Against Faustus the Manichaean 21.10–22.8
Latin text: Zycha, CSEL 25.1 (Latin text: Joseph Zycha, Contra Faustum Manichaeum (CSEL 25.1, 1891), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: NPNF 1/4: Reply to Faustus the Manichaean (Philip Schaff, ed., 1887).
Chapter 21
21.10CSEL 25.1:580–582
Dicant ergo Manichaei, utrum animalia, quae secundum deliramenta eorum hyle fabricauerat in gente tenebrarum, antequam illis deus lucem suam miscuisset, non habebant istam membrorum concordiam, quam sic laudat apostolus, utrum ibi diceret caput pedibus aut oculus manui: opus te non habeo. numquam hoc dixerunt nec dicere potuerunt tales enim eis actus et opera tribuunt: repebant, ambulabant. natabant, uolabant quaeque pro genere suo; uidebant quoque et audiebant ceterisque sensibus sentiebant, alimentis et temperamentis congruis nutriebant et fouebant corpora sua. hinc etiam prolis fecunditas subpetebat; nam et coniugia tribuunt eis. haec certe omnia, quae tamquam hyles opera uituperat Manichaeus, fieri non possunt sine membrorum concordia, quam laudat et deo adsignat apostolus. dubitatis adhuc, quisnam sectandus et quisnam anathemandus sit? quid? quod erant ibi quaedam, quae etiam loquebantur, ut eis contionantibus omnia serpentia, quadrupedia, uolatilia, natatilia audirent, intellegerent, consentirent? miranda haec et omnino diuina eloquentia! et neminem grammaticum aut rhetorem audierant nec inter lacrimas ferularum atque uirgarum ista didicerant. nempe iste Faustus, ut has uanitates diserte garriret, ad disciplinam faciendi sermonis etiam serus accessit, et quamuis esset acer ingenio, tamen legendo stomachum rupit, ut ei loquenti tam pauci adsentirentur. o miserum, qui in ista luce ac non in illis tenebris natus est! illic enim eum contra lucem contionantem omnis bipes, omnis multipes, omnis etiam serpens a dracone usque ad cocleam libenter audiret, alacriter oboediret; hic autem contra tenebras disputantem plures eloquentem quam doctum, multi autem seductorem peruersissimum nominabant; inter paucos uero Manichaeos tamquam magno magistro plaudentes nullum ei pecus adimebat nec ex illa doctrina saltem caballus eius aliquid sciebat, tamquam omnibus animalibus ad hoc pars diuina concreta sit, ut stolida fierent. quid est hoc, rogo? euigilate aliquando, miseri, et conparate in fabula uestra omnium animantium prius tempus et praesens, tunc in terra sua, nunc in hoc mundo; tunc firma erant corpora, nunc infirma sunt; tunc acris acies occulorum ad uiuendum cum delectatione inuadendi regionem dei, nunc ita obtunsa, ut a solis radiis auertatur; tunc acutae mentes animalium ad intellegendum contionantis sermonem, nunc hebetes et ab eiusmodi capacitate penitus alienae; tunc naturalis tam magna et tam potens eloquentia, nunc tanto studio ac labore uix parua et exigua. o quam magna bona conmixtione boni perdidit gens tenebrarum
So let the Manichaeans say whether the animals which, according to their ravings, Hyle had fashioned in the race of darkness before God mixed his light with them, did not have this harmony of members which the apostle so praises; whether there the head said to the feet, or the eye to the hand, “I have no need of you.” They have never said this, nor could they say it; for they attribute to them such acts and works as these: they crept, walked, swam, flew, each according to its kind; they also saw and heard and perceived with the other senses; they nourished and cherished their bodies with suitable foods and climates. From this too came abundant fruitfulness of offspring; for they even attribute marriages to them. Certainly all these things, which Mani finds fault with as works of Hyle, cannot happen without the harmony of members which the apostle praises and assigns to God. Do you still doubt whom to follow and whom to anathematize? What of this, that there were some there who even spoke, so that when they harangued, all creeping things, four-footed things, flying things, swimming things heard, understood, and agreed? Marvelous this, and altogether divine eloquence! And they had heard no grammarian or rhetorician, nor learned these things amid the tears of canes and rods. Surely this Faustus, in order to chatter these vanities eloquently, came even late to the training of making speeches, and although he was sharp of wit, yet he burst his stomach with reading, only for so few to agree with him when he spoke. O wretched man, born in this light and not in that darkness! For there, when he harangued against the light, every two-footed and every many-footed creature, every serpent too, from the dragon down to the snail, would have heard him gladly and obeyed him eagerly; but here, when he disputed against the darkness, many called him eloquent rather than learned, and many a most perverse seducer; and among the few Manichaeans applauding him as a great master, no beast came to him, nor did even his horse know anything of that doctrine; as if the divine part had been mixed into all animals precisely so that they should become stupid. What is this, I ask? Wake up at last, wretched people, and compare, in your fable, the former time of all living things and the present, then in their own land, now in this world: then their bodies were strong, now they are weak; then the sight of their eyes was keen enough to live with the delight of invading the region of God, now it is so dull that it is turned away by the rays of the sun; then the minds of animals were sharp enough to understand the speech of one haranguing, now they are dull and wholly foreign to such capacity; then there was so great and so powerful a natural eloquence, now with so much study and toil hardly a small and meager one. O what great goods the race of darkness lost by the admixture of good!
