eis to Theion elege. Dio kai ta hiera Grammata apo stēthous apēngeilen. Entynchanousi goun tois episkopois, hōs hiereus palai kathestōs, ek tōn Graphōn dielegeto. Synēge de kai tas biblous tas hieras, kai hosas hoi hermēneis autōn synegrapsan, mallon ē Ptolemaios ho Philadelphos proteron. To anexikakon kai philanthrōpon, pantas anthrōpous hyperēkontizen. Ioulianos men gar ho basileus, kaiper philosophein epangeilamenos, homōs ouk ēnenke tēn orgēn kata tōn en Antiocheią ainixamenōn auton; alla basanous megistas tǭ Theodōrǭ prosēgagen. Theodosios de polla chairein tois Aristotelous phrasas syllogismois, tēn di' ergōn ēskei philosophian, orgēs te kratōn kai lypēs kai hēdonēs; kai oudena tōn hēdikēkotōn hēmynato. ᾿All' oude holōs auton orgizomenon tis tetheatai. Kai pote tinos tōn gnōrimōn auton eromenou; dia ti mēdena tōn adikountōn thanatǭ pote ezēmiōsas? Eithe, phēsi, dynaton kai tous teleutēsantas ēn epagagein eis tēn zōēn ! Pros allon de peri tou autou erōtēsanta, Ou mega, ephē, oude dyscheres, anthrōpon onta apothanein; hoti mēde Theǭ monǭ ton hapax thanonta, ek metanoias anakalesasthai. Houtō de touto bebaiōs autǭ katōrthōto, hōste ei pote tis axia kephalikēs eplēmmelēse timōrias, oud᾽ achri tēs poleōs tōn pylōn tēn epi thanatǭ apēgeto, kai hē ek tēs philanthrōpias euthys anaklēsis eipeto. Kynēgia de pote en tǭ amphitheatrǭ tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs epitelountos autou, ho dēmos kateboa, deinǭ thēriǭ hena tōn euphyōn parabolōn machesthai. Ho de pros autous, Ouk eidate, ephē, hoti hēmeis philanthrōpōs eithismetha theōrein? Kai touto eipōn, tou loipou ton dēmon philanthrōpōs theasthai epaideusen. Houtō men ēn eusebēs, : hōste pantas tous tǭ Theǭ hierōmenous timąn" exairetōs de ous epynthaneto ep᾽ eulabeią pleon echprepontas. Legetai de hoti tou Chebrōn episkopou en Kōnstantinou polei teleutēsantos, sptagion 4 epizētēsai, kai sphodra errhypōmenon perithalesthai, pisteusas metalathein ti tēs tou teleutēsantos hagiotētos. Dyscheimerou de pote genomenou tou hetous, ta synēthē hōrismena tōn en tǭ hippodromiǭ theamatōn, dia ton dēmon tauta epizētounta, anankaiōs epetelei. Hōs de peplērōmenou andrōn hippodromou epeteinen ho cheimōn, pollou niphetou chatarrhagentos, tote dē tēn heautou gnōmēn ho basileus, hoian eiche peri to Theion, dēlēn kathistēsi, tǭ dēmǭ prosphōnēdia tōn chērychōn᾽ ᾿Alla pollǭ kreisson, ephē, chataphronēsantas tēs theas, koinę̄ pantas litaneusai Theon, hopōs adladeis tou epikeimenou cheimōnos phylachtheiēmen. Kai houpō pan ēreto to epos, syn charą megistę̄ en tǭ hippodromǭ litaneuontes, hymnous symphōnias pantes anepempon tǭ Theǭ. Kai holē men polis mia ekklēsia egeneto. Basileus de mesos exērcheto tōn hymnōn, en idiōtikǭ schēmati poreuomenos, tēs elpidos ouch hēmarten. Ho aēr gar eis͵ to eudieinon metedalleto" ek sitodeias, ē tou Theou philanthrōpia euetērian pareiche tois sympasin. Ei de pote polemos echineito, ton Dadi? tǭ Theǭ prosepheugen, eidōs auton tōn polemōn einai tamian, kai euchē toutous katōrthou. ᾿Auticha goun oligon meta ton pros Persas polemon tou basileōs Onōriou teleutēsantos, en hypateią ᾿Aschlēpiodotou kai €, Marianou, tę̄ pentechaiïdechatę̄ " tou Augoustou mēn nos, hopōs ton tyrannon Iōannēn Theǭ pisteusas etropōsato, diēgēsomai. lxia gar mnēmēs krinō ta tote. genomena. Hoti hoia epi Mōyseōs tois Hebraiois hypērxe tēn Erythran thalassan diathainonai, toiauta kai tois autou stratēgois, hēnika autous epi ton tyrannon epempsen. dia bracheōn echthēsomaai, to megethos autōn, idias pragmateias deomenon, heterois pareis.
But I, neither eager to become known to the emperor nor wishing to make a display of eloquence, have chosen to record, plainly and with truth, the good qualities that belong to the emperor; for I judge it a loss if, by keeping silent about such excellent things, they should not be known to those after us. First, though born and brought up in the palace, he had nothing soft from his upbringing; he was so prudent that those who met him thought he had had experience of many affairs. He was so hardy that he bore both cold and heat nobly, and he fasted often, especially on the days called Wednesday and Friday; and he did this because he was eager to be a Christian in the highest degree. He made the palace no different from a monastery. He himself, rising at dawn with his sisters, recited antiphonal hymns to God. So he could repeat the sacred writings by heart; and meeting with bishops he discussed the Scriptures with them as if he had long been a priest. He collected the sacred books and those that their interpreters had written, more than Ptolemy Philadelphus did before. In forbearance and kindness he surpassed all men. For the emperor Julian, though professing to be a philosopher, could not bear his anger against those at Antioch who taunted him, but inflicted very great tortures on Theodore. But Theodosius, bidding a long farewell to Aristotle's syllogisms, practised the philosophy of deeds, mastering anger, grief and pleasure; and he took revenge on none of those who wronged him. No one ever saw him angry at all. Once, when one of his acquaintances asked him, 'Why have you never punished any wrongdoer with death?', he said, 'Would that it were possible to bring the dead back to life!' To another who asked about the same thing he said, 'It is not a great or a hard thing for a man to die; but it belongs to God alone to call back by repentance one who has once died.' He had so firmly achieved this that if anyone ever committed an offence deserving capital punishment, he was not led to death even as far as the city gates before a recall from his kindness followed at once. Once, when he was holding hunting shows in the amphitheatre of Constantinople, the people shouted that one of the skilled fighters should fight a terrible beast. He said to them, 'Do you not know that we are accustomed to watch with humanity?' And by saying this he taught the people to watch with humanity from then on. He was so pious that he honoured all who were consecrated to God, and especially those he learned were more distinguished for piety. It is said that when the bishop of Hebron died in Constantinople, he asked for his garment of sackcloth and, very dirty as it was, put it on, believing that he would share something of the dead man's holiness. Once, when the year was very stormy, he was obliged to hold the usual appointed shows in the hippodrome because the people demanded them. When the hippodrome was full of men and the storm grew worse, with heavy snow falling, then the emperor made plain the disposition he had toward God, proclaiming to the people through the heralds: 'It is much better to disregard the show and all together to pray to God that we may be kept unharmed from the storm that is upon us.' Hardly had he finished speaking when all, with the greatest joy, praying in the hippodrome, sent up hymns of one voice to God; the whole city became one church. The emperor in the midst led the hymns, going about in the dress of a private person, and he was not disappointed in his hope; for the air changed to fair weather, and instead of a shortage of grain the loving-kindness of God gave everyone an abundant harvest. Whenever war was stirred up, he took refuge with God like David, knowing that he is the dispenser of wars, and by prayer he brought them to a good end. For instance, a little after the war with the Persians, when the emperor Honorius died, in the consulship of Asclepiodotus and Marinianus, on the fifteenth of August, I shall relate how, trusting in God, he routed the usurper John; for I judge what happened then worthy of remembrance. For such things as happened to the Hebrews under Moses when they crossed the Red Sea happened also to his generals when he sent them against the usurper. I shall set this out briefly, leaving its greatness, which needs a work of its own, to others.
7.23PG 67:789–791
Τελευτήσαντος δὴ τοῦ βασιλέως Ὁνωρίου, μαθὼν ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Θεοδόσιος, κρύπτει μὲν τὸ γενόμενον, καὶ ἄλλοτε ἄλλως τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀπεπλάνα. Ὑποπέμπει δὲ λαθραίως στρατιώτην εἰς Σαλῶνας " πόλις δὲ αὕτη τῆς Δαλματίας" ἵνα εἰ συμδῇ τι νεωτερ!σθῆναι περὶ τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη, μὴ πόῤῥωθεν ὦσιν οἱ ἀμυνόμενοι, Καὶ τοῦτο οὕτως προευτρεπίσας, τότε καταφανῆ τὸν θάνατον τοῦ θείου πεποίηκεν. Ἐν τούτῳ δὲ Ἰωάννης πρωτοστάτης ὧν τῶν βασιλικῶν ὑπογραφέων, μὴ ἐνεγκὼν τὴν εὐτυχίαν ἰδίας ἀξίας, τὴν βασιλείαν ἁρπάζει 5, καὶ πρεσβείας ἀποστέλλει πρὸς τὸν αὐτοκράτορα Θεοδόσιον, δεχθῆναι εἰς βασιλέα δεόμενος. Ὁ δὲ, τοὺς μὲν πρεσθευτὰς εἰς φρουρὰν κατέστησεν " ἐξαποστέλλει δὲ τὸν στρατηλάτην ᾿Αρδαδούριον, ὃς ἐν τῷ Περσιχῷ πολέμῳ τὰ μέγιστα ἠγωνίσατο. Οὗτος εἰς τὰς Σαλῶνας παραγενόμενος, ἔπλει ἐξ αὐτῆς ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αχυλήϊαν, καὶ χρῆται τύχῃ καθὼς ἐνομίζετο" ἡ τύχη δὲ ' ὡς ὕστερον ἐδείχθη. ΓΆνεμος γὰρ αἴσιος πνεύσας, εἰς τὰς χεῖρας αὐτὸν ἐνέβαλε τοῦ τυράννου ὃς συλλαδὼν αὐτὸν, ἤλπιξεν εἰς ἀνάγκην χαταστῇσαι τὸν αὗτοκράτορα, ὥστε ψηφίσασθαι καὶ ἀναδεῖξαι αὐτὸν βασιεἰ σώζεσθαι τὸν στρατηλάτην προῃρεῖτο. ᾿Αληθῶς τε ἐν ἀγῶνι ἦν, δ: τε βασιλεὺς ταῦτα πυθόμενος, ὁ ἐπὶ τὸν τύραννον ἀποσταλεὶς στρατιώτης υ, μήτι πάθοι ὑπὸ τοῦ τυράννου ὁ ᾿Αρδαβούριος. "Ασπὰρ δὲ, ὁ τοῦ ᾿Αρδαδουρίου υἱὸς, μαθὼν καὶ τὸν πατέρα παρὰ τοῦ τυράννου κατέχεσθαι, πολλὰς μυριάδας βαρδάρων ἐπὶ συμμαχίᾳ τοῦ τυράννου παρεῖναι εἰδὼς, οὐχ ἔσχεν ὅ τι καὶ πράξειεν. Τότε δὴ καὶ τοῦ θεοφιλοῦς βασιλέως εὐχὴ πάλιν ἐξίσχυσεν. "Αγγελος γὰρ Θεοῦ ἐν σχήματι ποιμένος ὁδηγεῖ τὸν "Ἄσπαρα, καὶ τοὺς σὺν αὐτῷ, καὶ ἄγει διὰ τῆς παρακειμένης τῇ Ῥαδέννῃ λίμνης. Ἐν ταύτῃ γὰρ τῇ πόλει ὁ τύραννος διατρίδων εἶχε τὸν στρατηγόν " ὅθεν οὐδεὶς οὐδὲ πώποτε διαδεδηχέναι ἱστόρητο. Τότε δὴ ὁ Θεὸς τὴν ἄδατον, βατὴν ἀπειργάσατο. Διαθάντῆς ἃ τες γὰρ διὰ ξηρᾶς τὸ τῆς λίμνης ὕδωρ, ἀνεῳὙμένας τάς τε πύλας εὑρόντες τῆς πόλεως, ἐγχρατεῖς τοῦ τυράννου ἐγένοντο. Τότε δὴ ὁ εὐσεδέστατος σιλεὺς, ἣν εἶχε περὶ τὸ Θεῖον εὐλάβειαν ἐπεδείξατο. Ἱπποδρομίας γὰρ ἐπιτελοῦντι, ἐμηνύθη ἀνῃρῆσθαι 379 ὁ τύραννος. Προσφωνεῖ οὖν τῷ δήμῳ" Δεῦρο μᾶλλον εἰ δοκεῖ, ἔφη, παρέντες τὴν τέρψιν, ἐπὶ τὸν εὐκτή— γενόμενοι, εὐχαριστηρίους εὐχὰς τῷ Θεῷ ἀναπέμψωμεν, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἡ αὐτοῦ. χεὶρ καθεῖλε τὸν : τύραννον. Ταῦτα εἴρητο" καὶ τὰ μὲν τῆς θέας ἐπέπαυτό τε καὶ ἡμέλητο, Διὰ μέσον δὲ τοῦ ἱπποδρόμου συμφώνως ἅμα αὐτῷ εὐχαριστηρίως ψάλλοντες, , ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τοῦ Θεοῦ ἐπορεύοντο. Καὶ ὅλη μὲν ἡ πόλις, μία ἐκκλησία ἐγίνετο" ἐν δὲ τῷ εὖχτηρίῳ τόπῳ γενόμενοι, ἐκεῖ διημέρενον.
Teleutēsantos dē tou basileōs Honōriou, mathōn ho autokratōr Theodosios, kryptei men to genomenon, kai allote allōs tous pollous apeplana. Hypopempei de lathraiōs stratiōtēn eis Salōnas " polis de hautē tēs Dalmatias" hina ei symdę̄ ti neōter!sthēnai peri ta hesperia merē, mē porrhōthen ōsin hoi amynomenoi, Kai touto houtōs proeutrepisas, tote kataphanē ton thanaton tou theiou pepoiēken. En toutǭ de Iōannēs prōtostatēs hōn tōn basilikōn hypographeōn, mē enenkōn tēn eutychian idias axias, tēn basileian harpazei 5, kai presbeias apostellei pros ton autokratora Theodosion, dechthēnai eis basilea deomenos. Ho de, tous men prestheutas eis phrouran katestēsen " exapostellei de ton stratēlatēn ᾿Ardadourion, hos en tǭ Persichǭ polemǭ ta megista ēgōnisato. Houtos eis tas Salōnas paragenomenos, eplei ex autēs epi tēn ᾿Achylēïan, kai chrētai tychę̄ kathōs enomizeto" hē tychē de ' hōs hysteron edeichthē. GAnemos gar aisios pneusas, eis tas cheiras auton enebale tou tyrannou hos sylladōn auton, ēlpixen eis anankēn chatastę̄sai ton hautokratora, hōste psēphisasthai kai anadeixai auton basiei sōzesthai ton stratēlatēn proę̄reito. ᾿Alēthōs te en agōni ēn, d: te basileus tauta pythomenos, ho epi ton tyrannon apostaleis stratiōtēs y, mēti pathoi hypo tou tyrannou ho ᾿Ardabourios. "Aspar de, ho tou ᾿Ardadouriou huios, mathōn kai ton patera para tou tyrannou katechesthai, pollas myriadas bardarōn epi symmachią tou tyrannou pareinai eidōs, ouch eschen ho ti kai praxeien. Tote dē kai tou theophilous basileōs euchē palin exischysen. "Angelos gar Theou en schēmati poimenos hodēgei ton "Aspara, kai tous syn autǭ, kai agei dia tēs parakeimenēs tę̄ Rhadennę̄ limnēs. En tautę̄ gar tę̄ polei ho tyrannos diatridōn eiche ton stratēgon " hothen oudeis oude pōpote diadedēchenai historēto. Tote dē ho Theos tēn adaton, batēn apeirgasato. Diathantēs ha tes gar dia xēras to tēs limnēs hydōr, aneǭYmenas tas te pylas heurontes tēs poleōs, enchrateis tou tyrannou egenonto. Tote dē ho eusedestatos sileus, hēn eiche peri to Theion eulabeian epedeixato. Hippodromias gar epitelounti, emēnythē anę̄rēsthai 379 ho tyrannos. Prosphōnei oun tǭ dēmǭ" Deuro mallon ei dokei, ephē, parentes tēn terpsin, epi ton euktē— genomenoi, eucharistērious euchas tǭ Theǭ anapempsōmen, anth᾽ hōn hē autou. cheir katheile ton : tyrannon. Tauta eirēto" kai ta men tēs theas epepauto te kai hēmelēto, Dia meson de tou hippodromou symphōnōs hama autǭ eucharistēriōs psallontes, , epi tēn ekklēsian tou Theou eporeuonto. Kai holē men hē polis, mia ekklēsia egineto" en de tǭ euchtēriǭ topǭ genomenoi, ekei diēmerenon.
When the emperor Honorius died, the emperor Theodosius, on learning it, concealed what had happened and misled most people in one way or another. But he secretly sent a force to Salonae, a city of Dalmatia, so that if any revolt should happen in the western parts, those who would resist it would not be far away. Having prepared this beforehand, he then made his uncle's death known. Meanwhile John, the chief of the imperial secretaries, not bearing the good fortune of his own rank, seized the empire and sent embassies to the emperor Theodosius asking to be received as emperor. He put the envoys under guard and sent the general Ardaburius, who had done very great things in the Persian war. He came to Salonae and sailed from there to Aquileia, and met with ill fortune, as it was thought; but the fortune was good, as was shown later. For a wind blew, favourable in the end, and threw him into the hands of the usurper, who, seizing him, hoped to force the emperor to vote for him and proclaim him emperor, if he chose that the general be kept alive. Truly the emperor, on learning this, was in distress, and so was the army sent against the usurper, lest Ardaburius suffer anything at the usurper's hands. Aspar, the son of Ardaburius, learning that his father was held by the usurper, and knowing that many tens of thousands of barbarians were present as allies of the usurper, did not know what to do. Then again the prayer of the emperor dear to God prevailed. For an angel of God in the form of a shepherd guided Aspar and those with him and led them through the marsh lying by Ravenna, for in that city the usurper was staying and held the general, a marsh through which no one had ever been recorded to pass. Then God made the impassable passable. For crossing the water of the marsh as on dry land, and finding the gates of the city open, they became masters of the usurper. Then the most pious emperor showed the reverence he had toward God. For when he was holding horse races, it was announced to him that the usurper had been killed. So he addressed the people: 'Come, if you please, let us leave our pleasure, go to the house of prayer, and send up prayers of thanksgiving to God, because his hand has brought down the usurper.' So he spoke; and the show was stopped and neglected, and singing thanksgiving in unison with him through the middle of the hippodrome, they went to the church of God. The whole city became one church; and having reached the place of prayer, they spent the day there.
7.24PG 67:791
Τοῦ δὲ τυράννου ἀναιρεθέντος, ἔμφροντις ὁ αὐτοκράτωρ Θεοδόσιος, τίνα τῶν ἑσπερίων μερῶν ἀναδείξειε βασιλέα. δὲ ἀνεψιὸς αὑτῷ κομιδῇ νέος, Οὐαλεντινιανὸς ὄνομα, ἐκ Πλακιδίας τῆς αὑτοῦ : θείας γενόμενος " ἥτις θυγάτηρ μὲν ἣν Θεοδοσίου τοῦ : μεγάλου βασιλέως, ᾿Αρκαδίου δὲ καὶ ᾿Ονωρίου τῶν δύο Αὐγούστων ἀδελφή. Πατρὸς δὲ ἣν ὁ Οὐαλεντινια᾿ νὸς Κωνσταντίον, ὃς ὑπὸ ᾿θνωρίου βασιλεὺς ἀνσδειχθεὶς, βραχὺν αὐτῷ χρόνον συμδασιλεύσας , εὐθὺς ἐτελεύτησε. Τοῦτον τὸν ἀνεψιὸν Καίσαρα στήσας ἐπὶ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἀνέπεμψε, τῇ μητρὶ “αὐτοῦ Πλαχιδίᾳ τὴν φροντίδα τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπιτρέψας. Σπεύδων δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς χαταλαδεῖν τὴν λίαν, ὥστε τὸν μὲν ἀνεψιὸν ἀναγορεῦσαι βασιλέα, παρὡν δὲ τῇ αὐτοῦ φρονήσει παιδεῦσαι τοὺς ἐκεῖ, μὴ ὑπονεύειν τοῖς τυράννοις ῥᾳδίως " ἄχρι τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης γενόμενος, ὑπ᾽ ἀῤῥωστίας διεχωλύθη. Πέμψας ; οὖν τὸν βασιλικὸν στέφανον τῷ ἀνεψιῷ διὰ τοῦ Πατριχίον Ἡλίωνος, αὑτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐξυπέστρεψεν, ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων, ἐξαρκεῖν ἐγοῦμαι τὴν διήνησιν.
Tou de tyrannou anairethentos, emphrontis ho autokratōr Theodosios, tina tōn hesperiōn merōn anadeixeie basilea. de anepsios hautǭ komidę̄ neos, Oualentinianos onoma, ek Plakidias tēs hautou : theias genomenos " hētis thygatēr men hēn Theodosiou tou : megalou basileōs, ᾿Arkadiou de kai ᾿Onōriou tōn dyo Augoustōn adelphē. Patros de hēn ho Oualentinia᾿ nos Kōnstantion, hos hypo ᾿thnōriou basileus ansdeichtheis, brachyn autǭ chronon symdasileusas , euthys eteleutēse. Touton ton anepsion Kaisara stēsas epi hesperia merē anepempse, tę̄ mētri “autou Plachidią tēn phrontida tōn pragmatōn epitrepsas. Speudōn de kai autos chataladein tēn lian, hōste ton men anepsion anagoreusai basilea, parōn de tę̄ autou phronēsei paideusai tous ekei, mē hyponeuein tois tyrannois rhądiōs " achri tēs Thessalonikēs genomenos, hyp᾽ arrhōstias diechōlythē. Pempsas ? oun ton basilikon stephanon tǭ anepsiǭ dia tou Patrichion Hēliōnos, hautos epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin exypestrepsen, ᾿Alla peri men toutōn, exarkein egoumai tēn diēnēsin.
When the usurper had been killed, the emperor Theodosius was anxious about whom to proclaim emperor of the western parts. He had a very young cousin named Valentinian, the son of Placidia his aunt, who was the daughter of the great emperor Theodosius and sister of the two Augusti Arcadius and Honorius. Valentinian's father was Constantius, who had been proclaimed emperor by Honorius and, having reigned with him a short time, soon died. Making this cousin Caesar, he sent him to the western parts, entrusting the care of affairs to his mother Placidia. Hastening himself to reach Italy, so as to proclaim his cousin emperor and, being present, to teach the people there by his own prudence not to give way readily to usurpers, he came as far as Thessalonica and was prevented by illness. So, sending the imperial crown to his cousin by the patrician Helion, he himself returned to Constantinople. But I think this account of these things enough.
