Church History 3.23–4.7
Greek text: PG 67 (OCR text layer from the Bavarian State Library, cleaned for this site).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 2, vol. 2 (1890).
Chapter 3
3.23PG 67:437–449
Τοῦ χειμῶνος, φησὶ, τὰς νύκτας ἐχτείνοντος, ἐπιθέμενος ὁ βασιλεὺς ταῖς βίβλοις, ἀϊ τὸν ἐχ Παλαιστίνης ἄνθρωπον, Θεόν τε καὶ Θεοῦ παῖδα ποιοῦσ', μάχη τε μαχρᾷ ἐλέγχων ἰσχύϊ γέλωτα ἀποφήνας φλήναφον τὰ τιμώμενα, σοφώτερος ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς δέδειχται τοῦ Τυρίου γέροντος, “Ἵλεως ὃξ οὗτος ὁ Τύριος εἴη, καὶ δέχοιτο εὐμενῶς τὸ ῥγθὲν ὡς. ἂν υἱέως ἡττώμενος. Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ῥήματα. τοῦ σονιστοῦ Λιβανίου. Ἐγὼ δὲ σοφιστὴν μὲν αὐτὸν ἄριστὴν γενέσθαι φημί" ἐπίσταμαί τε ὡς εἰ μὴ εἴη τῷ βασιλεῖ κατὰ τὴν θρησκείαν ὁμόδοξος, πάντα ἂν αὑτὸν εἶπεν ὅσα οἱ Χριστιανοὶ λέγουτι, καὶ ὡς εἰκὸς, ἅτε σοφιστὴν ὄντα, μεγαλύναι τὰ λεγόμενα. καὶ εἰς Κωνστάντιον ζῶντα μὲν ἐπαίνους ἔγραφεν" τεῦ λευτήσαντος δὲ ὕδρεις " μεστὰς ἐγκλημάτων χατέχεεν. Ὥστε εἰ καὶ Πορφύριος ἣν βασιλεὺς, προκρίνειν τὰ ἐκείνου βιδλία τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ καὶ εἰ Ἰουλιανὸς ἣν σοφιστὴς, εἶπεν ἂν αὐτὸν κακὸν σοφιστὴν, ὡς Ἑκηδόλιον τῷ ἐπιταφίῳ Ἰουλιανοῦ. Ἐπεὶ οὖν ἐκεῖνος καὶ ὡς ὁμόδοξος καὶ ὡς σοφιστὴς, καὶ φίλος τῷ βασιλεῖ, ὅτᾳ ἐδόκει αὐτῷ διεξῆλθε, καὶ ἡμεῖς πρὸς τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γραφέντα, κατὰ δύναμιν ἁπαντήσωμεν. Πρῶτον μὲν γάρ φησιν, αὐτὸν ἐπιθέσθαι ταῖς βίδλοις, τοῦ χειμῶνος τὰς νύκτας ἐχτείνουτος. Τὺ δὲ ἐπιθέσθαι σημαίνει. ὅτι ἔργον ἔθετο ψόγον γράψαι, ὡς ἔθος τοῖς σοφισταῖς ποιεῖν ἐν πῇ τῶν νέων εἰσαγωγῆῇ. Πάλαι γὰρ τὰ: βίδλους ἐπίστατο, τότε δὲ ἐπἐθετο. Καὶ μάχῃ μαχρᾷ σχολάσας, οὐχ 40; φησι θάνιο;, ἐλέγχων ἰσχύϊ, ἀλλὰ ἀσθενείχ τοῦ ἀληθοῦς, τὰ γχαλῶς ἑαυτοῖς ἡσφαλισμένα, ὡς; φιλοτχώδορὶ δία ἃ 6556. ἀβπτης διέσυρε. Πᾶς γὰρ ὁ μαχόμενός τινι, νῦν μὲν παρατρέπων, νῦν δὲ ἐπικρύπτων τὴν ἀλήθειαν, καταψεύδεται τοῦ πρὸς ὂν ἡ μάχη συνίσταται. Καὶ ὁ ἀπεχθῶς ἔχων πρός τινα, πάντα ὡς πολέμιος οὐ μόνον πράττειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ λέγειν ἐσπούδακε· καὶ τὰ αὐτῷ προσόντα φαῦλα, τῷ πρὸς ὃν ἡ ἔχθρα, περιτρέπειν φιλεῖ. Ὅτι μὲν οὖν καὶ Ἰουλιανὸς, καὶ Πορφύριος, ὃν Τύριον καλεῖ γέροντα, ἄμφω φιλοσκῶπται ἦσαν, ὑπὸ τῶν οἰκείων λόγων ἐλέγχονται. Πορφύριος μὲν γὰρ τοῦ κορυφαιοτάτου τῶν φιλοσόφων Σωκράτους τὸν βίον διέσυρεν ἐν τῇ γεγραμμένῃ αὐτῷ φιλο σόφῳ ἱστορίᾳ· καὶ τοιαῦτα περὶ αὐτοῦ γράψας κατέλειπεν, οἷα ἂν μήτε Μέλιτος, μήτε ῎Ανυτος οἱ γραψάμενοι Σωκράτην, εἰπεῖν ἐπεχείρησαν · Σωκράτους φημὶ, τοῦ παρ' Ἕλλησι θαυμαζομένου ἐπί τε σωφροσύνῃ καὶ δικαιοσύνῃ, καὶ ταῖς ἄλλαις ἀρεταῖς. "Ον Πλάτων ὁ θαυμαστὸς παρ᾿ αὐτοῖς φιλόσοφος, καὶ Ξενοφῶν, καὶ ὁ ἄλλος τῶν φιλοσόφων θίασος, οὐ μόνον ὡς θεοφιλή τιμῶσιν, ἀλλὰ δὴ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἄνθρωπον φρονεῖν νενομίκασιν. Ἰουλιανὸς δὲ τὸν πατέρα ζηλῶν, τὸ ἴδιον πάθος εἰς τοὺς Καίσαρας ἤλεγξε, πάντας μωμησάμενος τοὺς πρὸ αὐτοῦ βασιλεῖς, καὶ οὐδὲ τοῦ φιλοσόφου Μάρκου φεισάμενος. Καὶ ὅτι μὲν φιλοσκῶπται ἄμφω, ἐξ ἑαυτῶν τὸν ἔλεγχον ἔχουσι· καὶ οὐ δεῖ μοι πολλῶν ἢ δεινῶν λόγων, ἀλλὰ ἀπόχρη ταῦτα εἰς παράστασιν τοῦ ἤθους αὐτῶν. Ἐγὼ μὲν οὖν ταῦτα ἐκ τῶν ἑκατέρων λόγων περὶ ἤθους αὐτῶν τεκμαιρόμενος, ταῦτα γράφω. Οἷα δὲ περὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ ὁ Ναζιανζηνός Γρηγόριος εἴρηκε, τῶν αὐτοῦ λόγων ἐπάκουε. Φησὶ γὰρ ἐν τῷ δευτέρῳ λόγῳ πρὸς Ἕλληνας κατὰ λέξιν τάδε· « Ταῦτα τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις ἡ πεῖρα παρέστησε, καὶ ἡ δυναστεία προσλαβοῦσα τὴν ἐξουσίαν. Ἐμοὶ δὲ καὶ πόρρωθεν τρόπον τινὰ ἑωρᾶτο, ἐξ οὗ τῷ ἀνδρὶ συνεγενόμην ᾿Αθήνῃσιν. Ἦλθε γὰρ κάκεῖσε, ἄρτι τῶν κατὰ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ ν νεωτερισ θέντων, τὸν βασιλέα τοῦτο αὐτὸ παραιτησάμενος. Διττὸς δὲ αὐτοῦ τῆς ἐπιδημίας ὁ λόγος· ὁ μὲν εὐπρεπέ στερος, καθ' ίστορίαν τῆς Ἑλλάδος, καὶ τῶν ἐκεῖσε παιδευτηρίων· ὁ δὲ ἀποῤῥητότερος, καὶ οὐ πολλοῖς γνώριμος, ὥστε τοῖς ἐκεῖ θύταις καὶ ἀπατεῶσι περὶ τῶν καθ' ἑαυτὸν συγγενέσθαι, οὔπω παῤῥησίαν ἐχούσης τῆς ἀσεβείας. Τότε τοίνυν οὐ φαῦλος ἐγὼ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἰκαστὴς οἶδα γενόμενος, καίτοι γε οὐ τῶν εὖ πεφυκότων περὶ ταῦτα εἷς ὧν. Αλλ' ἐποίει με μαν τικὸν ἡ τοῦ ἤθους ἀνωμαλία, καὶ τὸ περιττὸν τῆς ἐκστάσεως, εἴπερ μάντις ἄριστος ὅστις εἰκάζει καλῶς· οὐδενὸς γὰρ ἐδόκει μοι σημεῖον εἶναι χρηστοῦ, αὐχὴν ἀπαγὴς 5, ὦμοι παλλόμενοι καὶ ἀνακοπτόμενοι, ὀφθαλμὸς σοβούμενος καὶ περιφερόμενος, καὶ μαν:κὸν βλέπων · πόδες ἀστατοῦντες, καὶ μετοκλάζοντες · μυκτήρ ὕβριν πνέων καὶ περιφρόνησιν · προσώπου σχηματισμοὶ καταγέλαστοι · τὸ αὐτὸ φρονοῦντες γέλωτες, ἀκρατεῖς καὶ βρασματώδεις· νεύσεις καὶ ἀνα νεύσεις, σὺν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ· λόγος ἱστάμενος, καὶ κοπτόμενος πνεύματι · ἐρωτήσεις ἄτακτοι καὶ ἀσύνετοι· ἀποκρίσεις οὐδὲν τούτων ἀμείνους, ἀλλήλαις ἐπεμβαίνουσαι, καὶ οὐκ εὐσταθεῖς, οὐδὲ τάξει προῖοῦσαι παιδεύσεως. Τί ἂν τὰ καθ᾿ ἕκαστον γράφοιμι ; Τοιοῦτον πρὸ τῶν ἔργων ἐθεασάμην, οἷον καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν ἔργων ἐγνώρισα. Καὶ εἴ μοι παρῆσάν τινες τῶν : τηνικαῦτα συνόντων καὶ ἀκουσάντων, οὐ χαλεπῶς ἂν ἐμαρτύρησαν · οἷς ἐπειδὴ ταῦτα ἐθεασάμην, εὐθὺς ἐφθεγξάμην, οἷον κακὸν ἡ Ῥωμαίων τρέφει. Καὶ προαγορεύσας, καὶ γενέσθαι ψευδόμαντις ἐμαυτῷ κατηυξάμην. Κρεῖσσον γὰρ, ἢ τοιούτων πλησθῆναι τὴν οἰκουμένην κακῶν, καὶ τοιοῦτον ἀναφανῆναι τέρας, οἷον οὔπω πρότερον· πολλῶν μὲν ἐπικλυσμῶν θρυλλουμένων, πολλῶν δὲ ἐμπρησμῶν καὶ βρασμῶν γῆς καὶ χασμάτων· ἔτι δὲ καὶ ἀνδρῶν ἀπάνθρωποι καὶ θηριώδεις, ἀλλοκότων τε καὶ συνθέτων φύσεις καινοτομηθείσαι. Ταύτητοι καὶ τέλος ἄξιον ἠνέγκατο τῆς ἀπονοίας. » Τοιαῦτα μὲν Γρηγόριος περὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ διεξῆλθεν. Ὅτι δὲ καὶ κατὰ Χριστιανῶν λόγους πολλοὺς ἀναλώσαντες, τὴν ἀλήθειαν ἐπεχείρησαν σ βιάσασθαι, τινὰ μὲν τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων παρατρέψαντες · τὰ δὲ ἐγκαταλέξαντες, πάντα δὲ πρὸς τὸν οἰκεῖον ἐκλαβόντες σκοπὸν, πολλοὶ μὲν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀπαντήσαντες ἔδειξαν, ἀνατρέψαντές τε καὶ ἐξελέγξαντες αὐτῶν τὰ σοφίσματα. Πρὸ δὲ ἁπάντων Ωριγένης, καὶ πολλῷ τῶν Ἰουλιανοῦ χρόνων ἀνώτερος ὧν, τὰ δυχοῦντα ταράττειν τοὺς ἐντυγχά(θα » Προ νοντας ταῖς ἱεραῖς Βίβλοις ἀνθυπενεγχὼν ἑαυτῷ, ἐρμηντύσας, τὰς τῶν ἀγνωμονούντων σοφιστιχὰς εὑρεσιλογίας ἀπέχλεισεν. Οἷς εἰ μὴ παρέργως ἐντετυχήχασιν Ἰουλιανὸς καὶ Πορφύριος, εὐγνωμόνως τε αὐτὰ ἐδέξαντο, πάντω: ἂν εἰς ἕτερά τινὰ τοὺς λόγους ἔτρεψαν, οὐχ ἂν εἰς τὰ σοφίσματα βλάσφημα γράφειν ἐτράπησαν. Ὅτι δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς σχῶψαι ετήδευσξ πρὸς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ἀπλουστέρους τοὺς λόγους ποιούμενος, οὐ μὴν πρὸς τοὺς τῶν ἱερῶν Γραμμάτων, μόρφωσιν τῆς ἀληθείας ἔχοντας, ἐκεῖθεν δῆλόν ἐστι" λαθὼν γὰρ τὰ ῥήματα, ὅτλ χρείας ἔνεχεν οἱκονομιχῶς ἐπὶ τοῦ Θεοῦ ἀνθρωπιχώτερον τέτακται, καὶ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα ἐπισυνείρα:, τέλος ἐπιφέρει κατὰ λέξιν τάδε. Τούτων τοίνυν ἔχαστον, εἰ μὴ λόγο; ἐστὶν ἀπόῤῥητον ἔχων τινὰ θεωρίαν, ὅπερ ἐγὼ νενόμινχα, οἱ πολλῆς γέμουσιν λόγοι περὶ αὐτοῦ βλασφημίας. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐν τῷ τρίτῳ αὑτοῦ κατὰ Χριττιανῶν βιθλίῳ αὐταῖς λέξεσιν εἴρηκε. Καὶ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ δὲ αὖτοῦ ὃν περὶ Κυνισμοῦ ἐπέγραψε, διδάσκων ὅπως ὃεῖ τοὺς ἱεροὺς πλάττειν μύθους, φησὶ δεῖν χρύπτειν τὴν περὶ τῶν τοιούτων ῥημάτων ἀλήθειαν, λέγων αὐτοῖς ῥήματι τάδε" Φιλεῖ γὰρ ἡ φύσις κρύπτεσθαι τὸ χεχρυμμένον τῆ: τῶν θεῶν οὐσίας οὐχ ἀνέχεται γυμνοῖς εἰς ἀκαθάρτους ἀγοὰς ῥίπτεσθαι ῥήμασι. Φαίνεται δὴ διὰ τούτων ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπόἔγειν περὶ τῶν θείων Γραφῶν, ὡ; εἴησαν λόγοι μυστιχοὶ, ἀπόῤδητόν τινὰ θεωρίαν ἔχοντες ἀγαναχτεῖ 05, ἐφ᾽ οἷς μὴ πάντες τὴν αὐτὴν περὶ τούτων ὑπόνοιαν ἔχουσι, χατατρέχει τῶν ἐν Χριστιανοῖς ἀπλουστέρων δεχομένων τὰ λόγια. Οὐχ ἔδει ὃὲ τοσοῦτον καταδραμεῖν τῆς ἀπλότητο: τῶν πολλῶν, οὐδὲ τυφωθῆναι δι᾽ ἐκείνους κατὰ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων οὐδὲ μισῆσαι καὶ ἀποστραφῆναι τὰ καλῶς αὐτῷ νοούμενα, ὅτι μὴ πάντες αὐτὰ ἐνόουν, ὡς αὑτὸς ἐδούλετο. Νῦν δὲ, ὡς ἔοικε, τὰ αὐτὰ Πορφυρίῳ : πέπονθεν. μὲν γὰρ πληγὰς ἐν Καισαρείᾳ τῆς Παλαιστίνης ὑπό τινων Χριστιανῶν εἰληφὼς, μὴ ἐνεγκὼν τὴν ὀργὴν, μελαγχολίας, τὸν μὲν Χριττιανισμὸν ἀπέλειπε. μίσει δὲ τῶν τυπτησάντων αὐτὸν, εἰς τὸ βλάσφημα κατὰ Χριστιανῶν γράφειν ἐξέπεσεν, ὡς αὐτὸν Εὐσέβιος ὁ Παμφίλου ἐξήλεγξεν, ἀνασκευάσας τοὺς λόγους αὐτοῦ. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς πρὸς τοὺς ἰδιώτας ὑπεροπτικῶς κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανῶν ἐσχηκὼς, ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ πάθους εἰς τὴν Πορφυρίου βλασφημίαν ἀπέκλινεν. ᾿Αμφότεροι οὖν ἑκουσίως δυσσεβήσαντες, ἐν γνώσει ἁμαρτίας τὸ ἐπιτίμιον ἔχουσιν. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καὶ ὁ σοφιστὴς Λιβάνιος ἐπιχλευάζων, Τὸν ἐκ Παλαιστίνης, φησὶν, ἄνθρωπον, Θεόν τε καὶ Θεοῦ Παῖδα ποιοῦσιν, ἐκλελῆσθαί μοι δοκεῖ, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τέλει τοῦ αὐτοῦ λόγου τὸν Ἰουλιανὸν ἀπεθέωσε. Τὸν γὰρ πρῶτον φησὶ ἄγγελον τῆς τελευτῆς μικροῦ κατέλευσαν, ὡς Θεοῦ καταψευδόμενον. Εἶτα πρόσω μικρὸν ὑποβὰς, Ὦ δαιμόνων μὲν, φησὶ, τρόφιμε, δαιμόνων δὲ μαθητὰ, δαιμόνων δὲ παρεδρευτά! Εἰ καὶ αὐτὸς ἄλλως ἐνόει· ἀλλ᾽ οὖν γε τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν τοῦ χείρονος μὴ ἐκκλίνας, ταῦτ᾽ ἔδοξε λέγειν, ἃ καὶ οἱ Χριστιανοὶ ὀνειδίζοντες λέγουσιν. Εἰ οὖν ἐπαίνων ἐφρόντιζεν, ἔδει φυγεῖν τὴν ὁμωνυμίαν, ὥπερ ἔφυγε καὶ ἑτέραν λέξιν, δι᾽ ἣν λοιδορηθεὶς, τῶν ἑαυτοῦ λόγων ἐξέκοψεν. Ὅπως μὲν οὖν ὁ κατὰ Χριστὸν ἄνθρωπος θεολογεῖται, καὶ ὅπως τὸ μὲν φανερὸν ἄνθρωπος ἦν, τὸ δὲ ἀφανὲς Θεὸς, ὅπως τε ἀληθῆ ἄμφω ἐστὶ, Χριστιανῶν μὲν οἱ θεῖοι λόγοι ἐπίστανται · Ἕλληνες δὲ πρὸ τοῦ πιστεῦσαι, συνιέναι οὐ δύνανται. Καὶ γὰρ λόγιόν ἐστι τὸ λέγον, ὅτι ὰ Ἐὰν μὴ πιστεύσητε, οὐδ᾽ οὐ μὴ συνῆτε. Διὸ οὐκ αἰσχύνονται, πολλοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἀποθεώσαντες, καὶ εἴθε γε κἂν χρηστοὺς τὸν τρόπον, ἢ δικαίους, ἢ σώφρονας· ἀλλὰ ἀνάγνους, ἀδίκους, μέθῃ δεδουλωμένους· Ἡρακλέας φημὶ καὶ Διονύσους, καὶ Ἀσκληπιούς · καθ' ὧν συνεχῶς ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῦ λόγοις ὀμνύων Λιβάνιος οὐκ αἰσχύνεται· ὧν τοὺς ἀῤῥενικοὺς καὶ θηλυκοὺς ἔρωτας εἰ ἀπαριθμησαίμην, μακρὸς ἡμῖν ἔσται ὁ τῆς παρεκβάσεως λόγος. ᾿Αρκέσει δὲ τοῖς ταῦτα γνῶναι ἐθέλουσιν ὁ ᾿Αριστοτέλους Πέπλος, καὶ Διονύσου Στέφανος, καὶ Ῥηγίνου ὁ Πολυμνήμων, καὶ τῶν ποιητῶν τὸ πλῆθος · οἱ περὶ αὐτῶν γράψαντες, γέλωτα ὄντως καὶ φλήναφον παρὰ πᾶσι τῆς Ἑλλήνων θεολογίας δεικνύουσιν ὅτι δὲ ἴδιον Ἑλλήνων τὸ εὐχερῶς ἀνθρώπους ἀποθεοῦν, ἀρκέσει ὀλίγων ὑπομνησθῆναι. Ῥοδίοις μὲν γὰρ συμφορᾷ περιπεσοῦσιν ἐδόθη χρησμός, ὅπως ἂν τὸν Φρύγιον Αττιν, τὸν ἱερέα τῆς μανικῆς ἐν Φρυξὶν τελετῆς θεραπεύωσιν. Ἔχει δὲ ὁ χρησμὸς ὧδε · "Αττιν ἱλάσκεσθαι, θεὸν μέγαν, ἀγνὸν [῞Αδωνιν, Εὔβιον, ὀλβιόδωρον, ἐυπλόκαμον Διόνυσον. Ὁ μὲν δὴ χρησμὸς ῎Αττιν τὸν ἐκ μανίας ἐρωτικῆς ἑαυτὸν ἀποκόψαντα, τὸν ῎Αδωνιν καὶ Διόνυσον εἶναι φησι. Τοῦ δὲ Μακεδόνων βασιλέως ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίαν διαβαίνοντος, οἱ Αμφικτύονες ᾿Αλεξάν δρῳ ἐχαρίζοντο, καὶ ἀνεῖλεν ἡ Πυθία τάδε · Ζῆνα θεῶν ὕπατον, καὶ ᾿Αθηνῶν Τριτογένειαν Τιμᾶτε, βροτέων ἐν σώματι κρυπτὸν ἄνακτα, Ὃν Ζεὺς ἀρίσταις γοναῖς ἔσπειρεν, ἀρωγὸι· Εὐνομίης θνητοῖσιν ᾿Αλέξανδρον βασιλῆα. Ταῦτα τὸ ἐν Πυθοῖ δαιμόνιον ἐχρημάτισεν· ὅ καὶ αὐτὸ τοὺς δυνάστας κολακεῦον ἐθεοποίει. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἴσως κολακείᾳ ἐποίει. Τί δ' ἂν εἴποι τις ὡς Κλεομήδην τὸν πύκτην ἀποθεώσαντες, ἔχρησαν περὶ αὐτοῦ τάδε "Υστατος ἡρώων Κλεομήδης ᾿Αστυπαλιεύς · Ἐν θυσίαις τιμᾶτ᾽, ὡς μηκέτι θνητὸν ἐόντα. Διὰ μὲν οὖν τὸν χρησμὸν τόνδε Διογένης ὁ Κύων, καὶ Οἰνόμαος ὁ φιλόσοφος, κατέγνωσαν τοῦ Πυθίου Απόλλωνος. Κυζικηνοὶ δὲ τρισκαιδέκατον θεὸν ᾿Αδριανὸν ἀνηγόρευσαν. Αὐτός τε ᾿Αδριανὸό: ᾿Αντίνοονὸ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἐρώμενον ἀπεθέωσε. Καὶ ταῦτα γέλωτα καὶ φλήναφον οὐκ ὀνομάζει Λιβάνιος · καίτοι καὶ τοὺς χρησμοὺς καὶ τὸ μονόβιβλον ὁ ᾿Αδρίας εἰς τὸν Ἀλεξάνδρου βίον ἐπέγραψεν, ἐπιστάμενος, οὐκ ἐγκαλύπτεται καὶ αὐτὸν ἀποθεῶν τὸν Πορφύριον. Ἴλεως γὰρ, φησὶν, ὁ Τύριος εἴη, προκρίνων αὐτοῦ τὰ τοῦ βασιλέως βιβλία. Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν διὰ τὴν τοῦ σοφιστοῦ λοιδορίαν, ἐν παρεκβάσει αὐτάρκως εἰρήσθω· ἰδίας τε πραγματείας δεόμενα παραλιπεῖν μοι δοκῶ. Τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐπιτεθείη ἡμῖν.