1 Cor 12:21 (allusion, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine mocks the Manichaean myth that the creatures of darkness had harmonious bodies, marriages, and powers of speech before light was mixed with them, so that the mixture of good made them worse.
- Augustine reports the Manichaean myth of the princes of darkness haranguing their creatures; the jibes at Faustus’s late training in rhetoric echo Augustine’s account of him in Confessions 5.6.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip: u read as n): multi antem → multi autem.
Extrabiblical texts: Augustine, Conf. 5.6 (Confessions; allusion)
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.10 (CSEL 25.1:580–582; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.11CSEL 25.1:582–583
Iste ipse Faustus in hoc ipso sermone, cui nunc respondeo, multa sibimet contraria eleganter obponere uisus est: sanitatem et infirmitatem, copiam et egestatem, album et nigrum, calidum et frigidum, dulce et amarum: in quibus omitto de albo et nigro aliquid dicere, aut si ullum momentum boni et mali est in coloribus, ut album dicant ad deum pertinere, nigrum autem ad hylen. cum omnia genera uolatilium hylen creasse perhibeant, si album colorem plumis eorum deus aspersit, ubi latebant corui, quando cygni candore perfusi sunt? item de calido et frigido deputare non opus est; utrumque enim temperanter adhibitum salubre, intemperanter autem perniciosum est. cetera uideamus. bonum et malum, quod in primis forte ponere debuit in iisdem contrariis. ita uidetur posuisse, ut tamquam generalia uellet intellegi, scilicet ut ad bonum pertineat sanitas, copia, album. calidum, dulce, ad malum autem infirmitas., egestas, nigrum, frigidum. amarum, quam inperite et inconsiderate. uideat qui potuerit. ego autem ne homini calumniari puter, nihil obicio de albo et nigro, calido et frigido, de dulci et amaro et sanitatem atque infirmitatem praescribam. si enim album et dulce duo bona sunt, nigrum autem et amarum duo mala, quomodo plurima uua omnisque oliua nigrescendo dulcescit, id est mali amplius habendo fit melior? item si duo bona sunt calor et sanitas, duo uero mala frigus et infirmitas, cur calescendo corpora aegrescunt? an forte sana febriunt? non ergo haec obicio, quae forte non cautus aut pro quibuslibet contrariis potius quam pro bonis et malis commemorauit, praesertim quia ignem gentis tenebrarum numquam frigidum fuisse dixerunt, sed calorem eius utique malum.
This very Faustus, in this very discourse to which I am now replying, seemed to set many opposites against each other elegantly: health and sickness, plenty and want, white and black, hot and cold, sweet and bitter. Among these I forbear to say anything about white and black, or whether there is any weight of good and evil in colors, so that they should say white belongs to God and black to Hyle. Since they assert that Hyle created all kinds of birds, if God sprinkled the white color on their feathers, where were the ravens hiding when the swans were bathed in whiteness? Likewise there is no need to deliberate about hot and cold; for both, applied in moderation, are healthful, but immoderately, harmful. Let us look at the rest. Good and evil, which perhaps he ought to have put first among these opposites, he seems to have placed as though he wanted them to be understood as general, namely so that health, plenty, white, hot, and sweet belong to good, and sickness, want, black, cold, and bitter to evil; how ignorantly and inconsiderately, let whoever can see. But I, so as not to be thought to slander the man, raise no objection about white and black, hot and cold, sweet and bitter, and will set aside health and sickness. For if white and sweet are two goods, and black and bitter two evils, how is it that very many grapes and every olive grow sweet as they grow black, that is, become better by having more evil? Likewise, if heat and health are two goods, and cold and sickness two evils, why do bodies grow sick by growing hot? Or do the healthy perhaps have fevers? So I do not raise these objections, since perhaps he mentioned them incautiously, or as any opposites whatever rather than as goods and evils; especially since they have said that the fire of the race of darkness was never cold, but that its heat was certainly evil.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine shows that Faustus’s pairs of opposites cannot be divided into good and evil, since black olives are sweet and heat brings fever.
- “Will set aside” renders “praescribam”, which may be corrupt (perhaps for “praeteribo”); the sense is given by the context, since health and sickness are discussed in 21.12.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip: question mark read as r; word split and stray marks in the digital text): uolati- ' lium → uolatilium; aegrescunt r an → aegrescunt? an.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.11 (CSEL 25.1:582–583; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.12CSEL 25.1:583–584
Uerum ut ista omittamus, illa uideamus, quae ita commemorauit bona in his contrariis, ut nolit inde dubitari, sanitatem, copiam, dulcedinem. itane in illa gente non erat sanitas corporum, in qua et nasci et crescere, gignere et ita perdurare potuerunt illa animalia, ut quibusdam eorum grauidis, sicut desipiunt, captis et in caelo conligatis nec saltem pleni temporis, sed abortiui fetus electam excelso in terram cadentes et uiuere potuerint et crescere et ista carnium, quae nunc sunt innumerabilia, genera propagare? aut copia ibi non erat, ubi arbores non tantum in aquis et uentis, sed etiam in igni et fumo et nasci potuerunt et tanta fecunditate ditari, ut ex earum fructibus sui cuiusque generis animalia gignerentur et earum arborum feracitate nutrita atque pasta conseruarentur, quorum saginae laetitiam prolis quoque fecunditas testaretur, maxime ubi nullus labor agriculturae nec intemperies esset aestatis et hiemis; neque enim sol ibi circuibat, ut alternantibus temporibus anni transcurrerent? proinde perpetua fertilitas erat arborum, quibus elementum et alimentum sui generis, sicut gignendis adfuerat, ita fetandis perpetuo subpetebat et fructus numquam deesse faciebat; sicut uidemus arbores citriorum toto anno flores et fructus parere, si iugiter inrigentur. magna ergo illic copia et eius habendae magna securitas; neque enim uel grando timebatur, ubi non erant luminis exactores, quos tonitrua commouere fabulamini.