7.25PG 67:793–797
᾿Αττικὸς δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος, θαυμαστῶς πως τὰ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ηὔξησε πράγματα· φρονήσει μὲν αὐτὰ διοικῶν · ταῖς διδασκαλίαις δὲ τὸν λαὸν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν προτρέπων. Συνιδὼν δὲ διαιρουμένην τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν διὰ τὸ τοὺς Ἰωαννίτας ἔξω αὐτῆς συνάγεσθαι, μνείαν Ἰωάννου ἐν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ἐκέλευσε ποιεῖσθαι, ὡς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἐπισκόπων τῶν κεκοιμημένων εἰώθει γίνεσθαι, διατοῦτο πολλοὺς ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἐλπίσας. Οὕτω δὲ ἦν μεταδοτικός, ὡς μὴ μόνον τῶν ἐν ταῖς αὐτοῦ παροικίαις πτωχῶν προνοεῖν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῖς ἀστυγείτοσι τῶν πόλεων χρήματα πέμπειν πρὸς παραμυθίαν τῶν δεομένων. Καλλιοπίῳ γοῦν πρεσβυτέρῳ τῆς Νικαέων Ἐκκλησίας, τριακοσίους ἀποστείλας χρυσίνους, τάδε ἀπέστείλε • Καλλιοπίῳ Ἀττικὸς ἐν Κυρίῳ χαίρειν. • Ἔμαθον μυρίους ἐν τῇ πόλει πεινῶντας δεῖσθαι τοῦ παρὰ τῶν εὐσεβούντων ἐλέου. Μυρίους δὲ λέγω, τὸ πλῆθος, οὐ τὸν ἀκριβῆ δηλῶν ἀριθμόν. Ἐπεὶ τοίνυν αὐτὸς μὲν ἔχω λαβὼν ἀριθμὸν παρὰ τοῦ δαψιλεῖ τῇ χειρὶ διδόντος τοῖς οἰκονομοῦσι καλῶς, συμβαίνει δὲ τινας ἀπορεῖσθαι δοκιμασίας χάριν τῶν ἐχόντων μὲν, μὴ παρεχόντων δὲ τούτοις, λαβών, ὦ φίλη μοι κεφαλὴ, τούτους τοὺς τριακοσίους χρυσίνους, ἀνάλωσων ὅπως ἂν θελήσῃς. Βουλήσῃ δὲ που πάντως τοῖς – αἰσχυνομένοις τὴν αἴτησιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τοῖς ἐμπορίαν διὰ βίου τὴν γαστέρα προτεθεικόσι. Διδοὺς τοίνυν, μηδὲ θρησκείαν λογίσῃ κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, ἑνὸς καὶ μόνου γενόμενος, τοῦ τρέφειν τοὺς πεινῶντας, ἀλλὰ μὴ λογιστεύειν τοὺς τὸν ἡμέτερον τρόπον μὴ φρονοῦντας. » Οὕτω μὲν δὴ τῶν δεομένων καὶ πόῤῥωθεν ὄντων ἐφρόντιζεν · οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς δεισιδαιμονίας τινῶν ἐκκόπτειν ἐσπούδαζεν. Πυθόμενος γοῦν ποτε τοὺς διὰ τὸ Ἰουδαϊκὸν Πάσχα Ναυατιανῶν χωρισθέντας, τὸ σῶμα τοῦ Σαδθατίου τῆς Ῥόδου Θεραπείαν μεταχομίσαντας, αὐτῇ γὰρ τῇ νήσῳ περιορισθεὶς ἐτελεύτησε, καὶ θάψαντας, ἐπὶ τῷ τάφῳ εὔχεσθαι, πέμψας διὰ τῆς νυκτὸς εἰς ἕτερον τάφον τὸ τοῦ Σαῦθατίον σῶμα χρυδῆναι ἐκέλευσεν. Οἱ δὲ συνήθως ἐλθόντες, καὶ ἀνορωρυγμένον τὸν τάφον εὑρόντες, τοῦ λοιποῦ σέβειν τὸν τάφον ἐπαύσαντο. δὲ περὶ τὴν θέσιν τῶν ὀνομάτων φιλόχαλος. γοῦν ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι τοῦ Εὐξείνου Πόντου κείμενον, ἐξ ἀρχαίου τε Φαρμαχέα καλούμενον,. θεραπείας ὠνόμασεν, ἵνα μὴ τὰς συνάξεις ἐκεῖ ποιούμενος, δυσφήμῳ ὀνόματι ὀνομάζῃ τὸν τόπον. Καὶ ἄλλο δὲ προάστειον τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ᾿Αργυρόπολιν ὠνόμασεν, ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης" Χρυσόπολις ἐπίνειον ἀρχαϊόν ἐστιν, ὃ κεῖται μὲν ἐν ἀρχῇ τοῦ Βοσπόρου. Μέμνηνται δὲ αὐτοῦ πολλοὶ τῶν παλαιῶν συγγραφέων, καὶ Στράδων τε, καὶ ὁ Δαμασχηνὸς Νιχόλαος, καὶ ὁ ἐν λόγοις τε θαυμαστὸς Ξενοφῶν, τε τῇ ἕκτῃ τῆς Κύρου ἀναδάσεως, καὶ ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ᾿Ε.11ηγικῶν φησὶ περὶ αὐτῆς, ὅτι ᾿Αλχιδιάδης ἀποτειχίσας αὐτὴν, δεχατευτήριον ἐν αὑτῇ κατέστησε. Τὰς γὰρ δεχάτας οἱ ἀπὸ τοῦ Πόντου πλέοντες ἐν αὐτῇ παρεῖχον. Κατἰδὼν οὖν ὁ ᾿Αττικὸς τὸν καταντικρὺ Χρυσοπόλεως τόπον εὐτερπῇ τυγχάνοντα, πρέπειν ἔφη, τοῦτον γυρόπολιν ὀνομάζεσθαι, καὶ ῥηθεὶς ὁ λόγος, εὐθὺς τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἐκράτυνεν. Τινῶν δὲ λεγόντων πρὸς αὐτὸν, μὴ ὀφείλειν Νανατιανοὺς ἔνδον συνάγειν τῶν πόλεων, Οὐχ οἴδατε, εἶπεν, ὅσα ἡμῖν διωχομένοις ἐπὶ Κωνσταντίου καὶ Οὐάλεντος συμπεπόνθασιν ; ἄλλως τε, ( ἔφη, μάρτυρες τῆς πίστεως ἡμῶν χαθεστήχασι. Πάλαι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας χωρισθέντες, οὐδὲν περὶ τὴν πίστιν ἐχαινοτόμησαν. Ἐν Νικαίᾳ δέ ποτε διὰ χειροτονίαν ἐπισκόπου γενόμενος, ᾿Ασχληπιάδην το τὸν ἐκεῖ Νανατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπον γηραιὸν ὄντα ἰδὼν, ἠρώτησε, Πόσους ἐνιαυτοὺς ἐπίσκοπος ὧν τυγχάνεις ; τοῦ δὲ πεντήκοντα εἰπόντος, Εὐδαίμων, ἔφη, τυγχάνεις, ὦ ἄνθρωπε, τοσούτου χρόνον καλοῦ ἔργου ἐπιμελούμενος. Πρὸς δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν ᾿Ασχληπιάδην ἔφη, τὸν μὲν Ναύατον ἐπαινῶ " τοὺς Νανατιανοὺς δὲ οὐχ ἀποδέχομαι. Ξενοφωνηθεὶς δὲ ὁ ᾿Ασγληπιάδης, Πῶς τοῦτο, ἔφη, λέγεις, ἐπίσκοπε; Ἐχεῖνον μὲν, ἔφη ὁ ᾿Αττικὸς, ἐπαινῶ, ὅτι τοῖς ἐπιθύσασι κοινωνῆσαι οὐχ εἵλετο. Τοῦτο γὰρ ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ ἐγὼ ἐποίησα. Τοὺς δὲ Νανατιανοὺς οὐχ ἐπαινῶ, ὅτι περὶ εὐτελῶν Ὁ πταισμάτων, τῆς κοινωνίας τοὺς λαϊκοὺς ἀποχλείουσι. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Ασχληπιάδης, Ἐκτὸς, ἔφη, τοῦ ἐπιθῦσαι, ἄλλαι πολλαὶ τὰς Γραφὰς εἰσὶν ἅμαρτίαι πρὸς θάνατον, δι᾽ ἃς ὑμεῖς μὲν πρὸς τοὺς κληρικοὺς, ἡμεῖς δὲ τοὺς λαϊκοὺς ἀποχλείομεν, Θεῷ μόνῳ τὴν συγχώρησιν αὐτῶν ἐπιτρέποντες ^. Προέγνω δὲ Ἀττικὸς καὶ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ τελευτήν. Ἀναχωρῶν γοῦν τῆς Νικαίας, πρὸς Καλλιόπιον τὸν ἐκεῖ πρεσβύτερον, Σπεῦδε, ἔφη, πρὸ φθινοπώρου ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν με αὖθις ζῶντα θεάσασθαι. Εἰ γὰρ βραδύνεις, οὐ καταλήψῃ με. Καὶ τοῦτο εἰπὼν, οὐ διήμαρτεν· ἐν γὰρ τῷ εἰκοστῷ πρώτῳ ἔτει · τῆς ἐπισκοπῆς ἑαυτοῦ, τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ Ὀκτωβρίου μηνὸς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Θεοδοσίου τὸ ἑνδέκατον καὶ Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ Καίσαρος τὸ πρῶτον. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος ἐκ τῆς Θεσσαλονίκης ὑποστρέψας, τὴν ἐκκομιδὴν αὐτοῦ οὐ κατέλαβεν· ἔφθασε γὰρ πρὸ μιᾶς ἡμέρας τῆς εἰσόδου τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος, Αττικὸς παραδοθεὶς τῇ ταφῇ. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ καὶ ἀναγόρευσις τοῦ νέου Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ ἐμηνύθη, περὶ τὴν τρίτην καὶ εἰκάδα τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς Ὀκτωβρίου.
᾿Attikos de ho episkopos, thaumastōs pōs ta tōn ekklēsiōn ēuxēse pragmata; phronēsei men auta dioikōn ; tais didaskaliais de ton laon epi tēn aretēn protrepōn. Synidōn de diairoumenēn tēn Ekklēsian dia to tous Iōannitas exō autēs synagesthai, mneian Iōannou en tais euchais ekeleuse poieisthai, hōs kai tōn allōn episkopōn tōn kekoimēmenōn eiōthei ginesthai, diatouto pollous epanelthein eis tēn Ekklēsian elpisas. Houtō de ēn metadotikos, hōs mē monon tōn en tais autou paroikiais ptōchōn pronoein, alla kai tais astygeitosi tōn poleōn chrēmata pempein pros paramythian tōn deomenōn. Kalliopiǭ goun presbyterǭ tēs Nikaeōn Ekklēsias, triakosious aposteilas chrysinous, tade apesteile • Kalliopiǭ Attikos en Kyriǭ chairein. • Emathon myrious en tę̄ polei peinōntas deisthai tou para tōn eusebountōn eleou. Myrious de legō, to plēthos, ou ton akribē dēlōn arithmon. Epei toinyn autos men echō labōn arithmon para tou dapsilei tę̄ cheiri didontos tois oikonomousi kalōs, symbainei de tinas aporeisthai dokimasias charin tōn echontōn men, mē parechontōn de toutois, labōn, ō philē moi kephalē, toutous tous triakosious chrysinous, analōsōn hopōs an thelēsę̄s. Boulēsę̄ de pou pantōs tois – aischynomenois tēn aitēsin, all᾽ ouchi tois emporian dia biou tēn gastera protetheikosi. Didous toinyn, mēde thrēskeian logisę̄ kata touto to meros, henos kai monou genomenos, tou trephein tous peinōntas, alla mē logisteuein tous ton hēmeteron tropon mē phronountas. » Houtō men dē tōn deomenōn kai porrhōthen ontōn ephrontizen ; ou mēn alla kai tas deisidaimonias tinōn ekkoptein espoudazen. Pythomenos goun pote tous dia to Ioudaïkon Pascha Nauatianōn chōristhentas, to sōma tou Sadthatiou tēs Rhodou Therapeian metachomisantas, autę̄ gar tę̄ nēsǭ perioristheis eteleutēse, kai thapsantas, epi tǭ taphǭ euchesthai, pempsas dia tēs nyktos eis heteron taphon to tou Sauthation sōma chrydēnai ekeleusen. Hoi de synēthōs elthontes, kai anorōrygmenon ton taphon heurontes, tou loipou sebein ton taphon epausanto. de peri tēn thesin tōn onomatōn philochalos. goun epi tǭ stomati tou Euxeinou Pontou keimenon, ex archaiou te Pharmachea kaloumenon,. therapeias ōnomasen, hina mē tas synaxeis ekei poioumenos, dysphēmǭ onomati onomazę̄ ton topon. Kai allo de proasteion tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs ᾿Argyropolin ōnomasen, ex aitias toiautēs" Chrysopolis epineion archaïon estin, ho keitai men en archę̄ tou Bosporou. Memnēntai de autou polloi tōn palaiōn syngrapheōn, kai Stradōn te, kai ho Damaschēnos Nicholaos, kai ho en logois te thaumastos Xenophōn, te tę̄ hektę̄ tēs Kyrou anadaseōs, kai en tę̄ prōtę̄ tōn ᾿E.11ēgikōn phēsi peri autēs, hoti ᾿Alchidiadēs apoteichisas autēn, dechateutērion en hautę̄ katestēse. Tas gar dechatas hoi apo tou Pontou pleontes en autę̄ pareichon. Katidōn oun ho ᾿Attikos ton katantikry Chrysopoleōs topon euterpę̄ tynchanonta, prepein ephē, touton gyropolin onomazesthai, kai rhētheis ho logos, euthys tēn epōnymian ekratynen. Tinōn de legontōn pros auton, mē opheilein Nanatianous endon synagein tōn poleōn, Ouch oidate, eipen, hosa hēmin diōchomenois epi Kōnstantiou kai Oualentos sympeponthasin ? allōs te, ( ephē, martyres tēs pisteōs hēmōn chathestēchasi. Palai tēs Ekklēsias chōristhentes, ouden peri tēn pistin echainotomēsan. En Nikaią de pote dia cheirotonian episkopou genomenos, ᾿Aschlēpiadēn to ton ekei Nanatianōn episkopon gēraion onta idōn, ērōtēse, Posous eniautous episkopos hōn tynchaneis ? tou de pentēkonta eipontos, Eudaimōn, ephē, tynchaneis, ō anthrōpe, tosoutou chronon kalou ergou epimeloumenos. Pros de ton auton ᾿Aschlēpiadēn ephē, ton men Nauaton epainō " tous Nanatianous de ouch apodechomai. Xenophōnētheis de ho ᾿Asglēpiadēs, Pōs touto, ephē, legeis, episkope? Echeinon men, ephē ho ᾿Attikos, epainō, hoti tois epithysasi koinōnēsai ouch heileto. Touto gar an kai autos kai egō epoiēsa. Tous de Nanatianous ouch epainō, hoti peri eutelōn Ho ptaismatōn, tēs koinōnias tous laïkous apochleiousi. Pros tauta ho ᾿Aschlēpiadēs, Ektos, ephē, tou epithysai, allai pollai tas Graphas eisin hamartiai pros thanaton, di᾽ has hymeis men pros tous klērikous, hēmeis de tous laïkous apochleiomen, Theǭ monǭ tēn synchōrēsin autōn epitrepontes ^. Proegnō de Attikos kai tēn heautou teleutēn. Anachōrōn goun tēs Nikaias, pros Kalliopion ton ekei presbyteron, Speude, ephē, pro phthinopōrou epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin me authis zōnta theasasthai. Ei gar bradyneis, ou katalēpsę̄ me. Kai touto eipōn, ou diēmarten; en gar tǭ eikostǭ prōtǭ etei ; tēs episkopēs heautou, tę̄ dekatę̄ tou Oktōbriou mēnos eteleutēsen, en hypateią Theodosiou to hendekaton kai Oualentinianou Kaisaros to prōton. Ho mentoi basileus Theodosios ek tēs Thessalonikēs hypostrepsas, tēn ekkomidēn autou ou katelaben; ephthase gar pro mias hēmeras tēs eisodou tou autokratoros, Attikos paradotheis tę̄ taphę̄. Ouk eis makran de kai anagoreusis tou neou Oualentinianou emēnythē, peri tēn tritēn kai eikada tou autou mēnos Oktōbriou.
Atticus the bishop increased the affairs of the churches in a wonderful way, administering them with prudence and urging the people to virtue by his teaching. Seeing the church divided because the Johannites assembled outside it, he ordered that John be commemorated in the prayers, as was customary for the other bishops who had fallen asleep, hoping that for this reason many would return to the church. He was so generous that he not only provided for the poor in his own dioceses but also sent money to the neighbouring cities for the relief of the needy. To Calliopius, a presbyter of the church of the Nicaeans, he sent three hundred gold pieces with this letter: 'Atticus to Calliopius, greeting in the Lord. I have learned that there are ten thousand in your city hungry and in need of mercy from the pious. I say ten thousand meaning the multitude, not indicating the exact number. Since then I myself hold a sum received from him who gives with a generous hand to those who administer well, and it happens that some are in want for the testing of those who have but do not give to them, take, my dear friend, these three hundred gold pieces and spend them as you will. You will surely wish to give to those ashamed to ask, and not to those who have made their belly a trade all their life. In giving, do not take account of religion in this matter, being concerned with one thing only, to feed the hungry, and not to examine those who do not think as we do.' So he cared for those in need even far away. He was also eager to cut out the superstitions of some. Learning once that those who had separated from the Novatians over the Jewish Passover had brought the body of Sabbatius from Rhodes, for he had died in exile on that island, had buried it, and were praying at the tomb, he sent by night and ordered the body of Sabbatius to be hidden in another tomb. When they came as usual and found the tomb dug up, from then on they ceased to venerate the tomb. He was also fond of fitting names. A place lying at the mouth of the Euxine Sea, from of old called Pharmaceus, he named Therapeia, so that, when holding assemblies there, he might not call the place by an ill-omened name. He named another suburb of Constantinople Argyropolis for the following reason. Chrysopolis is an ancient harbour lying at the beginning of the Bosporus. Many of the old writers mention it, Strabo and Nicolaus of Damascus, and Xenophon, admirable in letters, who in the sixth book of the Anabasis of Cyrus and in the first of the Hellenica says of it that Alcibiades walled it off and set up a toll-house in it; for those sailing from the Pontus paid the tenths there. Atticus, seeing that the place opposite Chrysopolis was delightful, said it was fitting that it be called Argyropolis; and the saying at once established the name. When some said to him that the Novatians ought not to assemble within the cities, he said, 'Do you not know how much they suffered with us when we were persecuted under Constantius and Valens? Besides,' he said, 'they are witnesses to our faith; though separated from the church long ago, they have made no innovation in the faith.' Once at Nicaea for the ordination of a bishop, seeing Asclepiades, the Novatian bishop there, who was old, he asked, 'How many years have you been a bishop?' When he said fifty, he said, 'You are blessed, man, to have cared for so good a work for so long a time.' To the same Asclepiades he said, 'I praise Novatus, but I do not approve the Novatians.' Asclepiades, surprised, said, 'How do you say this, bishop?' 'I praise him,' said Atticus, 'because he would not communicate with those who had sacrificed; I would have done the same myself. But I do not praise the Novatians, because they shut laypeople out of communion for trivial faults.' To this Asclepiades said, 'Besides sacrificing, there are many other sins unto death according to the Scriptures, for which you shut out the clergy, but we the laity too, leaving their forgiveness to God alone.' Atticus also foreknew his own death. When leaving Nicaea, he said to Calliopius, the presbyter there, 'Hasten to see me alive again in Constantinople before autumn; for if you delay, you will not find me.' And in saying this he was not mistaken; for in the twenty-first year of his episcopate, on the tenth of October, he died, in the consulship of Theodosius for the eleventh time and Valentinian Caesar for the first time. The emperor Theodosius, returning from Thessalonica, did not arrive in time for his funeral, for Atticus had been buried one day before the emperor's entry. Not long after, the proclamation of the young Valentinian was announced, about the twenty-third of the same month of October.
7.26PG 67:799
Ἐγένετο δὲ μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν Ἀττικοῦ πολλὴ φιλονεικία περὶ χειροτονίας ἐπισκόπου, ἄλλων ἄλλον ζητούντων. Τινὲς μὲν γὰρ, φησὶ, Φίλιππον τὸν πρεσβύτερον ἐζήτουν· τινὲς δὲ Πρόκλον· καὶ οὗτος δὲ πρεσβύτερος ἦν. Κοινῇ δὲ πᾶς ὁ λαὸς ἐπάθει γίνεσθαι Σισίννιον, ὅς τις πρεσβύτερος μὲν ἦν καὶ αὐτός. Ἐν οὐδεμιᾷ δὲ τῶν ἐντὸς τῆς πόλεως ἐκκλησιῶν ἑτέτακτο, ἀλλ' ἐν προαστείῳ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, ᾧ ἑπώνυμον Ελαία, τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἐκεκλήρωτο· ὅπερ καταντικρὺ μὲν κεῖται τῆς πόλεως· ἐν αὐτῷ δὲ ἐξ ἔθους ἡ ἀναλήψιμος τοῦ Σωτῆρος ἐπιτελεῖται πάνδημος ἑορτή. Πόθον δὲ εἶχον τοῦ ἀνδρὸς Β΄ πάντες οἱ λαϊκοὶ, ὅτι ἐπ᾿ εὐλαβείᾳ περιβόητος ἦν, καὶ μάλιστα ὅτι τοὺς πτωχοὺς ὑπὲρ δύναμιν ἐσπούδαζεν. Κατεκράτησεν οὖν ἡ τῶν λαϊκῶν· σπουδή · καὶ χειροτονεῖται Σισίννιος τῇ εἰκάδι ὀγδόῃ τοῦ Φεβρουαρίου μηνὸς, τῇ ἐξῆς ὑπατείᾳ, ἥτις ἦν Θεοδοσίου τὸ δωδέκατον καὶ Οὐαλεντινιανοῦ τοῦ Νεωτέρου Αὐγούστου τὸ δεύτερον. Ἐπὶ τούτῳ Φίλιππος ὁ πρεσβύτερος, ὅτι αὐτοῦ προεκρίθη ἕτερος, πολλὰ τῆς χειροτονίας καθήψατο ἐν τῇ πεπονημένῃ αὐτῷ Χριστιανικῇ Ἱστορίᾳ, διαβάλλων καὶ τὸν χειροτονηθέντα, καὶ τοὺς χειροτονήσαντας, καὶ πολλῷ πλέον τοὺς λαϊκούς· τοιαῦτά τε εἶπεν, οἷα οὐκ ἂν ἑλοίμην παραδοῦναι γραφῇ, ἐπεὶ κἀκεῖνον οὐκ ἀποδέχομαι τῆς προπετείας, τοιαῦτα γραφῇ παραδοῦναι τολμήσαντα. • Μικρὰ δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ εἰπεῖν, οὐκ ἄκαιρον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι.
Egeneto de meta tēn teleutēn Attikou pollē philoneikia peri cheirotonias episkopou, allōn allon zētountōn. Tines men gar, phēsi, Philippon ton presbyteron ezētoun; tines de Proklon; kai houtos de presbyteros ēn. Koinę̄ de pas ho laos epathei ginesthai Sisinnion, hos tis presbyteros men ēn kai autos. En oudemią de tōn entos tēs poleōs ekklēsiōn hetetakto, all' en proasteiǭ tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs, hǭ hepōnymon Elaia, tēn hierōsynēn ekeklērōto; hoper katantikry men keitai tēs poleōs; en autǭ de ex ethous hē analēpsimos tou Sōtēros epiteleitai pandēmos heortē. Pothon de eichon tou andros B΄ pantes hoi laïkoi, hoti ep᾿ eulabeią periboētos ēn, kai malista hoti tous ptōchous hyper dynamin espoudazen. Katekratēsen oun hē tōn laïkōn; spoudē ; kai cheirotoneitai Sisinnios tę̄ eikadi ogdoę̄ tou Phebrouariou mēnos, tę̄ exēs hypateią, hētis ēn Theodosiou to dōdekaton kai Oualentinianou tou Neōterou Augoustou to deuteron. Epi toutǭ Philippos ho presbyteros, hoti autou proekrithē heteros, polla tēs cheirotonias kathēpsato en tę̄ peponēmenę̄ autǭ Christianikę̄ Historią, diaballōn kai ton cheirotonēthenta, kai tous cheirotonēsantas, kai pollǭ pleon tous laïkous; toiauta te eipen, hoia ouk an heloimēn paradounai graphę̄, epei kakeinon ouk apodechomai tēs propeteias, toiauta graphę̄ paradounai tolmēsanta. • Mikra de peri autou eipein, ouk akairon einai hēgoumai.
After the death of Atticus there was much contention over the ordination of a bishop, different people seeking different men. Some sought Philip the presbyter, others Proclus, who was also a presbyter. But the whole people in common longed for Sisinnius to be made bishop. He too was a presbyter, but was not assigned to any of the churches within the city; he had received the priesthood in a suburb of Constantinople called Elaea, which lies opposite the city, where by custom the public feast of the Saviour's Ascension is celebrated. All the laity longed for the man because he was famous for piety, and above all because he cared for the poor beyond his means. So the zeal of the laity prevailed, and Sisinnius was ordained on the twenty-eighth of February, in the next consulship, which was that of Theodosius for the twelfth time and Valentinian the Younger, Augustus, for the second. At this Philip the presbyter, because another had been preferred to him, attacked the ordination at length in the Christian History he had laboured on, disparaging the one ordained, those who ordained him, and much more the laity; and he said such things as I would not choose to hand down in writing, since I do not approve his rashness in daring to hand such things down in writing. I think it not out of place to say a little about him.
7.27PG 67:799–801
Φίλιππος Σιδίτης μὲν ἦν τὸ γένος. Σίδη δὲ πόλις τῆς Παμφυλίας, ἀφ᾿ ἧς ὥρμητο καὶ Τρώϊλος ὁ σοφιστὴς, οὗ καὶ συγγενῆ ἑαυτὸν εἶναι ἐσεμνύνετο. Διάκονος δὲ ἦν, ἐπεὶ τὰ πολλὰ τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ συνῆν. Ἐφιλοπόνει δὲ καὶ περὶ λόγους, καὶ πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα βιβλία συνῆγε. Ζηλώσας δὲ τὸν ᾿Ασιανὸν τῶν λόγων χαρακτῆρα, πολλὰ συνέγραφε, τά τε τοῦ βασιλέως Ἰουλιανοῦ βιβλία ἀνασκευάζων. Καὶ Χριστιανικὴν Ἱστορίαν συνέθηκεν, ἣν ἐν τριάκοντα ἓξ βιβλίοις διεῖλεν. Ἕκαστον δὲ βιβλίον εἶχε τόμους ῃ πολλοὺς, ὡς τοὺς πάντας ἐγγὺς εἶναι χιλίους. Ὑπό θεσις δὲ ἑκάστου τόμου ἰσάζει τῷ τόμῳ. Τὴν μὲν οὖν πραγματείαν ταύτην, οὐκ Ἐκκλησιαστικὴν Ἱστορίαν, ἀλλὰ Χριστιανικὴν ἐπέγραψεν. Πολλὰς δὲ συνεισφέρει ὕλας εἰς αὐτὴν, δεικνύναι βουλόμενος, μὴ ἀπείρως ἔχειν ἑαυτὸν τῶν φιλοσόφων παιδευμάτων. Διὸ καὶ συνεχῶς γεωμετρικῶν τε καὶ ἀστρονομικῶν καὶ ἀριθμητικῶν καὶ μουσικῶν θεωρήμάτων ποιεῖται μνήμην· ἐκφράσεις τε λέγων νήσων, καὶ ὀρέων, καὶ δένδρων, καὶ ἄλλων τινῶν εὐτελῶν. Δι' ὧν καὶ χαύνην τὴν πραγματείαν εἰργάσατο· διὸ καὶ, ὡς νομίζω, ἀχρείαν αὐτὴν καὶ ἰδιώταις καὶ εὐπαιδεύτοις πεποίηκεν. Οἱ ἰδιῶται μὲν γὰρ τὸ κεκομψευμένον τῆς φράσεως ἰδεῖν οὐκ ἰσχύουσιν · οἱ δὲ εὐπαίδευτοι, τῆς ταυτολογίας καταγινώσκουσιν. Ἀλλ᾿ ἕκαστος μὲν περὶ τῶν βιβλίων ὡς ἔχει γνώμης κρινέτω δ · ἐγὼ δὲ ἐκεῖνό φημι, ὅτι τοὺς χρόνους τῆς ἱστορίας συγχέει. Μνημονεύσας γὰρ τῶν τοῦ αὐτοκράτορος Θεοδοσίου χρόνων, αὖθις ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου χρόνους ἀνέδραμεν, καὶ τοῦτο ὡς πλεῖστον ποιεῖ. Καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν περὶ Φιλίππου. Ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ Σισιννίου γέγονεν, ἀναγκαῖον εἰπεῖν.