Tou cheimōnos, phēsi, tas nyktas echteinontos, epithemenos ho basileus tais biblois, aï ton ech Palaistinēs anthrōpon, Theon te kai Theou paida poious', machē te machrą elenchōn ischyï gelōta apophēnas phlēnaphon ta timōmena, sophōteros en tois autois dedeichtai tou Tyriou gerontos, “Hileōs hox houtos ho Tyrios eiē, kai dechoito eumenōs to rhgthen hōs. an huieōs hēttōmenos. Tauta men ta rhēmata. tou sonistou Libaniou. Egō de sophistēn men auton aristēn genesthai phēmi" epistamai te hōs ei mē eiē tǭ basilei kata tēn thrēskeian homodoxos, panta an hauton eipen hosa hoi Christianoi legouti, kai hōs eikos, hate sophistēn onta, megalynai ta legomena. kai eis Kōnstantion zōnta men epainous egraphen" teu leutēsantos de hydreis " mestas enklēmatōn chatecheen. Hōste ei kai Porphyrios hēn basileus, prokrinein ta ekeinou bidlia tōn Ioulianou kai ei Ioulianos hēn sophistēs, eipen an auton kakon sophistēn, hōs Hekēdolion tǭ epitaphiǭ Ioulianou. Epei oun ekeinos kai hōs homodoxos kai hōs sophistēs, kai philos tǭ basilei, hotą edokei autǭ diexēlthe, kai hēmeis pros ta hyp᾽ autou graphenta, kata dynamin hapantēsōmen. Prōton men gar phēsin, auton epithesthai tais bidlois, tou cheimōnos tas nyktas echteinoutos. Ty de epithesthai sēmainei. hoti ergon etheto psogon grapsai, hōs ethos tois sophistais poiein en pę̄ tōn neōn eisagōgēę̄. Palai gar ta: bidlous epistato, tote de epetheto. Kai machę̄ machrą scholasas, ouch 40? phēsi thanio?, elenchōn ischyï, alla astheneich tou alēthous, ta nchalōs heautois hēsphalismena, hōs? philotchōdori dia ha 6556. abptēs diesyre. Pas gar ho machomenos tini, nyn men paratrepōn, nyn de epikryptōn tēn alētheian, katapseudetai tou pros on hē machē synistatai. Kai ho apechthōs echōn pros tina, panta hōs polemios ou monon prattein, alla kai legein espoudake; kai ta autǭ prosonta phaula, tǭ pros hon hē echthra, peritrepein philei. Hoti men oun kai Ioulianos, kai Porphyrios, hon Tyrion kalei geronta, amphō philoskōptai ēsan, hypo tōn oikeiōn logōn elenchontai. Porphyrios men gar tou koryphaiotatou tōn philosophōn Sōkratous ton bion diesyren en tę̄ gegrammenę̄ autǭ philo sophǭ historią; kai toiauta peri autou grapsas kateleipen, hoia an mēte Melitos, mēte ᾿Anytos hoi grapsamenoi Sōkratēn, eipein epecheirēsan ; Sōkratous phēmi, tou par' Hellēsi thaumazomenou epi te sōphrosynę̄ kai dikaiosynę̄, kai tais allais aretais. "On Platōn ho thaumastos par᾿ autois philosophos, kai Xenophōn, kai ho allos tōn philosophōn thiasos, ou monon hōs theophilē timōsin, alla dē kai hyper anthrōpon phronein nenomikasin. Ioulianos de ton patera zēlōn, to idion pathos eis tous Kaisaras ēlenxe, pantas mōmēsamenos tous pro autou basileis, kai oude tou philosophou Markou pheisamenos. Kai hoti men philoskōptai amphō, ex heautōn ton elenchon echousi; kai ou dei moi pollōn ē deinōn logōn, alla apochrē tauta eis parastasin tou ēthous autōn. Egō men oun tauta ek tōn hekaterōn logōn peri ēthous autōn tekmairomenos, tauta graphō. Hoia de peri Ioulianou ho Nazianzēnos Grēgorios eirēke, tōn autou logōn epakoue. Phēsi gar en tǭ deuterǭ logǭ pros Hellēnas kata lexin tade; « Tauta tois men allois hē peira parestēse, kai hē dynasteia proslabousa tēn exousian. Emoi de kai porrōthen tropon tina heōrato, ex hou tǭ andri synegenomēn ᾿Athēnę̄sin. Ēlthe gar kakeise, arti tōn kata ton adelphon autou n neōteris thentōn, ton basilea touto auto paraitēsamenos. Dittos de autou tēs epidēmias ho logos; ho men euprepe steros, kath' istorian tēs Hellados, kai tōn ekeise paideutēriōn; ho de aporrhētoteros, kai ou pollois gnōrimos, hōste tois ekei thytais kai apateōsi peri tōn kath' heauton syngenesthai, oupō parrhēsian echousēs tēs asebeias. Tote toinyn ou phaulos egō tou andros eikastēs oida genomenos, kaitoi ge ou tōn eu pephykotōn peri tauta heis hōn. All' epoiei me man tikon hē tou ēthous anōmalia, kai to peritton tēs ekstaseōs, eiper mantis aristos hostis eikazei kalōs; oudenos gar edokei moi sēmeion einai chrēstou, auchēn apagēs 5, ōmoi pallomenoi kai anakoptomenoi, ophthalmos soboumenos kai peripheromenos, kai man:kon blepōn ; podes astatountes, kai metoklazontes ; myktēr hybrin pneōn kai periphronēsin ; prosōpou schēmatismoi katagelastoi ; to auto phronountes gelōtes, akrateis kai brasmatōdeis; neuseis kai ana neuseis, syn oudeni logǭ; logos histamenos, kai koptomenos pneumati ; erōtēseis ataktoi kai asynetoi; apokriseis ouden toutōn ameinous, allēlais epembainousai, kai ouk eustatheis, oude taxei proiousai paideuseōs. Ti an ta kath᾿ hekaston graphoimi ? Toiouton pro tōn ergōn etheasamēn, hoion kai epi tōn ergōn egnōrisa. Kai ei moi parēsan tines tōn : tēnikauta synontōn kai akousantōn, ou chalepōs an emartyrēsan ; hois epeidē tauta etheasamēn, euthys ephthenxamēn, hoion kakon hē Rhōmaiōn trephei. Kai proagoreusas, kai genesthai pseudomantis emautǭ katēuxamēn. Kreisson gar, ē toioutōn plēsthēnai tēn oikoumenēn kakōn, kai toiouton anaphanēnai teras, hoion oupō proteron; pollōn men epiklysmōn thrylloumenōn, pollōn de emprēsmōn kai brasmōn gēs kai chasmatōn; eti de kai andrōn apanthrōpoi kai thēriōdeis, allokotōn te kai synthetōn physeis kainotomētheisai. Tautētoi kai telos axion ēnenkato tēs aponoias. » Toiauta men Grēgorios peri Ioulianou diexēlthen. Hoti de kai kata Christianōn logous pollous analōsantes, tēn alētheian epecheirēsan s biasasthai, tina men tōn hierōn Grammatōn paratrepsantes ; ta de enkatalexantes, panta de pros ton oikeion eklabontes skopon, polloi men pros autous apantēsantes edeixan, anatrepsantes te kai exelenxantes autōn ta sophismata. Pro de hapantōn Ōrigenēs, kai pollǭ tōn Ioulianou chronōn anōteros hōn, ta dychounta tarattein tous entyncha(tha » Pro nontas tais hierais Biblois anthypenenchōn heautǭ, ermēntysas, tas tōn agnōmonountōn sophistichas heuresilogias apechleisen. Hois ei mē parergōs entetychēchasin Ioulianos kai Porphyrios, eugnōmonōs te auta edexanto, pantō: an eis hetera tina tous logous etrepsan, ouch an eis ta sophismata blasphēma graphein etrapēsan. Hoti de ho basileus schōpsai etēdeusx pros tous idiōtas aplousterous tous logous poioumenos, ou mēn pros tous tōn hierōn Grammatōn, morphōsin tēs alētheias echontas, ekeithen dēlon esti" lathōn gar ta rhēmata, hotl chreias enechen hoikonomichōs epi tou Theou anthrōpichōteron tetaktai, kai polla toiauta episyneira:, telos epipherei kata lexin tade. Toutōn toinyn echaston, ei mē logo? estin aporrhēton echōn tina theōrian, hoper egō nenomincha, hoi pollēs gemousin logoi peri autou blasphēmias. Tauta men en tǭ tritǭ hautou kata Chrittianōn bithliǭ autais lexesin eirēke. Kai en tǭ logǭ de autou hon peri Kynismou epegrapse, didaskōn hopōs hoei tous hierous plattein mythous, phēsi dein chryptein tēn peri tōn toioutōn rhēmatōn alētheian, legōn autois rhēmati tade" Philei gar hē physis kryptesthai to chechrymmenon tē: tōn theōn ousias ouch anechetai gymnois eis akathartous agoas rhiptesthai rhēmasi. Phainetai dē dia toutōn ho basileus hypoegein peri tōn theiōn Graphōn, hō? eiēsan logoi mystichoi, apordēton tina theōrian echontes aganachtei 05, eph᾽ hois mē pantes tēn autēn peri toutōn hyponoian echousi, chatatrechei tōn en Christianois aplousterōn dechomenōn ta logia. Ouch edei hoe tosouton katadramein tēs aplotēto: tōn pollōn, oude typhōthēnai di᾽ ekeinous kata tōn hierōn grammatōn oude misēsai kai apostraphēnai ta kalōs autǭ nooumena, hoti mē pantes auta enooun, hōs hautos edouleto. Nyn de, hōs eoike, ta auta Porphyriǭ : peponthen. men gar plēgas en Kaisareią tēs Palaistinēs hypo tinōn Christianōn eilēphōs, mē enenkōn tēn orgēn, melancholias, ton men Chrittianismon apeleipe. misei de tōn typtēsantōn auton, eis to blasphēma kata Christianōn graphein exepesen, hōs auton Eusebios ho Pamphilou exēlenxen, anaskeuasas tous logous autou. Ho de basileus pros tous idiōtas hyperoptikōs kata tōn Christianōn eschēkōs, ek tou autou pathous eis tēn Porphyriou blasphēmian apeklinen. ᾿Amphoteroi oun hekousiōs dyssebēsantes, en gnōsei hamartias to epitimion echousin. Epeidē de kai ho sophistēs Libanios epichleuazōn, Ton ek Palaistinēs, phēsin, anthrōpon, Theon te kai Theou Paida poiousin, eklelēsthai moi dokei, hopōs autos epi telei tou autou logou ton Ioulianon apetheōse. Ton gar prōton phēsi angelon tēs teleutēs mikrou kateleusan, hōs Theou katapseudomenon. Eita prosō mikron hypobas, Ō daimonōn men, phēsi, trophime, daimonōn de mathēta, daimonōn de paredreuta! Ei kai autos allōs enoei; all᾽ oun ge tēn homōnymian tou cheironos mē ekklinas, taut᾽ edoxe legein, ha kai hoi Christianoi oneidizontes legousin. Ei oun epainōn ephrontizen, edei phygein tēn homōnymian, hōper ephyge kai heteran lexin, di᾽ hēn loidorētheis, tōn heautou logōn exekopsen. Hopōs men oun ho kata Christon anthrōpos theologeitai, kai hopōs to men phaneron anthrōpos ēn, to de aphanes Theos, hopōs te alēthē amphō esti, Christianōn men hoi theioi logoi epistantai ; Hellēnes de pro tou pisteusai, synienai ou dynantai. Kai gar logion esti to legon, hoti a Ean mē pisteusēte, oud᾽ ou mē synēte. Dio ouk aischynontai, pollous anthrōpous apotheōsantes, kai eithe ge kan chrēstous ton tropon, ē dikaious, ē sōphronas; alla anagnous, adikous, methę̄ dedoulōmenous; Hērakleas phēmi kai Dionysous, kai Asklēpious ; kath' hōn synechōs en tois autou logois omnyōn Libanios ouk aischynetai; hōn tous arrhenikous kai thēlykous erōtas ei aparithmēsaimēn, makros hēmin estai ho tēs parekbaseōs logos. ᾿Arkesei de tois tauta gnōnai ethelousin ho ᾿Aristotelous Peplos, kai Dionysou Stephanos, kai Rhēginou ho Polymnēmōn, kai tōn poiētōn to plēthos ; hoi peri autōn grapsantes, gelōta ontōs kai phlēnaphon para pasi tēs Hellēnōn theologias deiknyousin hoti de idion Hellēnōn to eucherōs anthrōpous apotheoun, arkesei oligōn hypomnēsthēnai. Rhodiois men gar symphorą peripesousin edothē chrēsmos, hopōs an ton Phrygion Attin, ton hierea tēs manikēs en Phryxin teletēs therapeuōsin. Echei de ho chrēsmos hōde ; "Attin hilaskesthai, theon megan, agnon [῾Adōnin, Eubion, olbiodōron, euplokamon Dionyson. Ho men dē chrēsmos ᾿Attin ton ek manias erōtikēs heauton apokopsanta, ton ᾿Adōnin kai Dionyson einai phēsi. Tou de Makedonōn basileōs ᾿Alexandrou epi tēn ᾿Asian diabainontos, hoi Amphiktyones ᾿Alexan drǭ echarizonto, kai aneilen hē Pythia tade ; Zēna theōn hypaton, kai ᾿Athēnōn Tritogeneian Timate, broteōn en sōmati krypton anakta, Hon Zeus aristais gonais espeiren, arōgoi; Eunomiēs thnētoisin ᾿Alexandron basilēa. Tauta to en Pythoi daimonion echrēmatisen; ho kai auto tous dynastas kolakeuon etheopoiei. Kai touto men isōs kolakeią epoiei. Ti d' an eipoi tis hōs Kleomēdēn ton pyktēn apotheōsantes, echrēsan peri autou tade "Ystatos hērōōn Kleomēdēs ᾿Astypalieus ; En thysiais timat᾽, hōs mēketi thnēton eonta. Dia men oun ton chrēsmon tonde Diogenēs ho Kyōn, kai Oinomaos ho philosophos, kategnōsan tou Pythiou Apollōnos. Kyzikēnoi de triskaidekaton theon ᾿Adrianon anēgoreusan. Autos te ᾿Adrianoo: ᾿Antinoono ton heautou erōmenon apetheōse. Kai tauta gelōta kai phlēnaphon ouk onomazei Libanios ; kaitoi kai tous chrēsmous kai to monobiblon ho ᾿Adrias eis ton Alexandrou bion epegrapsen, epistamenos, ouk enkalyptetai kai auton apotheōn ton Porphyrion. Ileōs gar, phēsin, ho Tyrios eiē, prokrinōn autou ta tou basileōs biblia. Tauta men oun dia tēn tou sophistou loidorian, en parekbasei autarkōs eirēsthō; idias te pragmateias deomena paralipein moi dokō. Ta de loipa tēs historias epitetheiē hēmin.