But to pass over these, let us look at those things which he mentioned as goods among these opposites in such a way that he does not want them doubted: health, plenty, sweetness. Was there, then, no health of bodies in that race, in which those animals could be born and grow and beget, and last so well that, when some of them were captured while pregnant, as they foolishly say, and bound in the sky, their offspring, not even at full term but miscarried, falling from on high to the earth, could both live and grow and propagate these kinds of flesh which are now countless? Or was there no plenty there, where trees could not only be born in waters and winds, but also in fire and smoke, and be enriched with such fruitfulness that from their fruits the animals of each kind were begotten, and, nourished and fed by the fertility of those trees, were preserved, the gladness of their fattening being attested also by the fruitfulness of their offspring; especially where there was no toil of agriculture nor harshness of summer and winter? For the sun did not circle there, so that the seasons of the year should pass by in alternation. So there was perpetual fertility of the trees, to which the element and nourishment of their kind, just as it had been present for their birth, was perpetually at hand for their bearing, and made fruit never fail; just as we see citron trees bear flowers and fruit the whole year if they are watered continually. Great, therefore, was the plenty there, and great the security of having it; for not even hail was feared, where there were none of the light-collectors whom you fable to stir up the thunder.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine shows that the Manichaean myth itself credits the race of darkness with health and plenty, which Faustus counted as goods.
- The Manichaean myth of the abortions of the captured demonesses falling to earth and becoming plants and animals, and of the trees of the five elements of darkness, is as Augustine reports it. “Falling from on high” renders the corrupt “electam excelso” (perhaps “eiectos ab excelso”); translated by sense. The “light-collectors” (luminis exactores) are figures whom the Manichaeans said caused thunder.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR slip: a read as u; stray hyphen in the digital text): -sicut → sicut; numquum → numquam.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.12 (CSEL 25.1:583–584; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-12). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.13CSEL 25.1:584–585
Dulces autem ac suaues si non haberent cibos suos. numquam eos adpeterent, numquam eis corpora uegetarent. ita enim se res habet, ut pro cuiusque corporis congruentia uel delectet esca uel offendat. si delectat, dulcis aut suauis dicitur; si autem offendit, amara siue aspera siue aliqua insuauitate respuenda. nonne ipsi nos homines ita sumus. ut plerumque alter adpetat alimentum, quod alter exhorreat. siue pro temperatione naturae siue pro usu consuetudinis siue pro adfectione ualetudinis? quanto magis longe diuersi generis corpora bestiarum possunt illud habere iucundum. quod nobis amarum est! an aliter caprae ad rodendum suspenderentur oleastrum? nam sicut non nulli morbo hominum mel amarum est, ita illi naturae pecoris suauis oleaster. sic insinuatur prudentibus rerum examinatoribus ordo quid ualeat, cum scilicet sua cuique adhibentur atque redduntur, quantumque hoc bonum sit ab imis usque ad summa, a corporalibus usque ad spiritalia. itaque in gente tenebrarum cum animal alicuius elementi eo uescebatur cibo, qui nascebatur in eius elemento, procul dubio suauitatem ipsa congruentia faciebat: si autem incidisset in alterius elementi cibum, ipsa incongruentia faceret offensionem sensui gustantis: quae offensio uel amaritudo uel asperitas uel insuauitas uel quodlibet aliud, aut si ita nimium est, ut aliena ui conpagem corporis concordiamque disrumpat ac sic interimat aut uires auferat, etiam uenenum uocatur non nisi per incongruentiam, quod alteri generi per congruentiam cibus est: sicut panem, qui cotidiana esca nostra est, si accipiter sumat, extinguitur, et nos, si helleborum, quo pecora pleraque uescuntur; cuius tamen herbae adhibendae quidam modus etiam medicamentum est. quod si sciret aut consideraret Faustus, non utique uenenum et antidotum pro exemplo duarum naturarum mali et boni poneret, tamquam deus sit antidotum et hyle uenenum, cum eadem res eademque natura nunc congruenter, nunc incongruenter sumpta siue adhibita uel prosit uel noceat. itaque secundum eorum fabulam potest dici deus eorum fuisse uenenum genti tenebrarum, cuius corpora tam firma ita corrupit, ut infirmissima redderet; sed quia et lux ipsa capta, obpressa, corrupta est, inuicem sibi uenenum fuerunt.