Philippos Siditēs men ēn to genos. Sidē de polis tēs Pamphylias, aph᾿ hēs hōrmēto kai Trōïlos ho sophistēs, hou kai syngenē heauton einai esemnyneto. Diakonos de ēn, epei ta polla tǭ episkopǭ Iōannę̄ synēn. Ephiloponei de kai peri logous, kai polla kai pantoia biblia synēge. Zēlōsas de ton ᾿Asianon tōn logōn charaktēra, polla synegraphe, ta te tou basileōs Ioulianou biblia anaskeuazōn. Kai Christianikēn Historian synethēken, hēn en triakonta hex bibliois dieilen. Hekaston de biblion eiche tomous ę̄ pollous, hōs tous pantas engys einai chilious. Hypo thesis de hekastou tomou isazei tǭ tomǭ. Tēn men oun pragmateian tautēn, ouk Ekklēsiastikēn Historian, alla Christianikēn epegrapsen. Pollas de syneispherei hylas eis autēn, deiknynai boulomenos, mē apeirōs echein heauton tōn philosophōn paideumatōn. Dio kai synechōs geōmetrikōn te kai astronomikōn kai arithmētikōn kai mousikōn theōrēmatōn poieitai mnēmēn; ekphraseis te legōn nēsōn, kai oreōn, kai dendrōn, kai allōn tinōn eutelōn. Di' hōn kai chaunēn tēn pragmateian eirgasato; dio kai, hōs nomizō, achreian autēn kai idiōtais kai eupaideutois pepoiēken. Hoi idiōtai men gar to kekompseumenon tēs phraseōs idein ouk ischyousin ; hoi de eupaideutoi, tēs tautologias kataginōskousin. All᾿ hekastos men peri tōn bibliōn hōs echei gnōmēs krinetō d ; egō de ekeino phēmi, hoti tous chronous tēs historias syncheei. Mnēmoneusas gar tōn tou autokratoros Theodosiou chronōn, authis epi tous ᾿Athanasiou tou episkopou chronous anedramen, kai touto hōs pleiston poiei. Kai tosauta men peri Philippou. Ho de epi Sisinniou gegonen, anankaion eipein.
Philip was a Sidetan by birth. Side is a city of Pamphylia, from which Troilus the sophist also came, whose kinsman he prided himself on being. He was a deacon, since he spent much time with John the bishop. He also laboured at letters and collected many books of all kinds. Emulating the Asian style of speech, he wrote much, including a refutation of the books of the emperor Julian. He also composed a Christian History, which he divided into thirty-six books; each book had many volumes, so that they were in all nearly a thousand, and the subject of each volume is equal to the volume. He entitled this work not an Ecclesiastical History but a Christian History. He brings much material into it, wishing to show that he was not without experience of philosophical learning; so he continually mentions theorems of geometry, astronomy, arithmetic and music, giving descriptions of islands, mountains, trees and other trivial things. By these he made the work loose; and so, I think, he has made it useless to both the unlearned and the well-educated. For the unlearned cannot see the elegance of the style, and the well-educated condemn the repetitiveness. But let each judge of the books as he thinks; I say this, that he confuses the chronology of the history. For after mentioning the times of the emperor Theodosius, he runs back to the times of Athanasius the bishop, and he does this very often. So much about Philip. What happened under Sisinnius must now be told.
7.28PG 67:801
Τοῦ Κυζηκινῶν ἐπισκόπου τελευτήσαντος, ὁ Σισίννιος Πρόκλον ἐχειροτόνησε πρὸς ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Κυζίκου. Μέλλοντος οὖν διάγειν ἐπ᾿ αὐτὴν, φθάνουσιν οἱ Κυζηκινοὶ, καὶ χειροτονοῦσιν ἄνδρα ἀσκητικὸν, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Δαλμάτιος. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐποίησαν, ἀμελήσαντες τοῦ νόμου τοῦ κελεύοντος, παρὰ γνώμην τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως, χειροτονίαν ἐπισκόπου μὴ γίνεσθαι. Ἡμέλησαν δὲ τοῦ νόμου τούτου, ὡς ᾿Αττικῷ μόνῳ εἰς πρόσωπον παρασχεθέντος. Ἔμενεν οὖν ὁ Πρόκλος, οἰκείας μὲν ἐκκλησίας μὴ προεστὼς, ἐν δὲ ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως κατὰ τὰς διδασκαλίας ἀνθῶν. ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτου, κατὰ χώραν ἐροῦμεν. Σισίννιος δὲ, οὐδὲ δύο ὅλους ἐνιαυτοὺς ἐπιβιοὺς τῇ ἐπισκοπῇ, ἐτελεύτησεν ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ἱερείου καὶ ᾿Αρδαβουρίου, τῇ εἰκάδι τετάρτῃ τοῦ Δεκεμβρίου μηνός. ᾿Ανὴρ ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ μὲν καὶ βίῳ ὀρθῷ καὶ φιλοπτωχίᾳ περιβόητος. Τὸ δὲ ἦθος εὐπρόσιτός τε καὶ ἄπλαστος, καὶ διατοῦτο ἀπραγμονέστερος. Διὸ' καὶ τοῖς φιλοπράγμοσιν λυπηρὸς ἦν, καὶ ἀδρανείας δόξαν ἔλαβε παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς. Ριο-
Tou Kyzēkinōn episkopou teleutēsantos, ho Sisinnios Proklon echeirotonēse pros episkopēn tēs Kyzikou. Mellontos oun diagein ep᾿ autēn, phthanousin hoi Kyzēkinoi, kai cheirotonousin andra askētikon, hǭ onoma ēn Dalmatios. Kai touto epoiēsan, amelēsantes tou nomou tou keleuontos, para gnōmēn tou episkopou Kōnstantinou poleōs, cheirotonian episkopou mē ginesthai. Hēmelēsan de tou nomou toutou, hōs ᾿Attikǭ monǭ eis prosōpon paraschethentos. Emenen oun ho Proklos, oikeias men ekklēsias mē proestōs, en de tais ekklēsiais tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs kata tas didaskalias anthōn. ᾿Alla peri men toutou, kata chōran eroumen. Sisinnios de, oude dyo holous eniautous epibious tę̄ episkopę̄, eteleutēsen en hypateią Hiereiou kai ᾿Ardabouriou, tę̄ eikadi tetartę̄ tou Dekembriou mēnos. ᾿Anēr epi sōphrosynę̄ men kai biǭ orthǭ kai philoptōchią periboētos. To de ēthos euprositos te kai aplastos, kai diatouto apragmonesteros. Dio' kai tois philopragmosin lypēros ēn, kai adraneias doxan elabe par᾿ autois. Rio-
When the bishop of the Cyzicenes died, Sisinnius ordained Proclus to the bishopric of Cyzicus. But when he was about to go there, the Cyzicenes got ahead of him and ordained an ascetic man named Dalmatius. They did this, disregarding the law that orders that no ordination of a bishop be made without the consent of the bishop of Constantinople; they disregarded this law as having been granted to Atticus alone personally. So Proclus remained without presiding over a church of his own, but flourished in teaching in the churches of Constantinople. But about him we shall speak in its place. Sisinnius, having survived in the episcopate not even two whole years, died in the consulship of Hierius and Ardaburius, on the twenty-fourth of December. He was a man famous for self-control, an upright life and love of the poor; in character approachable and unaffected, and for that reason rather inclined to keep out of affairs. So he was disagreeable to the busy, and got a reputation for inactivity among them.
7.29PG 67:801–805
Μετὰ δὲ τὴν τελευτὴν Σισιννίου ἐδόκει τοῖς κρατοῦσι, μηδένα μὲν διὰ τοὺς κενοσπουδαστὰς ἐκ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίζεσθαι και τοι πολλῶν μὲν τὸν Φίλιππον, πολλῶν δὲ τὸν Πρόκλον - χειροτονηθῆναι σπευδόντων. Ἑπήλυδα δὲ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας καλεῖν ἐβούλοντο. ὧν γάρ τις ἐκεῖ Νεστόριος ο τούνομα, τὸ μὲν γένος Γερμανικεύς · εὔφωνος δὲ ἄλλως καὶ εὔλαλος. Διὸ καὶ ὡς προσεπιτήδειον εἰς διδασκαλίαν ἔγνωσαν μεταπέμπεσθαι. Τριμήνου οὖν διαδραμόντος, ἄγεται ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ὁ Νεστόριος. Ὅστις ἐπὶ σωφροσύνῃ μὲν, παρὰ τοῖς πλεί· στοις ἐκηρύττετο· ὁποῖος δὲ ἦν ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις τὸ ἦθος, ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης αὐτοῦ διδασκαλίας τοὺς εὖ φρονοῦντας οὐκ ἔλαθε. Χειροτονηθεὶς γὰρ τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ Ἀπριλλίου μηνὸς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Φίληκος καὶ Ταύρου, εὐθὺς ἐκείνην τὴν περιβόητον ἀφῆκε φωνὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς, πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τὸν λόγον ποιούμενος· Δός μοι, φησὶν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, καθαρὰν τὴν γῆν τῶν αἱρετικῶν, κἀγώ σοι τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀντιδώσω. Συγκἀθελέ μοι τοὺς αἱρετικοὺς, κἀγὼ συγκαθελῶ σοι τοὺς Πέρσας. Ταῦτα λεχθέντα, εἰ καί τινες τῶν πολλῶν πρὸς τοὺς αἱρετικοὺς ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες, ἡδέως ἐδέχοντο, ἀλλ' οὖν γε, ὡς ἔφην, τοὺς εἰδότας ἐκ λόγου γνώμην τεκμήρασθαι, οὐκ ἔλαθεν οὐδὲ τὸ κοῦφον τῆς διανοίας, οὐδὲ τὸ θυμικὸν ἐν ταυτῷ καὶ κενόδοξον · ὅτι μηδὲ τὸ βραχύτατον εἰς ὑπέρθεσιν ἀνασχόμενος, εἰς τοιούτους προήχθη λόγους· ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δεῖ κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν εἰπεῖν, μηδὲ τοῦ τῆς πόλεως ὕδατος ἤδη γευσάμενος, διάπυρος διώκτης ἐδείκνυτο. Πέμπτῃ γε οὖν μετὰ τὴν χειροτονίαν ἡμέρᾳ, εὐκτήριον τῶν – ᾿Αρειανῶν, ἐν ᾧ ἐν παραβύστῳ ηὔχοντο, καθελεῖν βουλόμενος, εἰς ἀπόνοιαν αὐτοὺς ἤλασεν. Ὁρῶντες γὰρ καθαιρούμενον τὸν εὐκτήριον τόπον, πῦρ ἐμβαλόντες ὑφῆψαν αὐτόν. Ἐπινεμηθὲν δὲ τὸ πῦρ καὶ τὰς παρακειμένας οἰκίας ἀνήλωσε. Θόρυβός τε ἐκ τούτου κατὰ τὴν πόλιν ἐγένετο, καὶ οἱ ᾿Αρειανοὶ πρὸς ἄμυναν ηὐτρεπίζοντο. ᾿Αλλὰ τὸ μὲν κακὸν προβῆναι εἰς ἔργον οὐ συνεχώρησεν ὁ τὴν πόλιν φυλάσσων Θεός. Πυρκαϊὰν δὲ τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀπεκάλουν αὐτὸν, οὐ μόνον οἱ τῶν αἱρέσεων, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη καὶ οἱ οἰκεῖοι τῆς πίστεως. Οὐ γὰρ ἐπαύετο· ἀλλὰ κατὰ τῶν αἱρέσεων τεχναζόμενος, τὸ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τὴν πόλιν ἀνέτρεψε. Καὶ γὰρ Ναυατιανοὺς σκύλλειν ἐπειρᾶτο, ὑποχνιζόμενος ἐφ᾽ οἷς ὁ Νανατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος Παῦλος ἐπ᾽ εὐλαθείλ περιβόητος ἣν. ᾿Αλλ’ οἱ κρατοῦντες παραινέσε: κατἔστελλον αὐτοῦ τὴν ὁρμήν. Ὅσα δὲ περὶ ᾿Ασίαν, Λυδίαν τε καὶ Καρίαν κακὰ τοῖς Τεσσαρεσχαιδεχατίταις ἐποίησε, καὶ ὁπόσοι δι᾽ αὐτὸν πολλοὶ περὶ ΜίΣάρδεις ἐν τῇ γενομένῃ στάτει ἀπέθανον, παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ. Ὁ ποίαν μὲν οὖν καὶ διὰ ταῦτα, καὶ διὰ τὴν ἄθυρον αὐτοῦ γλῶσσαν δίκην ἔδωχε, μετ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐρῶ.
Meta de tēn teleutēn Sisinniou edokei tois kratousi, mēdena men dia tous kenospoudastas ek tēs Ekklēsias eis tēn episkopēn procheirizesthai kai toi pollōn men ton Philippon, pollōn de ton Proklon - cheirotonēthēnai speudontōn. Hepēlyda de ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias kalein eboulonto. hōn gar tis ekei Nestorios o tounoma, to men genos Germanikeus ; euphōnos de allōs kai eulalos. Dio kai hōs prosepitēdeion eis didaskalian egnōsan metapempesthai. Trimēnou oun diadramontos, agetai ek tēs ᾿Antiocheias ho Nestorios. Hostis epi sōphrosynę̄ men, para tois plei; stois ekērytteto; hopoios de ēn en tois allois to ēthos, apo tēs prōtēs autou didaskalias tous eu phronountas ouk elathe. Cheirotonētheis gar tę̄ dekatę̄ tou Aprilliou mēnos, en hypateią Philēkos kai Taurou, euthys ekeinēn tēn periboēton aphēke phōnēn epi tou laou pantos, pros ton basilea ton logon poioumenos; Dos moi, phēsin, ō basileu, katharan tēn gēn tōn hairetikōn, kagō soi ton ouranon antidōsō. Synkathele moi tous hairetikous, kagō synkathelō soi tous Persas. Tauta lechthenta, ei kai tines tōn pollōn pros tous hairetikous apechthōs echontes, hēdeōs edechonto, all' oun ge, hōs ephēn, tous eidotas ek logou gnōmēn tekmērasthai, ouk elathen oude to kouphon tēs dianoias, oude to thymikon en tautǭ kai kenodoxon ; hoti mēde to brachytaton eis hyperthesin anaschomenos, eis toioutous proēchthē logous; all᾽ ei dei kata tēn paroimian eipein, mēde tou tēs poleōs hydatos ēdē geusamenos, diapyros diōktēs edeiknyto. Pemptę̄ ge oun meta tēn cheirotonian hēmerą, euktērion tōn – ᾿Areianōn, en hǭ en parabystǭ ēuchonto, kathelein boulomenos, eis aponoian autous ēlasen. Horōntes gar kathairoumenon ton euktērion topon, pyr embalontes hyphēpsan auton. Epinemēthen de to pyr kai tas parakeimenas oikias anēlōse. Thorybos te ek toutou kata tēn polin egeneto, kai hoi ᾿Areianoi pros amynan ēutrepizonto. ᾿Alla to men kakon probēnai eis ergon ou synechōrēsen ho tēn polin phylassōn Theos. Pyrkaïan de tou loipou apekaloun auton, ou monon hoi tōn haireseōn, all᾽ ēdē kai hoi oikeioi tēs pisteōs. Ou gar epaueto; alla kata tōn haireseōn technazomenos, to ep᾿ autǭ tēn polin anetrepse. Kai gar Nauatianous skyllein epeirato, hypochnizomenos eph᾽ hois ho Nanatianōn episkopos Paulos ep᾽ eulatheil periboētos hēn. ᾿All’ hoi kratountes parainese: katestellon autou tēn hormēn. Hosa de peri ᾿Asian, Lydian te kai Karian kaka tois Tessareschaidechatitais epoiēse, kai hoposoi di᾽ auton polloi peri MiSardeis en tę̄ genomenę̄ statei apethanon, paralipein moi dokō. Ho poian men oun kai dia tauta, kai dia tēn athyron autou glōssan dikēn edōche, met᾽ oligon erō.
After the death of Sisinnius the authorities decided, because of the vain zealots, to advance no one from the church to the bishopric, though many were eager to have Philip ordained and many Proclus; they wished to call a stranger from Antioch. There was there a man named Nestorius, a Germanician by birth, with a fine voice and fluent besides; so they decided to send for him as well suited to teaching. After three months had passed, Nestorius was brought from Antioch. He was proclaimed by most for his self-control; but what he was like in character otherwise did not escape the sensible from his first sermon. For having been ordained on the tenth of April, in the consulship of Felix and Taurus, he at once uttered before the whole people that famous saying, addressing the emperor: 'Give me, emperor, the earth cleansed of heretics, and I will give you heaven in return. Help me destroy the heretics, and I will help you destroy the Persians.' Though some of the many who hated the heretics received these words gladly, yet, as I said, those able to judge a mind from speech did not fail to see the levity of his mind, and his hot temper and vainglory as well, in that, without waiting even the shortest time, he was carried away into such words; and, if one may speak by the proverb, before he had even tasted the city's water he showed himself a fiery persecutor. On the fifth day after his ordination, wishing to pull down the house of prayer of the Arians in which they prayed in a corner, he drove them to desperation. For seeing their place of prayer being pulled down, they threw fire into it and set it alight; and the fire spread and consumed the neighbouring houses. A tumult arose in the city from this, and the Arians prepared to take revenge. But God who guards the city did not allow the evil to come to action. From then on they called him Firebrand, not only those of the heresies but even those of his own faith. For he did not stop, but, contriving against the heresies, he did his best to overturn the city. He tried to harass the Novatians too, vexed because Paul, the Novatian bishop, was famous for his piety; but the authorities restrained his impulse by their admonitions. What evils he did to the Quartodecimans in Asia, Lydia and Caria, and how many died on his account at Miletus and Sardis in the riot that took place, I think best to pass over. What penalty he paid, both for these things and for his unbridled tongue, I shall tell shortly.
7.30PG 67:805–807
Πρᾶγμα μέντοι περὶ τόνδε τὸν. χρόνον ἄξιον μνήμῆς γενόμενον διηγήσομαι, "Ἔθνος ἐστὶ βάρβαρον, πέραν τοῦ ποταμοῦ ῬΡήνον ἔχον τὴν οἴκησιν " Βουργουνζίωνες καλοῦνται, Οὗτοι βίον ἀπράγμονα ζῶσιν ἀεί" τέχτονες γὰρ σχεδὸν πάντες εἰσίν ταύτῆς μισθὸν λαμβάνοντες, ἀποτρέφονται. Τούτοις συνεχῶς τὸ ἔθνος τῶν υὔννων ἐπερχόμενον, ἐλεηλάτει τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν, πολλοὺς πολλάκις αὐτῶν ἀνΟἱ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀμηχανίας, ἀνθρώπῳ προσφεύγουσιν οὐδενί θεῷ δέ τινι ἐπιτρέψαι ἑαυτοὺς ἐβούλοντο. Κατὰ νοῦν δὲ λαμβάνοντες ὅτε Ῥωμαίων ὁ Θεὸς ἰσχυρῶς τοῖς φοδουμένοις αὐτὸν βοηθεῖ, κοινῇ γνώμῃ πάντες ἐπὶ τὸ πιστεῦσαι τῷ Χριστῷ ἃ ἐληλύθασὶν. Γενόμενοί τε ἐν. πόλει μιᾷ τῆς Γαλλίας, παραχαλοῦσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τυχεῖν Χριστιανιχοῦ βαπτίσματος, Ὁ δὲ ἐπὶ ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας παρασκευάσας νηστεῦσαι αὐτοὺς, τὴν πίστιν κατηχήσας αὐτοὺς, τῇ ὀγδόῃ ἡμέρᾳ βαπτίσας ἀπέλυσε. Θαῤῥαλέοι οὖν οὗτοι κατὰ τῶν τυράννων ἐπορεύοντο, καὶ τῆς δλπίδος οὐχ ἥμαρτον, γὰρ βασιλέως τῶν Οὔννων ὑπὸ ἀδηφαγίας ἐν γυχτὶ διαῤῥαγέντος, ᾧ ὄνομα Οὕύπταρος ἣν , οἱ Βουργουνζίωνες ἀστρατηγήτοις ἐπιθέμενοι, ὀλίγοι τε πρὸς σφόδρα πολλοὺς συμδαλόντες ἐνίκησαν’ τρισχίλιοι γὰρ μόνον, περὶ τοὺς μυρίους χατήνεγχαν. Καὶ ἐξ ἐκείνου τὸ ἔθνος διαπύρως ἐχριστιάνισεν. Ὑ πὸ δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, ὁ τῶν '᾿Αρειανῶν ἐπίσκοπος ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν οἱ ἃ νοῦ τὸ τρίτον, τῇ εἰκάδι τετάρτῃ τοῦ Ἰουνίου μηνός· καὶ καθίσταται εἰς τὸν τόπον αὐτοῦ Σαββάτιος. Περὶ μὲν δὴ τούτων, τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. ὑπατείᾳ Θεοδοσίου τὸιτρισκαιδέκατον καὶ Οὐαλεντινια-
Pragma mentoi peri tonde ton. chronon axion mnēmēs genomenon diēgēsomai, "Ethnos esti barbaron, peran tou potamou RhRēnon echon tēn oikēsin " Bourgounziōnes kalountai, Houtoi bion apragmona zōsin aei" techtones gar schedon pantes eisin tautēs misthon lambanontes, apotrephontai. Toutois synechōs to ethnos tōn yynnōn eperchomenon, eleēlatei tēn chōran autōn, pollous pollakis autōn anOi de hypo amēchanias, anthrōpǭ prospheugousin oudeni theǭ de tini epitrepsai heautous eboulonto. Kata noun de lambanontes hote Rhōmaiōn ho Theos ischyrōs tois phodoumenois auton boēthei, koinę̄ gnōmę̄ pantes epi to pisteusai tǭ Christǭ ha elēlythasin. Genomenoi te en. polei mią tēs Gallias, parachalousin hypo tou episkopou tychein Christianichou baptismatos, Ho de epi hepta hēmeras paraskeuasas nēsteusai autous, tēn pistin katēchēsas autous, tę̄ ogdoę̄ hēmerą baptisas apelyse. Tharrhaleoi oun houtoi kata tōn tyrannōn eporeuonto, kai tēs dlpidos ouch hēmarton, gar basileōs tōn Ounnōn hypo adēphagias en gychti diarrhagentos, hǭ onoma Houyptaros hēn , hoi Bourgounziōnes astratēgētois epithemenoi, oligoi te pros sphodra pollous symdalontes enikēsan’ trischilioi gar monon, peri tous myrious chatēnenchan. Kai ex ekeinou to ethnos diapyrōs echristianisen. Hy po de touton ton chronon, ho tōn '᾿Areianōn episkopos eteleutēsen, en hoi ha nou to triton, tę̄ eikadi tetartę̄ tou Iouniou mēnos; kai kathistatai eis ton topon autou Sabbatios. Peri men dē toutōn, tosauta eirēsthō. hypateią Theodosiou toitriskaidekaton kai Oualentinia-
I shall relate a thing worth remembering that happened about this time. There is a barbarian nation living beyond the river Rhine, called Burgundians. They always live a peaceful life; for nearly all of them are craftsmen and support themselves by taking wages from this. The nation of the Huns, continually attacking them, ravaged their country and often killed many of them. In their helplessness they would take refuge with no man, but wished to entrust themselves to some god. Considering that the God of the Romans strongly helps those who fear him, by common consent they all came to believe in Christ. Coming to one of the cities of Gaul, they asked the bishop that they might receive Christian baptism. He had them fast for seven days, instructed them in the faith, and on the eighth day baptized them and dismissed them. So, full of courage, they marched against their oppressors and were not disappointed in their hope. For when the king of the Huns, whose name was Uptarus, burst in the night from gluttony, the Burgundians attacked them while they were without a commander, and though few against very many, they conquered: three thousand alone overthrew about ten thousand. From then on the nation became ardently Christian. About this time Barbas, the bishop of the Arians, died, in the consulship of Theodosius for the thirteenth time and Valentinian for the third, on the twenty-fourth of June; and Sabbatius was appointed in his place. Let this much be said about these matters.