“When winter lengthened the nights,” he says, “the emperor, attacking those books which make the man from Palestine God and child of God, and refuting them in a long battle and with strength, showed the things they honour to be laughable nonsense, and proved himself in this wiser than the old man of Tyre. May the Tyrian be gracious, and receive kindly what has been said, as one defeated by his son.” These are the words of the sophist Libanius. I say that he was an excellent sophist; and I know that if he had not been of the same religion as the emperor, he would have said of him everything the Christians say, and, as was natural for a sophist, magnified what was said. For he wrote praises of Constantius while he lived, but after his death poured out insults full of accusations on him. So if Porphyry had been emperor, he would have preferred his books to Julian’s; and if Julian had been a sophist, he would have called him a bad sophist, as he calls Ecebolius in his funeral oration on Julian. Since, then, he, as one of the same religion, as a sophist, and as a friend of the emperor, went through what he thought fit, let us too answer what he wrote as far as we can.
First he says that the emperor attacked the books when winter lengthened the nights. “Attacked” means that he set himself to write an attack, as sophists are accustomed to do in training the young; for he had long known the books, but then he attacked them. And spending himself in a long battle, he disparaged, not, as he says, refuting with strength, but by weakness of truth, things well secured among them, as a lover of mockery. For everyone who fights with someone, now distorting and now hiding the truth, lies against the one with whom he is at war; and he who is hostile to someone is eager not only to do but also to say everything as an enemy, and usually turns his own faults onto the one he hates. That both Julian and Porphyry, whom he calls the old man of Tyre, were lovers of mockery is proved by their own writings. For Porphyry disparaged the life of Socrates, the most eminent of the philosophers, in the history of philosophy he wrote, and left such things written about him as neither Melitus nor Anytus, who prosecuted Socrates, would have tried to say: Socrates, I say, admired among the Greeks for self-control, justice, and the other virtues, whom Plato, the admired philosopher among them, and Xenophon and the rest of the company of philosophers not only honour as dear to God, but have thought to be wise beyond man. Julian, emulating his “father” (Porphyry, whose “son” Libanius called him), showed his own failing in the Caesars, finding fault with all the emperors before him and not sparing even the philosopher Marcus. That both were lovers of mockery they show from themselves, and I need no many or clever words; these things suffice to show their character. I write these things judging their character from the writings of each. Hear also what Gregory of Nazianzus said about Julian in his own words. He says in the second discourse against the pagans, word for word:
“These things experience made plain to others, when power was joined to authority; but to me they were seen in some way even from afar, from the time I was with the man at Athens. For he came there too, just after the troubles concerning his brother, having asked the emperor for this very thing. His stay had a twofold reason: the more seemly one, to see Greece and its schools; the more secret, known to few, to consult the sacrificers and impostors there about his own affairs, since impiety did not yet have freedom of speech. At that time I know that I proved no bad judge of the man, though I am not one of those gifted in such things. But the unevenness of his character and the excess of his excitement made me a prophet, if he is the best prophet who guesses well. For it seemed to me a sign of nothing good: a neck unsteady, shoulders jerking and shrugging, an eye restless and rolling and looking madly, feet unsteady and shifting, a nose breathing insolence and contempt, ridiculous contortions of the face, bursts of laughter unrestrained and convulsive, nods and shakes of the head for no reason, speech stopping and cut short by breath, questions disorderly and senseless, answers no better than these, tumbling over one another, unsteady, and not proceeding in the order of learning. Why should I describe each thing? I saw him before his deeds as I recognized him in his deeds. If some of those who were with me then and heard me were present, they would readily bear witness; for when I saw these things I said at once, ‘What an evil the Roman world is nourishing!’ And having foretold it, I prayed that I might prove a false prophet. For that would have been better than that the world should be filled with such evils, and such a monster appear as never before, though many floods are told of, many fires, earthquakes, and chasms, and also inhuman and bestial natures of men, and of strange and compound creatures newly produced. Truly he met an end worthy of his madness.”
Such things Gregory related about Julian. That they spent many words against the Christians and attempted to force the truth, distorting some passages of the sacred writings and inserting others, and taking everything to suit their own aim, many have shown who answered them and overturned and refuted their sophisms. Above all Origen, who lived long before Julian’s times, raising against himself the passages that seem to trouble readers of the sacred books and interpreting them, shut out the sophistical inventions of the unfair. If Julian and Porphyry had read these not carelessly but fairly, they would certainly have turned their words to other things, and not to writing blasphemous sophisms. That the emperor practised mockery while addressing his words to the simpler sort, not to those who have the form of the truth from the sacred writings, is plain from this: having taken the expressions which are used of God in a more human way, by condescension, for the sake of need, and stringing many such together, he finally adds these words: “Each of these, then, unless it is a discourse having some secret meaning, as I have supposed, the words about him are full of much blasphemy.” This he said in these very words in the third book of his work against the Christians. And in his discourse entitled On Cynicism, teaching how sacred myths should be composed, he says that the truth about such words must be hidden, saying these very words to them: “For nature loves to hide itself, and the hidden part of the essence of the gods does not bear to be thrown in naked words to impure ears.” From this the emperor appears to suspect about the divine Scriptures that they are mystical discourses with some secret meaning. He is indignant that not all have the same understanding of them, and he attacks the simpler among Christians who receive the oracles. He ought not so to attack the simplicity of the many, nor be puffed up against the sacred writings on their account, nor hate and turn from what he well understood because not all understood it as he wished. As it is, it seems, he suffered the same as Porphyry. For Porphyry, having received blows from some Christians at Caesarea in Palestine, did not bear his anger, and, from melancholy, abandoned Christianity; and from hatred of those who beat him he fell into writing blasphemies against the Christians, as Eusebius, son of Pamphilus, proved against him, refuting his writings. The emperor, having become contemptuous of the Christians in respect of the simple, through the same failing turned to the blasphemy of Porphyry. Both, then, having been impious willingly, bear the penalty of sin with knowledge.
Since the sophist Libanius, mocking, says, “They make the man from Palestine God and child of God,” he seems to me to have forgotten how he himself at the end of the same speech deified Julian. For he says that they almost stoned the first messenger of his death as lying against a god. Then, going on a little, he says: “O nursling of the daemons, disciple of the daemons, attendant of the daemons!” Even if he himself meant it otherwise, by not avoiding the ambiguity of the worse sense he seemed to say the very things the Christians say in reproach. If he cared for praise, he should have avoided the ambiguity, as he avoided another word, for which he was reviled and cut it out of his speech. How the man in Christ is spoken of as God, and how what was seen was man and what was unseen God, and how both are true, the divine oracles of the Christians know; but the pagans cannot understand it before they believe. For there is an oracle which says, “If you do not believe, you will not understand.” So they are not ashamed of having deified many men, and would that they had at least been good in character, or just, or self-controlled; but impure, unjust, enslaved to drunkenness: I mean such as Heracles, Dionysus, and Asclepius, by whom Libanius is not ashamed to swear continually in his speeches. If I were to count their loves of males and females, the account of our digression would be long. For those who wish to know these things, the Peplos of Aristotle, the Crown of Dionysius, the Polymnemon of Rheginus, and the crowd of poets will suffice, who by writing about them show to all that the theology of the Greeks is truly laughable nonsense. That it is peculiar to the Greeks to deify men easily, it will suffice to recall a few instances. When the Rhodians fell into misfortune, an oracle was given them that they should worship the Phrygian Attis, the priest of the frenzied rite among the Phrygians. The oracle runs thus: “Propitiate Attis, the great god, the holy Adonis, Euius, giver of wealth, Dionysus of the lovely locks.” The oracle, then, says that Attis, who castrated himself from erotic madness, is Adonis and Dionysus. When Alexander king of the Macedonians crossed into Asia, the Amphictyons were courting Alexander, and the Pythia delivered this: “Honour Zeus, highest of gods, and Athena Tritogeneia, and the king hidden in a mortal body, whom Zeus begot of the best seed as a helper of good order for mortals, Alexander the king.” This the daemon at Pytho uttered; and it too deified rulers in flattery. And this perhaps it did from flattery. But what would one say of their deifying Cleomedes the boxer and giving this oracle about him: “Last of the heroes, Cleomedes of Astypalaea; honour him with sacrifices, as being no longer mortal”? Because of this oracle Diogenes the Cynic and Oenomaus the philosopher condemned the Pythian Apollo. The people of Cyzicus proclaimed Hadrian the thirteenth god; and Hadrian himself deified his beloved Antinous. These things Libanius does not call laughable nonsense, though he knows the oracles and the single book Adrias wrote on the life of Alexander; nor is he ashamed of deifying Porphyry himself, for he says, “May the Tyrian be gracious,” preferring the emperor’s books to his. Let these things, said because of the sophist’s abuse, suffice as a digression; things that need a treatise of their own I think I should leave aside. Let us go on to the rest of the history.