And if they did not have sweet and pleasant foods, they would never have sought them, never have invigorated their bodies with them. For the case is this: according to the fitness of each body, a food either delights or offends. If it delights, it is called sweet or pleasant; if it offends, bitter or harsh or to be spat out for some unpleasantness. Are not we men ourselves so made that one often seeks a food which another abhors, whether because of the temperament of nature, or the habit of custom, or the condition of health? How much more can the bodies of beasts of a far different kind find pleasant what is bitter to us! Otherwise would goats rear up to gnaw the wild olive? For just as honey is bitter to some sickness of men, so the wild olive is sweet to the nature of that animal. Thus it is impressed on wise examiners of things what force order has, namely when to each are applied and rendered its own things, and how great a good this is from the lowest to the highest, from bodily to spiritual things. So, in the race of darkness, when an animal of some element fed on the food that grew in its own element, without doubt the very fitness produced sweetness; but if it had fallen on the food of another element, the very unfitness would have produced offense to the sense of the one tasting. This offense is called bitterness, or harshness, or unpleasantness, or whatever else; or, if it is so excessive that by its foreign force it breaks the framework and harmony of the body and so kills it or takes away its strength, it is even called poison, only through unfitness, though through fitness it is food to another kind: as a hawk dies if it takes bread, which is our daily food, and we die if we take hellebore, on which many cattle feed; yet a certain measure of applying that herb is even a medicine. If Faustus knew or considered this, he would certainly not have put poison and antidote as an example of the two natures of evil and good, as though God were the antidote and Hyle the poison, since one and the same thing and the same nature, taken or applied now fittingly and now unfittingly, either helps or harms. So, according to their fable, their God can be said to have been poison to the race of darkness, whose bodies, so strong, he so corrupted as to make them very weak; but because the light itself too was captured, oppressed, and corrupted, they were poison to each other.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that sweetness and poison depend on what suits each body, so Faustus’s comparison of God and Hyle to antidote and poison fails.
- Hellebore was proverbially poisonous to humans, though used in measured doses as a medicine.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.13 (CSEL 25.1:584–585; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-13). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.14CSEL 25.1:585–587
Cur non ergo haec aut duo bona dicitis aut duo mala, uel magis et duo bona et duo mala, duo bona apud se, duo mala in alterutrum? postea, si opus fuerit, quaeremus, quid horum sit melius aut peius. interim quia duo bona erant apud se, ita consideratur. regnabat deus in terra sua, regnabat et hyle in sua; sanitas regnantium et ibi et hic; copia fructuum et ibi et hic; fecunditas prolis utrobique; suauitas propriarum uoluptatum apud utrosque. sed illa gens, inquiunt, excepto eo, quod uicinae luci mala erat, et apud se ipsam mala erat. interim bona eius multa iam dixi; si et uos mala eius potueritis ostendere, erunt duo regna bona, sed illud melius, ubi nullum erat malum. quaenam ergo huius mala dicitis fuisse? uastabant se, inquit, inuicem laedebant, occidebant, absumebant. si ad hoc solum ibi uacaretur, quomodo ibi tanta agmina gignerentur, nutrirentur, perficerentur? erat ibi ergo et quies et pax. uerumtamen fateamur illud fuisse melius regnum, ubi nulla discordia; duo tamen bona ista multo adcommodatius dixerim quam unum bonum et alterum malum, ut illud sit melius, ubi nec singuli sibimet ipsis nocebant nec inuicem; hoc autem inferius bonum, ubi quamuis inuicem aduersarentur, unumquodque tamen animal suam salutem, incolumitatem naturamque tuebatur. uerumtamen deo uestro ille saltem princeps tenebrarum non ita longo interuallo conparari potest, cui nemo resistebat, cui regnanti cuncta seruierunt. quem contionantem cuncta secuta sunt; quod sine magna pace atque concordia fieri non posset. ibi enim sunt regna felicia, ubi omnium pleno consensu regibus oboeditur. huc accedit, quia illi principi non tantum sui generis, id est bipedes, quos parentes hominum dicitis, sed etiam cuncta animalium ceterorum genera subdita erant et ad nutum eius conuertebantur faciendo, quod iussisset, credendo, quod suasisset. haec dicentes usque adeo putatis surda hominum corda, ut expectent a uobis deum alterum nominari, quem uident plane aperteque describi. si enim principis huius uires hoc poterant, magna potentia; si honor, magna claritas: si amor, magna concordia; si timor, magna disciplina. in his omnibus bonis si erant aliqua mala, num ideo iam mali natura dicenda est nisi ab eis, qui nesciunt, quid loquantur? porro, si propterea mali naturam putatis. quia non solum in alteram naturam mala erat, sed etiam in se ipsa habebat malum, nullumne malum esse arbitramini duram necessitatem. quam patiebatur deus uester ante commixtionem naturae contrariae, ut cum ea bellare et in eius fauces sic obprimenda membra sua mittere cogeretur, ut non posset tota purgari? ecce erat et in ipsa magnum malum, antequam ei misceretur. quod solum dicitis malum. aut enim laedi et corrumpi non poterat a gente tenebrarum et propria stultitia patiebatur illam necessitatem, aut, si poterat corrumpi eius substantia, non colitis deum incorruptibilem, qualem apostolus praedicat. quid ergo? et ipsa corruptibilitas, qua quidem nondum corrumpebatur illa natura, sed tamen ab alia corrumpi poterat, non uobis in deo uestro uidetur malum?