7.31PG 67:807
Νεστόριος μέντοι παρὰ τὸ εἰωθὸς τῇ Ἐκκλησία πράττων, καὶ ἄλλως ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις ἑαυτὸν μισείσθαι ἐποίει, ὡς τὰ ὑπ᾿ αὐτοῦ γενόμενα δείκνυσιν. Ἐν Γέρμῃ γὰρ πόλει τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου Αντώ· νιος ἐπίσκοπος ῶν, καὶ πειθόμενος τῇ Νεστορίου περὶ τοὺς αἱρετικοὺς ὁρμῇ, Μακεδονιανοὺς ἐλαύνειν -ἐσπούδαζε, πρόσχημα ἀπολογίας τὴν τοῦ πατριάρχου πρόσταξιν λαμβάνων. Οἱ οὖν Μακεδονιανοί, μέχρι - τιθεμένους, ἀναιροῦσιν αὐτόν. Τοῦτο τὸ μῦσος τῶν μέν τινος τὸν σκυλμὸν ὑπέμενον. Ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Αντώνιος σφοδρότερον ἔσκυλλε, μηκέτι φέροντες τὸ ἄχθος, εἰς χαλεπήν ἀπόνοιαν τρέπονται · ὑποπέμψαντές τε ἄνδρας ἐν δευτέρῳ τὸ ἀγαθὸν τοῦ ἡδέος Μακεδονιανῶν ἐργασαμένων, ὁ Νεστόριος ὑπόθεσιν τῆς ἰδίας ὁρμῆς ἔλαβε τὰ γενόμενα· πείθει τε τοὺς κρατοῦντας, τὰς ἐκκλησίας αὐτῶν ἀφελέσθαι. ᾿Αφῃρέθησαν οὖν ἤ τε ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει πρὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ τείχους τῆς πόλεως, καὶ ἡ ἐν Κυζίκῳ, καὶ ἄλλαι πολλαὶ ὧν ἔσχον ἐν τοῖς Ἑλλησπόντου ἀγροῖς. Τινὲς δὲ αὐτῶν προσεχώρησαν τῇ Ἐκκλησία, τοῦ ὁμοουσίου τῇ πίστει συνθέμενοι. ᾿Αλλὰ φιλοίνοις, ὥς φησιν ἡ παροιμία, οἶνος οὐ λείπει, οὐδὲ φιλοἐξελαύνειν ἄλλους, αὐτὸν ἐξελαθῆναι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας συνέπεσεν ἐξ αἰτίας τοιαύτης. νείκῳ μάχη. Καὶ Νεστορίῳ τοίνυν φιλονεικοῦντε
Nestorios mentoi para to eiōthos tę̄ Ekklēsia prattōn, kai allōs en tois toioutois heauton miseisthai epoiei, hōs ta hyp᾿ autou genomena deiknysin. En Germę̄ gar polei tou Hellēspontou Antō; nios episkopos ōn, kai peithomenos tę̄ Nestoriou peri tous hairetikous hormę̄, Makedonianous elaunein -espoudaze, proschēma apologias tēn tou patriarchou prostaxin lambanōn. Hoi oun Makedonianoi, mechri - tithemenous, anairousin auton. Touto to mysos tōn men tinos ton skylmon hypemenon. Epei de autous ho ᾿Antōnios sphodroteron eskylle, mēketi pherontes to achthos, eis chalepēn aponoian trepontai ; hypopempsantes te andras en deuterǭ to agathon tou hēdeos Makedonianōn ergasamenōn, ho Nestorios hypothesin tēs idias hormēs elabe ta genomena; peithei te tous kratountas, tas ekklēsias autōn aphelesthai. ᾿Aphę̄rethēsan oun ē te en Kōnstantinou polei pro tou palaiou teichous tēs poleōs, kai hē en Kyzikǭ, kai allai pollai hōn eschon en tois Hellēspontou agrois. Tines de autōn prosechōrēsan tę̄ Ekklēsia, tou homoousiou tę̄ pistei synthemenoi. ᾿Alla philoinois, hōs phēsin hē paroimia, oinos ou leipei, oude philoexelaunein allous, auton exelathēnai tēs Ekklēsias synepesen ex aitias toiautēs. neikǭ machē. Kai Nestoriǭ toinyn philoneikounte
Nestorius, acting against the custom of the church, made himself hated in other such matters too, as what was done under him shows. Antony, who was bishop in Germa, a city of the Hellespont, following Nestorius's zeal against the heretics, was eager to drive out the Macedonians, taking the order of the patriarch as a pretext for his defence. The Macedonians endured the harassment for a time; but when Antony harassed them more severely, no longer bearing the burden, they turned to grievous desperation, and suborning men who put the good second to the pleasant, they killed him. When the Macedonians had committed this abomination, Nestorius took what had happened as a pretext for his own zeal, and persuaded the authorities to take away their churches. So they were deprived of the one in Constantinople before the old wall of the city, and the one in Cyzicus, and many others that they had in the countryside of the Hellespont. Some of them joined the church, agreeing to the faith of the 'same essence'. But, as the proverb says, the wine-lover never lacks wine, nor the quarrelsome a fight; and so it fell out that Nestorius, contentious to drive others out, was himself driven out of the church, for the following reason.
7.32PG 67:807–811
Συνῆν αὐτῷ ᾿Αναστάσιος πρεσβύτερος ἅμα αὐτῷ ἐκ τῆς Ἀντιοχείας σταλείς. Τοῦτον διὰ τιμῆς εἶχε πολλῆς· καὶ ἐν τοῖς πράγμασι συμβούλῳ ἐχρῆτο. Καί ποτε ἐπ᾿ ἐκκλησίας ὁ ᾿Αναστάσιος διδάσκων ἔφη, Θεοτόκον τὴν Μαρίαν καλείτω μηδείς. Μαρία γὰρ ἄνθρωπος ἦν · ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπου δὲ Θεὸν τεχθῆναι, ἀδύνατον. Τοῦτο ἀκουσθὲν, πολλοὺς κληρικούς τε καὶ λαϊκοὺς ἐν ταυτῷ πάντας ἑτάραξεν. Ἡσαν γὰρ πάλαι διδαχθέντες θεολογεῖν τὸν Χριστὸν, καὶ μηδαμῶς αὐτὸν τῆς οἰκονομίας, ὡς ἄνθρωπον, χωρίζειν ἐκ τῆς θεότητος, πειθόμενοι τῇ τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου φωνῇ λεγούσῃ· Εἰ καὶ ἐγνώκαμεν κατὰ σάρκα Χριστὸν, ἀλλὰ νῦν οὐκέτι γινώσκομεν· καί Διὸ ἀφέντες · τὸν περὶ Χριστοῦ λόγον, ἐπὶ τὴν τελειότητα φερώμεθα. Ταραχῆς οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἐν τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ γενομένης, ὁ Νεστόριος τὸν τοῦ ᾿Αναστασίου λόγον κυρώσασθαι σπεύδων· οὐ γὰρ ἐξελέγχεσθαι ὡς βλάσφημον τὸν παρ' αὐτοῦ τιμώμενον ἤθελε· συνεχῶς περὶ τούτου ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐδίδασκε, φιλονεικότερόν τε περὶ αὐτοῦ τὰς ζητήσεις ποιούμενος, καὶ πανταχοῦ τὴν λέξιν τοῦ Θεοτόκος ἐκβάλλων. Διὸ τῆς περὶ τούτου ζητήσεως παρ᾿ ἄλλοις ἄλλως ἐκδεχθείσης, διαίρεσις ἐν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἐγένετο. Καὶ ὥσπερ ἐν νυκτομαχίᾳ καθεστῶτες, νῦν μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, νῦν δὲ τὰ ἕτερα· συγκατετίθεντό τε ἐν ταυτῷ, καὶ ἠρνοῦντο. Νεστόριος δὲ δόξαν παρὰ τοῖς πολλοῖς εἶχεν, ὡς ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον λέγων τὸν Κύριον, καὶ ὡς Παύλου τοῦ Σαμοσατέως καὶ Φωτεινοῦ τὸ δόγμα εἰς τὴν Ἐκκλησίαν ἄγων. ᾿Αλλὰ περὶ τούτου τοσαύτη ἐκινήθη ζήτησις καὶ ταραχὴ, ὡς καὶ συνόδου οἰκουμενικῆς δεηθῆναι. Ἐγὼ δὲ ἐντυχών τοῖς παρὰ Νεστορίου λόγοις δοθεῖσιν, ἀγνοοῦντα ἐφευρίσκω τὸν ἄνδρα, καὶ μετ' ἀληθείας ἐρῶ, Οὐδὲ γὰρ οὔτε ἀπεχθανόμενος πρὸς αὐτὸν, ὧν εἶχεν ἐλατπωμάτων ἐμνήσθην· οὔτε χαριζόμενός τισιν, ἐλαττονοῦντα ὧν ἐφεῦρον, ἐκθήσομαι. Οὔ μοι δοκεῖ ὁ Νεστόριος, οὔτε τὸν Σαμοσατέα Παῦλον ζηλῶν, οὔτε μὴν Φωτεινὸν, μηδ᾽ ὅλως ψιλὸν ἄνθρωπον λέγειν τὸν Κύριον. ᾿Αλλὰ τὴν λέξιν μόνην ὡς τὰ μορμολύκια πεφόβηται. Καὶ τοῦτο πέπονθεν ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας πολ- : λῆς. Φυσικὸς γὰρ εὔλαλος ὢν, πεπαιδεῦσθαι μὲν ἐνομίζετο· τῇ δὲ ἀληθείᾳ, ἀνάγωγος ἦν· καὶ τὰς τῶν παλαιῶν ἑρμηνεύων βίβλους, ἀπηξίου μανθάνειν. Τυφούμενος γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς εὐγλωττίας, οὐx ἀκριβῶς προσεῖχε τοῖς παλαιοῖς· ἀλλὰ πάντων κρείττονα ἐνόμιζεν ἑαυτόν. Αὐτίκα γοῦν ἡγνόησεν, ὅτι ἐν τῇ Καθολικῇ Ἰωάννου γέγραπτο ἐν τοῖς παλαιοῖς ἀντιγράφοις, ὅτι Πᾶν πνεῦμα ὃ λύει τὸν Ἰησοῦν, ἀπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ οὐκ ἐστι. Ταύτην γὰρ - τὴν διάνοιαν ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν ἀντιγράφων περιεῖλον οἱ χωρίζειν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῆς οἰκονομίας ἀνθρώπου βουλό μενοι τὴν θεότητα. Διὸ καὶ οἱ παλαιοὶ ἑρμηνεῖς αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐπεσημήναντο, ὡς τινες εἶεν ῥᾳδιουργήσαντες τὴν ἐπιστολὴν, λύειν ἀπὸ τοῦ Θεοῦ τὸν ἄνθρωπον θέλοντες. Συνανείληπται δὲ ἡ ἀνθρωπότης τῇ θεότητι· καὶ οὐκέτι εἰσὶ δύο, ἀλλὰ ἕν. Τοῦτο θαῤῥοῦντες οἱ παλαιοί, Θεοτόκον τὴν Μαρίαν λέγειν οὐκ ἄκνησαν. Οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ὁ Παμφίλου Εὐσέβιος ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ λόγῳ τῷ εἰς τὸν βίον Κωνσταντίνου, κατὰ λέξιν ταῦτα φησί · Καὶ γὰρ καὶ γέννησιν ὑπομένειν ὁ μεθ᾽ ἡμῶν Θεὸς δι' ἡμᾶς ἡνέσχετο· καὶ τόπος αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐνσάρκου γεννήσεως, ὀνομαστὶ παρ' Ἑβραίοις ἡ Βηθλεέμ ἐκηρύττετο. Διὸ δὴ καὶ ἡ βασίλισσα Ἑλένη ἡ θεοφιλεστάτη, τῆς Θεοτόκου τὴν κύησιν μνήμασι θαυμασίοις κατεκόσμει, παντοίως τὸ τῇδε ἱερὸν ἄντρον φαιδρύνουσα. Καὶ Ὠριγένης δὲ ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τόμῳ τῶν εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου ἐπιστολὴν, ἑρμηνεύων πῶς Θεοτόκος λέγεται, πλατέως ἐξήτασε. Φαίνεται τοίνυν ὁ Νεστόριος ἀγνοήσας τὰς πραγματείας τῶν παλαιῶν. Διὸ, καθὼς ἔφην, τὴν λέξιν μόνην περιίσταται. Ἐπεὶ ὅτι ψιλὸν οὐ λέγει ἄνθρωπον τὸν Χριστὸν, ὡς Φωτεινὸς ἢ Παῦλος ὁ Σαμοσατεὺς, καὶ αἱ ἐκδοθεῖσαι αὐτοῦ προσομιλίαι διδάσκουσιν, ὡς οὐδαμοῦ τὴν τοῦ Θεοῦ Λόγου ὑπόστασιν ἀναιρεῖ, ἀλλὰ πανταχοῦ ἐνυπόστατον αὐτὸν ὁμολογεῖ καὶ ἐνούσιον · οὐ μὴν ὡς Φωτεινὸς καὶ ὁ Σαμοσατεὺς, ἀναιρεῖ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὕπαρξιν. Τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ Μανιχαῖοι, καὶ οἱ ἀπὸ Μοντανοῦ δογματίζειν ἐτόλμησαν. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν τὸν Νεστόριον φρο: νοῦντα εὑρίσκω ἐγὼ, ἔκ τε ὧν ἀνέγνων αὐτοῦ λόγων, καὶ ἀφ᾿ οὗ οἱ ἐρασταὶ αὐτοῦ λέγουσιν. Οὐ μικρὰν μέντοι ταραχὴν τῇ οἰκουμένῃ ἡ ψυχρολογία Νεστορίου ἐκίνησεν.
Synēn autǭ ᾿Anastasios presbyteros hama autǭ ek tēs Antiocheias staleis. Touton dia timēs eiche pollēs; kai en tois pragmasi symboulǭ echrēto. Kai pote ep᾿ ekklēsias ho ᾿Anastasios didaskōn ephē, Theotokon tēn Marian kaleitō mēdeis. Maria gar anthrōpos ēn ; hypo anthrōpou de Theon techthēnai, adynaton. Touto akousthen, pollous klērikous te kai laïkous en tautǭ pantas hetaraxen. Hēsan gar palai didachthentes theologein ton Christon, kai mēdamōs auton tēs oikonomias, hōs anthrōpon, chōrizein ek tēs theotētos, peithomenoi tę̄ tou ᾿Apostolou phōnę̄ legousę̄; Ei kai egnōkamen kata sarka Christon, alla nyn ouketi ginōskomen; kai Dio aphentes ; ton peri Christou logon, epi tēn teleiotēta pherōmetha. Tarachēs oun, hōs ephēn, en tę̄ ekklēsią genomenēs, ho Nestorios ton tou ᾿Anastasiou logon kyrōsasthai speudōn; ou gar exelenchesthai hōs blasphēmon ton par' autou timōmenon ēthele; synechōs peri toutou epi tēs ekklēsias edidaske, philoneikoteron te peri autou tas zētēseis poioumenos, kai pantachou tēn lexin tou Theotokos ekballōn. Dio tēs peri toutou zētēseōs par᾿ allois allōs ekdechtheisēs, diairesis en tę̄ Ekklēsią egeneto. Kai hōsper en nyktomachią kathestōtes, nyn men tauta elegon, nyn de ta hetera; synkatetithento te en tautǭ, kai ērnounto. Nestorios de doxan para tois pollois eichen, hōs psilon anthrōpon legōn ton Kyrion, kai hōs Paulou tou Samosateōs kai Phōteinou to dogma eis tēn Ekklēsian agōn. ᾿Alla peri toutou tosautē ekinēthē zētēsis kai tarachē, hōs kai synodou oikoumenikēs deēthēnai. Egō de entychōn tois para Nestoriou logois dotheisin, agnoounta epheuriskō ton andra, kai met' alētheias erō, Oude gar oute apechthanomenos pros auton, hōn eichen elatpōmatōn emnēsthēn; oute charizomenos tisin, elattonounta hōn epheuron, ekthēsomai. Ou moi dokei ho Nestorios, oute ton Samosatea Paulon zēlōn, oute mēn Phōteinon, mēd᾽ holōs psilon anthrōpon legein ton Kyrion. ᾿Alla tēn lexin monēn hōs ta mormolykia pephobētai. Kai touto peponthen hypo amathias pol- : lēs. Physikos gar eulalos ōn, pepaideusthai men enomizeto; tę̄ de alētheią, anagōgos ēn; kai tas tōn palaiōn hermēneuōn biblous, apēxiou manthanein. Typhoumenos gar hypo tēs euglōttias, oux akribōs proseiche tois palaiois; alla pantōn kreittona enomizen heauton. Autika goun hēgnoēsen, hoti en tę̄ Katholikę̄ Iōannou gegrapto en tois palaiois antigraphois, hoti Pan pneuma ho lyei ton Iēsoun, apo tou Theou ouk esti. Tautēn gar - tēn dianoian ek tōn palaiōn antigraphōn perieilon hoi chōrizein apo tou tēs oikonomias anthrōpou boulo menoi tēn theotēta. Dio kai hoi palaioi hermēneis auto touto epesēmēnanto, hōs tines eien rhądiourgēsantes tēn epistolēn, lyein apo tou Theou ton anthrōpon thelontes. Synaneilēptai de hē anthrōpotēs tę̄ theotēti; kai ouketi eisi dyo, alla hen. Touto tharrhountes hoi palaioi, Theotokon tēn Marian legein ouk aknēsan. Houtō gar kai ho Pamphilou Eusebios en tǭ tritǭ logǭ tǭ eis ton bion Kōnstantinou, kata lexin tauta phēsi ; Kai gar kai gennēsin hypomenein ho meth᾽ hēmōn Theos di' hēmas hēnescheto; kai topos autou tēs ensarkou gennēseōs, onomasti par' Hebraiois hē Bēthleem ekērytteto. Dio dē kai hē basilissa Helenē hē theophilestatē, tēs Theotokou tēn kyēsin mnēmasi thaumasiois katekosmei, pantoiōs to tę̄de hieron antron phaidrynousa. Kai Ōrigenēs de en tǭ prōtǭ tomǭ tōn eis tēn pros Rhōmaious tou ᾿Apostolou epistolēn, hermēneuōn pōs Theotokos legetai, plateōs exētase. Phainetai toinyn ho Nestorios agnoēsas tas pragmateias tōn palaiōn. Dio, kathōs ephēn, tēn lexin monēn periistatai. Epei hoti psilon ou legei anthrōpon ton Christon, hōs Phōteinos ē Paulos ho Samosateus, kai hai ekdotheisai autou prosomiliai didaskousin, hōs oudamou tēn tou Theou Logou hypostasin anairei, alla pantachou enypostaton auton homologei kai enousion ; ou mēn hōs Phōteinos kai ho Samosateus, anairei autou tēn hyparxin. Touto gar kai Manichaioi, kai hoi apo Montanou dogmatizein etolmēsan. Houtō men oun ton Nestorion phro: nounta heuriskō egō, ek te hōn anegnōn autou logōn, kai aph᾿ hou hoi erastai autou legousin. Ou mikran mentoi tarachēn tę̄ oikoumenę̄ hē psychrologia Nestoriou ekinēsen.
There was with him Anastasius, a presbyter who had come with him from Antioch. He held him in great honour and used him as adviser in his affairs. Once Anastasius, teaching in church, said, 'Let no one call Mary Theotokos [Mother of God]; for Mary was a human being, and it is impossible for God to be born of a human being.' When this was heard it troubled many, clergy and laity alike. For they had long been taught to speak of Christ as God, and by no means to separate him, as man, in the dispensation from the Godhead, trusting the Apostle's word that says, 'Even if we have known Christ according to the flesh, now we know him so no longer'; and 'Therefore, leaving the word about Christ, let us go on to perfection.' When turmoil arose in the church, as I said, Nestorius, eager to confirm Anastasius's word, for he did not wish the one he honoured to be convicted of blasphemy, taught about this continually in church, making his inquiries about it in a more contentious way and everywhere rejecting the word Theotokos. So, as the question about this was taken by different people in different ways, a division arose in the church. Like men fighting a battle at night, they said now one thing, now another, assenting and denying at the same time. Nestorius had the reputation among most of saying that the Lord was a mere man and of bringing the doctrine of Paul of Samosata and Photinus into the church. And so great a question and turmoil was stirred up about this that an ecumenical synod was needed. But I, having read the discourses published by Nestorius, find the man ignorant, and I will say it with truth. For neither did I mention his failings out of hostility to him, nor will I set them out as less than I found them to gratify anyone. Nestorius does not seem to me to be emulating either Paul of Samosata or Photinus, or to say at all that the Lord was a mere man; but he feared the word alone as one fears bogeys. And this he suffered from great lack of learning. For being naturally fluent he was thought educated, but in truth he was untrained, and he disdained to study the books of the ancient interpreters. Puffed up by his eloquence, he did not attend carefully to the ancients, but thought himself better than all. For instance, he did not know that in the Catholic Epistle of John it was written in the ancient copies, 'Every spirit that separates Jesus is not from God.' For those who wished to separate the Godhead from the man of the dispensation removed this sense from the ancient copies. For this reason the ancient interpreters too remarked on this very point, that some had tampered with the letter, wishing to separate the man from God. But the humanity has been taken up together with the Godhead, and they are no longer two but one. Trusting this, the ancients did not shrink from calling Mary Theotokos. For so Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, in the third book of the Life of Constantine says word for word: 'For God with us endured even to undergo birth for our sake; and the place of his birth in the flesh was proclaimed by the Hebrews by name, Bethlehem. Therefore the most God-loving empress Helena adorned the pregnancy of the Theotokos with wonderful monuments, beautifying the sacred cave there in every way.' And Origen, in the first volume of his commentary on the Apostle's Letter to the Romans, explaining how she is called Theotokos, examined it at length. It appears, then, that Nestorius was ignorant of the writings of the ancients; so, as I said, he shuns the word alone. For that he does not call Christ a mere man, as Photinus or Paul of Samosata did, his published homilies also teach: he nowhere abolishes the hypostasis of God the Word, but everywhere confesses him to be existing in his own hypostasis and essence; he does not, like Photinus and the Samosatene, abolish his existence. For the Manichees and the followers of Montanus too dared to teach this. So I find Nestorius thinking, both from his discourses that I have read and from what his admirers say. Yet Nestorius's frigid talk stirred up no small turmoil in the world.
7.33PG 67:811–813
Καὶ τούτων γενομένων, ἐπισυνέβη μυσαρόν τι πρᾶγμα κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν γενέσθαι. Οἰκέται γὰρ ἑνὸς τῶν μεγάλα δυναμένων, βάρβαροι ὄντες τὸ γένος, ἀπηνοῦς τοῦ δεσπότου πειρώμενοι, τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ προσφεύγουσι. Καὶ ξιφηροῦντες, εἰς τὸ θυσιαστήριον εἰσεπήδησαν · παρακαλούμενοί τε ἐξελθεῖν, οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ ἐπείθοντο· ἀλλ᾿ ἐμποδὼν ταῖς ἱεραῖς λειτουργίαις ἐγίνοντο. Ἐπί τε ἡμέρας πολλὰς τὰ ξίφη γυμνὰ κατέχοντες, ἕτοιμοι πρὸς τὸ ἀμύνασθαι πάντα τὸν προσιόντα ἐγίνοντο. Καὶ δὴ ἕνα τῶν κληρικῶν ἀποσφάξαντες, καὶ ἄλλον τραυματίσαντες, τέλος ἐπικατέσφαξαν ἑαυτούς. Καί τις τῶν παρόντων, οὐ καλὸν ἔλεγε σημαίνειν τὸν μολυσμὸν τοῦ ναοῦ, ἐπιλέγων ἀρχαίου τινὸς ποιητοῦ δύο Ιάμβους· Σημεῖα γὰρ τὰ τοιαῦτα γίνεσθαι φιλεῖ, "Ὅταν ἐν ναοῖς ἐγκατασκήψη μῦσος. Καὶ τῆς δόξης ὁ εἰπὼν οὐ διήμαρτεν. Τὴν διαίρεσιν γὰρ ὡς ἔοικεν ἐσήμαινε τοῦ λαοῦ, καὶ καθαίρεσιν τοῦ αἰτίου τῆς διαιρέσεως.
Kai toutōn genomenōn, episynebē mysaron ti pragma kata tēn ekklēsian genesthai. Oiketai gar henos tōn megala dynamenōn, barbaroi ontes to genos, apēnous tou despotou peirōmenoi, tę̄ ekklēsią prospheugousi. Kai xiphērountes, eis to thysiastērion eisepēdēsan ; parakaloumenoi te exelthein, oudeni tropǭ epeithonto; all᾿ empodōn tais hierais leitourgiais eginonto. Epi te hēmeras pollas ta xiphē gymna katechontes, hetoimoi pros to amynasthai panta ton prosionta eginonto. Kai dē hena tōn klērikōn aposphaxantes, kai allon traumatisantes, telos epikatesphaxan heautous. Kai tis tōn parontōn, ou kalon elege sēmainein ton molysmon tou naou, epilegōn archaiou tinos poiētou dyo Iambous; Sēmeia gar ta toiauta ginesthai philei, "Hotan en naois enkataskēpsē mysos. Kai tēs doxēs ho eipōn ou diēmarten. Tēn diairesin gar hōs eoiken esēmaine tou laou, kai kathairesin tou aitiou tēs diaireseōs.