Isa 7:9 (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Socrates answers Libanius’s praise of Julian’s books against the Christians, quoting Gregory of Nazianzus’s portrait of the young Julian, comparing Julian with Porphyry, and contrasting pagan deifications of men with Christian faith in Christ.
- Libanius is quoted from his Funeral Oration for Julian (Or. 18.178, 304). Gregory of Nazianzus’s description of Julian is from Oration 5.23–24 (the second against Julian), on this site. Julian’s Against the Galileans survives in fragments; the quotation from his On Cynicism (Oration 7) adapts Heraclitus’s saying “nature loves to hide”.
- “If you do not believe, you will not understand” is Isa 7:9 in the Septuagint.
- The story that Porphyry left Christianity after being beaten by Christians is reported by Socrates; Eusebius’s refutation of Porphyry is lost.
- The pagan oracles are translated as quoted; the sources Socrates names (the Peplos of Aristotle, the Crown of Dionysius, the Polymnemon of Rheginus, Adrias on Alexander) are mostly lost.
- In the scan a few words are garbled in the paragraph on Julian’s attack (“as a lover of mockery”); the sense is translated.
Extrabiblical texts: Gregory of Nazianzus, Or. 5.23-24 (Orations (other than the Theological Orations); quotation); Porphyry, Porphyry, Chr. (Porphyry, Against the Christians (fragments); allusion); Plato (Plato (works); allusion)
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.23 (PG 67:437–449; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-23). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-23
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.24PG 67:449–451
Τοῦ δὲ βασιλέως Ἰοβιανοῦ ἀπὸ τῆς Περσίδος ἀναχωρήσαντος, αὖθις ἀνεκινεῖτο τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν, οἱ τε προεστῶτες τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν προτρέχειν ἐσπούδαζον, προσδοκῶντες ἕκαστος τῇ ἑαυτῶν πίστει προσθήσεσθαι τὸν βασιλέα. Ὁ δὲ ἐξ ἀρχῆς μὲν τῇ ὁμοουσίῳ πίστει προσέκειτο· τοῦτο δὲ πᾶσιν εἰρηκὼς προέκρινε. Καὶ ἀναῤῥώννυσι μὲν διὰ γραμμάτων ε τὸν τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐπίσκοπον ᾿Αθανάσιον, ὃς εὐθὺς, μετὰ τὴν τελευτὴν Ἰουλιανοῦ, τῆς Ἐκκλησίας τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων ἐγκρατὴς ἐγένετο· τότε δὴ παρῥησιαίτερος ἐκ τῶν γραμμάτων γενόμενος, καὶ τοῦ πανταχόθεν δέους ἀπήλλακτο. ᾿Ανεκάλει δὲ ὁ βασιλεὺς τοὺς ὑπὸ Κωνσταντίου μὲν ἐξορισθέντας ἐπισκόπους, ὑπὸ Ἰουλιανοῦ δὲ ἀνακληθῆναι μὴ φθάσαντας. Τηνικαῦτα δὴ καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων πάντα ἀπεκλείετο· αὐτοὶ δὲ ἄλλως ἀλλαχῆ κατεδύοντο. Οἱ τε τριβωνοφόροι τοὺς τρίβωνας ἀπέθεντο, καὶ εἰς τὸ κοινὸν σχῆμα μετημφιέννυντο. Πέπαυτο δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ ὁ δι' αἵματος δημοσίᾳ γινόμενος μολυσμὸς, ᾧ κατακόρως ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ κατεχρήσαντο. ἐδ!
Tou de basileōs Iobianou apo tēs Persidos anachōrēsantos, authis anekineito ta tōn Ekklēsiōn, hoi te proestōtes tōn Ekklēsiōn protrechein espoudazon, prosdokōntes hekastos tę̄ heautōn pistei prosthēsesthai ton basilea. Ho de ex archēs men tę̄ homoousiǭ pistei prosekeito; touto de pasin eirēkōs proekrine. Kai anarrhōnnysi men dia grammatōn e ton tēs ᾿Alexandreias episkopon ᾿Athanasion, hos euthys, meta tēn teleutēn Ioulianou, tēs Ekklēsias tōn ᾿Alexandreōn enkratēs egeneto; tote dē parrhēsiaiteros ek tōn grammatōn genomenos, kai tou pantachothen deous apēllakto. ᾿Anekalei de ho basileus tous hypo Kōnstantiou men exoristhentas episkopous, hypo Ioulianou de anaklēthēnai mē phthasantas. Tēnikauta dē kai ta hiera tōn Hellēnōn panta apekleieto; autoi de allōs allachē katedyonto. Hoi te tribōnophoroi tous tribōnas apethento, kai eis to koinon schēma metēmphiennynto. Pepauto de autois kai ho di' haimatos dēmosią ginomenos molysmos, hǭ katakorōs epi Ioulianou katechrēsanto. ed!
When the emperor Jovian had withdrawn from Persia, the affairs of the churches were stirred up again. The presidents of the churches were eager to run to him first, each expecting that the emperor would side with his own faith. But he had from the beginning held to the homoousian faith, and he declared to all that he preferred it. He encouraged by letter Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, who immediately after Julian’s death had taken possession of the church of the Alexandrians; and then, made bolder by the letter, he was freed from fear on every side. The emperor recalled the bishops exiled by Constantius who had not been recalled by Julian. Then all the temples of the pagans were shut, and they themselves slipped away in one direction or another. Those who wore the philosopher’s cloak put it off and dressed in the common garb. The public defilement by blood, which they had used to excess under Julian, also ceased for them.
Notes and citation
Summary: Jovian, holding the homoousian faith, encourages Athanasius, recalls the exiled bishops, and the pagan temples are closed again.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.24 (PG 67:449–451; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-24). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-24
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.25PG 67:451–455
Τὰ μέντοι Χριστιανῶν οὐχ ἡσύχαζεν. Οἱ γὰρ προεστῶτες τῶν θρησκειῶν προελεύσεις ἐποΐνυν τῷ βασιλεῖ, τὴν παρ᾽ αὑτοῦ κατὰ τῶν νομιζομένων αὐτοῖς ἀντιπάλων παῤῥησίαν ὑπάρχειν νομίζοντες. Καὶ πρῶτοι μὲν Μακεδονιανοὶ χρηματίσαντες, βιβλίον προσφέρουσιν, ἀξιοῦντες ἐξωθεῖσθαι μὲν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν τοὺς τὸ ἀνόμοιον δογματίξοντας, τοὺς δὲ ἀντεισάγεσθαι, Ἦσαν δὲ οἱ τὸ βιδλίον τῶν δεήσεων ἐπιδόντες, Βασίλειος ὁ ᾿Αγκύρα:, Σιλδανὺς Ταρσοῦ, Σωφρόνιος Πομπηϊουπόλεως, Πασίνιχος Ζήνων, Λεόντιος Κομάνων, Καλλιχράτης Ἰέλαυδίου πόλεως, Θεόφιλος Κασταβάλων. Τούτων δεξάμενος τὸ βιβλίον ὁ βασιλεὺς, ἀναποχρίτους αὐτοὺς ἀπέπεμψε, μόνον δὲ τοῦτο ἐφθέγξατο" Ἐγὼ, ἔφη, φιλονεικίαν μισῶ " τοὺς ὃὲ τῇ ὁμονοίᾳ προστρέχοντας ἀγαπῶ καὶ τιμῶ, Ταῦτα εἰς τὰς ἀκοὰς τῶν ἄλλων δοθέντα, τὸν τόνον τῶν φιλονειχεῖν αἱρουμένων ἐχαύνωσε " τοῦτο κατὰ σκοπὸν τοῦ βασιλέως ἐγίνετο. Καὶ γὰρ δὴ τηνικαῦτα ὁ τῶν περὶ ᾿Ακάκιον φιλόνειχος τρόπος ἠλέγχετο, ὡς εἴησαν ἀεὶ πρὸς τοὺς κρατοῦντας ἀποχλίνοντες, φανερῶς ἐπέδειξαν. Συνελθόντες γὰρ ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ ἃ τῆς Ξυ-ρίας, εἰς λόγους ἔρχονται Μελιτίῳ, ὅς μικρὸν ἔμπροσῦεν αὑτῶν χωρισθεὶς, τῷ ὁμοουσίῳ προσέθετο. Τοῦτο δὲ ἐποίησαν, ἐπειδὴ τιμώμενον ὑπὸ τοῦ βατιλέως ἑώρων ἐκεῖ τότε διάγοντος. Κοινῇ οὖν γνώμτ, 11 ἃ βιβλίον συντάξαντες, χαθομολογοῦσι τὸ ὁμοούσιον, τὴν ἐν πίστιν κυρώσαντες, τῷ βασιλεῖ --͵ροσχομίζουσιν. Ἔστι δὲ τὸ βιβλίον ἐν τοῖσδε Τῷ εὐσεδεστάτῳ θευφιϊεστάτῳ Δεσπότῃ ἡμῶν Ἰοδιανῷ Νικητῇ Αὐγούστῳ, ἡ τῶν ἐν χείᾳ παρόντων ἐπισκόπων διαφόρων χιῶν σύνοδος. Τὴν ἐκκλησιαστικὴν εἰρήνην τε καὶ ὁμόνοιαν, ὅτι σοῦ πρώτη πρεσβεύειν ἐσπούδασεν εὐσέβεια, εὖ ἴσμεν αὐτοὶ, θεοφιλέστατε βασιλεῦ. Ὅτι δὲ κεφάλαιον τῆς τοιαύτης ἑνότττο;, τῆς ἀληθοῦς ὀρθοδόξου πίστεως καλῶς ὑπείληφας τὸν χαρακτῆρα, οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀγνοοῦμεν. Ἵνα μὴ τοίνυν μετὰ τῶν παραχαραπσόντων τὸ δόγμα τῆς ἀληθείας τετάχθα: μιζώμεθα, ἀναφέρομεν τῇ σῇ εὐλαύείχ, ὅτι τῆς ἁγίας συνόδου τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ πάλαι πρότερον συγχροτηθείτὴν πίστιν ἀποδεχόμεθα, καὶ κατέχομεν. Ὁπότε καὶ τὸ δοκοῦν ἐν αὐτῇ ξένον τισὶν δνομα, τὸ τοῦ ὁμουυσίου φαμὲν, ἀσφαλοῦς τετύχηκε παρὰ ποῖ: πατράσιν ἑρμηνείας, σημαινούσης ὅτι ἐχ τῆς οὐπίας τοῦ Πατρὺς ὁ Υἱὸς ἐγευνέθη, καὶ ὅτι ὅμοιος χατ᾽ οὐσίαν τῷ Πατρί. Οὔτε δὲ ὡς πάθηυς περὶ τὴν ἄῤῥητον γέννησιν ἐπινοουμένου, οὔτε κατά τινὰ χρῆσιν ᾿Ελληνιχὴν λαμδάνεται τοῖς Πατράσι τὸ ὄνομα τῆς οὐσίας" εἰς ἀνατροπὴν δὲ τοῦ ἐξ οὐχ ὄντων, περὶ τοῦ Χριστοῦ ἀπτεθῶς τολμηθέντος παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Αρείου, ὅπερ οἱ νῦν ἐπιτοιτήσαντες ἀνόμοιοι, ἔτι θρασύπῖρον τολμηρότερον ἐπὶ λύμῃ τῆς; ἐχχλησιᾶστιὁμονοίας ἀναισχύντως παῤῥησιάζονται. Διὸ τυνετάξαπιεν τῇδε ἡμῶν τῇ ἀναφορᾷ τὸ ἀντίγραφην τῆς πίστεως τῆς ἐν Νικαίᾳ ὑπὸ τῶν συγκροτηθέντων ἐπισκόπων ἐκτεθείσης, τινα καὶ ἀγαπῶμεν, ἥτις ἐστίν" Πιστεύομεν εἰς ἕνα Θεὸν Πατέρα παντοκράτορα, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τοῦ μαθήματος πλήρης. Μελίἐπίσχοπο; ᾿Αντιοχείας, ἔδωχα συναινῶν τοῖς πεογεγραμμένοις. Εὐσέβιος Σαμοσάτων, Εὐάγριος Σικελῶν, Οὑράνιος ᾿Απαμείας, Ζώϊλος Λαρίσων, ᾿Ακάκιος Καισαρείας, ᾿Αντίπατρο:ς Ρώσου, ᾿Αβράθὐρίμων, ᾿Αριστόνιχος Σελευχοθήλου, μένος Περγάμου, Οὐράνιο: Μελιτινῆς, Μάγνος Χαλχηδόνο:, Εὐτύχιο:; Ἐλευθεροπόλεως, Ἰσαχό-χις ᾿Αρμενίας μεγάλης, Τίτος Βόστρων, Πέτρος ἃ Σίππων, Πελάγιος Λαοδικείας, Αραβιανὸς ῎Αντρου, Πίσων ᾿Αδάνων διὰ Λαμυδρίωνος πρεσβυτέρου, Σαβινιανὸς Ζεύγματος, ᾿Αθανάσιος ᾿Αγκύρων διὰ Ὀρφίτου καὶ ᾿Αετίου πρεσβυτέρων, Εἰρηνίων Γάζης, Πίσων Αὐγούστης, Πατρίκιος Πάλτου διὰ Λαμυρίωνος πρεσβυτέρου, Ανατόλιος Βεροίων, Θεότιμος ᾿Αράβων, Λουκιανός "Αρκων. Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ βιβλίον τῇ συναγωγῇ τῶν συνοδικῶν Σαβίνου γεγραμμένον εὑρήκαμεν. Ὁ μέντοι βασιλεὺς πρόθεσιν εἶχε, κολακείᾳ καὶ πειθοῖ τῶν διεστώτων τὴν φιλονεικίαν ἐκκόψαι, φήσας μηδενὶ ὀχληρὸς τῶν ὁπωσούν πιστευόντων ἔσεσθαι· ἀγαπήσειν δὲ καὶ ὑπερτιμήσειν τοὺς ἀρχὴν τῇ ἑνώσει τῆς Ἐκκλησίας παρέξοντας. Ταῦτα δὲ οὕτως αὐτὸν πρᾶξαι καὶ Θεμίστιός ε φησιν ὁ φιλόσοφος. Ὑπατικὸν γὰρ λόγον εἰς αὐτὸν διελθὼν, θαυμάζει τὸν βασιλέα, ὡς τὸ ἐφεῖναι θρησκεύειν ὡς ἕκαστοι βούλονται, νικήσαντα τῶν κολάκων τοὺς τρόπους · οὓς καὶ διασύρων πάνυ γελοίως ἔψη, ἐλέγχεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἁλουργίδα, οὐ Θεὸν θεραπεύοντας · μηδέν τε διαφέρειν αὐτοὺς Εὐρίπου, νῦν μὲν ἐπὶ τάδε, νῦν δὲ εἰς τοὺναντίον τὰ ῥεύματα μεταβάλλοντος.