Why then do you not call these either two goods or two evils, or rather both two goods and two evils: two goods in themselves, two evils to each other? Later, if need be, we shall ask which of them is better or worse. Meanwhile, since they were two goods in themselves, consider it thus. God reigned in his land, Hyle reigned in hers; health of the rulers both there and here; plenty of fruits both there and here; fruitfulness of offspring in both; pleasantness of their own pleasures in both. “But that race,” they say, “apart from being evil to the neighboring light, was also evil in itself.” Meanwhile I have already stated its many goods; if you too can show its evils, there will be two good kingdoms, but that one better where there was no evil. What then do you say were the evils of this one? “They ravaged themselves,” he says; “they harmed, killed, and consumed one another.” If that alone was what they spent their time on there, how were such hosts begotten, nourished, and brought to maturity there? So there was rest and peace there too. Nevertheless, let us admit that that kingdom was better where there was no discord; yet I would call these two goods much more fittingly than one good and the other evil, so that that is better where individuals harmed neither themselves nor one another, and this a lower good where, although they opposed one another, each animal nonetheless protected its own safety, soundness, and nature. Yet at least that prince of darkness can be compared with your God at no great distance: no one resisted him, all things served him as he reigned, all things followed him as he harangued; which could not happen without great peace and concord. For those kingdoms are happy where kings are obeyed with the full consent of all. Add to this that to that prince were subject not only those of his own kind, that is, the two-footed, whom you call the parents of men, but also all the kinds of the other animals, and they turned at his nod, doing what he had commanded, believing what he had urged. Saying these things, do you think men’s hearts so deaf that they wait for you to name another god, whom they see plainly and openly described? For if the strength of this prince could do this, great was his power; if his honor, great his renown; if love, great the concord; if fear, great the discipline. If among all these goods there were some evils, is it therefore now to be called a nature of evil, except by those who do not know what they are saying? Further, if you think it a nature of evil because it was not only evil toward the other nature but also had evil in itself, do you think it no evil, that hard necessity which your God suffered before the admixture of the contrary nature, that he was compelled to make war with it and to send his own members into its jaws to be so overwhelmed that they could not be wholly cleansed? See, there was great evil in him too, before he was mixed with what alone you call evil. For either he could not be harmed and corrupted by the race of darkness, and suffered that necessity through his own folly; or, if his substance could be corrupted, you do not worship the incorruptible God whom the apostle preaches. What then? Does not that very corruptibility, by which that nature was not yet corrupted but could be corrupted by another, seem to you an evil in your God?
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Rom 1:23 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Tim 1:17 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that by the Manichaeans’ own account the kingdom of darkness had real goods and their God had evils, so the two cannot be pure good and pure evil.
- The words in quotation marks are Manichaean replies supplied by Augustine. Rom 1:23; 1 Tim 1:17 (the incorruptible God).
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.14 (CSEL 25.1:585–587; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-14). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.15CSEL 25.1:587
Illud etiam quis non uideat, quod aut praescientia ibi non erat — ubi uestrum est iam cogitare, utrum nullum uitium dei sit carere praescientia et quid inmineat omnino nescire — aut, si erat ibi praescientia, securitas ibi esse non poterat. sed aeternus timor; et hoc quantum malum sit, certe agnoscitis. an non timebat, ne iam iamque adueniret tempus, quo membra eius ita uastarentur et inquinarentur in illo proelio. ut uix cum tanto labore, nec tamen tota liberarentur atque mundarentur? sed si ad ipsum hoc non pertinebat, quod quidem cernitis quam dure dicatur, certe ipsa membra eius, quae hic tanta mala passura erant, nempe metuebant. an hoc futurum ipsa nesciebant? ergo qualicumque parti substantiae dei uestri defuit utique praescientia. numerate mala in summo uestro bono. an ideo non timebant, quia suam consecuturam liberationem ac triumphum pariter praeuidebant? certe uel pro sociis timebant, quos aeternis in illo globo uinculis a suo regno nouerant alienandos.
Who too does not see that either there was no foreknowledge there (where it is for you to consider whether it is no fault in God to lack foreknowledge and to be wholly ignorant of what threatens), or, if there was foreknowledge there, there could be no security there, but everlasting fear; and you certainly recognize how great an evil this is. Or was he not afraid that the time might come at any moment when his members would be so ravaged and defiled in that battle that they would be freed and cleansed only with such great toil, and even then not wholly? But if this did not concern him himself (and you see how harshly that is said), certainly his very members, which were to suffer such great evils here, surely feared. Or did they themselves not know that this would happen? Then some part or other of the substance of your God certainly lacked foreknowledge. Count the evils in your supreme good! Or did they not fear because they foresaw equally that their liberation and triumph would follow? Certainly they feared at least for their companions, whom they knew were to be estranged from their kingdom by eternal bonds in that globe.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that the Manichaean God either lacked foreknowledge of the coming war or lived in constant fear, either of which is an evil in him.