While these things were happening, an abominable thing also happened in the church. Slaves of one of the powerful, barbarians by race, experiencing a harsh master, fled to the church for refuge. Bearing swords, they rushed into the sanctuary; and when urged to come out, they would by no means obey, but obstructed the sacred services. For many days they held their swords drawn, ready to fight off anyone who came near. Then, having killed one of the clergy and wounded another, they finally killed themselves. One of those present said that the pollution of the temple signified no good, quoting two iambic lines of some ancient poet: 'For such signs are wont to come to pass when abomination falls upon the temples.' And the one who said it was not wrong in his opinion; for it signified, it seems, the division of the people and the deposition of the cause of the division.
7.34PG 67:813–815
Οὐ πολὺς γὰρ ἐν μέσῳ χρόνος, καὶ τοὺς πανταχόθεν ἐπισκόπους πρόσταγμα τοῦ βασιλέως εἰς τὴν Ἐφεσίων συνιέναι ἐκέλευσεν. Εὐθὺς οὖν μετὰ τὴν τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτὴν, ὁ Νεστόριος σὺν πολλῇ δυνάμει ὄχλων παρὴν εἰς τὴν Ἔφεσον, εὑρίσκει τε πολλοὺς τῶν ἐπισκόπων συνεληλυθότας ἐκεῖ. Ὁ δὲ τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας Κύριλλος μικρὸν ὑστερήσας, περὶ τὴν Πεντηκοστὴν ἀπήντησεν. Πέμπτῃ δὲ μετὰ τὴν σ Πεντηκοστὴν ἡμέρᾳ, καὶ Ἰουβενάλιος ὁ τῆς Ἱεροσο λύμων, ἐπέστη. Ἰωάννου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αντιοχείας βραδύναντος, οἱ παρόντες ἀνεκινοῦντο ζήτημα. Καὶ Κύριλλος ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, ἀκροβολισμούς τινας ἐποιεῖτο τῶν λόγων, Νεστόριον ταράττειν βουλόμενος, καὶ γὰρ ἀπεχθῶς εἶχε πρὸς αὐτόν. Καὶ δὴ πολλῶν θεολογούντων τὸν Χριστὸν, Ἐγὼ, ἔφη Νεστόριος, τὸν γενόμενον διμηνιαῖον καὶ τριμηνιαῖον, οὐκ ἂν Θεὸν ὀνομάσαιμι. Καὶ διατοῦτο καθαρός εἰμι ἀπὸ τοῦ αἵματος ὑμῶν. Καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ νῦν, πρὸς ὑμᾶς οὐκ ἐλεύσομαι. Καὶ ταῦτα εἰπὼν, μετὰ τῶν λοιπῶν ἐπισκόπων ἠθροίζετο, οἱ τῇ αὐτοῦ ἠκολούθουν γνώμῃ. Διῃροῦντο οὖν οἱ παρόντες εἰς δύο τμήματα. Οἱ οὖν περὶ Κύριλλον, συνέδριον ποιησάμενοι ἐκάλεσαν τὸν Νεστόριον. Ὁ δὲ οὐχ ὑπήκουσεν, εἰς τὴν παρουσίαν Ἰωάννου τοῦ ᾿Αντιοχέως ὑπερτιθέμενος. Οἱ δὲ περὶ Κύριλλον, τὰς προσομιλίας Νεστορίου ἃς περὶ τοῦ ζητήματος εἰρήκει, πολλάκις ὑπαναγνόντες, ἐξ αὐτῶν τε κρίναντες εὐτόνως βλασφημήσαντα εἰς τὸν Υἱὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, καθεῖλον αὐτόν. Τούτου γενομένου, οἱ περὶ Νεστόριον ἕτερον καθ' ἑαυτοὺς συνέδριον ποιησάμενοι, καθαιροῦσι Κύριλλον, καὶ σὺν αὐτῷ Μέμνονα τὸν τῆς Ἐφέσου ἐπίσκοπον. Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ καὶ μεταταῦτα ἐπέστη Ἰωάννης ὁ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπος. Καὶ γνοὺς τὰ γενόμενα, ἀπήχθετο πρὸς Κύριλλον, ὡς αἴτιον τῆς γεγενημένης ταραχῆς, τὸ θερμῶς ποιῆσαι τὴν Νεστορίου καθαίρεσιν. Κύριλλος δὲ ἅμα καὶ Ἰουβεναλίῳ, ἀμυνόμενος τὸν Ἰωάννην, καθαιρεῖ καὶ αὐτόν. Τούτων δὴ τότε οὕτω συμπεφυρμένων, γνοὺς ὁ Νεστόριος εἰς κοινωνίαν προβᾶσαν τὴν φιλονεικίαν, ἐκ μεταμελείας Θεοτόκον τὴν Μαρίαν ἐκάλει, λέγων· Λεγέσθω, φησὶ, καὶ Θεοτόκος ἡ Μαρία, καὶ παυσάσθω τὰ λυπηρά· ἀλλ᾽ οὐδεὶς αὐτὸν ἐκ μετανοίας ταῦτα λέγοντα προσεδέξατο. Διὸ καὶ ἄχρι νῦν καθῃρημένος, εἰς ἐξορίαν πεμφθεὶς εἰς τὴν Οασιν κατοικεῖ. Ἡ μὲν οὖν τότε γενομένη σύνοδος ή, τοιοῦτον ἔσχε τὸ τέλος. "Καὶ πέπρακται μὲν ταῦτα ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Βάσσου καὶ Ει ᾿Αντιόχου, τῇ εἰκάδι ὀγδόῃ τοῦ Ἰουνίου μηνός. Ἰωάννης δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν, καὶ πολλοὺς συναγαγὼν ἐπισκόπους, καθαιρεῖ Κύριλλον, ἤδη κατειληφότα τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν. Μικρόν τε ὕστερον λύσαντες τὴν ἔχθραν, συνέβησαν τε εἰς φιλίαν, καὶ ἀλλήλοις τοὺς θρόνους ἀπέδοσαν. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Νεστορίου καθαίρεσιν, δεινὴ ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ταραχή κατὰ τὰς ἐκκλησίας ἐγένετο. Διῃρέθη γὰρ ὁ λαὸς διὰ τὴν, ὡς φθάσας εἶπον, ψυχρολογίαν αὐτοῦ. Κοινῇ μέντοι ψήφῳ πάντες οἱ πληρικοὶ αὐτὸν ἀνεθεμάτισαν. Οὕτω γὰρ οἱ Χριστιανοὶ καλεῖν εἰώθαμεν τὴν κατὰ τοῦ βλασφήμου ψῆφον, ὅταν αὐτὴν ὥσπερ ἐν στήλῃ ἀναστήσαντες, φανερὰν τοῖς ἅπασι καταστήσωμεν.
Ou polys gar en mesǭ chronos, kai tous pantachothen episkopous prostagma tou basileōs eis tēn Ephesiōn synienai ekeleusen. Euthys oun meta tēn tou Pascha heortēn, ho Nestorios syn pollę̄ dynamei ochlōn parēn eis tēn Epheson, heuriskei te pollous tōn episkopōn synelēlythotas ekei. Ho de tēs ᾿Alexandreias Kyrillos mikron hysterēsas, peri tēn Pentēkostēn apēntēsen. Pemptę̄ de meta tēn s Pentēkostēn hēmerą, kai Ioubenalios ho tēs Hieroso lymōn, epestē. Iōannou de tou ᾿Antiocheias bradynantos, hoi parontes anekinounto zētēma. Kai Kyrillos ᾿Alexandreias, akrobolismous tinas epoieito tōn logōn, Nestorion tarattein boulomenos, kai gar apechthōs eiche pros auton. Kai dē pollōn theologountōn ton Christon, Egō, ephē Nestorios, ton genomenon dimēniaion kai trimēniaion, ouk an Theon onomasaimi. Kai diatouto katharos eimi apo tou haimatos hymōn. Kai apo tou nyn, pros hymas ouk eleusomai. Kai tauta eipōn, meta tōn loipōn episkopōn ēthroizeto, hoi tę̄ autou ēkolouthoun gnōmę̄. Dię̄rounto oun hoi parontes eis dyo tmēmata. Hoi oun peri Kyrillon, synedrion poiēsamenoi ekalesan ton Nestorion. Ho de ouch hypēkousen, eis tēn parousian Iōannou tou ᾿Antiocheōs hypertithemenos. Hoi de peri Kyrillon, tas prosomilias Nestoriou has peri tou zētēmatos eirēkei, pollakis hypanagnontes, ex autōn te krinantes eutonōs blasphēmēsanta eis ton Huion tou Theou, katheilon auton. Toutou genomenou, hoi peri Nestorion heteron kath' heautous synedrion poiēsamenoi, kathairousi Kyrillon, kai syn autǭ Memnona ton tēs Ephesou episkopon. Ouk eis makran de kai metatauta epestē Iōannēs ho tēs ᾿Antiocheias episkopos. Kai gnous ta genomena, apēchtheto pros Kyrillon, hōs aition tēs gegenēmenēs tarachēs, to thermōs poiēsai tēn Nestoriou kathairesin. Kyrillos de hama kai Ioubenaliǭ, amynomenos ton Iōannēn, kathairei kai auton. Toutōn dē tote houtō sympephyrmenōn, gnous ho Nestorios eis koinōnian probasan tēn philoneikian, ek metameleias Theotokon tēn Marian ekalei, legōn; Legesthō, phēsi, kai Theotokos hē Maria, kai pausasthō ta lypēra; all᾽ oudeis auton ek metanoias tauta legonta prosedexato. Dio kai achri nyn kathę̄rēmenos, eis exorian pemphtheis eis tēn Oasin katoikei. Hē men oun tote genomenē synodos ē, toiouton esche to telos. "Kai pepraktai men tauta en hypateią Bassou kai Ei ᾿Antiochou, tę̄ eikadi ogdoę̄ tou Iouniou mēnos. Iōannēs de katalabōn tēn ᾿Antiocheian, kai pollous synagagōn episkopous, kathairei Kyrillon, ēdē kateilēphota tēn ᾿Alexandreian. Mikron te hysteron lysantes tēn echthran, synebēsan te eis philian, kai allēlois tous thronous apedosan. Meta de tēn Nestoriou kathairesin, deinē en tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei tarachē kata tas ekklēsias egeneto. Dię̄rethē gar ho laos dia tēn, hōs phthasas eipon, psychrologian autou. Koinę̄ mentoi psēphǭ pantes hoi plērikoi auton anethematisan. Houtō gar hoi Christianoi kalein eiōthamen tēn kata tou blasphēmou psēphon, hotan autēn hōsper en stēlę̄ anastēsantes, phaneran tois hapasi katastēsōmen.
Not much time passed before an order of the emperor commanded the bishops from everywhere to assemble at Ephesus. Immediately after the feast of Easter, Nestorius arrived at Ephesus with a great force of crowds, and found many of the bishops assembled there. Cyril of Alexandria, a little late, arrived about Pentecost; and on the fifth day after Pentecost Juvenal of Jerusalem also arrived. As John of Antioch was delaying, those present raised the question. Cyril of Alexandria made some skirmishing attacks in argument, wishing to disturb Nestorius, for he was hostile to him. When many were speaking of Christ as God, Nestorius said, 'I would not call one who was two and three months old God. And so I am clean of your blood, and from now on I will not come to you.' Having said this, he gathered with the other bishops who followed his opinion. So those present were divided into two parts. Cyril's party, forming a council, summoned Nestorius. He did not obey, putting it off until the arrival of John of Antioch. Cyril's party, having read out several times the homilies Nestorius had delivered on the question, and judging from them that he had blasphemed vehemently against the Son of God, deposed him. When this had been done, Nestorius's party formed another council of their own and deposed Cyril, and with him Memnon, the bishop of Ephesus. Not long after this John, the bishop of Antioch, arrived. Learning what had happened, he was angry with Cyril as the cause of the turmoil, for having carried out Nestorius's deposition hotly. Cyril, together with Juvenal, in revenge on John, deposed him too. When matters had become so confused, Nestorius, seeing that the contention had gone as far as breaking communion, called Mary Theotokos from a change of mind, saying, 'Let Mary be called Theotokos too, and let the troubles cease.' But no one accepted him saying this from repentance. So to this day he is deposed and, sent into exile, lives in the Oasis. The synod held at that time had such an end. This was done in the consulship of Bassus and Antiochus, on the twenty-eighth of June. John, reaching Antioch and gathering many bishops, deposed Cyril, who had already reached Alexandria. A little later they put an end to their enmity, came to friendship, and gave each other back their thrones. After Nestorius's deposition there was terrible turmoil in the churches of Constantinople; for the people were divided because of his frigid talk, as I said before. But by common vote all the clergy anathematized him; for so we Christians are accustomed to call the vote against a blasphemer, when we set it up as on a pillar and make it plain to all.
7.35PG 67:817
Πάλιν περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπων ζήτησις ἦν. Καὶ πολλοὶ μὲν Φίλιππον, οὗ καὶ ἤδη ἐπεμνήσθημεν, πλείους δὲ τὸν Πρόκλον ἐπελέγοντο. Καὶ ἐκράτησεν ἂν ἡ Πρόκλου γνώμη, εἰ μὴ τινες τῶν μεγάλα δυναμένων ἐκώλυσαν, φήσαντες, κανόνα ἐκκλησιαστικὸν κωλύειν, τὸν ὀνομασθέντα τινὸς πόλεως ἐπίσκοπον εἰς ἑτέραν μεταφέρεσθαι πόλιν. Τοῦτο λεχθὲν καὶ πιστευθὲν, τὸν λαὸν ἡσυχάζειν ἠνάγκαζεν. Τετραμηνιαίου δὲ διαδραμόντος χρόνου μετὰ τὴν Νεστορίου καθαίρεσιν, προχειρίζεται πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν ξιμιανὸς ὄνομα, ἀνὴρ ἀσκητικὸς μὲν τὸν βίον· ἐν τοῖς πρεσβυτέροις δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἑτέτακτο. Οὗτος ὑπόληψιν εὐλαβείας πάλαι ἐκέκτητο, διότι οἰκείοις ἀναλώμασι κατεσκευάκει μνήματα, ὥστε ἐν αὐτοῖς τοὺς εὐλαβεῖς τελευτῶντας κηδεύεσθαι. Ἧν δὲ καὶ ἰδιώτης τῷ λόγῳ, καὶ ἀπραγμονέστερον ζῇν προαιρούμενος.
Palin peri epilogēs episkopōn zētēsis ēn. Kai polloi men Philippon, hou kai ēdē epemnēsthēmen, pleious de ton Proklon epelegonto. Kai ekratēsen an hē Proklou gnōmē, ei mē tines tōn megala dynamenōn ekōlysan, phēsantes, kanona ekklēsiastikon kōlyein, ton onomasthenta tinos poleōs episkopon eis heteran metapheresthai polin. Touto lechthen kai pisteuthen, ton laon hēsychazein ēnankazen. Tetramēniaiou de diadramontos chronou meta tēn Nestoriou kathairesin, procheirizetai pros tēn episkopēn ximianos onoma, anēr askētikos men ton bion; en tois presbyterois de kai autos hetetakto. Houtos hypolēpsin eulabeias palai ekektēto, dioti oikeiois analōmasi kateskeuakei mnēmata, hōste en autois tous eulabeis teleutōntas kēdeuesthai. Hēn de kai idiōtēs tǭ logǭ, kai apragmonesteron zę̄n proairoumenos.
Again there was a question about the election of a bishop. Many chose Philip, whom we have already mentioned, but more chose Proclus. And the choice of Proclus would have prevailed, had not some of the powerful prevented it, saying that an ecclesiastical canon forbade one named bishop of one city to be transferred to another city. This, said and believed, forced the people to be quiet. Four months after Nestorius's deposition, a man named Maximian was advanced to the bishopric, an ascetic in his life, who was himself ranked among the presbyters. He had long had a reputation for piety, because at his own expense he had built tombs so that devout people might be buried in them when they died. He was unskilled in speech and preferred to live a rather quiet life.
7.36PG 67:817–821
Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τινες ἐπιφημίσαντες ἐκκλησιαστικὸν κάνονα, ἐκώλυσαν τὸν Πρόκλον ἐνθρονισθῆναι, ἤδη τοῦ Κυζίκου ὀνομασθέντα ἐπίσκοπον, βούλομαι περί τούτου βραχέα εἰπεῖν. Οὗ μοι δοκοῦσιν ἀληθεῦσαι, οἱ τότε ταῦτα λέγειν ἐπιχειρήσαντες, ἀλλ' ἢ κατασκευάσασθαι φθόνῳ τῷ πρὸς τὸν Πρόκλον, ἢ ἀγνοεῖν καὶ τοὺς κανόνας, καὶ τὰ πολλάκις χρειωδῶς ἐν ταῖς Ἐκκλησίαις γενόμενα. Εὐσέβιος γοῦν ὁ Παμφίλου ἐν τῇ ἕκτῃ τῆς Ἐκκλησιαστικῆς Ἱστορίας, ᾿Αλέξανδρον μιᾶς τῶν ἐκ Καππαδοκίας πόλεων ἐπίσκοπον ὄντα, εὐχῆς ἕνεκα ἐπὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα παραγενόμενον, και τασχεθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν Ἱεροσολυμιτῶν φησι, καὶ εἰς τόπον Ναρκίσσου τοῦ ἐπισκόπου ἐνθρονισθῆναι, καὶ τοῦ λοιποῦ τῆς ἐκεῖ Ἐκκλησίας διὰ βίου προστῆναι. Οὕτω μὲν οὖν παρὰ τοῖς παλαιοτέροις ἡμῶν ἀδιάφορον ἦν, ἀπὸ πόλεως εἰς πόλιν μετάγειν ἐπίσκοπον, ὀσάκις χρεία ἐκάλει. Εἰ δὲ δεῖ καὶ τὸν περὶ τούτου ☑ κανόνα τῇδε συζεύξαι τῇ συγγραφῇ, δειχθήσεται ὅπως αὐτοῦ κατεψεύσαντο οἱ τὸν Πρόκλον ἐνθρονισθῆναι κωλύσαντες. Ἔστι δὲ ὁ κανὼν οὗτος· « Εἴ τις ἐπίσκοπος χειροτονηθεὶς εἰς παροικίαν μὴ ἀπέλθοι εἰς ἣν ἐχειροτονήθη, οὐ παρὰ τὴν αὐτοῦ αἰτίαν, ἀλλ᾿ ἤτοι διὰ τὴν τοῦ λαοῦ παραίτησιν, ἢ δι᾽ ἑτέραν αἰτίαν καὶ τῆς λειτουργίας, μόνον μηδὲν παρενοχλοῦντα τοῖς πράγμασι τῆς Ἐκκλησίας, ἔνθα ἂν συνάγοιτο. Ἐκδέχεσθαι δὲ αὐτὸν ὅπερ ἂν ἡ τῆς ἐπαρχίας σύνοδος κρίνασα τὸ παριστάμενον ὀρίσῃ. » Οὗτος μὲν οὖν ὁ κανών. Ὅτι δὲ πολλοὶ ἐπίσκοποι καὶ ἀπὸ ἑτέρων πόλεων εἰς ἄλλας μετηνέχθησαν, διὰ τὰς κατὰ καιρὸν τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν χρείας, αὐτῶν τῶν μετενεχθέντων τὰ ὀνόματα παραθήσομαι. Περιγένης ἐν Πάτραις ἐχειροτονήθη ἐπίσκοπος· καὶ ἐπειδὴ οἱ τῆς προειρημένης πόλεως αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐδέχοντο, ὁ τῆς Ῥώμης ἐπίσκοπος ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐνθρονισθῆναι ἐν Κορίνθῳ τῇ μητροπόλει, τοῦ ἐκεῖ ἐπισκόπου τελευτήσαντος, καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖ Ἐκκλησίας διὰ βίου προέστη. Γρηγόριος ὁ Ναζιανζηνός, πρότερον Σασίμων μιᾶς τῶν ἐν Καποὐκ ἐξ ἀνάγκης γενομένην, τοῦτον μετέχειν τῆς τιμῆς η παδοκίᾳ πόλεων ἐπίσκοπος ἦν. Εἶτα γέγονε Ναζιανζοῦ. Μελίτιος πρότερον τῆς ἐν Σεβαστείᾳ προέστη Έκκλησίας, καὶ μεταταῦτα τῆς ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ προέστη. Δοσίθεον τὸν Σελευκείας ἐπίσκοπον, ᾿Αλέξανδρὸς ὁ ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐπίσκοπος εἰς Ταρσὸν τῆς Κιλικίας μετήγαγεν. Ὁ Ῥενβερέντιος ἀπὸ Ἀρκῶν τῆς Φοινίκης, μεταταῦτα μετηνέχθη εἰς Τύρον. Ἰωάννης ἀπὸ Γόρδου τῆς Λυδίας, μετηνέχθη ἐν Προικονήσῳ, καὶ τῆς ἐκεῖ προέστη Ἐκκλησίας. Παλλάδιος ἀπὸ Ἑλενοπόλεως, μετηνέχθη εἰς ῎Ασπουνα. ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπὸ Ἑλενοπόλεως, μετηνέχθη εἰς ᾿Αδριανούς. Θεόφιλος ἀπὸ ᾿Απαμείας τῆς ἐν ᾿Ασίᾳ, μετηνέχθη εἰς Εὐδοξίου πόλιν, τὴν τὸ παλαιὸν Σαλαμβρίαν καλουμένην. Πολύκαρπος ἀπὸ Σεξανταπρίστων τῆς Μυσίας, μετηνέχθη εἰς Νικόπολιν τῆς Θράκης. Ἱερόφιλος ἀπὸ Τραπεζουπόλεως τῆς Φρυγίας, μετηνέχθη εἰς Πλωτινούπολιν τῆς Θράκης. Ὅπτιμος ὁ ἀπὸ ᾿Αγδαμίας τῆς Φρυγίας, μετπηνέχθη εἰς ᾿Αντιόχειαν τῆς Πισιδίας. Σιλβανὸς ἀπὸ Φιλίππου πόλεως τῆς Θράκης, μετηνέχθη εἰς Τρωάδα. Καὶ τοσούτων μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ παρόντος ἐκ τῶν οἰκείων πόλεων εἰς ἑτέρας μετατεθέντων, αὐτάρκως ἐμνημονεύσαμεν. Περὶ Σιλβανοῦ τοῦ ἀπὸ Φιλίππου πόλεως τῆς Θράκης μετενεχθέντος εἰς Τρωάδα, χρήσιμον βραχέα μνημονεῦσαι νομίζω.
Epeidē de tines epiphēmisantes ekklēsiastikon kanona, ekōlysan ton Proklon enthronisthēnai, ēdē tou Kyzikou onomasthenta episkopon, boulomai peri toutou brachea eipein. Hou moi dokousin alētheusai, hoi tote tauta legein epicheirēsantes, all' ē kataskeuasasthai phthonǭ tǭ pros ton Proklon, ē agnoein kai tous kanonas, kai ta pollakis chreiōdōs en tais Ekklēsiais genomena. Eusebios goun ho Pamphilou en tę̄ hektę̄ tēs Ekklēsiastikēs Historias, ᾿Alexandron mias tōn ek Kappadokias poleōn episkopon onta, euchēs heneka epi ta Hierosolyma paragenomenon, kai taschethēnai hypo tōn Hierosolymitōn phēsi, kai eis topon Narkissou tou episkopou enthronisthēnai, kai tou loipou tēs ekei Ekklēsias dia biou prostēnai. Houtō men oun para tois palaioterois hēmōn adiaphoron ēn, apo poleōs eis polin metagein episkopon, osakis chreia ekalei. Ei de dei kai ton peri toutou ☑ kanona tę̄de syzeuxai tę̄ syngraphę̄, deichthēsetai hopōs autou katepseusanto hoi ton Proklon enthronisthēnai kōlysantes. Esti de ho kanōn houtos; « Ei tis episkopos cheirotonētheis eis paroikian mē apelthoi eis hēn echeirotonēthē, ou para tēn autou aitian, all᾿ ētoi dia tēn tou laou paraitēsin, ē di᾽ heteran aitian kai tēs leitourgias, monon mēden parenochlounta tois pragmasi tēs Ekklēsias, entha an synagoito. Ekdechesthai de auton hoper an hē tēs eparchias synodos krinasa to paristamenon orisę̄. » Houtos men oun ho kanōn. Hoti de polloi episkopoi kai apo heterōn poleōn eis allas metēnechthēsan, dia tas kata kairon tōn Ekklēsiōn chreias, autōn tōn metenechthentōn ta onomata parathēsomai. Perigenēs en Patrais echeirotonēthē episkopos; kai epeidē hoi tēs proeirēmenēs poleōs auton ouk edechonto, ho tēs Rhōmēs episkopos ekeleusen auton enthronisthēnai en Korinthǭ tę̄ mētropolei, tou ekei episkopou teleutēsantos, kai tēs ekei Ekklēsias dia biou proestē. Grēgorios ho Nazianzēnos, proteron Sasimōn mias tōn en Kapouk ex anankēs genomenēn, touton metechein tēs timēs ē padokią poleōn episkopos ēn. Eita gegone Nazianzou. Melitios proteron tēs en Sebasteią proestē Ekklēsias, kai metatauta tēs en ᾿Antiocheią proestē. Dositheon ton Seleukeias episkopon, ᾿Alexandros ho ᾿Antiocheias episkopos eis Tarson tēs Kilikias metēgagen. Ho Rhenberentios apo Arkōn tēs Phoinikēs, metatauta metēnechthē eis Tyron. Iōannēs apo Gordou tēs Lydias, metēnechthē en Proikonēsǭ, kai tēs ekei proestē Ekklēsias. Palladios apo Helenopoleōs, metēnechthē eis ᾿Aspouna. ᾿Alexandros apo Helenopoleōs, metēnechthē eis ᾿Adrianous. Theophilos apo ᾿Apameias tēs en ᾿Asią, metēnechthē eis Eudoxiou polin, tēn to palaion Salambrian kaloumenēn. Polykarpos apo Sexantapristōn tēs Mysias, metēnechthē eis Nikopolin tēs Thrakēs. Hierophilos apo Trapezoupoleōs tēs Phrygias, metēnechthē eis Plōtinoupolin tēs Thrakēs. Hoptimos ho apo ᾿Agdamias tēs Phrygias, metpēnechthē eis ᾿Antiocheian tēs Pisidias. Silbanos apo Philippou poleōs tēs Thrakēs, metēnechthē eis Trōada. Kai tosoutōn men epi tou parontos ek tōn oikeiōn poleōn eis heteras metatethentōn, autarkōs emnēmoneusamen. Peri Silbanou tou apo Philippou poleōs tēs Thrakēs metenechthentos eis Trōada, chrēsimon brachea mnēmoneusai nomizō.