Ta mentoi Christianōn ouch hēsychazen. Hoi gar proestōtes tōn thrēskeiōn proeleuseis epoïnyn tǭ basilei, tēn par᾽ hautou kata tōn nomizomenōn autois antipalōn parrhēsian hyparchein nomizontes. Kai prōtoi men Makedonianoi chrēmatisantes, biblion prospherousin, axiountes exōtheisthai men tōn ekklēsiōn tous to anomoion dogmatixontas, tous de anteisagesthai, Ēsan de hoi to bidlion tōn deēseōn epidontes, Basileios ho ᾿Ankyra:, Sildanys Tarsou, Sōphronios Pompēïoupoleōs, Pasinichos Zēnōn, Leontios Komanōn, Kallichratēs Ielaudiou poleōs, Theophilos Kastabalōn. Toutōn dexamenos to biblion ho basileus, anapochritous autous apepempse, monon de touto ephthenxato" Egō, ephē, philoneikian misō " tous hoe tę̄ homonoią prostrechontas agapō kai timō, Tauta eis tas akoas tōn allōn dothenta, ton tonon tōn philoneichein hairoumenōn echaunōse " touto kata skopon tou basileōs egineto. Kai gar dē tēnikauta ho tōn peri ᾿Akakion philoneichos tropos ēlencheto, hōs eiēsan aei pros tous kratountas apochlinontes, phanerōs epedeixan. Synelthontes gar en ᾿Antiocheią ha tēs Xy-rias, eis logous erchontai Melitiǭ, hos mikron emprosyen hautōn chōristheis, tǭ homoousiǭ prosetheto. Touto de epoiēsan, epeidē timōmenon hypo tou batileōs heōrōn ekei tote diagontos. Koinę̄ oun gnōmt, 11 ha biblion syntaxantes, chathomologousi to homoousion, tēn en pistin kyrōsantes, tǭ basilei --͵roschomizousin. Esti de to biblion en toisde Tǭ eusedestatǭ theuphiïestatǭ Despotę̄ hēmōn Iodianǭ Nikētę̄ Augoustǭ, hē tōn en cheią parontōn episkopōn diaphorōn chiōn synodos. Tēn ekklēsiastikēn eirēnēn te kai homonoian, hoti sou prōtē presbeuein espoudasen eusebeia, eu ismen autoi, theophilestate basileu. Hoti de kephalaion tēs toiautēs henottto?, tēs alēthous orthodoxou pisteōs kalōs hypeilēphas ton charaktēra, oude touto agnooumen. Hina mē toinyn meta tōn paracharapsontōn to dogma tēs alētheias tetachtha: mizōmetha, anapheromen tę̄ sę̄ eulaueich, hoti tēs hagias synodou tēs en Nikaią palai proteron synchrotētheitēn pistin apodechometha, kai katechomen. Hopote kai to dokoun en autę̄ xenon tisin dnoma, to tou homouysiou phamen, asphalous tetychēke para poi: patrasin hermēneias, sēmainousēs hoti ech tēs oupias tou Patrys ho Huios egeunethē, kai hoti homoios chat᾽ ousian tǭ Patri. Oute de hōs pathēus peri tēn arrhēton gennēsin epinooumenou, oute kata tina chrēsin ᾿Ellēnichēn lamdanetai tois Patrasi to onoma tēs ousias" eis anatropēn de tou ex ouch ontōn, peri tou Christou aptethōs tolmēthentos para tou ᾿Areiou, hoper hoi nyn epitoitēsantes anomoioi, eti thrasypiron tolmēroteron epi lymę̄ tēs? echchlēsiastiomonoias anaischyntōs parrhēsiazontai. Dio tynetaxapien tę̄de hēmōn tę̄ anaphorą to antigraphēn tēs pisteōs tēs en Nikaią hypo tōn synkrotēthentōn episkopōn ektetheisēs, tina kai agapōmen, hētis estin" Pisteuomen eis hena Theon Patera pantokratora, kai ta loipa tou mathēmatos plērēs. Meliepischopo? ᾿Antiocheias, edōcha synainōn tois peogegrammenois. Eusebios Samosatōn, Euagrios Sikelōn, Houranios ᾿Apameias, Zōïlos Larisōn, ᾿Akakios Kaisareias, ᾿Antipatro:s Rōsou, ᾿Abrathyrimōn, ᾿Aristonichos Seleuchothēlou, menos Pergamou, Ouranio: Melitinēs, Magnos Chalchēdono:, Eutychio:? Eleutheropoleōs, Isacho-chis ᾿Armenias megalēs, Titos Bostrōn, Petros ha Sippōn, Pelagios Laodikeias, Arabianos ᾿Antrou, Pisōn ᾿Adanōn dia Lamydriōnos presbyterou, Sabinianos Zeugmatos, ᾿Athanasios ᾿Ankyrōn dia Orphitou kai ᾿Aetiou presbyterōn, Eirēniōn Gazēs, Pisōn Augoustēs, Patrikios Paltou dia Lamyriōnos presbyterou, Anatolios Beroiōn, Theotimos ᾿Arabōn, Loukianos "Arkōn. Touto men dē to biblion tę̄ synagōgę̄ tōn synodikōn Sabinou gegrammenon heurēkamen. Ho mentoi basileus prothesin eiche, kolakeią kai peithoi tōn diestōtōn tēn philoneikian ekkopsai, phēsas mēdeni ochlēros tōn hopōsoun pisteuontōn esesthai; agapēsein de kai hypertimēsein tous archēn tę̄ henōsei tēs Ekklēsias parexontas. Tauta de houtōs auton praxai kai Themistios e phēsin ho philosophos. Hypatikon gar logon eis auton dielthōn, thaumazei ton basilea, hōs to epheinai thrēskeuein hōs hekastoi boulontai, nikēsanta tōn kolakōn tous tropous ; hous kai diasyrōn pany geloiōs epsē, elenchesthai autous halourgida, ou Theon therapeuontas ; mēden te diapherein autous Euripou, nyn men epi tade, nyn de eis tounantion ta rheumata metaballontos.
The affairs of the Christians, however, were not quiet. For the leaders of the sects made approaches to the emperor, thinking they would have freedom from him against those they considered their opponents. First the so-called Macedonians presented a petition, asking that those who taught the anomoion be expelled from the churches and they themselves brought in instead. Those who presented the petition were Basil of Ancyra, Silvanus of Tarsus, Sophronius of Pompeiopolis, Pasinicus of Zela, Leontius of Comana, Callicrates of Claudiopolis, and Theophilus of Castabala. The emperor, receiving their petition, sent them away without an answer, saying only this: “I hate contentiousness; but those who hasten to concord I love and honour.” When this reached the ears of the others, it slackened the vigour of those who chose to contend; and this happened according to the emperor’s aim. For at that time the contentious way of Acacius and his party was exposed: they showed plainly that they always inclined towards those in power. For meeting at Antioch in Syria they came to terms with Meletius, who a little before had separated from them and gone over to the homoousios. This they did because they saw him honoured by the emperor, who was then staying there. With common consent, then, they composed a statement, confessed the homoousios, confirmed the faith of Nicaea, and brought it to the emperor. The statement reads as follows:
“To our most pious and most God-loving lord Jovian, Victor Augustus, the synod of bishops from various provinces present at Antioch. That your piety has above all been eager to promote the peace and concord of the church we know well, most God-loving emperor. Nor are we unaware that you have rightly understood the character of the true orthodox faith to be the chief point of such unity. So that we may not be counted among those who falsify the doctrine of the truth, we declare to your piety that we accept and hold the faith of the holy synod convened long ago at Nicaea. Since the name in it which seems strange to some, I mean that of homoousios, has received a safe interpretation from the fathers, signifying that the Son was begotten from the essence of the Father and that he is like the Father in essence; and the name of essence is not taken by the fathers as though any passion were conceived in the ineffable generation, nor according to any Greek usage, but for the overthrow of ‘from things that are not’, impiously dared by Arius about Christ, which the Anomoeans who have now sprung up shamelessly assert with still greater boldness and daring, to the ruin of the church’s concord. Therefore we have attached to this our report the copy of the faith set out by the bishops convened at Nicaea, which we also love; it is: ‘We believe in one God, the Father Almighty’, and the rest of the creed in full. I, Meletius, bishop of Antioch, have given this, agreeing to what is written above. Eusebius of Samosata, Evagrius of Sicilia, Uranius of Apamea, Zoilus of Larissa, Acacius of Caesarea, Antipater of Rhosus, Abramius of Urimi, Aristonicus of Seleucobelus, Barlamenus of Pergamum, Uranius of Melitene, Magnus of Chalcedon, Eutychius of Eleutheropolis, Isacocis of Greater Armenia, Titus of Bostra, Peter of Sippi, Pelagius of Laodicea, Arabianus of Antros, Piso of Adana through Lamydrion the presbyter, Sabinianus of Zeugma, Athanasius of Ancyra through Orphitus and Aetius, presbyters, Irenion of Gaza, Piso of Augusta, Patricius of Paltus through Lamyrion the presbyter, Anatolius of Beroea, Theotimus of the Arabs, Lucianus of Arca.”
This statement we have found written in Sabinus’s collection of synodal acts. The emperor’s purpose was to cut off the contentiousness of those at variance by kindness and persuasion, saying that he would be troublesome to none, however they believed, but would love and greatly honour those who made a beginning of the church’s union. The philosopher Themistius too says that he acted so. In the consular speech he delivered for him, he admires the emperor for allowing each to worship as they wished, overcoming the ways of flatterers; and ridiculing them very wittily he said that they were shown to serve the purple, not God, and to differ in no way from the Euripus, which changes its currents now this way, now the opposite.
Notes and citation
Summary: Jovian refuses the Macedonians’ petition and urges concord; Acacius’s party, with Meletius at Antioch (363), accepts the Nicene faith, explaining homoousios as “like in essence”; Themistius praises Jovian’s toleration.
- The letter of the synod of Antioch (363) to Jovian is quoted with its signatures as in Sabinus’s collection. Its explanation of homoousios (“like the Father in essence”) is translated exactly as written.
- The scan is badly damaged in the letter and the list of signatures; names are given in their usual forms where the scan is garbled (e.g. Barlamenus of Pergamum, of which only “-menus” survives).
- Themistius, Oration 5 (consular speech for Jovian, 364). The Euripus is the strait at Chalcis, proverbial for its changing currents.
Extrabiblical texts: Conc. Nic. creed (Creed and Canons of the Council of Nicaea (325); allusion)
Topics: Trinity, Heresy, Church office
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.25 (PG 67:451–455; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-25). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-25
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
3.26PG 67:455–457
Οὕτω μὲν οὖν βασιλεὺς τότε τὴν ὁρμὴν τῶν ἐρεσχελεῖν προαιρουμένων ἐπέσχεν. Ἡ τάχος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἀναχωρήσας, τὴν Ταρσόν τε καταλαβών τῆς Κιλικίας, ἐκεῖ τὸ Ἰουλιανοῦ σῶμα ἔθαψε· καὶ πάντα ἐπὶ τῇ κηδείᾳ τὰ νόμιμα πληρώσας, ὕπατός τι ἀναγορεύεται. Καὶ αὖθις ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντινού - πολιν διαθαίνειν σπουδάζων, ἐν χωρίῳ τινὶ παραγίνεται, ᾧ προσωνυμία Δαδάστανα " μεθόριον δέ ἔστι τοῦτο Γαλατίας καὶ Βιθυνίας. Ἔνθα Θεμί7:106 ὁ φιλόσοφος μετὰ τῶν ἄλλων συγκλητικῶν ἀπαντήσας, τὸν ὑπατιχὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ διεξῆλθε λόγον, ὃν ὕστερον ἐν Κωνσταντίνου πόλει ἐπὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπεδείξατο. ᾿Αλλ᾽ εὐτυχῶς τὰ Ῥωμαίων ἕπραξεν ἂν, τά τε δημοσίᾳ, καὶ τὰ ἐχ τῶν Ἐκχχλησιῶν, οὕτως ἀγαθοῦ βασιλέως εὐτυχήσαντα, εἰ μὴ ἀφνίδιος ἐπιγενόμενος θάνατος, τὸν τοιοῦτον ἄνδρα τῶν πραγμάτων ἀφείλετο. γὰρ τῷ προῤῥηθέντι χωρίῳ, χειμῶνος ὥρᾳ τῷ τῆς ἐμφράξεως νοσήματι συσχεθεὶς ἐτελεύτησεν, ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῇ αὐτοῦ καὶ Βαρωνιανοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὑτοῦ, τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Φεδρουαρίου ! μηνός" βασιλεύσας μῆνας ἑπτὰ, ζήσας ἔτη τριακοντατρία. Περιέχει δὲ ἡ βίόλος χρόνον ἐτῶν δύο, μηνῶν πέντε 5.
Houtō men oun basileus tote tēn hormēn tōn ereschelein proairoumenōn epeschen. Hē tachos de tēs ᾿Antiocheias anachōrēsas, tēn Tarson te katalabōn tēs Kilikias, ekei to Ioulianou sōma ethapse; kai panta epi tę̄ kēdeią ta nomima plērōsas, hypatos ti anagoreuetai. Kai authis epi tēn Kōnstantinou - polin diathainein spoudazōn, en chōriǭ tini paraginetai, hǭ prosōnymia Dadastana " methorion de esti touto Galatias kai Bithynias. Entha Themi7:106 ho philosophos meta tōn allōn synklētikōn apantēsas, ton hypatichon ep᾽ autou diexēlthe logon, hon hysteron en Kōnstantinou polei epi tou plēthous epedeixato. ᾿All᾽ eutychōs ta Rhōmaiōn hepraxen an, ta te dēmosią, kai ta ech tōn Ekchchlēsiōn, houtōs agathou basileōs eutychēsanta, ei mē aphnidios epigenomenos thanatos, ton toiouton andra tōn pragmatōn apheileto. gar tǭ prorrhēthenti chōriǭ, cheimōnos hōrą tǭ tēs emphraxeōs nosēmati syschetheis eteleutēsen, en hypateią tę̄ autou kai Barōnianou tou huiou hautou, tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Phedrouariou ! mēnos" basileusas mēnas hepta, zēsas etē triakontatria. Periechei de hē biolos chronon etōn dyo, mēnōn pente 5.
So the emperor then checked the impulse of those who chose to wrangle. Leaving Antioch with all speed and reaching Tarsus in Cilicia, he buried Julian’s body there; and having fulfilled all that was customary for the funeral, he was proclaimed consul. Eager again to cross to Constantinople, he came to a place called Dadastana, on the border of Galatia and Bithynia. There the philosopher Themistius, meeting him with the other senators, delivered the consular speech before him, which he later delivered before the people at Constantinople. The affairs of the Romans, both public and those of the churches, would have prospered, blessed with so good an emperor, had not sudden death taken such a man away from affairs. For at the place mentioned, in winter, he was seized by an obstruction and died, in his own consulship and that of his son Varronianus, on the seventeenth of February, having reigned seven months and lived thirty-three years. This book covers a period of two years and five months.
Notes and citation
Summary: Jovian buries Julian at Tarsus, hears Themistius’s consular speech at Dadastana, and dies there suddenly (17 February 364).