- The “globe” (Greek bolos) is the final mass in which, according to Manichaean teaching, the darkness and the unredeemed particles of light are bound for ever.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.15 (CSEL 25.1:587; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-15). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
21.16CSEL 25.1:587–591
An ibi caritas non erat, ut nulla esset fraterna conpassio pro his utique, quorum peccato nullo praecedente inpendebant aeterna subplicia? quid? illae ipsae animae in globo ligandae nonne et ipsae membra dei uestri erant? nonne unum genus et una substantia est? ipsae saltem praescientes futurum sempiternum uinculum suum nempe timebant. nempe maerebant. aut si ipsae hoc futurum nesciebant, pars dei uestri prouida erat, pars inprouida. quomodo ergo una eademque substantia? cum ergo tanta mala et ibi fuerint. antequam esset alieni mali commixtio, quid de illo tamquam puro et simplici et summo bono gloriamini? ergo etiam apud semet ipsas istas duas naturas aut duo bona aut duo mala fateri cogimini. concedimus uobis, si duo mala dixeritis, ut quod uolueritis horum peius dicatis; si autem duo bona. quodlibet horum dicite melius, erit postea diligentior consideratio, dum tamen uester error ille tollatur, quo dicitis duo principia duarum naturarum, bonae et malae, et plane duos deos, unum bonum et alterum malum. iam uero si propterea malum est aliquid, quod alteri nocet, inuicem sibi ista nocuerunt, fuerit una pars inprobior, quia prior adpetiuit alienum. una ergo malum inferre uoluit, altera malum pro malo retribuit, et non lege talionis tamquam oculum pro oculo, quod inprudenter et inpudenter reprehendere soletis, sed multo grauius. eligite ergo. quam peiorem dicatis, quae prior nocere uoluit, an quae amplius nocere et uoluit et potuit. ista enim pro modo suo luce perfrui concupiuit, illa eam funditus eradicauit. ista si, quod adpetiuit, inplesset, sibi certe nihil obfuisset; illa uero ut hostilem aduersitatem penitus euerteret, etiam suae parti grauiter nocuit. sicut est illa notissima et quarundam litterarum memoriae commendata furiosa sententia: pereant amici, dum inimici una intercidant. missa est enim ad inexpiabilem contaminationem pars dei, ut esset, unde tegeretur globus, quo in aeternum hostis uiuus sepeliendus est; tantum enim timebitur et uictus, tantum terrebit inclusus, ut sempiterna miseria partis dei cetero deo tribuat qualemcumque securitatem. o magna innocentia bonitatis! ecce faciet et deus uester, unde tenebrarum gentem horribiliter accusatis, quod et suis noceat et alienis. id ipsum omnino in deo uestro arguit ille globus extremus, quo et hostis includitur et ciuis adfligitur; immo uero superat in amplius nocendo et alienis et suis pars illa, quam dicitis deum. hyle quippe non eradicare alienum regnum uoluit, sed tenere; suos autem quosdam etsi ab aliis suis quibusdam consumendo interimebat, in alias tamen formas denuo commutabat, ut moriendo et renascendo saltem per interualla temporum suae uitae laetitia fruerentur; deus autem, qualem omnipotentem optimumque describitis, in aeternum et alienos eradicat et suos damnat; et quod mirabiliore dementia creditur, hyle animalia sua laedit in pugna sua, deus membra sua punit in uictoria sua. quid est, uani homines? nempe recordamini uerba Fausti de deo tamquam de antidoto et hyle tamquam ueneno; ecce plus nocet uestrum antidotum quam uenenum. numquid hyle tam horrendo globo in aeternum uel deum includeret uel sua uiscera adfigeret? et quod sceleratius est, calumniatur eisdem reliquiis, ne defecisse uideatur, quod eas purgare non potuit. dicit enim Manichaeus in epistula Fundamenti ideo dignas illas animas fieri tali subplicio, quod errare se a priore lucida sua natura passae sunt et inimicae lumini sancto exstiterunt, cum eas in illum errorem, quo ita tenebrarentur, ut inimica luci lux fieret, ipse miserit: si inuitas, iniustus, ut cogeret; si uolentes. ingratus. ut damnet. quae se futuras inimicas origini suae si praescire potuerunt, et ante bellum timore cruciatae et in bello inexpiabiliter maculatae et post bellum in aeternum damnatae, numquam beatae; si autem praescire non potuerunt. et ante bellum inprouidae et in bello inualidae et post bellum miserae, numquam diuinae. et utique quod ipsae. hoc deus secundum unitatem substantiae. putamusne, respicitis, quam inmaniter blasphematis? et tamen aliquando uolentes quasi defendere bonitatem dei etiam ipsi hyle praestare dicitis aliquid boni. ut inclusa in semet ipsa non saeuiat. habebit ergo aliquid boni, cum ei nullum mixtum erit bonum? an forte sicut deus ante bellum sine commixtione mali habebat necessitatis malum, ita hyle post bellum sine commixtione boni habebit commixtionis bonum? dicite ergo duo mala, sed unum altero peius;. aut duo non summa bona, sed unum altero melius, ita sane, ut quod est melius hoc dicatis miserius; nam si illius tanti belli hic erit exitus, ut separata hyle a propria uastatione et dei membris adfixis in globo aliquid boni praestetur hostibus et tantum mali infligatur ciuibus, cogitate, quis uicerit. sed uidelicet uenenum est hyle, quae formare, firmare, nutrire, uegetare ualuit animalia sua; et antidotum deus, qui damnare potuit, quia sanare non potuit membra sua. insani, nec illa est hyle, nec ille deus. sic delirent, qui sanam doctrinam non sustinentes ad fabulas conuertuntur.