Since some, by alleging an ecclesiastical canon, prevented Proclus, who had already been named bishop of Cyzicus, from being enthroned, I wish to say a little about this. Those who then undertook to say this do not seem to me to have spoken the truth, but either to have contrived it out of envy of Proclus, or to have been ignorant both of the canons and of what has often been done in the churches out of need. Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, in the sixth book of the Church History, says that Alexander, bishop of one of the cities of Cappadocia, having come to Jerusalem to pray, was detained by the people of Jerusalem, enthroned in the place of Narcissus the bishop, and presided over the church there for the rest of his life. So among our predecessors it was a matter of indifference to move a bishop from city to city whenever need called. If the canon on this must also be joined to this writing, it will be shown how those who prevented Proclus from being enthroned falsified it. The canon is this: 'If a bishop ordained to a diocese does not go to the one to which he was ordained, not through his own fault, but either because of the people's refusal or for some other reason not arising from himself, let him share in the honour and the ministry, only not interfering in the affairs of the church where he assembles; and let him await whatever the synod of the province, judging the matter before it, shall decide.' Such is the canon. That many bishops have been transferred from some cities to others because of the needs of the churches at various times, I will set down the names of those transferred. Perigenes was ordained bishop at Patrae; and since the people of that city would not receive him, the bishop of Rome ordered him to be enthroned at Corinth, the metropolis, when the bishop there died; and he presided over the church there for life. Gregory of Nazianzus was formerly bishop of Sasima, one of the cities in Cappadocia; then he became bishop of Nazianzus. Meletius first presided over the church in Sebaste, and afterwards over that in Antioch. Alexander, bishop of Antioch, transferred Dositheus, bishop of Seleucia, to Tarsus in Cilicia. Reverentius was transferred from Arca in Phoenicia to Tyre. John was transferred from Gordus in Lydia to Proconnesus and presided over the church there. Palladius was transferred from Helenopolis to Aspuna. Alexander was transferred from Helenopolis to Adriani. Theophilus was transferred from Apamea in Asia to Eudoxiopolis, anciently called Salambria. Polycarp was transferred from Sexantaprista in Mysia to Nicopolis in Thrace. Hierophilus was transferred from Trapezopolis in Phrygia to Plotinopolis in Thrace. Optimus was transferred from Agdamia in Phrygia to Antioch in Pisidia. Silvanus was transferred from Philippopolis in Thrace to Troas. We have mentioned enough of those transferred from their own cities to others for the present. About Silvanus, who was transferred from Philippopolis in Thrace to Troas, I think it useful to mention a few things.
7.37PG 67:821–825
Σιλβανὸς ῥήτωρ μὲν ἐγεγόνει πρότερον Τρωίλου τοῦ Σοφιστοῦ. ᾿Ακριβῶς δὲ χριστιανίζειν ἐσπουδακὰς, καὶ τὸν ἀσκητικὸν βίον ἀσκῶν, τρίβωνα φορεῖν οὐ προήρητο. Μεταταῦτα δὲ αὐτὸν ᾿Αττικὸς ὁ ἐπίσκοπος συλλαβὼν, ἐπίσκοπον τῆς Φιλίππου πόλεω; κατέστησεν. Ὁ δὲ τρεῖς ἐνιαυτους ἐν τῇ πλατὴ Θράκῃ διαγαγὼν, μὴ ὑποφέρων τὸ κρύος λεπτὸν γὰρ εἶχε πάνυ καὶ ἀσθενὲς τὸ σῶμα, παρεκάλεσε τὸν ᾿Αττικὸν, ὥστε εἰς τόπον αὐτοῦ ἕτερον γειροτονῆσαι᾿ φήσας δι᾽ οὐδὲν ἕτερον, ἢ διὰ τὸ κρύος παραιτεῖσθαι τὴν ἐν Θράκῃ διαγωγῆν. Ἑτέρου οὖν διατοῦτο ἀντιχατασταθέντος, ἔμενεν ὁ Σιλβανὸς τῇ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, τὸν ἀσκητικὸν βίον ἄκρως μετερχόμενος. οὔτον δὲ ἄτρυφος ἦν, ὡς τὰ πολλὰ ἐν τοσούτῳ πλήθει τῆς τηλικαύτης πόλεως, ἀπὸ χορτίνων σανδαλίων προέρχεσθαι. Χρόνου δέ τινος διαγενομένου, ὁ τῆς ἐν Τρωάδι προεστὼς Ἐκκλησίας ἐτελεύτη σεν. Διὸ παρῆσαν οἱ Τρῶες ζητοῦντες ἐπίσκοπον. ᾿Αττικοῦ δὲ διασχεπτομένου τίνα χειροτονήσει, συνἐθη τὸν Σιλβανὸν ἐπὶ θέαν παρεῖναι αὐτοῦ. Ὃ δὲ θεασάμενος αὐτὸν, εὐθὺς τὴν φροντίδα ἐπέθετο, πρὸς τὸν Σιλβανὸν, Οὐχέτι πρόφασιν ἔχεις, φησὶ, τοῦ ἀποφυγεῖν Ἐκκλησίας φροντίδα. Ἧ γὰρ Τρωὰς χρυμὸν οὐχ ἔχει. ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἰδού σοι τόπος εὔχαιρος πρὸς τὴν τοῦ σώματος ἀσθένειαν Θεοῦ εὐτρεπίζεται. Μὴ ᾿μέλλε οὖν, ἀδελφὲ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν Τρωάδα πορεύου. Μετέστη οὖν ἐκεῖ ὁ Σιλθανός. Καὶ θαῦμα ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτοῦ γενόμενον διηγήσομαι. Ναῦς ἀχθοφόρος μεγίστη, τοὺς μεγάλους χομίζουσα κίονας, πλατὴν αὐτὴν ὀνομάζουσι, νεωστὶ κατεσκεύαστο ἐν τῷ τῆς Τρωάδος αἰγιαλῷ" ταύτην τε ἔδει χαθέλχεσθαι εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν, Πολλῶν τε χαλωδίων, καὶ πολυπληθείας ἀνδρῶν ἑλχόντων αὐτὴν, οὐδαμῶς ἐχινεῖτο ναῦς. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῦτο πολλαῖς ἡμέραις ἐγίνετο, ᾧήθησαν δαιμόνιον τὴν ναῦν. Καὶ γενόμενοι ἃ παρὰ τὸν ἐπίσκοπον παρεκάλουν αὐτὸν εὐχὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ τόπου τελέσαι, Οὕτω γὰρ μόνως τὴν γαῦν καθελκυσθῆναι ἐπίστευσαν. Ὁ δὲ μετριοφρονῶν, ἁμαρτωλὸν ἑαυτὸν ἀπεκάλει, καὶ ἔλεγε τὸ ἔργον διχαίου εἶναι τινὸς, οὐ μὴν ἑαυτοῦ. ᾿Εχλιπαρησάντων δ᾽ οὖν, ἧκε παρὰ τὸν αἰγιαλόν. Εὐχὴν τε ἐχτελέσας, ἥψατο ἑνὸς τῶν σχοινίων, τοῦ ἔργου παρεκελεύετο ἔχεσθαι. Τῶν δὲ βραχὺν ὠθισμὸν ποιησαμένων, δρομαία ἡ ναῦς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἐπορεύετο. Τοῦτο τὸ θαῦμα ἐν ταῖς χερσὶ Σιλβανοῦ γενόμενον, πάντας τοὺς κατὰ τὴν ἐπαρχίαν εἰς εὐλάδειαν ἦγεν. δὲ Σιλβανὸς τὰ ἄλλα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός. Κατιδὼν γοῦν τοὺς κληρικοὺς ἐμπορίαν ποιουμένους τὰς τῶν διχαζομένων ἐρεσχελίας, οὐδένα τὸν τοῦ κλήρου δικαστὴν ἐδίδου ποτέ " ἀλλὰ τὰ βιβλία τῶν δεομένων δεχόμενος, παρεκάλει ἕνα τῶν πιστῶν λαϊκῶν, ὃν ἤδει φιλοῦντα τὸ δίκαιον " χἀχείνῳ ἐγχειρίσας τὴν ἀκρόασιν, τοὺς δικαζομένους τῆς ἐρεσχελίας ἀπὴλασεν. Καὶ διαταῦτα γοῦν μεγίστην εὔκλειαν παρὰ πᾶσιν ἐκέκτητο. Τὰ μὲν περὶ Σιλβανοῦ, εἰ καὶ ἐν παρεκβάσει εἴμηται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀχρείως ἡγοῦμαι μνήμην αὐτῶν γεγονέναι. Ἐπανέλθωμεν δὲ ὅθεν ἐξα έβημεν. Μαξιμιανοῦ τοίνυν προχειρισθέντος εἰς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Βάσσου καὶ ᾿Αντιόχου, περὶ τὴν εἰκάδα πέμπτην τοῦ Ὀκτωβρίου κ μηνὸς, τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἡσύχαζε πράγματα.
Silbanos rhētōr men egegonei proteron Trōilou tou Sophistou. ᾿Akribōs de christianizein espoudakas, kai ton askētikon bion askōn, tribōna phorein ou proērēto. Metatauta de auton ᾿Attikos ho episkopos syllabōn, episkopon tēs Philippou poleō? katestēsen. Ho de treis eniautous en tę̄ platē Thrakę̄ diagagōn, mē hypopherōn to kryos lepton gar eiche pany kai asthenes to sōma, parekalese ton ᾿Attikon, hōste eis topon autou heteron geirotonēsai᾿ phēsas di᾽ ouden heteron, ē dia to kryos paraiteisthai tēn en Thrakę̄ diagōgēn. Heterou oun diatouto antichatastathentos, emenen ho Silbanos tę̄ Kōnstantinou polei, ton askētikon bion akrōs meterchomenos. outon de atryphos ēn, hōs ta polla en tosoutǭ plēthei tēs tēlikautēs poleōs, apo chortinōn sandaliōn proerchesthai. Chronou de tinos diagenomenou, ho tēs en Trōadi proestōs Ekklēsias eteleutē sen. Dio parēsan hoi Trōes zētountes episkopon. ᾿Attikou de diascheptomenou tina cheirotonēsei, synethē ton Silbanon epi thean pareinai autou. Ho de theasamenos auton, euthys tēn phrontida epetheto, pros ton Silbanon, Oucheti prophasin echeis, phēsi, tou apophygein Ekklēsias phrontida. Hē gar Trōas chrymon ouch echei. ᾿All᾽ idou soi topos euchairos pros tēn tou sōmatos astheneian Theou eutrepizetai. Mē ᾿melle oun, adelphe, all᾽ epi tēn Trōada poreuou. Metestē oun ekei ho Silthanos. Kai thauma en tais chersin autou genomenon diēgēsomai. Naus achthophoros megistē, tous megalous chomizousa kionas, platēn autēn onomazousi, neōsti kateskeuasto en tǭ tēs Trōados aigialǭ" tautēn te edei chathelchesthai eis tēn thalassan, Pollōn te chalōdiōn, kai polyplētheias andrōn helchontōn autēn, oudamōs echineito naus. Epeidē de touto pollais hēmerais egineto, hǭēthēsan daimonion tēn naun. Kai genomenoi ha para ton episkopon parekaloun auton euchēn epi tou topou telesai, Houtō gar monōs tēn gaun kathelkysthēnai episteusan. Ho de metriophronōn, hamartōlon heauton apekalei, kai elege to ergon dichaiou einai tinos, ou mēn heautou. ᾿Echliparēsantōn d᾽ oun, hēke para ton aigialon. Euchēn te echtelesas, hēpsato henos tōn schoiniōn, tou ergou parekeleueto echesthai. Tōn de brachyn ōthismon poiēsamenōn, dromaia hē naus epi tēn thalassan eporeueto. Touto to thauma en tais chersi Silbanou genomenon, pantas tous kata tēn eparchian eis euladeian ēgen. de Silbanos ta alla anēr agathos. Katidōn goun tous klērikous emporian poioumenous tas tōn dichazomenōn ereschelias, oudena ton tou klērou dikastēn edidou pote " alla ta biblia tōn deomenōn dechomenos, parekalei hena tōn pistōn laïkōn, hon ēdei philounta to dikaion " chacheinǭ encheirisas tēn akroasin, tous dikazomenous tēs ereschelias apēlasen. Kai diatauta goun megistēn eukleian para pasin ekektēto. Ta men peri Silbanou, ei kai en parekbasei eimētai, all᾽ ouk achreiōs hēgoumai mnēmēn autōn gegonenai. Epanelthōmen de hothen exa ebēmen. Maximianou toinyn procheiristhentos eis tēn episkopēn, en hypateią Bassou kai ᾿Antiochou, peri tēn eikada pemptēn tou Oktōbriou k mēnos, ta tōn Ekklēsiōn hēsychaze pragmata.
Silvanus had formerly been an orator of the school of Troilus the sophist. But being eager to be a Christian strictly and practising the ascetic life, he would no longer wear the cloak of the schools (tribōn). Afterwards Atticus the bishop took him and made him bishop of Philippopolis. He spent three years in broad Thrace; but not bearing the cold, for he had a very thin and weak body, he asked Atticus to ordain another in his place, saying that he declined to live in Thrace for no other reason than the cold. So another was appointed in his place, and Silvanus stayed in Constantinople, following the ascetic life to the utmost. He was so free from luxury that in so great a crowd in so great a city he usually went out in sandals of grass. Some time later the head of the church in Troas died, and the Trojans came seeking a bishop. While Atticus was considering whom to ordain, it happened that Silvanus came to visit him. On seeing him he at once gave up his worry, and said to Silvanus, 'You no longer have an excuse for avoiding the care of a church; for Troas has no frost. See, God is preparing for you a place suited to your body's weakness. So do not delay, brother, but go to Troas.' So Silvanus moved there. I shall relate a wonder done by his hands. A very large cargo ship, of the kind that carries the great columns, which they call a platē, had just been built on the shore of Troas, and it had to be launched into the sea. Though it was hauled with many cables and by a great number of men, the ship would not move at all. When this went on for many days, they thought that a demon held the ship. So they went to the bishop and begged him to offer prayer on the spot, for they believed that only so could the ship be launched. He, being humble-minded, called himself a sinner and said that the work belonged to some righteous man, not to him. But when they pressed him, he came to the shore, offered prayer, took hold of one of the ropes, and urged them to set to the work. When they made a slight push, the ship ran swiftly into the sea. This wonder done by Silvanus's hands led all in the province to piety. Silvanus was a good man in other ways too. Seeing that the clergy made a trade of the wrangles of litigants, he never gave anyone of the clergy as judge; but receiving the petitions of those in need, he asked one of the faithful laity whom he knew to love justice, entrusted him with the hearing, and freed the litigants from their wrangling. For this too he gained the greatest renown among all. What concerns Silvanus, though told in a digression, I think has not been mentioned uselessly. Let us return to where we left off. When Maximian had been advanced to the bishopric, in the consulship of Bassus and Antiochus, about the twenty-fifth of October, the affairs of the churches were quiet.
7.38PG 67:825–827
Περὶ δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον πολλοὶ τῶν ἐν Κρήτῃ Ἰουδαίων ἐγχριστιάνισαν διὰ πάθος τοιόνδε · ᾿Απατεών τις Ἰουδαῖος ὑπεκρίνατο εἶναι Μωϋσῆς· πεπέμφθαι δὲ ἔλεγεν ἐκ τῶν οὐρανῶν, ὅπως ἂν τοὺς τὴν νῆσον οἰκοῦντας Ἰουδαίους ἐκβάλῃ διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης ἀγαγών · αὐτὸς γὰρ εἶναι ἔλεγεν, ὁ καὶ τὸν Ἰσραὴλ πάλαι διὰ τῆς Ἐρυθρᾶς θαλάσσης σώσας. Ἐφ᾿ ὅλον οὖν ἐνιαυτὸν περιῄει καθ' ἑκάστην τῆς νήσου πόλιν· καὶ τοὺς ἐν αὐταῖς οἰκοῦντας Ἰουδαίους τὰ τοιαῦτα πιστεύειν ἀνέπειθε. Παρήνει τε πάντα τὰ χρήματα καὶ τὰ κτήματα καταλιπεῖν· ἄξειν γὰρ αὐτοὺς διὰ ξηρᾶς τῆς θαλάσσης εἰς τὴν γῆν τῆς ἐπαγγελίας ὑπισχνεῖτο. Οἱ δὲ ταῖς τοιαύταις ἐλπίσι βουκολούμενοι, πάντων μὲν τῶν ἔργων ἡμέλουν· κατεφρόνουν δὲ καὶ ὧν ἐκέκτηντο, τοῖς ἐπιτυχοῦσιν ἀφέντες λαμβάνειν αὐτά. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἦν ἡμέρα ἣν ὁ ἀπατεὼν Ἰουδαῖος ἐσήμαινεν, ἡγεῖτο μὲν αὐτὸς, ἠκολούθουν δὲ οἱ σύμπαντες, ἅμα γυναιξὶ καὶ τῇ € 389 : μικρᾷ ἡλικίᾳ. ῎Αγει οὖν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τι ἀκρωτήριον ἐπὶ τῆς θαλάσσης ἐκνεῦον, καὶ κυβιστᾷν κατ᾿ αὐτῆς ἐκέλευε. Τοῦτο οὖν ἐποίουν οἱ πρότεροι τῷ κρημνῷ προσπελάσαντες, καὶ εὐθὺς ἔθνησκον, τοῦτο μὲν τοῖς κρημνοῖς προσρηγνύμενοι, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ ὕδωρ ἀποπνιγόμενοι. Καὶ πλείους ἂν διεφθάρησαν, εἰ μὴ Θεοῦ προνοήσαντος παρέτυχον ἄνδρες Χριστιανοί, ἁλιεῖς τε καὶ ἔμποροι. Οἱ τοὺς μὲν πνιγομένους ἀνέλκοντες ἔσωζον, τότε τῆς ἀνοίας αἴσθησιν ἐν τῷ κακῶς πάσχειν λαμβάνοντας. Τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀνεῖργον ῥίπτειν ἑαυτοὺς, μηνύοντες τὴν ἀπώλειαν τῶν πρότερον ῥιψάντων ἑαυτούς. Οἱ καὶ γνόντες τότε τὴν ἀπάτην, ἐμέμφοντο μὲν τὴν ἄκριτον ἑαυτῶν πίστιν, τὸν δὲ ψευδο-Μωϋσῆν ἀνελεῖν σπεύδοντες, συλλαβεῖν οὐ δεδύνηνται. ᾿Αφανὴς γὰρ ἐγένετο, ὑπόνοιάν τε παρέσχε τοῖς πλείοσιν, ὡς εἴη δαίμων ἀλάστωρ, άνθρώπου σχῆμα ὑποδὺς, ἐπὶ λύμῃ τοῦ ἐκεῖ ἔθνους αὐτῶν. Διὰ δὲ τόδε τὸ πάθος πολλοὶ τότε τῶν ἐν τῇ Κρήτῃ Ἰουδαίων, χαιρειν τῷ Ἰουδαϊσμῷ φράσαντες, τῇ πίστει τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ προσεχώρησαν.
Peri de ton chronon touton polloi tōn en Krētę̄ Ioudaiōn enchristianisan dia pathos toionde ; ᾿Apateōn tis Ioudaios hypekrinato einai Mōÿsēs; pepemphthai de elegen ek tōn ouranōn, hopōs an tous tēn nēson oikountas Ioudaious ekbalę̄ dia tēs thalassēs agagōn ; autos gar einai elegen, ho kai ton Israēl palai dia tēs Erythras thalassēs sōsas. Eph᾿ holon oun eniauton perię̄ei kath' hekastēn tēs nēsou polin; kai tous en autais oikountas Ioudaious ta toiauta pisteuein anepeithe. Parēnei te panta ta chrēmata kai ta ktēmata katalipein; axein gar autous dia xēras tēs thalassēs eis tēn gēn tēs epangelias hypischneito. Hoi de tais toiautais elpisi boukoloumenoi, pantōn men tōn ergōn hēmeloun; katephronoun de kai hōn ekektēnto, tois epitychousin aphentes lambanein auta. Epeidē de ēn hēmera hēn ho apateōn Ioudaios esēmainen, hēgeito men autos, ēkolouthoun de hoi sympantes, hama gynaixi kai tę̄ € 389 : mikrą hēlikią. ᾿Agei oun autous epi ti akrōtērion epi tēs thalassēs ekneuon, kai kybistąn kat᾿ autēs ekeleue. Touto oun epoioun hoi proteroi tǭ krēmnǭ prospelasantes, kai euthys ethnēskon, touto men tois krēmnois prosrēgnymenoi, touto de kai eis to hydōr apopnigomenoi. Kai pleious an diephtharēsan, ei mē Theou pronoēsantos paretychon andres Christianoi, halieis te kai emporoi. Hoi tous men pnigomenous anelkontes esōzon, tote tēs anoias aisthēsin en tǭ kakōs paschein lambanontas. Tous de allous aneirgon rhiptein heautous, mēnyontes tēn apōleian tōn proteron rhipsantōn heautous. Hoi kai gnontes tote tēn apatēn, ememphonto men tēn akriton heautōn pistin, ton de pseudo-Mōÿsēn anelein speudontes, syllabein ou dedynēntai. ᾿Aphanēs gar egeneto, hyponoian te paresche tois pleiosin, hōs eiē daimōn alastōr, anthrōpou schēma hypodys, epi lymę̄ tou ekei ethnous autōn. Dia de tode to pathos polloi tote tōn en tę̄ Krētę̄ Ioudaiōn, chairein tǭ Ioudaïsmǭ phrasantes, tę̄ pistei tou Christianismou prosechōrēsan.
About this time many of the Jews in Crete became Christians because of a calamity of the following kind. A Jewish impostor pretended to be Moses, and said he had been sent from heaven to lead out the Jews living on the island by bringing them through the sea; for he said he was the one who had long ago saved Israel through the Red Sea. For a whole year he went round every city of the island and persuaded the Jews living in them to believe such things. He urged them to leave all their money and possessions, for he promised to lead them through the sea on dry ground into the land of promise. They, led on by such hopes, neglected all their work and despised what they possessed, leaving it to anyone who came along to take. When the day came that the impostor had appointed, he himself led, and all followed, with women and little children. He led them to a promontory jutting out over the sea and ordered them to throw themselves headlong into it. Those in front did this as they came to the cliff and died at once, some dashed against the rocks, others drowned in the water. And more would have perished, had not, by God's providence, Christian men, fishermen and merchants, happened to be there. They pulled out and saved those who were drowning, who then, in their suffering, came to see their folly; and they stopped the others from throwing themselves down, telling them of the destruction of those who had thrown themselves down before. Then, recognizing the deception, they blamed their own uncritical belief and were eager to kill the false Moses, but they could not seize him; for he disappeared, and gave most people the suspicion that he was an avenging demon who had taken human form for the ruin of their nation there. Because of this calamity many of the Jews in Crete then bade farewell to Judaism and came over to the Christian faith.