- “Obstruction” renders emphraxis; other sources say he was suffocated by charcoal fumes.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 3.26 (PG 67:455–457; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-26). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/3-26
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
Chapter 4
4.1PG 67:463–465
Τοῦ δὴ βασιλέως Ἰοδιανοῦ ἐν Δαδαστάνοις, ὡς ἔφημεν, τελευτήσαντος τῇ ἕαυτου ὑπατείᾳ Βαρωνιανοῦ τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτιῦ, τῇ ἑπτακαιδεκάτῃ τοῦ Φεθρουαρίον μηνὸς, οἱ στρατιῶται τῆς Γαλατῶν ἑδδομαῖοι ὃ εἰς τῆς Βιθυνίας ἐλθόντες, κοινῇ — ψήφῳ Οὐαλεντινιανὸν ἀναχηρύττουσι βασιλέα, τῇ πέμπτῃ εἰκάδι τοῦ αὑτοῦ Φεθροναρίου μηνὸς, τῇ αὐτοῦ ὑπατείᾳ. Ὅστις μὲν ἣν τὸ γένος, πόλεως Κιθάλεως. Τάξιν δὲ στρατιωτῶν ἐγχειρισάμενος, πολλὴν ἐπεδείξατο τῶν ταχτιχῶν ἐπιστήμην. Ἦν δὲ μεγαλόψυχο: ὁ ἀνὴρ, ἀεὶ τῆς παρούσης τύχης μείζων ἐφαίνετο, Ὡς οὖν αὐτὸν ἀνεστήσαντο βασιλέα, εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν γενόμενος, κοινωνὸν τῆς βασιλείας προσλαμθάνεῖ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Οὐάλεντα, μετὰ τριάκοντα ἡμέρας ! : τῆς αὐτοῦ ἀναχηρύξεως, ᾿Αλλ᾽ ἄμφω μὲν ἧσαν στιανοὶ, διεφώνουν δὲ περὶ τὴν τοῦ Χριστιανισμοῦ πίστιν, ὑὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν γὰρ τὴν πίστιν τῆς ἐν Νι; συνόδου ἔσεθεν Οὐάλης δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρειανῷ δόγματι — προλήψεως μᾶλλον προσέκειτο, Τὴν δὲ πρόληψιν ἐποιήσατο, ὑπὸ Εὐδοξίου τοῦ προεστῶτος τῆς ἐν 91/4 Κωνσταντίνου πόλει 'λρειανῇς θρησκείας βεθαπτίσθαι αὐτόν. Καὶ ζῆλον μὲν εἶχον ἄμφω σπουδαῖον περὶ ὅ ἔκαστος ἔσεθξ " τῷ δὲ τρόπῳ πολὺ διεστήχεισαν ἀλλήλων, γενόμενοι βασιλεῖς. Πρότερον μὲν γὰρ ἐπὶ Ἰουλιανοῦ, ὅτε ὁ μὲν Οὐαλεντινιανὸς χιλίαρχος ἦν, θύάλλης δὲ ἐν τοῖς οἰκείοις τοῦ βασιλέως ἐστρατεύετο, οἷον εἶχεν ἔκαστος ζῆλον ἐπέδειξαν. Θύειν γὰρ χαζόμενοι, τὰς ζώνας τῆς στρατείας μᾶλλον ἀφιέναι ἠροῦντο, ἣ ἀφιέναι τὸν Χριστιανισμόν. ᾿Αλλὰ τότε μὲν Ἰουλιανὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς, χειρώδεις τοὺς ἄνρας τοῖς δημοσίοις εἰδὼς, οὐδένα τῆς στρατείας — ὥσπερ οὐδὲ Ἰοδιανὸν τὸν μετ᾽ αὐτὸν βασιλεύσαντα, Ὕστερον δὲ βασιλεύσαντες, περὶ μὲν τὴν τῶν δημοσίων πρόνοιαν ἐν ἀρχῇ παραπλήσιοι ἀλλήλοις ὄντες ἐτύγχανον · περὶ δὲ τὸν Χριστιανισμὸν, ὡς ἔφην, διαφωνοῦντες, οὐκέθ' ὁμοίῳ τρόπῳ κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων ἐκέχρηντο. Οὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν γὰρ, τοὺς μὲν οἰκείους συνεκρότει· τοῖς δὲ ἀρειανίζουσιν οὐδαμῶς ἦν ὀχληρός. Οὐάλης δὲ ᾿Αρειανοὺς αὐξῆσαι προαιρούμενος, δεινὰ κατὰ τῶν μὴ τοιαῦτα φρονούντων εἰργάσατο, ὡς προϊὼν ὁ τῆς ἱστορίας δηλώσει λόγος. Κατὰ δὴ τὸν χρόνον τόνδε, τῆς μὲν ἐν Ῥώμῃ Ἐκκλησίας προεστήκει Λιβέριος · ἐν δὲ τῇ ᾿Αλεξανδρείᾳ, τῆς μὲν ὁμοουσίου πίστεως ᾿Αθανάσιος, τῆς δὲ ᾿Αρειανιζούσης Λούκιος, ὃν μετὰ Γεώργιον κατ· ἑστησαν οἱ ἀρειανίζοντες. Τῶν δὲ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αντιόχειαν ᾿Αρειανῶν ἡγεῖτο Εὐζώϊος. Διήρηντο δὲ καὶ οἱ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου· τῶν μὲν γὰρ Παυλίνος, τῶν δὲ Μελίτιος προειστήκεισαν. Τῶν δὲ περὶ τὰ Ἱεροσόλυμα, Κύριλλος αὖθις ἐκράτει. Ἐν δὲ Κωνσταντίνου πόλει, Εὐδόξιος μὲν τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν ἐκράτει, τὴν ᾿Αρείου δόξαν διδάσκων · οἱ δὲ τοῦ ὁμοουσίου φρονήματος, ἐν μικρῷ οἰκίσκῳ τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιοῦντο ἔνδον τῆς πόλεως. Τῆς δὲ Μακεδονιανῆς θρησκείας, ἔτι κατὰ τὰς πόλεις ἑκράτουν τῶν εὐκτηρίων οἴκων οἱ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ διδαχθέντες τοὺς περὶ Ἀκάκιον. Ἐν τοιαύτῃ μὲν δὴ καταστάσει, τὰ τῶν Ἐκκλησιῶν ἦν.
Tou dē basileōs Iodianou en Dadastanois, hōs ephēmen, teleutēsantos tę̄ heautou hypateią Barōnianou tou huiou autiy, tę̄ heptakaidekatę̄ tou Phethrouarion mēnos, hoi stratiōtai tēs Galatōn heddomaioi ho eis tēs Bithynias elthontes, koinę̄ — psēphǭ Oualentinianon anachēryttousi basilea, tę̄ pemptę̄ eikadi tou hautou Phethronariou mēnos, tę̄ autou hypateią. Hostis men hēn to genos, poleōs Kithaleōs. Taxin de stratiōtōn encheirisamenos, pollēn epedeixato tōn tachtichōn epistēmēn. Ēn de megalopsycho: ho anēr, aei tēs parousēs tychēs meizōn ephaineto, Hōs oun auton anestēsanto basilea, euthys epi tēn Kōnstantinou polin genomenos, koinōnon tēs basileias proslamthanei ton adelphon Oualenta, meta triakonta hēmeras ! : tēs autou anachēryxeōs, ᾿All᾽ amphō men hēsan stianoi, diephōnoun de peri tēn tou Christianismou pistin, hyyalentinianos men gar tēn pistin tēs en Ni? synodou esethen Oualēs de tǭ ᾿Areianǭ dogmati — prolēpseōs mallon prosekeito, Tēn de prolēpsin epoiēsato, hypo Eudoxiou tou proestōtos tēs en 91/4 Kōnstantinou polei 'lreianę̄s thrēskeias bethaptisthai auton. Kai zēlon men eichon amphō spoudaion peri ho ekastos esethx " tǭ de tropǭ poly diestēcheisan allēlōn, genomenoi basileis. Proteron men gar epi Ioulianou, hote ho men Oualentinianos chiliarchos ēn, thyallēs de en tois oikeiois tou basileōs estrateueto, hoion eichen ekastos zēlon epedeixan. Thyein gar chazomenoi, tas zōnas tēs strateias mallon aphienai ērounto, hē aphienai ton Christianismon. ᾿Alla tote men Ioulianos ho basileus, cheirōdeis tous anras tois dēmosiois eidōs, oudena tēs strateias — hōsper oude Iodianon ton met᾽ auton basileusanta, Hysteron de basileusantes, peri men tēn tōn dēmosiōn pronoian en archę̄ paraplēsioi allēlois ontes etynchanon ; peri de ton Christianismon, hōs ephēn, diaphōnountes, ouketh' homoiǭ tropǭ kata tōn Christianizontōn ekechrēnto. Oualentinianos men gar, tous men oikeious synekrotei; tois de areianizousin oudamōs ēn ochlēros. Oualēs de ᾿Areianous auxēsai proairoumenos, deina kata tōn mē toiauta phronountōn eirgasato, hōs proïōn ho tēs historias dēlōsei logos. Kata dē ton chronon tonde, tēs men en Rhōmę̄ Ekklēsias proestēkei Liberios ; en de tę̄ ᾿Alexandreią, tēs men homoousiou pisteōs ᾿Athanasios, tēs de ᾿Areianizousēs Loukios, hon meta Geōrgion kat; hestēsan hoi areianizontes. Tōn de kata tēn ᾿Antiocheian ᾿Areianōn hēgeito Euzōïos. Diērēnto de kai hoi tou homoousiou; tōn men gar Paulinos, tōn de Melitios proeistēkeisan. Tōn de peri ta Hierosolyma, Kyrillos authis ekratei. En de Kōnstantinou polei, Eudoxios men tōn ekklēsiōn ekratei, tēn ᾿Areiou doxan didaskōn ; hoi de tou homoousiou phronēmatos, en mikrǭ oikiskǭ tas synagōgas epoiounto endon tēs poleōs. Tēs de Makedonianēs thrēskeias, eti kata tas poleis hekratoun tōn euktēriōn oikōn hoi en Seleukeią didachthentes tous peri Akakion. En toiautę̄ men dē katastasei, ta tōn Ekklēsiōn ēn.
When the emperor Jovian had died at Dadastana, as we said, in the consulship of himself and of his son Varronianus, on the seventeenth of February, the soldiers came from Galatia to Bithynia and on the seventh day by common vote proclaimed Valentinian emperor, on the twenty-fifth of the same month of February, in the same consulship. By birth he was of the city of Cibalis. Having been given a command of soldiers, he had shown great knowledge of tactics. The man was great-souled, and always appeared greater than his present fortune. As soon as they had raised him to be emperor, he went to Constantinople and took his brother Valens as partner in the empire, thirty days after his own proclamation. Both were Christians, but they differed about the Christian faith: Valentinian revered the faith of the synod at Nicaea, while Valens was attached rather to the Arian doctrine by a prior commitment. He had formed this commitment by being baptized by Eudoxius, who presided over the Arian worship in Constantinople. Both had earnest zeal for what each revered, but in their conduct, once they became emperors, they differed widely from each other. Earlier, under Julian, when Valentinian was a tribune and Valens served in the emperor's household troops, each showed what zeal he had: when compelled to sacrifice, they chose to give up the belts of their service rather than give up Christianity. But at that time the emperor Julian, knowing that the men were useful to the state, dismissed neither of them from the service, nor did Jovian, who reigned after him. Later, when they had become emperors, they were at first alike in their care for public affairs; but differing, as I said, about Christianity, they no longer treated Christians in the same way. Valentinian supported those of his own faith but was in no way troublesome to the Arianizers; Valens, wishing to increase the Arians, did terrible things against those who did not think as they did, as the course of the history will show. At this time Liberius presided over the church in Rome. In Alexandria, Athanasius presided over those of the faith of the 'same essence' (homoousios), and Lucius over the Arianizing party, whom the Arianizers had installed after George. Euzoius led the Arians at Antioch. Those of the 'same essence' there were also divided: one group was headed by Paulinus, the other by Meletius. Cyril again held those of Jerusalem. In Constantinople Eudoxius held the churches, teaching the opinion of Arius, while those of the 'same essence' held their assemblies in a small house within the city. Of the Macedonian worship, those who at Seleucia had parted from Acacius and his party still held the houses of prayer in the cities. Such was the state of the churches.
Notes and citation
Summary: Valentinian and Valens become emperors; Socrates contrasts their religious policies and surveys who held the main sees.
- Homoousios ('of the same essence') is the Nicene term for the Son's relation to the Father; 'of like essence' renders homoiousios.
- The scan text lacks a word before 'of the city of Cibalis' (other printings: 'a Pannonian') and the verb after 'dismissed neither of them from the service'; both are supplied by sense.
- Of the last sentence the scan reads 'taught by Acacius' (didachthentes); translated by sense, 'parted from'.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.1 (PG 67:463–465; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-1). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-1
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-4-1) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.2PG 67:465–467
Τῶν δὲ βασιλέων, Οὐαλεντινιανὸς μὲν τὰ ἑσπέρια μέρη ἱ ταχέως κατέλαβεν. Εἶλκε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἡ τῶν ἐκεῖ πραγμάτων φροντίς. Οὐάλεντι δὲ μικρὸν κατὰ τὴν Κωνσταντίνου πόλιν ἐπιμείναντι, προσέρχονται πλεῖστοι τῶν ἐπισκόπων τῆς Μακεδονιανῶν θρησκείας, ἐξαιτοῦσίν τε ἄλλην γενέσθαι σύνοδον ἐπὶ διορθώσει τῆς πίστεως. Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς, νομίσας συναινέσαι αὐτοὺς τοῖς περὶ Ἀκάκιον καὶ Εὐδόξιον, γενέσθαι ἐπέτρεψε. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν συγκροτεῖν σύνοδον ἐν τῇ Λαμψάκιῳ ἔσπευδον. Οὐάλης δὲ ᾗ τάχος, ἐπὶ τὴν Συρίας ᾿Αντιόχειαν ὥρμησεν, ὑφορώμενος μὴ οἱ Πέρσαι τὰς γενομένας ἐπὶ Ἰοβιανοῦ τριακοντούτεις σπονδὰς παραλύσαντες, τοῖς Ῥωμαίων ὅροις ἐπέλθοιεν. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν Περσικὰ ἡσύχασεν. Αὐτὸς δὲ τῇ ἡσυχίᾳ καταχρώμενος, κατὰ τῶν τὸ ὁμοούσιον φρονούντων ἄσπονδον ἤγειρε πόλεμον. Καὶ Παυλῖνον μὲν τὸν ἐπίσκοπον, δι᾽ ὑπερβάλλουσαν τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εὐλάβειαν οὐδὲν κακὸν ἐποίησεν. Μελίτιον δὲ ἐξορίᾳ ἐζημίωσε. Τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ὅσοι μὴ ἐβούλοντο Εὐζωΐῳ κοινωνεῖν, τῶν μὲν ἐκκλησιῶν τῶν ἐν Ἀντιοχείᾳ ἐξήλαυνεν · ζημίαις δὲ καὶ τιμωρίαις διαφόροις ὑπέβαλλεν. Λέγεταί δὲ, ὅτι καὶ πολλοὺς εἰς τὸν παρακείμενον ποταμὸν Ὀῤῥόντην ἀπέπνιξεν.