Or was there no love there, so that there was no brotherly compassion for those over whom, with no sin of theirs going before, eternal punishments hung? What? Were not those very souls that were to be bound in the globe also members of your God? Is it not one kind and one substance? They at least, foreknowing their future everlasting bondage, surely feared, surely grieved. Or if they did not know that this would happen, part of your God was provident, part improvident. How then is it one and the same substance? Since, then, there were such great evils there too before there was any admixture of the other’s evil, why do you boast of it as a pure, simple, and supreme good? So you are forced to admit that these two natures, even in themselves, are either two goods or two evils. We grant you, if you say two evils, to call whichever of them you like the worse; if two goods, call whichever you like the better; there will be a more careful consideration later, provided that error of yours is removed by which you speak of two principles of two natures, good and evil, and plainly of two gods, one good and the other evil. Again, if something is evil because it harms another, these harmed each other; let one part have been the more wicked because it first coveted what belonged to another. One, then, wished to inflict evil, the other repaid evil for evil, and not by the law of retaliation, as an eye for an eye, which you are accustomed imprudently and impudently to criticize, but much more heavily. Choose, then, which you will call the worse: the one which first wished to harm, or the one which both wished and was able to harm more. For the one desired to enjoy the light in its own way, the other uprooted it utterly. The one, if it had achieved what it sought, would certainly have harmed itself in nothing; the other, in order to overthrow the hostile adversary completely, gravely harmed even its own part: like that most notorious mad saying committed to memory in certain writings: “Let friends perish, so long as enemies fall with them.” For a part of God was sent to inexpiable contamination, to provide the covering of the globe in which the enemy is to be buried alive for ever; for even conquered he will be so feared, even shut in he will so terrify, that the everlasting misery of a part of God will give the rest of God some sort of security. O great innocence of goodness! See, your God too will do the very thing for which you horribly accuse the race of darkness, harming both his own and others. That last globe convicts your God of exactly this, in which both the enemy is shut in and the citizen afflicted; indeed, that part which you call God surpasses it in harming both others and its own more. For Hyle did not wish to uproot the other’s kingdom, but to hold it; and as for its own, although it killed some by others of its own consuming them, it nevertheless changed them anew into other forms, so that by dying and being reborn they might at least enjoy the gladness of their life at intervals of time. But God, whom you describe as almighty and best, for ever both uproots others and condemns his own; and, what is believed with still more wonderful madness, Hyle harms its animals in its fight, God punishes his members in his victory. What is this, empty men? Surely you remember Faustus’s words about God as antidote and Hyle as poison: see, your antidote harms more than the poison. Would Hyle have shut up either God, or fixed its own vitals, in so horrible a globe for ever? And, what is more wicked, he slanders those same remains, so that he may not seem to have failed because he could not cleanse them. For Mani says in the Letter of the Foundation that those souls become deserving of such punishment because they allowed themselves to stray from their former shining nature and became enemies of the holy light; although he himself sent them into that error, by which they were so darkened that light became the enemy of light: if unwilling, he was unjust to compel them; if willing, ungrateful to condemn them. If they could foreknow that they would become enemies of their origin, they were tormented by fear before the war, stained inexpiably in the war, condemned for ever after the war, never happy; but if they could not foreknow it, they were improvident before the war, powerless in the war, wretched after the war, never divine. And certainly what they are, God is, according to the unity of substance. Do you see how monstrously you blaspheme? And yet sometimes, wishing as it were to defend the goodness of God, you even say that he grants Hyle something good, that, shut up in itself, it may not rage. Will it, then, have something good, when no good will be mixed with it? Or perhaps, just as God before the war had, without admixture of evil, the evil of necessity, so Hyle after the war will have, without admixture of good, the good of the mixture? Say, then, two evils, but one worse than the other; or two goods, not supreme, but one better than the other, provided that you call the better one the more wretched; for if the outcome of that great war is to be this, that, with Hyle separated from its own ravaging and the members of God fixed in the globe, some good is granted to the enemies and so much evil inflicted on the citizens, consider who has won. But, of course, Hyle is poison, which was able to form, strengthen, nourish, and invigorate its animals; and God is antidote, who could condemn his members because he could not heal them. Madmen! That is not Hyle, nor is that God. So let them rave who, not enduring sound doctrine, turn aside to fables.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Exod 21:24 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Tim 4:3–4 (allusion, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that in the Manichaean myth their God harms his own members more than the race of darkness does, condemning part of himself to the final globe, so that the supposed antidote is worse than the poison.
- The saying “Let friends perish, so long as enemies fall with them” is a Greek verse quoted by Cicero, Deiot. 25. Mani’s Letter of the Foundation is cited for the condemnation of the souls bound in the globe. “Do you see” renders the corrupt “putamusne, respicitis”; translated by sense. 2 Tim 4:3–4.
Extrabiblical texts: Cicero, Deiot. 25 (Cicero; quotation); Mani, Ep. fund. (Mani, Letter of the Foundation; quotation)
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 21.16 (CSEL 25.1:587–591; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-21-16). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
Chapter 22
22.1CSEL 25.1:591
FAUSTUS dixit: Cur legem blasphematis et prophetas? minime quidem nos hostes sumus aut inimici legis ac prophetarum, sed nec ullius omnino, adeo ut. si modo. per ipsos nos liceat, simus parati fateri falsa illa omnia esse, quae de eis scripta sunt et quorum causa uidentur nobis exosi. sed enim uos repugnatis et scriptoribus adsentiendo uestris in crimen forsitan prophetas innocentes adducitis, infamatis patriarchas, dedecoratis et legem atque, quod sit stultius, uultis et scriptores uestros non esse mendaces et eos tamen religiosos ac sanctos, quorum hi flagitia et turpes conscripserint uitas. quod quia utrumque pariter constare non potest, oportet enim aut hos fuisse malos, aut illos mendaces et falsos.