7.39PG 67:827–829
Μικρὸν δὲ μετὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον, Παῦλος ὁ τῶν Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος, θεοφιλοῦς ὄντως ἀνδρὸς δό-. ξαν ἐκτήσατο, καὶ πολλῷ πλεῖον ἧς ἐκέκτητο πρότερον. Συμβάν γὰρ ἐμπρησμὸν γενέσθαι χαλεπώτατον, καὶ οἷος οὐδεπώποτε ἐγεγόνει πρότερον · πολύ γὰρ μέρος τῆς πόλεως τὸ πῦρ κατηνάλωσεν, ὡς καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ὠρίων ἀπολέσθαι, καὶ τὸ δημόσιον, ᾧ ἐπώνυμόν ἐστιν ᾿Αχιλλεύς · τέλος ἐπινεμόμενον τὸ πῦρ, καὶ τῇ Ναυατιανῶν ἐκκλησίᾳ, τῇ κειμένῃ πλησίον τοῦ Πελαργοῦ προσέβαλλεν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Παῦλος κινδυνεύουσαν τὴν ἐκκλησίαν ἑώρα, εἰσπηδήσας εἰς τὸ θυσιαστήριον, Θεῷ τὰ κατὰ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν τῆς σωτηρίας ἐπέτρεπε. Καὶ οὐ διέλιπεν εὐχόμενος ὑπέρ τε τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοῦ εὐκτηρίου τόπου. Θεὸς δὲ ἄρα ἐπήκουσε τοῦ ἀνδρὸς, ὡς τὸ ἔργον ἀπέδειξεν. Τὸ γὰρ πῦρ εἰς τὸ εὐκτήριον διὰ πασῶν θυρῶν καὶ θυρίδων εἰσπεσὸν, οὐδὲν ἐλυ μήνατο. Ἀλλὰ πολλὰ μὲν τῶν πέριξ γειτνιαζόντων ἠφάνιζεν. Αὐτὸν δὲ ἦν ἰδεῖν ἐν μέσῳ ὅλῳ πυρὶ, νικῶντα αὐτοῦ τὴν ὑπερβάλλουσαν ἔκκαυσιν. Καὶ τούτου ἐπὶ δύο νυχθήμερα γενομένου, ἀπεσβέσθη μὲν ὁ σύμπας ἐμπρησμός, πολλὰ μέρη καταναλώσας τῆς πόλεως. Ἡ δὲ ἐκκλησία ἑωρᾶτο ἀκέραιος. Καὶ τὸ γε θαυμαστόν, ὅτι μηδὲ καπνοῦ ἴχνος ἦν ἰδεῖν ἐν τοῖς ξύλοις ἢ τοίχοις αὐτῆς. Τοῦτο μὲν οὖν γέγονε περὶ τὴν ἑπτακαιδεκάτην τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνὸς, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Θεοδοσίου τὸ τεσσαρεσκαιδέκατον, καὶ Μαξίμου. Ναυατιανοὶ δὲ σῶστρα τῆς ἐκκλησίας ἐξ ἐκείνου καθ' ἕκαστον ἔτος ἐπιτελοῦσι, περὶ τὴν ἑπτακαιδεκάτην τοῦ Αὐγούστου μηνὸς, εὐχαριστηρίους εὐχὰς πέμποντες τῷ Θεῷ. Σχεδόν τε πάντες διὰ τὸ ἐπ᾿ αὐ τῆς συμβὰν θαῦμα, τιμῶσιν ἐξ ἐκείνου τὸν τόπον, καὶ ὡς ἀληθῶς ἅγιον προσκυνοῦσιν, οὐ μόνον Χριστιανοὶ, ἀλλὰ τῶν Ἑλληνιζόντων πλείονες, Τοσαῦτα , μὲν περὶ τούτων.
Mikron de meta tonde ton chronon, Paulos ho tōn Nauatianōn episkopos, theophilous ontōs andros do-. xan ektēsato, kai pollǭ pleion hēs ekektēto proteron. Symban gar emprēsmon genesthai chalepōtaton, kai hoios oudepōpote egegonei proteron ; poly gar meros tēs poleōs to pyr katēnalōsen, hōs kai ta megista tōn ōriōn apolesthai, kai to dēmosion, hǭ epōnymon estin ᾿Achilleus ; telos epinemomenon to pyr, kai tę̄ Nauatianōn ekklēsią, tę̄ keimenę̄ plēsion tou Pelargou proseballen. Epei de ho episkopos Paulos kindyneuousan tēn ekklēsian heōra, eispēdēsas eis to thysiastērion, Theǭ ta kata tēn ekklēsian tēs sōtērias epetrepe. Kai ou dielipen euchomenos hyper te tēs poleōs kai tou euktēriou topou. Theos de ara epēkouse tou andros, hōs to ergon apedeixen. To gar pyr eis to euktērion dia pasōn thyrōn kai thyridōn eispeson, ouden ely mēnato. Alla polla men tōn perix geitniazontōn ēphanizen. Auton de ēn idein en mesǭ holǭ pyri, nikōnta autou tēn hyperballousan ekkausin. Kai toutou epi dyo nychthēmera genomenou, apesbesthē men ho sympas emprēsmos, polla merē katanalōsas tēs poleōs. Hē de ekklēsia heōrato akeraios. Kai to ge thaumaston, hoti mēde kapnou ichnos ēn idein en tois xylois ē toichois autēs. Touto men oun gegone peri tēn heptakaidekatēn tou Augoustou mēnos, en hypateią Theodosiou to tessareskaidekaton, kai Maximou. Nauatianoi de sōstra tēs ekklēsias ex ekeinou kath' hekaston etos epitelousi, peri tēn heptakaidekatēn tou Augoustou mēnos, eucharistērious euchas pempontes tǭ Theǭ. Schedon te pantes dia to ep᾿ au tēs symban thauma, timōsin ex ekeinou ton topon, kai hōs alēthōs hagion proskynousin, ou monon Christianoi, alla tōn Hellēnizontōn pleiones, Tosauta , men peri toutōn.
A little after this time Paul, the bishop of the Novatians, gained the reputation of a man truly dear to God, much more than he had before. A very severe fire broke out, such as had never happened before; for the fire consumed a large part of the city, so that the greatest of the granaries were destroyed, and the public bath called Achilles. At last the fire, spreading, attacked the church of the Novatians lying near the Pelargus. When Paul the bishop saw the church in danger, he rushed into the sanctuary and committed the safety of the church to God; and he did not cease praying for the city and for the house of prayer. And God heard the man, as the event showed. For the fire, falling into the house of prayer through all its doors and windows, did no damage; it destroyed many of the buildings neighbouring it round about, but the church itself could be seen in the midst of the whole fire, overcoming its excessive heat. When this had gone on for two days and nights, the whole fire was put out, having consumed many parts of the city; but the church was seen untouched, and, what is wonderful, there was not even a trace of smoke to be seen on its timbers or walls. This happened about the seventeenth of August, in the consulship of Theodosius for the fourteenth time and Maximus. The Novatians since then celebrate each year a feast of thanksgiving for the saving of the church, about the seventeenth of August, offering prayers of thanksgiving to God. And nearly everyone, because of the wonder that happened there, honours the place from then on and reveres it as truly holy, not only Christians but most of the pagans too. So much about these things.
7.40PG 67:829
τοῦ ᾿Απριλλίου μηνός. Συνέδη δὲ ἐν αὑτῇ ἐθδομάδα εἶναι τῶν νηστειῶν, τὴν γε:τνιάζουσαν τῇ τοῦ Πάσχα ἑορτῇ " ἡμέρα 65 ἣν καλουμένη πέμπτη. Τότε δὴ καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος, σοφῶς τοῦ πράγματος προενόησεν, “ἵνα γὰρ μὴ πάλιν περὶ ἐπιλογῆς ἐπισκόπου ξήτησις ἧ, ταραχὴν τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ χινήσῃ, μὴ μελλήσας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι κειμένου τοῦ σώματος Μαξιμιανοῦ, τοῖς παροῦσιν ἐπισκόποις ἐνθρονίσαι τὸν Πρόἐπέτρεψεν. Τοῦτο γὰρ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῆς Ῥωμαίων Κελεστίνου ἐπιστολαὶ παροῦσαι ἐγίνοντὸ σύμψηφοι, ἃς ἐκεῖνος ἀπεστάλχει τε τῷ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας, καὶ Ἰωάννῃ τῷ ᾿Αντιοχείας, καὶ Ῥούφῳ τῷ Θεσσαλονίκης, διδάσκων ὡς οὐδὲν κωλύει τόν τε ἑτέρας πόλεως ὀνομασθέντα ἣ ὄντα ἐπίσκοπον, εἰς ἄλλην μετατίθεσθαι. Ἐνθρονισθεὶς οὖν ὁ Πρόκλος, τὴν ἐκκομιδὴν τοῦ Μαξιμιανοῦ σώ - ματος ἐποιήσατο, Καιρὸς δὲ ἤδη, καὶ περὶ αὐτοῦ βραχέα διεξελθεῖν,
tou ᾿Aprilliou mēnos. Synedē de en hautę̄ ethdomada einai tōn nēsteiōn, tēn ge:tniazousan tę̄ tou Pascha heortę̄ " hēmera 65 hēn kaloumenē pemptē. Tote dē kai ho basileus Theodosios, sophōs tou pragmatos proenoēsen, “hina gar mē palin peri epilogēs episkopou xētēsis hē, tarachēn tę̄ Ekklēsią chinēsę̄, mē mellēsas, all᾽ eti keimenou tou sōmatos Maximianou, tois parousin episkopois enthronisai ton Proepetrepsen. Touto gar tou episkopou tēs Rhōmaiōn Kelestinou epistolai parousai eginonto sympsēphoi, has ekeinos apestalchei te tǭ ᾿Alexandreias, kai Iōannę̄ tǭ ᾿Antiocheias, kai Rhouphǭ tǭ Thessalonikēs, didaskōn hōs ouden kōlyei ton te heteras poleōs onomasthenta hē onta episkopon, eis allēn metatithesthai. Enthronistheis oun ho Proklos, tēn ekkomidēn tou Maximianou sō - matos epoiēsato, Kairos de ēdē, kai peri autou brachea diexelthein,
Maximian, having presided over the church quietly for two years and five months, died in the consulship of Areobindus and Aspar, on the twelfth of April. It happened to be the week of the fasts next to the feast of Easter, the day called Thursday. Then the emperor Theodosius wisely provided for the matter. So that the question of the election of a bishop might not again stir up turmoil in the church, he did not delay, but while the body of Maximian still lay unburied he instructed the bishops present to enthrone Proclus. Letters of Celestine, bishop of the Romans, which were at hand, agreed with this; he had sent them to Cyril of Alexandria, John of Antioch and Rufus of Thessalonica, teaching that nothing prevents one named or being bishop of one city from being transferred to another. So Proclus, having been enthroned, carried out the funeral of Maximian's body. It is now time to go through a few things about him too.
7.41PG 67:829–831
Πρόκλος ἐχ πρώτης ἡλικίας ἀναγνώστης ἐτύγχανεν ὧν, ἐφοίτα τε εἰς διδασκάλους, καὶ ῥητορικῆς ἐγίνετο ζηλωτής. Τελέσας δὲ εἰς ἄνδρα, τὰ πολλὰ παρῆν τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ ᾿Αττικῷ, ὑπογραφεὺς αὐτοῦ τῶν λόγων γενόμενος. Προχόψαντα δὲ αὐτὸν τῇ τάξει τῆς διακονίας ᾿Αττικὸς προηγάγετο. ᾿Αξιωθεὶς δὲ πρεσθδυτερείου, ὡς προεῖπον, ὑπὸ Σισιννίου πρὸς τὴν Κυξίχου ἐπισκοπὴν ? προξθλήθη. Ταῦτα μὲν ἤδη πρότερον ἐγένετο. Τότε δὴ τῆς ἐν Κωνσταντίνου ὁ: ! ὅ. ! 25, Ἐκκλησίας τὸν θρόνον ἐχληρώθη. δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς τὸ ἦθος, εἰ καί τις ἄλλος. Ὑπὸ γὰρ τῷ ᾿Αττιχῷ παιδευθεὶς, πάντα αὐτοῦ τὰ χρηστὰ ἐμιμήσατο. Τὴν δὲ ἀνεξιχαχίαν πλέον ἣν ἐκεῖνος ἐξήσχησεν. μὲν γὰρ τοῖς αἱρεσιώταις φοδερὸν ἐν καιρῷ ἑχυτὸν ἐπεδείχνυσεν " οὗτος δὲ προσηνὴς τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐγίνετο, τούτῳ δὲ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἢ βίᾳ προνἀγεσθαι προνοῶν. Αἴρεσιν γὰρ οὐδεμίαν σκύλλειν αἱρούμενος, τὸ ἀξίωμα τῆς πραότητος τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ φυλάξας ἀπέδωκε, κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ μέρος, τὸν βασιλέα μιμούμενος: Θεοδόσιον. Ἐχείνῳ μὲν γὰρ κατὰ τῶν ὑπαιτίων μὴ χρήσασθαι τῇ βασιλικῇ ἐξουσίχ " τούτῳ δὲ, μικρὰ φροντίσαι τῶν μὴ φρονούντων περὶ Θεοῦ, ἧ ἐφρόνει αὐτός.
Proklos ech prōtēs hēlikias anagnōstēs etynchanen hōn, ephoita te eis didaskalous, kai rhētorikēs egineto zēlōtēs. Telesas de eis andra, ta polla parēn tǭ episkopǭ ᾿Attikǭ, hypographeus autou tōn logōn genomenos. Prochopsanta de auton tę̄ taxei tēs diakonias ᾿Attikos proēgageto. ᾿Axiōtheis de presthdytereiou, hōs proeipon, hypo Sisinniou pros tēn Kyxichou episkopēn ? proxthlēthē. Tauta men ēdē proteron egeneto. Tote dē tēs en Kōnstantinou ho: ! ho. ! 25, Ekklēsias ton thronon echlērōthē. de anēr agathos to ēthos, ei kai tis allos. Hypo gar tǭ ᾿Attichǭ paideutheis, panta autou ta chrēsta emimēsato. Tēn de anexichachian pleon hēn ekeinos exēschēsen. men gar tois hairesiōtais phoderon en kairǭ hechyton epedeichnysen " houtos de prosēnēs tois pasin egineto, toutǭ de mallon autous ē bią pronagesthai pronoōn. Airesin gar oudemian skyllein hairoumenos, to axiōma tēs praotētos tę̄ Ekklēsią phylaxas apedōke, kata touto to meros, ton basilea mimoumenos: Theodosion. Echeinǭ men gar kata tōn hypaitiōn mē chrēsasthai tę̄ basilikę̄ exousich " toutǭ de, mikra phrontisai tōn mē phronountōn peri Theou, hē ephronei autos.
Proclus was a reader from his earliest youth; he attended teachers and became a devotee of rhetoric. When he reached manhood he was much with Atticus the bishop, becoming the secretary of his discourses. As he advanced, Atticus promoted him to the order of deacon. Having been made a presbyter, he was put forward, as I said before, by Sisinnius for the bishopric of Cyzicus. These things happened earlier. Now he obtained the throne of the church in Constantinople. He was a man of good character if anyone was. Taught by Atticus, he imitated all his good qualities; and he practised forbearance even more than he. For Atticus showed himself formidable to the heretics on occasion; but Proclus was gentle to all, taking care to win them by this rather than by force. Choosing to harass no sect, he preserved and restored to the church the dignity of gentleness, imitating in this respect the emperor Theodosius. For the emperor's way was not to use his imperial power against offenders; Proclus's, to care little about those who did not think about God as he himself thought.
7.42PG 67:831
Ἐπὶ τούτοις μὲν οὖν, καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν ἀπεδέχετο. Καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸς τοῖς ἀληθῶς ἱερωμένοις ἐφάμιλλος ἦν, καὶ οὐδαμοῦ τοὺς διώκειν ἐθέλοντας ἀπεδέχετο. Τολμήσας δ᾽ ἂν εἴποιμι, ὅτι τῇ πραότητ' πάντας τοὺς ἀληθῶς ἱερωμένους ἐνίκα, καθάπερ ἡ βίβλος τῶν ᾿Αριθμῶν. ἐπὶ Μωῦϊσέως φησί" Καὶ ὁ ἄνθρωπος Μωῦσῆς πρᾶος σφόδρα παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοὺς ὄντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς" τουτ᾽ ἔστι καὶ νῦν εἰπεῖν, ὅτι ὁ βασιλεὺς Θεοδόσιος, πραῦς σφόδρα παρὰ πάντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοὺς ὄντας ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς. Διὰ ταύτην γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὴν πραότητα, καὶ ὁ Θεὸς τοὺς πολεμίους αὐτῷ δίχα πολεμικῶν ἀγώνων ὑπέταττεν " ὡς ἔδειξεν τά τε κατὰ τοῦ τυράννου Ἰωάννου τρόπαια, καὶ ἡ ἐπιγενομένη μεταταῦτα τῶν Βαρβάρων ἀπώλεια. Οἷα γὰρ τοῖς πάλαι διχαίοις ὑπῆρχε παρὰ Θεοῦ, τοιαῦτα καὶ ἐπὶ τῶνδε τῶν χρόνων τῷ θεοφιλεστάτῳ βασιλεῖ παρεῖχεν ὁ τῶν ὅλων Θεός. Καὶ οὐ κολακείᾳ ταῦτα γράφω, ἀλλὰ μετὰ τῆς ἀληθείας τὰ πᾶσι γενόμενα γνώριμα παραθήσο-
Epi toutois men oun, kai ho basileus auton apedecheto. Kai gar autos tois alēthōs hierōmenois ephamillos ēn, kai oudamou tous diōkein ethelontas apedecheto. Tolmēsas d᾽ an eipoimi, hoti tę̄ praotēt' pantas tous alēthōs hierōmenous enika, kathaper hē biblos tōn ᾿Arithmōn. epi Mōyïseōs phēsi" Kai ho anthrōpos Mōysēs praos sphodra para pantas tous anthrōpous tous ontas epi tēs gēs" tout᾽ esti kai nyn eipein, hoti ho basileus Theodosios, praus sphodra para pantas tous anthrōpous tous ontas epi tēs gēs. Dia tautēn gar autou tēn praotēta, kai ho Theos tous polemious autǭ dicha polemikōn agōnōn hypetatten " hōs edeixen ta te kata tou tyrannou Iōannou tropaia, kai hē epigenomenē metatauta tōn Barbarōn apōleia. Hoia gar tois palai dichaiois hypērche para Theou, toiauta kai epi tōnde tōn chronōn tǭ theophilestatǭ basilei pareichen ho tōn holōn Theos. Kai ou kolakeią tauta graphō, alla meta tēs alētheias ta pasi genomena gnōrima parathēso-
For these reasons the emperor too approved of him. For he himself was a rival of those truly consecrated, and nowhere approved those who wished to persecute. I would dare to say that in gentleness he surpassed all those truly consecrated, as the book of Numbers says of Moses: 'And the man Moses was very meek, above all the men who were on the earth.' That is, one may now say that the emperor Theodosius is very meek above all the men who are on the earth. For because of this gentleness of his, God also subdued his enemies to him without battles, as was shown by the trophies over the usurper John and the destruction of the barbarians that followed. For such things as were given by God to the righteous of old, the God of all gave in these times too to the most God-loving emperor. And I do not write this in flattery, but I shall set down with truth what is known to all.
7.43PG 67:831–833
Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν τοῦ τυράννου ἀναίρεσιν, οἱ ροι οὃς ἐκεῖνος πρὸς βοήθειαν κατὰ Ῥωμαίων ἐκάλεσεν, ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν χατατρέχειν τὰ Ῥωμαίων πράγματα. Ταῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς πυθόμενος, συνήθως τὴν περὶ τούτων φροντίδα ἐπέτρεψε τῷ Θεῷ· εὐχαῖς τε σχολάσας, οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐξήνυσεν ἃ ἐζήτει λαβεῖν. Οἷα γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐγένετο τοῖς βαρβάροις, καλὸν ἐπακοῦσαι. Θνήσκει μὲν αὐτῶν ὁ ἔπαρχος, ᾧ ὄνομα ἦν Ῥούγας, βληθεὶς κεραυνῷ. Λοιμός τε ἐπιλαβόμένος τὸ πλεῖστον τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτῷ ἀνθρώπων διέφθειρε. Καὶ οὐ τοῦτο μόνον ἐξήρκεσεν· ἀλλὰ γὰρ καὶ πῦρ ἐξ οὐρανοῦ κατελθὸν, πολλοὺς τῶν ὑπολειφθέντων ἀνάλωσεν. Καὶ τοῦτο εἰς δέος μέγιστον τοὺς βαρβάρους κατέστησεν, οὐ τοσοῦτον ὅτι πρὸς ἔθνος γενναῖον τὸ Ῥωμαίων ὅπλα ἀνταίρειν ἐτόλμησαν · ἀλλ' ὅτι πλέον ὑπὸ ἰσχυροῦ Θεοῦ βοηθουμένους ἐφεύρισκον. Τότε δὴ καὶ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Πρόκλος, ἐκ τοῦ Ἱεζεκιήλ προφητείαν ἐπ᾿ ἐκκλησίας διδάσκων, τῇ γενομένῃ ἐκ Θεοῦ σωτηρίᾳ προσαρμόσας, ἱκανῶς ἐθαυμάσθη. Ἡ δὲ προφητεία ἐστὶν αὕτη· Καὶ σὺ, υἱὲ ἀνθρώπου, προφήτευσον ἐπὶ Γὼν ἄρχοντα, Ῥὼς, Μισόχ καὶ Θόβελ. Κρινῶ γὰρ αὐτὸν θανάτῳ, καὶ αἵματι, καὶ ὑετῷ κατακλύζοντι, καὶ λίθοις χαλάζης. Καὶ πῦρ καὶ θεῖον βρέξω ἐπ' αὐτὸν, καὶ ἐπὶ πάντας τοὺς μετ' αὐτοῦ, καὶ εἰς ἔθνη πολλὰ μετ' αὐτοῦ. Καὶ μεγαλυνθήσομαι, καὶ ἐνδοξασθήσομαι, καὶ γνωσθήσομαι ἐναντίον πολλῶν ἐθνῶν· καὶ γνώσονται, ὅτι ἐγώ εἰμι ὁ Κύριος. Σφόδρα μὲν οὖν, ὡς ἔφην, ἐθαυμάσθη ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ Πρόκλος. Τῷ δέ γε βασιλεῖ διὰ τὴν πραότητα, καὶ ἄλλα μὲν πλεῖστα παρείχεν ἡ τοῦ Θεοῦ πρόνοια· ἓν δὲ κἀκεῖνο.
Meta gar tēn tou tyrannou anairesin, hoi roi hoos ekeinos pros boētheian kata Rhōmaiōn ekalesen, hetoimoi ēsan chatatrechein ta Rhōmaiōn pragmata. Tauta ho basileus pythomenos, synēthōs tēn peri toutōn phrontida epetrepse tǭ Theǭ; euchais te scholasas, ouk eis makran exēnysen ha ezētei labein. Hoia gar dē kai egeneto tois barbarois, kalon epakousai. Thnēskei men autōn ho eparchos, hǭ onoma ēn Rhougas, blētheis keraunǭ. Loimos te epilabomenos to pleiston tōn hyp᾿ autǭ anthrōpōn diephtheire. Kai ou touto monon exērkesen; alla gar kai pyr ex ouranou katelthon, pollous tōn hypoleiphthentōn analōsen. Kai touto eis deos megiston tous barbarous katestēsen, ou tosouton hoti pros ethnos gennaion to Rhōmaiōn hopla antairein etolmēsan ; all' hoti pleon hypo ischyrou Theou boēthoumenous epheuriskon. Tote dē kai ho episkopos Proklos, ek tou Hiezekiēl prophēteian ep᾿ ekklēsias didaskōn, tę̄ genomenę̄ ek Theou sōtērią prosarmosas, hikanōs ethaumasthē. Hē de prophēteia estin hautē; Kai sy, huie anthrōpou, prophēteuson epi Gōn archonta, Rhōs, Misoch kai Thobel. Krinō gar auton thanatǭ, kai haimati, kai hyetǭ kataklyzonti, kai lithois chalazēs. Kai pyr kai theion brexō ep' auton, kai epi pantas tous met' autou, kai eis ethnē polla met' autou. Kai megalynthēsomai, kai endoxasthēsomai, kai gnōsthēsomai enantion pollōn ethnōn; kai gnōsontai, hoti egō eimi ho Kyrios. Sphodra men oun, hōs ephēn, ethaumasthē epi toutois ho Proklos. Tǭ de ge basilei dia tēn praotēta, kai alla men pleista pareichen hē tou Theou pronoia; hen de kakeino.
For after the usurper's death, the barbarians whom he had called to his help against the Romans were ready to overrun the Roman domain. When the emperor learned this, as usual he entrusted the care of it to God; and giving himself to prayer, he soon obtained what he sought. It is good to hear what happened to the barbarians. Their leader, whose name was Rugas, died struck by a thunderbolt. A plague took hold and destroyed most of the men under him. And not only this was enough; fire too came down from heaven and consumed many of those who were left. This put the barbarians in the greatest fear, not so much because they had dared to raise arms against a brave nation, the Romans, but because they found them helped by a mighty God. Then Proclus the bishop, teaching in church on a prophecy from Ezekiel and fitting it to the deliverance that had come from God, was much admired. The prophecy is this: 'And you, son of man, prophesy against Gog, prince of Rosh, Meshech and Tubal. For I will judge him with death and with blood and with overflowing rain and with hailstones; and I will rain fire and brimstone upon him and upon all those with him, and upon many nations with him. And I will be magnified and glorified and known before many nations; and they shall know that I am the Lord.' So, as I said, Proclus was greatly admired for this. And the providence of God, because of his gentleness, gave the emperor very many other things, and this one too.