Tōn de basileōn, Oualentinianos men ta hesperia merē hi tacheōs katelaben. Eilke gar auton hē tōn ekei pragmatōn phrontis. Oualenti de mikron kata tēn Kōnstantinou polin epimeinanti, proserchontai pleistoi tōn episkopōn tēs Makedonianōn thrēskeias, exaitousin te allēn genesthai synodon epi diorthōsei tēs pisteōs. Ho de basileus, nomisas synainesai autous tois peri Akakion kai Eudoxion, genesthai epetrepse. Kai houtoi men synkrotein synodon en tę̄ Lampsakiǭ espeudon. Oualēs de hę̄ tachos, epi tēn Syrias ᾿Antiocheian hōrmēsen, hyphorōmenos mē hoi Persai tas genomenas epi Iobianou triakontouteis spondas paralysantes, tois Rhōmaiōn horois epelthoien. ᾿Alla ta men Persika hēsychasen. Autos de tę̄ hēsychią katachrōmenos, kata tōn to homoousion phronountōn aspondon ēgeire polemon. Kai Paulinon men ton episkopon, di᾽ hyperballousan tou andros eulabeian ouden kakon epoiēsen. Melition de exorią ezēmiōse. Tous de allous hosoi mē eboulonto Euzōïǭ koinōnein, tōn men ekklēsiōn tōn en Antiocheią exēlaunen ; zēmiais de kai timōriais diaphorois hypeballen. Legetai de, hoti kai pollous eis ton parakeimenon potamon Orrhontēn apepnixen.
Of the emperors, Valentinian quickly went to the western parts, for the care of affairs there drew him. While Valens stayed a short time at Constantinople, a great many bishops of the Macedonian worship came to him and asked that another synod be held to set the faith right. The emperor, thinking that they agreed with Acacius and Eudoxius, allowed it to be held. These hastened to assemble a synod at Lampsacus. Valens set out with all speed for Antioch in Syria, suspecting that the Persians would break the thirty-year treaty made under Jovian and invade Roman territory. But the Persian front stayed quiet. He, taking advantage of the quiet, raised a truceless war against those who held the 'same essence'. To Paulinus the bishop he did no harm, because of the man's exceeding piety; Meletius he punished with exile. All the others who would not communicate with Euzoius he drove out of the churches at Antioch and subjected to various fines and punishments. It is said that he also drowned many in the river Orontes that flows by the city.
Notes and citation
Summary: Valens permits the Macedonians a synod and begins persecuting the Nicene party at Antioch.
- The words 'made war on those of the same essence' at the opening of the scan text are the end of Valesius's chapter title and are removed.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (end of the printed chapter title leaked into the text): ὁμοουσίου ἐπολέμει. Τῶν δὲ βασιλέων → Τῶν δὲ βασιλέων.
Topics: Persecution
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.2 (PG 67:465–467; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-2). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-2
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.3PG 67:467
Ταῦτα δὲ αὐτοῦ κατὰ τὴν Συρίαν ποιοῦντος, ἐπανίστατο ἐκ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως τύραννος, Προκόπιος κ ὄνομα αὐτῷ. Ὃς πολλὴν συγκροτήσας ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ δύναμιν, ὁρμᾶν κατὰ τοῦ βασιλέως ἐσπούδαζεν. Τοῦτο ἀπαγγελθὲν, εἰς ἀγωνίαν μεγίστην τὸν βασιλέα κατέστησεν, ἥτις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν κατὰ τῶν διωκομένων ὁρμὴν, πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐπέσχεν. Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου ταραχή τέως ὠδίνετο, σεισμὸς ἐπιγενόμενος πολλὰς τῶν πόλεων ἔβλαψεν. Η τε θάλασσα τοὺς οἰκείους ὅρους ἐνήλλαξεν · ἔν τισι μὲν γὰρ τόποις τοσοῦτον ἐπέκλυσεν, ὡς τοὺς πρώην βασίμους τόπους πλεῖσθαι · ἑτέρων δὲ τόπων τοσοῦτον ἀπέστη, ὡς ἐν ξηρᾷ εὑρεθῆναι. Καὶ τοῦτο ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν πρώτην ὑπατείαν τῶν δύο βασιλέων.
Tauta de autou kata tēn Syrian poiountos, epanistato ek tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs tyrannos, Prokopios k onoma autǭ. Hos pollēn synkrotēsas en brachei chronǭ dynamin, horman kata tou basileōs espoudazen. Touto apangelthen, eis agōnian megistēn ton basilea katestēsen, hētis autou kai tēn kata tōn diōkomenōn hormēn, pros oligon epeschen. Hōs de ek tou polemou tarachē teōs ōdineto, seismos epigenomenos pollas tōn poleōn eblapsen. Ē te thalassa tous oikeious horous enēllaxen ; en tisi men gar topois tosouton epeklysen, hōs tous prōēn basimous topous pleisthai ; heterōn de topōn tosouton apestē, hōs en xērą heurethēnai. Kai touto egeneto kata tēn prōtēn hypateian tōn dyo basileōn.
While he was doing these things in Syria, a usurper rose up at Constantinople, Procopius by name. He gathered a large force in a short time and was eager to march against the emperor. This news put the emperor in the greatest anxiety, which for a while held back his assault on those he was persecuting. While turmoil from the war was still in labour, an earthquake came and damaged many of the cities. The sea also changed its own bounds: in some places it flooded so far that places once walked on were sailed over, and from other places it drew back so far that they were found dry land. This happened in the first consulship of the two emperors.
Notes and citation
Summary: Procopius rebels at Constantinople, and an earthquake and sea flood strike many cities.
- The opening words of the scan text ('... flood of the sea damaged many of the cities') are the end of Valesius's chapter title and are removed.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (end of the printed chapter title leaked into the text): σης ἐπίκλυσις, τὰς πολλὰς τῶν πόλεων ἔβλαψε. Ταῦτα → Ταῦτα.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.3 (PG 67:467; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-3). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-3
BibTeX · RIS · CSL-JSON (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-socrates-historia-4-3) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.4PG 67:467–469
Τούτων δὴ γενομένων, οὐδέτερα ἡσύχαζεν, οὔτε τὰ δημόσια πράγματα, οὔτε μὴν τὰ τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν. Οἱ μὲν οὖν παρὰ τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν σύνοδον συγκροτηθῆναι αἰτήσαντες, ἐν τῇ Λαμψάκῳ συνῆλθον ἐν ὑπατείᾳ τῇ αὐτῇ. Τοῦτο δὲ ἦν ἕβδομον ἔτος ἀπὸ τῆς ἐν Σελευκείᾳ γενομένης συνόδου. Κἀκεῖ πάλιν τὴν ἐν ᾿Αντιοχείᾳ πίστιν ἐπιβεβαιώσαντες, ᾗ καὶ ἐν Σελευκείᾳ ὑπέγραψαν, ἀναθεματίζουσι τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ ὑπὸ τῶν πρώην ὁμοδόξων ἐκτεθεῖσαν πίστιν. Καὶ αὖθις καταψηφίζονται τῶν περὶ Ἀκάκιον καὶ Εὐδόξιον, ὡς δικαίως χαθαιρεθέντων. Τούτοις οὐδὲν ειλέγειν Εὐδόξιος ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεως ἐπίσχοπος ἴσχνεν. Οὐ γὰρ αὐτῷ ἀμύνατθαι τούτους ὁ ἐνεστηχὼς δημόσιος συνεχώρει πόλεμος. Διὸ οἱ περὶ Ἐλεύσιον τὸν Κυζέχου ἐπίσκοπον, ἐπιχρατέστε - τότε πρὸς ὀλίγον ἐγένοντο, συγκροτήσαντες τὸ χρηματίσαν Μακεδονίου δόγμα, μικρόν τε ἔμπροσθεν καὶ τὸ ἐν τῇ κατὰ Λάμψακον συνόδῳ γενόμενον φανερώτερον, Ταύτην ἐγὼ νομίζω τὴν σύνοδον, αἰτίαν γενέσθαι τοῦ πλεονάζειν ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ τοὺς Μακεδονιανοὺς χρηματίζοντας ἡ γὰρ Λάμψαχος ἐν τῷ στενῷ τοῦ ᾿Ελλησπόντου κεῖται πορθμῷ. Αὕτη μὲν οὖν ἡ σύνοδος τοιαύτην ἔσχε τὴν ἔκβασιν.
Toutōn dē genomenōn, oudetera hēsychazen, oute ta dēmosia pragmata, oute mēn ta tōn ekklēsiōn. Hoi men oun para tou basileōs tēn synodon synkrotēthēnai aitēsantes, en tę̄ Lampsakǭ synēlthon en hypateią tę̄ autę̄. Touto de ēn hebdomon etos apo tēs en Seleukeią genomenēs synodou. Kakei palin tēn en ᾿Antiocheią pistin epibebaiōsantes, hę̄ kai en Seleukeią hypegrapsan, anathematizousi tēn en ᾿Arimēnǭ hypo tōn prōēn homodoxōn ektetheisan pistin. Kai authis katapsēphizontai tōn peri Akakion kai Eudoxion, hōs dikaiōs chathairethentōn. Toutois ouden eilegein Eudoxios ho tēs Kōnstantinou poleōs epischopos ischnen. Ou gar autǭ amynatthai toutous ho enestēchōs dēmosios synechōrei polemos. Dio hoi peri Eleusion ton Kyzechou episkopon, epichrateste - tote pros oligon egenonto, synkrotēsantes to chrēmatisan Makedoniou dogma, mikron te emprosthen kai to en tę̄ kata Lampsakon synodǭ genomenon phanerōteron, Tautēn egō nomizō tēn synodon, aitian genesthai tou pleonazein en Hellēspontǭ tous Makedonianous chrēmatizontas hē gar Lampsachos en tǭ stenǭ tou ᾿Ellēspontou keitai porthmǭ. Hautē men oun hē synodos toiautēn esche tēn ekbasin.
While these things were happening, neither public affairs nor those of the churches were at rest. Those who had asked the emperor that the synod be assembled met at Lampsacus in the same consulship. This was the seventh year after the synod held at Seleucia. There they again confirmed the creed of Antioch, which they had also signed at Seleucia, and anathematized the creed set out at Ariminum by those who had formerly been of their opinion. And they again condemned Acacius and Eudoxius and their party as justly deposed. Eudoxius, bishop of Constantinople, was not strong enough to answer them, for the public war then going on did not allow him to take revenge on them. Therefore Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, and his party, who for a while became the stronger, built up the doctrine named after Macedonius, which had been made more evident a little before and at the synod of Lampsacus. I think this synod was the cause of the great number of those called Macedonians in the Hellespont, for Lampsacus lies on the narrow strait of the Hellespont. Such was the outcome of this synod.
Notes and citation
Summary: The synod of Lampsacus confirms the creed of Antioch, condemns Ariminum and deposes Acacius and Eudoxius, strengthening the Macedonians.
- The opening words of the scan text ('... they anathematized [the creed] at Ariminum and again confirm the deposition of Acacius and Eudoxius') are the end of Valesius's chapter title and are removed, as are an apparatus note and running head that split the name Eudoxius.
- 'The creed of Antioch' is the Dedication creed of 341 (see 2.10). Lampsacus met in 364/365.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (apparatus note and margin words split the name; end of the printed chapter title leaked into the text; stray footnote numeral): ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ ἀνεθεμάτισαν, καὶ αὖθις τὴν Ἀκακίου καὶ Εὐδοξίου καθαίρεσιν βεβαιοῦσιν. Τούτων → Τούτων; Λαμψάκῳ 1 συνῆλθον → Λαμψάκῳ συνῆλθον; Εὐδό Προκόπιος]. 1 Ἐν τῇ Λαμψάκῳ. 365, τοῦ ὁμοιουσίου τοῦ ὁμοιουσίου ξιον → Εὐδόξιον.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.4 (PG 67:467–469; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-4
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.5PG 67:469
Τῇ δὲ ἑξῆς ὑπατείχ, ἥτις ἣν Γρατιανοῦ Δαγαλαίφου, τὰ τῶν πολέμων ἐπέθετο. Ὡς γὰρ ὁ τύραννος Προκόπιος ἀπὸ τῆς Κωνσταντίνου πόλεω: δρμηθεὶς, ἔτοιμος ἦν ἐπιστρατεύειν τῷ βασιλεῖ" πυθόμενος ὁ θὑάλης φθάνει τῆς ᾿Αντιοχείας ἐλάσας, συμδάλλει τῷ Προκοπίῳ περὶ πόλιν τῆς Φρυγίας, προσωνυμία Ναχώλεια τὴν μὲν πρώμάχην ἡττήθη" μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δὲ, ζωγρῆσας εἶχε τὸν Προκόπιον, ᾿Αγγέλωνος Γοματῶν στρατηγῶν προδεδωχότων αὐτόν" οὖς ξέναις τιμωρίαις ὑπέδαλλεν. Τοὺς μὲν προδότας, ὑπεριδὼν τοὺς ὄρχους αὐτοῖς ὁμωμόχει, πρίοσι διελὼν ἀπέχτεινε " τοῦ δὲ τυράννου δύο δένδρων χαμφθέντων γειτνιαζόντων ἀλλήλοις, ἑκάτερον σκέλος ἐχδήσας, ἐπιχαμφθέντων ἀφῆκεν ὀρθοῦσθαι τὰ δὲ ἀνεγειρόμενα, διέσπασε τὸν Προκόπιον. Καὶ οὕτως ὁ τύραννος διχοτομγθεὶς ἀπώλετο.
Tę̄ de hexēs hypateich, hētis hēn Gratianou Dagalaiphou, ta tōn polemōn epetheto. Hōs gar ho tyrannos Prokopios apo tēs Kōnstantinou poleō: drmētheis, etoimos ēn epistrateuein tǭ basilei" pythomenos ho thyalēs phthanei tēs ᾿Antiocheias elasas, symdallei tǭ Prokopiǭ peri polin tēs Phrygias, prosōnymia Nachōleia tēn men prōmachēn hēttēthē" met᾽ ou poly de, zōgrēsas eiche ton Prokopion, ᾿Angelōnos Gomatōn stratēgōn prodedōchotōn auton" ous xenais timōriais hypedallen. Tous men prodotas, hyperidōn tous orchous autois homōmochei, priosi dielōn apechteine " tou de tyrannou dyo dendrōn champhthentōn geitniazontōn allēlois, hekateron skelos echdēsas, epichamphthentōn aphēken orthousthai ta de anegeiromena, diespase ton Prokopion. Kai houtōs ho tyrannos dichotomgtheis apōleto.
In the next consulship, that of Gratian and Dagalaifus, the business of the wars began. When the usurper Procopius, having set out from Constantinople, was ready to march against the emperor, Valens learned of it, hastened from Antioch first, and engaged Procopius near a city of Phrygia named Nacolia. In the first battle he was defeated; but not long after he took Procopius alive, when his generals Agelo and Gomarius betrayed him. These he subjected to unheard-of punishments. The traitors, disregarding the oaths he had sworn to them, he killed by having them sawn apart. As for the usurper, two neighbouring trees were bent down, he tied one of his legs to each, and then let the bent trees straighten; as they rose, they tore Procopius apart. So the usurper perished, split in two.
Notes and citation
Summary: Valens defeats and executes Procopius and the generals who betrayed him.