7.44PG 67:833–835
Ἧν αὐτῷ θυγάτηρ ἐκ τῆς γαμετῆς Εὐδοκίας, ὄνομα Εὐδοξία. Ταύτην Οὐαλεντινιανὸς ὁ ἀνεψιὸς ὑπ' αὐτοῦ τῶν Ἑσπερίων μερῶν καταστὰς βασιλεὺς, ᾔτησε πρὸς γάμον λαβεῖν. Ὡς δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐπένευσε Θεοδόσιος, καὶ ἐβουλεύοντο ἐν μεσαιχμίῳ που τοὺς γάμους τελέσαι, ἐδόκει δὲ μερισαμένους τὴν ὁδὸν, ἐν τῇ Θεσσαλονίκῃ τοῦτο ποιῆσαι, μηνύει Οὐαλεντινιανός μὴ σκύλλεσθαι · αὐτὸς γὰρ ἤξειν εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν. Ασφαλισάμενος οὖν τὰ Ἑσπέρια μέρη, αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν παραγίνεται τοῦ γάμου χάριν. Οὗ ἐπιτελεσθέντος ἐν ὑπατείᾳ Ἰσιδώρου καὶ Σινάτορος, λαβὼν τὴν γαμετὴν, αὖθις ἐπὶ τὰ Ἑσπέρια μέρη ἀνέδραμεν. Τοιοῦτο μὲν οὖν καὶ τόδε τῷ βασιλεῖ εὐτύχημα γέγονεν.
Hēn autǭ thygatēr ek tēs gametēs Eudokias, onoma Eudoxia. Tautēn Oualentinianos ho anepsios hyp' autou tōn Hesperiōn merōn katastas basileus, ę̄tēse pros gamon labein. Hōs de ho basileus epeneuse Theodosios, kai ebouleuonto en mesaichmiǭ pou tous gamous telesai, edokei de merisamenous tēn hodon, en tę̄ Thessalonikę̄ touto poiēsai, mēnyei Oualentinianos mē skyllesthai ; autos gar ēxein eis tēn Kōnstantinoupolin. Asphalisamenos oun ta Hesperia merē, autos epi tēn Kōnstantinoupolin paraginetai tou gamou charin. Hou epitelesthentos en hypateią Isidōrou kai Sinatoros, labōn tēn gametēn, authis epi ta Hesperia merē anedramen. Toiouto men oun kai tode tǭ basilei eutychēma gegonen.
He had a daughter by his wife Eudocia named Eudoxia. Valentinian, his cousin, whom he had made emperor of the western parts, asked to take her in marriage. When the emperor Theodosius consented, and they were planning to celebrate the wedding somewhere midway between them, and it seemed best to divide the journey and do it at Thessalonica, Valentinian sent word that he should not trouble himself, for he would come to Constantinople himself. So, having secured the western parts, he came to Constantinople for the wedding. When it had been celebrated, in the consulship of Isidore and Senator, he took his wife and returned to the western parts. This too was such a piece of good fortune for the emperor.
7.45PG 67:835
Οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν δὲ μετὰ τόνδε τὸν χρόνον, καὶ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος Πρόκλος τοὺς χωριζομένους διὰ τὴν τοῦ ἐπισκόπου Ἰωάννου καθαίρεσιν ἐπανήγαγε, φρονήσει παραμυθησάμενος τὴν λύπην αὐτῶν. Τί δὲ τοῦτο ἦν, λεκτέον. Τὸ σῶμα Ἰωάννου ἐν Κομάνοις τεθαμμένον, βασιλέα πείσας, τριακοστῷ πέμπτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὴν καθαίρεσιν, εἰς τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν μετεκόμισε. Καὶ μετὰ πολλῆς τιμῆς, δημοσίᾳ πομπεύσας αὐτὸ, εἰς τὴν ἐπώνυμον τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων ἐκκλησίαν ἀπέθετο. Πεισθέντες οὖν ἐπὶ τούτῳ οἱ δι᾽ αὐτὸν χωριζόμενοι, τῇ Ἐκκλησίᾳ ἡνώθησαν. Καὶ γέγονεν τῇ ἑξκαιδεκάτῃ ὑπατείᾳ τοῦ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου, περὶ τὴν ἑβδόμην καὶ εἰκάδα τοῦ Ἰανουαρίου μηνός. Θαυμάσαι δέ μοι ἔπεισι, πῶς ὁ φθόνος Ωριγένους μὲν τελευτήσαντος ἥψατο, Ἰωάννου δὲ ἐφείσατο. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ μετὰ διακόσια ἔτη που τῆς ἑαυτοῦ τελευτῆς, ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου ἀκοινώνητος γέγονεν. Ἰωάννης δὲ, τριακοστῷ πέμπτῳ ἔτει μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν εἰς κοι νωνίαν ὑπὸ Πρόκλου ἐδέχθη. Τοσοῦτον Πρόκλος Θεοdis-φίλου τῷ τρόπῳ διήνεγκεν. Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὅπως – γέγονέ τε καὶ ἀεὶ γίνεται, τοὺς σωφρονοῦντας οὐ διαφεύγει.
Ouk eis makran de meta tonde ton chronon, kai ho episkopos Proklos tous chōrizomenous dia tēn tou episkopou Iōannou kathairesin epanēgage, phronēsei paramythēsamenos tēn lypēn autōn. Ti de touto ēn, lekteon. To sōma Iōannou en Komanois tethammenon, basilea peisas, triakostǭ pemptǭ etei meta tēn kathairesin, eis tēn Kōnstantinou polin metekomise. Kai meta pollēs timēs, dēmosią pompeusas auto, eis tēn epōnymon tōn ᾿Apostolōn ekklēsian apetheto. Peisthentes oun epi toutǭ hoi di᾽ auton chōrizomenoi, tę̄ Ekklēsią hēnōthēsan. Kai gegonen tę̄ hexkaidekatę̄ hypateią tou basileōs Theodosiou, peri tēn hebdomēn kai eikada tou Ianouariou mēnos. Thaumasai de moi epeisi, pōs ho phthonos Ōrigenous men teleutēsantos hēpsato, Iōannou de epheisato. Ho men gar meta diakosia etē pou tēs heautou teleutēs, hypo Theophilou akoinōnētos gegonen. Iōannēs de, triakostǭ pemptǭ etei meta tēn teleutēn eis koi nōnian hypo Proklou edechthē. Tosouton Proklos Theodis-philou tǭ tropǭ diēnenken. Alla tauta men hopōs – gegone te kai aei ginetai, tous sōphronountas ou diapheugei.
Not long after this time Proclus the bishop also brought back those who had separated because of the deposition of John the bishop, consoling their grief with prudence. What this was must be told. Having persuaded the emperor, he brought the body of John, buried at Comana, to Constantinople in the thirty-fifth year after his deposition; and having carried it publicly in procession with great honour, he laid it in the church named after the Apostles. Won over by this, those who had separated on his account were united with the church. This happened in the sixteenth consulship of the emperor Theodosius, about the twenty-seventh of January. I cannot help wondering how envy laid hold of Origen after his death but spared John. For the one was excommunicated by Theophilus some two hundred years after his death, while John, in the thirty-fifth year after his death, was received into communion by Proclus. So much did Proclus differ in character from Theophilus. But how these things happened and always happen does not escape the sober-minded.
7.46PG 67:837–839
Ολίγον δὲ μετὰ τὴν τοῦ σώματος Ἰωάννου ἀπόθεσιν, καὶ Παῦλος ὁ τῆς τῶν Ναυατιανῶν Ἐκκλησίας ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ, περὶ τὴν μίαν καὶ εἰκάδα τοῦ Ἰουλίου μηνός. "Ος τῇ ἑαυτοῦ ἐκκομιδῇ πάσας τὰς διαφόρους αἱρέσεις τρόπον τινὰ μίαν Ἐκκλησίαν εἰργάσατο. Πᾶσαι γὰρ αὐτοῦ τὸ σῶμα ἄχρι τοῦ μνήματος σὺν ψαλμῳδίαις παρέπεμπον, ἐπείπερ καὶ ζῶν διὰ βίου ὀρθότητα πάσαις ἐπέραστος ἦν. Ἐπεὶ δὲ Παῦλος ἄξιον μνήμης τελευτᾷν μέλλων διεπράξατο, χρειῶδες εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι τῇδε τῇ ἱστορίᾳ αὐτὸ προσθεῖναι, πρὸς ὠφέλειαν τῶν ἐντυγχανόντων αὐτῇ. Ὅτι μὲν γὰρ ἀῤῥωστῶν τῇ συνήθει τῆς ἀσκήσεως διαίτῃ ἐχρῆτο, μηδαμῶς παρεκβαίνων αὐτὴν, καὶ ὡς διέλειπε τὰς εὐχὰς ἀόκνως ἐκτελῶν, παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ, ἵνα μὴ περὶ τοῦτο διατρίβων, ἀμαυρώσω τὴν ἀξίαν μνήμης, ὡς ἔφην, καὶ ἐπωφελῆ πρᾶξιν αὐτοῦ. Τις δὲ ἐστιν, ἤδη λεκτέον. Μέλλων τελευτᾷν, πάντας τοὺς τῶν ὑπ᾿ αὐτὸν ἐκκλησιῶν ἱερωμένους μεταπεμψάμενος · Φροντίσατε, ἔφη, ἀναδεῖξαι τινὰ ἐπίσκοπον, ἕως ἔτι ἐν πνέουσίν εἰμι · ἵνα μὴ μεταταῦτα ταραχὴν αἱ ᾿Εκκλησίαι ὑμῶν ὑπομείνωσι. Τῶν δὲ λεγόντων, μὴ αὐτοῖς τὴν περὶ τούτου ψῆφον ἐπιτρέπειν · ἄλλος γὰρ ἄλλο κριτήριον ἔχοντες, οὐδαμῶς τὸν αὐτὸν ὀνομάσαιμεν · ἀλλ᾿ αὐτόν σε ἀναδεικνύναι ὂν βούλει αἱρούμεθα. Οὐκοῦν, ἔφη ὁ Παῦλος, ἔγγραφόν μοι τὴν ὁμολογίαν ταύτην ἐπίδοτε, ὅτι τοῦτον αἱρεῖσθε, ὂν ἂν ἐγὼ αὐτὸς ψηφισαίμην. Τῶν δὲ τοῦτο ποιησάντων καὶ ὑπογραψάντων, αὐτὸς ἀνακαθίσας τῆς κλίνης, καὶ λαθὼν τοὺς παρόντας, ἐνέγραψεν ὄνομα Μαρκιανοῦ· ὃς ἐν μὲν τῇ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων τάξει ἐτέτακτο, καὶ ὑπ᾿ αὐτὸν τὸν ἀσκητικὸν ἐπαιδεύετο βίον· ἀπεδήμει δὲ τηνικαῦτα. Εἶτα σφραγίσας αὐτὸς, καὶ τοὺς πρώτους τοῦ πρεσβυτερίου ἐπισφραγίσαι ποιήσας, παρέθετο τοῦτο τὸ βιβλίον Μάρκῳ, ὅστις ἐν Σκυθίᾳ Ναυατιανῶν ἐπίσκοπος ἦν, τότε δὲ ἐπεδήμει τῇ πόλει· καὶ τάδε ἔφη πρὸς αὐτόν· Εἰ μὲν θέλει Θεὸς ἔτι με περιεῖναι εἰς τόνδε τὸν βίον, τήνδε μοι παρακαταθήκην φυλάξας ἀπόδος. Εἰ δὲ με δοκεῖ αὐτῷ μεταστῆσαι, ἐν τούτῳ εὑρήσεις τὸν ὑπ᾿ ἐμοῦ μετ' ἐμὲ ψηφισθέντα ἐπίσκοπον. Ταῦτα εἰπὼν, ἐτελεύτησε. Τρίτῃ οὖν μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν ἡμέρᾳ, ἀνελίξαντες τὸ βιβλίον ἐπὶ πλήθους πολλοῦ, καὶ εὑρόντες τὸ Μαρκιανοῦ ὄνομα, πάντες μὲν ἄξιον εἶναι ἐβόων· καὶ μὴ μελλήσαντες, ἐξαπέστειλαν τοὺς συλληψομένους αὐτόν. Οἱ δὲ, δόλῳ ἀγαθῷ ἐν Τιβερίου πόλει τῆς Φρυγίας διάγοντα συλλαβόντες, ἄγουσι · καὶ περὶ τὴν μίαν καὶ εἰκάδα τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς χειροτονηθέντα ἐνθρονίζουσι. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἐπιτοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω
Oligon de meta tēn tou sōmatos Iōannou apothesin, kai Paulos ho tēs tōn Nauatianōn Ekklēsias eteleutēsen, en hypateią tę̄ autę̄, peri tēn mian kai eikada tou Iouliou mēnos. "Os tę̄ heautou ekkomidę̄ pasas tas diaphorous haireseis tropon tina mian Ekklēsian eirgasato. Pasai gar autou to sōma achri tou mnēmatos syn psalmǭdiais parepempon, epeiper kai zōn dia biou orthotēta pasais eperastos ēn. Epei de Paulos axion mnēmēs teleutąn mellōn diepraxato, chreiōdes einai hēgoumai tę̄de tę̄ historią auto prostheinai, pros ōpheleian tōn entynchanontōn autę̄. Hoti men gar arrhōstōn tę̄ synēthei tēs askēseōs diaitę̄ echrēto, mēdamōs parekbainōn autēn, kai hōs dieleipe tas euchas aoknōs ektelōn, paralipein moi dokō, hina mē peri touto diatribōn, amaurōsō tēn axian mnēmēs, hōs ephēn, kai epōphelē praxin autou. Tis de estin, ēdē lekteon. Mellōn teleutąn, pantas tous tōn hyp᾿ auton ekklēsiōn hierōmenous metapempsamenos ; Phrontisate, ephē, anadeixai tina episkopon, heōs eti en pneousin eimi ; hina mē metatauta tarachēn hai ᾿Ekklēsiai hymōn hypomeinōsi. Tōn de legontōn, mē autois tēn peri toutou psēphon epitrepein ; allos gar allo kritērion echontes, oudamōs ton auton onomasaimen ; all᾿ auton se anadeiknynai on boulei hairoumetha. Oukoun, ephē ho Paulos, engraphon moi tēn homologian tautēn epidote, hoti touton haireisthe, on an egō autos psēphisaimēn. Tōn de touto poiēsantōn kai hypograpsantōn, autos anakathisas tēs klinēs, kai lathōn tous parontas, enegrapsen onoma Markianou; hos en men tę̄ tōn presbyterōn taxei etetakto, kai hyp᾿ auton ton askētikon epaideueto bion; apedēmei de tēnikauta. Eita sphragisas autos, kai tous prōtous tou presbyteriou episphragisai poiēsas, paretheto touto to biblion Markǭ, hostis en Skythią Nauatianōn episkopos ēn, tote de epedēmei tę̄ polei; kai tade ephē pros auton; Ei men thelei Theos eti me perieinai eis tonde ton bion, tēnde moi parakatathēkēn phylaxas apodos. Ei de me dokei autǭ metastēsai, en toutǭ heurēseis ton hyp᾿ emou met' eme psēphisthenta episkopon. Tauta eipōn, eteleutēse. Tritę̄ oun meta tēn teleutēn hēmerą, anelixantes to biblion epi plēthous pollou, kai heurontes to Markianou onoma, pantes men axion einai eboōn; kai mē mellēsantes, exapesteilan tous syllēpsomenous auton. Hoi de, dolǭ agathǭ en Tiberiou polei tēs Phrygias diagonta syllabontes, agousi ; kai peri tēn mian kai eikada tou autou mēnos cheirotonēthenta enthronizousi. Tauta men oun epitosouton eirēsthō
A little after the laying of John's body to rest, Paul too, the bishop of the church of the Novatians, died, in the same consulship, about the twenty-first of July. By his funeral he made all the different sects in a way one church; for all escorted his body to the tomb with psalm-singing, since even while living he was beloved by all for the uprightness of his life. Since Paul did something worth remembering when about to die, I think it useful to add it to this history for the benefit of its readers. That during his illness he kept to his usual ascetic diet, never departing from it, and that he did not stop performing his prayers tirelessly, I think best to pass over, lest by dwelling on this I obscure the deed worth remembering and, as I said, useful. What it is must now be told. When about to die, he sent for all the priests of the churches under him and said: 'Take care to appoint a bishop while I am still among the living, so that your churches may not afterwards suffer turmoil.' They said that the vote on this should not be entrusted to them: 'For each of us having a different judgment, we would never name the same man; but we choose that you yourself appoint whom you wish.' 'Then,' said Paul, 'give me this agreement in writing, that you choose whomever I myself vote for.' When they had done this and signed it, he sat up in his bed and, without those present seeing, wrote in the name of Marcian, who was ranked among the presbyters and had been trained by him in the ascetic life, but was then away from the city. Then he sealed it himself and had the leading members of the presbytery seal it too, and he entrusted this document to Mark, who was bishop of the Novatians in Scythia and was then staying in the city, saying to him: 'If God wishes me still to remain in this life, keep this deposit and give it back to me. But if it seems good to him to take me away, in this you will find the one I have voted to be bishop after me.' Having said this, he died. On the third day after his death they unrolled the document before a great crowd, and finding the name of Marcian, they all cried out that he was worthy; and without delay they sent men to seize him. These, by a good deceit, seized him while he was staying at Tiberiopolis in Phrygia and brought him; and about the twenty-first of the same month he was ordained and enthroned. Let this much be said about these things.
7.47PG 67:839
ἐποίει, ἐξαιρέτοις τιμαῖς γεραίρων τὸν Χριστόν. Καὶ τὴν γαμετὴν Εὐδοκίαν ἐπὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμας ἔπεμπεν. Καὶ γὰρ αὐτὴν ταύτην εὐχὴν ἐπιτελέσειν ἐπηγγέλλετο, ἐὰν τὴν θυγατέρα γαμηθεῖσαν ἐπόψηται· ἀλλὰ αὕτη μὲν, καὶ τὰς περὶ Ἱεροσόλυμα ἐκκλησίας, καὶ πάσας τὰς ἐν ταῖς ᾿Ανατολικαῖς πόλεσι, ποικίλως ἐτίμησεν, ἔν τε τῷ ἀπιέναι, καὶ αὖθις ἐπανιοῦσα.
epoiei, exairetois timais gerairōn ton Christon. Kai tēn gametēn Eudokian epi ta Hierosolymas epempen. Kai gar autēn tautēn euchēn epitelesein epēngelleto, ean tēn thygatera gamētheisan epopsētai; alla hautē men, kai tas peri Hierosolyma ekklēsias, kai pasas tas en tais ᾿Anatolikais polesi, poikilōs etimēsen, en te tǭ apienai, kai authis epaniousa.
The emperor Theodosius offered prayers of thanksgiving to God for the benefits he had received, and he did this honouring Christ with special honours. He also sent his wife Eudocia to Jerusalem; for she had promised to fulfil this very vow if she saw her daughter married. She honoured in various ways the churches about Jerusalem and all those in the cities of the East, both going and returning again.
7.48PG 67:839–841
Πρόκλος δὲ ὁ ἐπίσκοπος κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον περὶ τὴν ἑπτακαιδεκάτην ὑπατείαν τοῦ βασιλέως, πράγματι θαυμαστῷ ἐπεχείρισε, καὶ οἷον οὐδεὶς τῶν πάλαι ἐπισκόπων πεποίηκε. Φίρμου γὰρ τοῦ ἐπισκόπου τῆς ἐν Καισαρείᾳ Καππαδοκίας τελευτήσαντος, παρῆσαν Καισαρεῖς ζητοῦντες ἐπίσκοπου. Ὡς δὲ διεσκέπτετο τίνα πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν προχειρίσαιτο, συνέβη κατὰ θέαν αὐτοῦ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ Σαββάτων, πάντας τοὺς τῆς γερουσίας συγκλητικοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρεῖναι. Ἐν οἷς ἦν καὶ Θαλάσσιος, ἀνὴμ τὴν ὕπαρχον χειρίσας ἀρχὴν τῶν ἐν Ἰλλυρικοῖς ἐθνῶν τε καὶ πόλεων. Μέλλοντι δὲ αὐτῷ, ὡς φήμη ἐκράτει, τὴν τῶν Ἑῴων μερῶν ἐγχειρίζεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως φροντίδα, ἐπιβαλὼν χεῖρα ὁ Πρόκλος, ἀντὶ ὑπάρχου Καισαρείας ἀνέδειξεν. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὰς ἔχχλησίας οὕτω προέχοπτεέν. Ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐνταῦθά που τὴν Ἱστορίαν χαταπαύσαντες, ἐν εἰρήνῃ διάγειν τὰς πανταχοῦ ᾿Ἐχκχλησίας καὶ πόλεις καὶ ἔθνη εὐχόμεθα. Εἰρήνής γὰρ οὔσης, ὑπόθεδιν οἱ ἱστοριογραφεῖν ἐθόλοντες οὐχ ἕξουσιν. Ἐπεὶ ἡμεῖς, ὦ ἱερξὲ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἄνθρωπε Θεόδωρε, τὸ ἐπίταγμά σου ἐν ἑπτὰ βιβλίοις ἐχτείναντες, οὐκ ἂν ηὐποβήσαμεν ὑποθέσεως, εἰ οἱ φιλοῦντες τὰς στάσεις ἧσυχάζειν προΐρηντο. Περιέχει ἡ Ἱστορία ἑθδόμη, χρόνον ἐτῶν τριάκοντα δύο" δὲ πᾶσα τῆς ἑπτατό. μου ὑπόθεσις περιέχει χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑκατὸν τεσσαράκοντα ἀρξαμένη δὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου ἔτους τῆς διακοσιοστῆς ἑβδομηκοστῆς πρώτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν 3 ἀνηγορεύθη βασιλεὺς Κωνσταντῖνος χαταπαύσασα δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔτος τῆς τριαχοσιοστῆς πέμπτης Ὀλυμπιάδος, ἐν ἡ ἑπταχαιδεχάτη ὑπατεία τοῦ βασιλέως Θεοδοσίου δέδοτο. Ἱστορίας Σωκράτους Σχοιϊαστικοῦ. ΕἸ
Proklos de ho episkopos kata ton auton touton chronon peri tēn heptakaidekatēn hypateian tou basileōs, pragmati thaumastǭ epecheirise, kai hoion oudeis tōn palai episkopōn pepoiēke. Phirmou gar tou episkopou tēs en Kaisareią Kappadokias teleutēsantos, parēsan Kaisareis zētountes episkopou. Hōs de dieskepteto tina pros tēn episkopēn procheirisaito, synebē kata thean autou en hēmerą Sabbatōn, pantas tous tēs gerousias synklētikous epi tēn ekklēsian pareinai. En hois ēn kai Thalassios, anēm tēn hyparchon cheirisas archēn tōn en Illyrikois ethnōn te kai poleōn. Mellonti de autǭ, hōs phēmē ekratei, tēn tōn Heǭōn merōn encheirizesthai para tou basileōs phrontida, epibalōn cheira ho Proklos, anti hyparchou Kaisareias anedeixen. ᾿Alla ta men kata tas echchlēsias houtō proechopteen. Hēmeis de entautha pou tēn Historian chatapausantes, en eirēnę̄ diagein tas pantachou ᾿Echkchlēsias kai poleis kai ethnē euchometha. Eirēnēs gar ousēs, hypothedin hoi historiographein etholontes ouch hexousin. Epei hēmeis, ō hierxe tou Theou anthrōpe Theodōre, to epitagma sou en hepta bibliois echteinantes, ouk an ēupobēsamen hypotheseōs, ei hoi philountes tas staseis hēsychazein proïrēnto. Periechei hē Historia hethdomē, chronon etōn triakonta dyo" de pasa tēs heptato. mou hypothesis periechei chronon etōn hekaton tessarakonta arxamenē dē apo tou prōtou etous tēs diakosiostēs hebdomēkostēs prōtēs Olympiados, en 3 anēgoreuthē basileus Kōnstantinos chatapausasa de epi to deuteron etos tēs triachosiostēs pemptēs Olympiados, en hē heptachaidechatē hypateia tou basileōs Theodosiou dedoto. Historias Sōkratous Schoiïastikou. EI
At this same time, about the seventeenth consulship of the emperor, Proclus the bishop undertook a remarkable thing, such as none of the bishops of old had done. When Firmus, the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, died, the Caesareans came seeking a bishop. While he was considering whom to advance to the bishopric, it happened that on the Sabbath day all the senators of the council came to the church to see him. Among them was Thalassius, a man who had held the office of prefect over the peoples and cities of Illyricum. As he was about to be entrusted by the emperor, as the report prevailed, with the care of the eastern parts, Proclus laid his hand on him and made him bishop of Caesarea instead of prefect. Thus the affairs of the churches were advancing. We, ending the History about here, pray that the churches, cities and nations everywhere may live in peace; for while there is peace, those who wish to write history will have no subject. For we, Theodore, holy man of God, having carried out your command in seven books, would not have had a subject, had the lovers of strife chosen to keep quiet. The seventh book of the History covers a period of thirty-two years; and the whole subject of the seven books covers a period of one hundred and forty years, beginning from the first year of the two hundred and seventy-first Olympiad, in which Constantine was proclaimed emperor, and ending in the second year of the three hundred and fifth Olympiad, in which the seventeenth consulship of the emperor Theodosius was held.
[End of the History of Socrates Scholasticus.]