- The consulship of Gratian and Dagalaifus is 366.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.5 (PG 67:469; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-5
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.6PG 67:469–471
Ὃ δὲ βασιλεὺς εὐτυχῶς τότε πράξας, αὖθις κατὰ τῶν Χριστιανιζόντων θορύβους ἐκίνει, πᾶσαν θρησκείαν Αρειανίζειν βουλόμενος. Μάλιστα δὲ αὐτὸν εἰς ὀργὴν ἦγεν ἡ κατὰ τὴν Λάμψακον γενομένη σύνοδος, οὐ μόνον ὅτι τοὺς ᾿Αρειανίζοντας ἀπεκήρυξεν ἐπισκόπους, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τὴν ἐν ᾿Αριμήνῳ τῆς πίστεως ἀνεθεμάτισεν ἔκθεσιν. Γενόμενος οὖν ἐν Νικομηδεία τῆς Βιθυνίας, μεταπέμπεται παρ' ἑαυτὸν Ἑλεύσιον τὸν Κυζίκου ἐπίσκοπον · οὗτος δὲ τῇ Μακεδονίου δόξῃ προσέκειτο μᾶλλον, ὡς μοι καὶ πρότερον εἴρηται. Καθίσας οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς συνέδριον ἐπισκόπων τῆς ᾿Αρειανῆς αἱρέσεως, συντίθεσθαι τὸν Ἐλεύσιον τῇ πίστει ἐκείνων ἡνάγκαζεν. Ὁ δὲ, πρότερον μὲν ἀπηρνεῖτο · ἐξορίας δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ δημεύσεως ἀπειληθείσης, περιδεής γενόμενος, τῇ ᾿Αρειανῇ δόξῃ συντίθεται. Συνθέμενος δὲ, εὐθὺς μετεμέλετο · καὶ καταλαβὼν τὴν Κύζικον, ἐπὶ παντὸς τοῦ λαοῦ τὴν βίαν ἀπωδύρατο, φάσκων τὴν συγκατάθεσιν ἐκ βίας, οὐ μὴν ἐκ προαιρέσεως πεποιῆσθαι. Ζητεῖν τε αὐτοὺς ἕτερον ἐπίσκοπον, διότι αὐτοὺς τῇ ἀνάγκῃ τὸ οἰκεῖον δόγμα ἠρνήσατο. Κυζικηνοὶ δὲ φιλοστοργίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτὸν, ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρῳ ἐπισκόπῳ τάττεσθαι οὐκ ἐβούλοντο, οὔτε μὴν ἑτέρῳ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας παραχωρεῖν. Ἔμενον μὲν οὖν ὑπ' αὐτῷ ταττόμενοι, μὴ μετατιθέμενοι δὲ τῆς οἰκείας αἱρέσεως.
Ho de basileus eutychōs tote praxas, authis kata tōn Christianizontōn thorybous ekinei, pasan thrēskeian Areianizein boulomenos. Malista de auton eis orgēn ēgen hē kata tēn Lampsakon genomenē synodos, ou monon hoti tous ᾿Areianizontas apekēryxen episkopous, all᾽ hoti kai tēn en ᾿Arimēnǭ tēs pisteōs anethematisen ekthesin. Genomenos oun en Nikomēdeia tēs Bithynias, metapempetai par' heauton Heleusion ton Kyzikou episkopon ; houtos de tę̄ Makedoniou doxę̄ prosekeito mallon, hōs moi kai proteron eirētai. Kathisas oun ho basileus synedrion episkopōn tēs ᾿Areianēs haireseōs, syntithesthai ton Eleusion tę̄ pistei ekeinōn hēnankazen. Ho de, proteron men apērneito ; exorias de autǭ kai dēmeuseōs apeilētheisēs, perideēs genomenos, tę̄ ᾿Areianę̄ doxę̄ syntithetai. Synthemenos de, euthys metemeleto ; kai katalabōn tēn Kyzikon, epi pantos tou laou tēn bian apōdyrato, phaskōn tēn synkatathesin ek bias, ou mēn ek proaireseōs pepoiēsthai. Zētein te autous heteron episkopon, dioti autous tę̄ anankę̄ to oikeion dogma ērnēsato. Kyzikēnoi de philostorgią tę̄ pros auton, hyph᾽ heterǭ episkopǭ tattesthai ouk eboulonto, oute mēn heterǭ tēs Ekklēsias parachōrein. Emenon men oun hyp' autǭ tattomenoi, mē metatithemenoi de tēs oikeias haireseōs.
The emperor, having succeeded then, again stirred up troubles against the Christians, wishing every worship to become Arian. Above all the synod held at Lampsacus provoked his anger, not only because it had proscribed the Arianizing bishops, but also because it had anathematized the exposition of faith of Ariminum. So, being at Nicomedia in Bithynia, he summoned to himself Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, who, as I have said before, was attached rather to the opinion of Macedonius. The emperor convened a council of bishops of the Arian heresy and tried to compel Eleusius to agree to their faith. He at first refused; but when exile and confiscation were threatened, he grew afraid and agreed to the Arian opinion. Having agreed, he at once repented. Returning to Cyzicus, he lamented before the whole people the force he had suffered, saying that he had given his assent under compulsion and not by his own choice, and he told them to seek another bishop, since under compulsion he had denied his own doctrine. But the people of Cyzicus, from their affection for him, did not wish to be placed under another bishop, nor to yield the church to another. So they remained under him, without changing their own party.
Notes and citation
Summary: Valens forces Eleusius of Cyzicus to accept the Arian creed; Eleusius repents, but his people keep him as bishop.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray page mark): κατὰ ΠΠ1|5 τῶν → κατὰ τῶν.
Topics: Persecution, Heresy
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.6 (PG 67:469–471; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-6
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.
4.7PG 67:471–473
Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ τῆς Κωνσταντινουπόλεως ἐπίσκοπος, προβάλλεται πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Κυζί κου Εὐνόμιον, ὡς δυνάμενον δεινότητι λόγων πρὸς ἑαυτὸν ἑλκύσαι τὰ πλήθη. Κατελθόντος δὲ τοῦ Εὐνομίου, πρόσταγμα τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκέλευσεν ἐξωθεῖσθαι μὲν τὸν Ἐλεύσιον, ἐνθρονίζεσθαι δὲ τὸν Εὐνόμιον. Καὶ δὴ τούτου γενομένου, οἱ περὶ τὸν Ἐλεύσιον ἔξω τῆς πόλεως εὐκτήριον οἶκον κατασκευάσαντες, τὰς συναγωγὰς ἐποιήσαντο. Καὶ περὶ μὲν Ἐλευσίου, τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. Περὶ δὲ Εὐνομίου, ἐκεῖνα λεκτέον. Εὐνόμιος ὑπογραφεὺς γέγονεν ᾿Αετίου, τοῦ ἐπικληθέντος ᾿Αθέου, οὗ καὶ ἀνωτέρω πεποιήμεθα μνήμην. Συνὼν δὲ αὐτῷ, τὸν ἐκείνου σοφιστικὸν τρόπον ἐζήλωσε· λεξειδίοις τε σχολάζων, καὶ ποιῶν ἑαυτῷ σοφίσματα, οὐκ ἠσθάνετο. Ἐκ τούτων τε τυφωθεὶς εἰς βλασφημίαν ἐξέπεσε, τὸ ᾿Αρείου μὲν δόγμα ζηλῶν, κατὰ πολλὰ δὲ τοῖς τῆς ἀληθείας δόγμασι πολεμῶν· ὀλιγομαθῶς μὲν ἔχων πρὸς τὰ ἱερὰ γράμματα, καὶ μηδὲ συνιέναι αὐτὰ δυνάμενος · πολύχους δὲ τὴν λέξιν, καὶ τὰ αὐτὰ περιστρέφων ἀεὶ, καὶ μὴ δυνάμενος περιγενέσθαι τοῦ προ τεθέντος σκοποῦ · ὡς δεικνύουσιν αὐτῷ οἱ ἑπτὰ τόμοι, οὓς ἐματαιοπόνησεν εἰς τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους τοῦ ᾿Αποστόλου Ἐπιστολήν. Πολλοὺς γάρ λόγους εἰς αὐτὴν ἀναλώσας, τῆς Ἐπιστολῆς τὸν σκοπὸν λαβεῖν οὐ δεδύνηται. Ἐφάμιλλοι δὲ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ φερόμενοι λόγοι τυγχάνουσιν · ὧν ὁ βουλόμενος πεῖραν λαβεῖν, εὐρήσοι ἐν πολυλεξίᾳ τὴν τῶν νοημάτων εὐτέν λειαν. Τοῦτον τοίνυν τὸν Εὐνόμιον Εὐδόξιος πρὸς τὴν ἐπισκοπὴν τῆς Κυζίκου. προὐβάλλετο. Ὡς οὖν ἐγένετο κατὰ τὴν, τῇ συνήθει διαλεκτικῇ χρώμενος, ἐξενοφώνει τοὺς ἀκροωμένους αὐτοῦ, καὶ ταραχὴ κατὰ τὴν Κύζικον ἦν. Μὴ ἐνεγκόντες οὖν αὐτοῦ τὸν λεξικὸν τύφον οἱ Κυζικηνοὶ, τῆς πόλεως ἐλαύνουσιν. Ὁ δὲ καταλαβὼν τὴν Κωνσταντινούπολιν, συνῆν μὲν τῷ Εὐδοξίῳ, σχολαῖος δὲ ἐπίσκοπος ἦν. Ἵνα δὲ μὴ δόξωμεν λοιδορίας χάριν ταῦτα λέγειν, αὐτῆς ἐπάκουε τῆς Εὐνομίου φωνῆς, οἷα σοφιζόμενος περὶ Θεοῦ λέγειν τολμᾷ. Φησὶ γὰρ κατὰ λέξιν τάδε · Ὁ Θεὸς περὶ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ οὐσίας οὐδὲν πλέον ἡμῶν ἐπίσταται· οὐδὲ ἐστιν αὕτη μᾶλλον μὲν ἐκείνῳ, ἧττον δὲ ἡμῖν γινωσκομένη. ᾿Αλλ᾿ ὅπερ ἂν εἰδείημεν ἡμεῖς περὶ αὐτῆς, τοῦτο πάντως κἀκεῖνος οἶδεν · ὃ δ' αὖ πάλιν ἐκεῖνος, τοῦτο εὑρήσεις ἀπαραλλάκτως ἐν ἡμῖν. Ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ τοιαῦτα Εὐνόμιος συφίσματα ποιῶν οὐκ ἠσθάνετο. Ὅπως δὲ τῶν ᾿Αρειανῶν μικρὸν ὕστερον ἐχωρίσθη, κατὰ χώραν ἐρῶ.
Tauta akousas ho tēs Kōnstantinoupoleōs episkopos, proballetai pros tēn episkopēn tēs Kyzi kou Eunomion, hōs dynamenon deinotēti logōn pros heauton helkysai ta plēthē. Katelthontos de tou Eunomiou, prostagma tou basileōs ekeleusen exōtheisthai men ton Eleusion, enthronizesthai de ton Eunomion. Kai dē toutou genomenou, hoi peri ton Eleusion exō tēs poleōs euktērion oikon kataskeuasantes, tas synagōgas epoiēsanto. Kai peri men Eleusiou, tosauta eirēsthō. Peri de Eunomiou, ekeina lekteon. Eunomios hypographeus gegonen ᾿Aetiou, tou epiklēthentos ᾿Atheou, hou kai anōterō pepoiēmetha mnēmēn. Synōn de autǭ, ton ekeinou sophistikon tropon ezēlōse; lexeidiois te scholazōn, kai poiōn heautǭ sophismata, ouk ēsthaneto. Ek toutōn te typhōtheis eis blasphēmian exepese, to ᾿Areiou men dogma zēlōn, kata polla de tois tēs alētheias dogmasi polemōn; oligomathōs men echōn pros ta hiera grammata, kai mēde synienai auta dynamenos ; polychous de tēn lexin, kai ta auta peristrephōn aei, kai mē dynamenos perigenesthai tou pro tethentos skopou ; hōs deiknyousin autǭ hoi hepta tomoi, hous emataioponēsen eis tēn pros Rhōmaious tou ᾿Apostolou Epistolēn. Pollous gar logous eis autēn analōsas, tēs Epistolēs ton skopon labein ou dedynētai. Ephamilloi de autou kai hoi alloi hoi pheromenoi logoi tynchanousin ; hōn ho boulomenos peiran labein, eurēsoi en polylexią tēn tōn noēmatōn euten leian. Touton toinyn ton Eunomion Eudoxios pros tēn episkopēn tēs Kyzikou. prouballeto. Hōs oun egeneto kata tēn, tę̄ synēthei dialektikę̄ chrōmenos, exenophōnei tous akroōmenous autou, kai tarachē kata tēn Kyzikon ēn. Mē enenkontes oun autou ton lexikon typhon hoi Kyzikēnoi, tēs poleōs elaunousin. Ho de katalabōn tēn Kōnstantinoupolin, synēn men tǭ Eudoxiǭ, scholaios de episkopos ēn. Hina de mē doxōmen loidorias charin tauta legein, autēs epakoue tēs Eunomiou phōnēs, hoia sophizomenos peri Theou legein tolmą. Phēsi gar kata lexin tade ; Ho Theos peri tēs heautou ousias ouden pleon hēmōn epistatai; oude estin hautē mallon men ekeinǭ, hētton de hēmin ginōskomenē. ᾿All᾿ hoper an eideiēmen hēmeis peri autēs, touto pantōs kakeinos oiden ; ho d' au palin ekeinos, touto heurēseis aparallaktōs en hēmin. Tauta men kai alla polla toiauta Eunomios syphismata poiōn ouk ēsthaneto. Hopōs de tōn ᾿Areianōn mikron hysteron echōristhē, kata chōran erō.
On hearing this, the bishop of Constantinople put forward Eunomius for the bishopric of Cyzicus, as able by his skill in speaking to draw the crowds to himself. When Eunomius arrived, an order of the emperor commanded that Eleusius be expelled and Eunomius enthroned. When this had been done, Eleusius's followers built a house of prayer outside the city and held their assemblies there. So much about Eleusius. About Eunomius the following must be said. Eunomius had been secretary to Aetius, surnamed 'the Atheist', whom we mentioned above. Living with him, he copied his sophistical manner, and busying himself with petty terms and making sophisms for himself, he did not notice what he was doing. Puffed up by these things he fell into blasphemy, emulating the doctrine of Arius and in many points warring against the doctrines of the truth. He had little learning in the sacred writings and could not even understand them; he was profuse in words, always turning the same things round, and unable to master the aim he had set himself, as his seven volumes on the Apostle's Letter to the Romans show, on which he laboured in vain: though he spent many words on it, he could not grasp the aim of the letter. His other works in circulation are of the same kind; whoever wishes to test them will find in a multitude of words a poverty of thought. This Eunomius, then, Eudoxius put forward for the bishopric of Cyzicus. When he came there, using his usual dialectic, he bewildered his hearers with strange talk, and there was turmoil in Cyzicus. The Cyzicenes, unable to bear his conceit of words, drove him from the city. He went to Constantinople and lived with Eudoxius, a bishop without a see. That we may not seem to say this for the sake of abuse, hear the very words of Eunomius, what in his sophistry he dares to say about God. He says, word for word: 'God knows nothing more about his own essence than we do; nor is it known more to him and less to us. But whatever we know about it, that he too knows entirely; and again what he knows, that you will find in us without any difference.' These and many other such sophisms Eunomius produced without perceiving it. How a little later he separated from the Arians I shall tell in its place.
Notes and citation
Summary: Eudoxius makes Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus; Socrates describes Eunomius's sophistry and quotes his claim that God knows his own essence no better than we do.
- The quotation of Eunomius comes from a work now lost.
- Eunomius's seven books on Romans are lost.
- 'Bishop without a see' renders scholaios episkopos, literally 'an idle bishop'.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray footnote letter): Εὐνόμιον η, ὡς → Εὐνόμιον, ὡς.
Cite (SBL): Socrates, Hist. eccl. 4.7 (PG 67:471–473; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/socrates-historia/4-7
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from Valesius's Greek text as printed in Migne PG 67 (Bavarian State Library OCR and Tesseract re-OCR); every chapter compared afterwards with Zenos's English in NPNF² 2.