Faustus said: Why do you blaspheme the law and the prophets? We are not at all enemies or foes of the law and the prophets, nor indeed of anyone whatever; so much so that, if only you would allow us, we are ready to declare false all those things that are written about them and on account of which we seem to hate them. But you resist, and by agreeing with your writers you perhaps bring innocent prophets into accusation, you defame the patriarchs, you disgrace the law as well; and, what is more foolish, you want your writers not to be liars, and yet those whose crimes and shameful lives they wrote down to be religious and holy. Since both of these cannot hold together, it must be that either the one were wicked, or the others liars and false.
Notes and citation
Summary: Faustus denies that Manichaeans blaspheme the law and the prophets and argues that either the patriarchs were wicked or the writers who described them lied.
- The digital text begins with “UICESIMUS”, a fragment of the book heading (“twenty-second”), removed by correction.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (leaked fragment of the book heading; word split by a stray point): UICESIMUS. FAUSTUS → FAUSTUS; ac pro. phetarum → ac prophetarum.
Topics: Scripture and canon
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.1 (CSEL 25.1:591; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-1). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.2CSEL 25.1:591–593
Age, si libet, adsensu communi scriptoribus damnatis defensionem suscipiamus legis et prophetarum. legem autem nunc dico ego non circumcisionem nec sabbata et sacrificia ceteraque huiusmodi Iudaeorum, sed eam, quae uere sit lex, id est: non occides, non moechaberis, non peiurabis et cetera. cui quia olim diffamatae in gentibus, id est ex quo mundi huius creatura consistit, Hebraeorum scriptores inruentes tamquam lepram ac scabiem abominanda haec sua et turpissima praecepta commiscuerunt, quae ad peritomen spectant et sacrificia, age, si es certo et tu amicus legis, damna eos mecum, qui hanc uiolare ausi sunt hac commixtione inconuenientium eidem praeceptorum: quae praecepta nisi et uos legem non esse sciretis, nec legis partem utique aut eadem seruare niteremini professi iustitiam, aut uos coram fateremini esse non iustos. nunc uero et de illis, quae scelera prohibent mandatis, sollicita uobis est cura recte uolentibus uiuere, et de his, quae pertinent ad Iudaeos, nulla fit mentio: quod quatenus excusatum uobis erit, nisi eadem legem non esse constiterit? denique si, sicut incenderis intolerabile conuicium iudicans, si quis te neglegentem praecepti huius appellet, quo dictum est: non occides uel non moechaberis. ita etiam exardesceres, si quis te et incircumcisum uocaret et neglegentem sabbati. erat intellegi procul dubio, quod esset utrumque lex et dei mandatum; nunc uero et de illis superioribus laudem quaeris et gloriam, si ea conserues, et de his nullam eiusdem boni iacturam metuis, quia contemnis. quare constat haec, ut dixi, non esse legem, sed legis potius maculas et scabiem: quae si damnantur a nobis, damnantur uti falsa, non ut legitima. nec tangit conuicium hoc legem nec legis auctorem deum, sed eos, qui hunc et illam nefariis suis religionibus inscripserunt. ut autem interdum legis nos reuerendum nomen, cum Iudaica praecepta persequimur, lacessamus, uestro fit uitio, qui inter Hebraicas institutiones et legem nullum uultis esse discrimen; alioquin reddite legi propriam dignitatem. Israheliticas ab eadem turpitudines tamquam uerrucas incidite, deformationis eius crimen scriptoribus inputate, et statim uidebitis nos Iudaismi inimicos fuisse, non legis. nomen est, quod uos decipit, quia cui iure debeat adscribi, non nostis.
Come then, if you please: let us by common consent condemn the writers and take up the defence of the law and the prophets. By the law I do not now mean circumcision, nor sabbaths and sacrifices and the other things of that kind belonging to the Jews, but that which is truly law, that is: “You shall not kill, you shall not commit adultery, you shall not swear falsely,” and the rest. Since this law had long been spread abroad among the nations, that is, from the time the creation of this world has existed, the writers of the Hebrews broke in upon it and mixed into it, like leprosy and scab, these abominable and most shameful precepts of their own which concern circumcision and sacrifices. Come, if you too are certainly a friend of the law, condemn with me those who dared to violate it by this mixture of precepts unsuited to it. For unless you also knew that these precepts were not the law, nor any part of the law, either you would strive to keep them, as people who profess righteousness, or you would openly confess that you are not righteous. But as it is, you take anxious care, as people who wish to live rightly, about those commandments which forbid crimes, while of those which concern the Jews no mention is made. How will this be excused in you, unless it is established that they are not the law? Indeed, if, just as you are inflamed and judge it an intolerable insult when someone calls you neglectful of the precept in which it is said: “You shall not kill,” or “You shall not commit adultery,” so you would also burn with anger if someone called you uncircumcised and neglectful of the sabbath, it would be understood beyond doubt that both were law and the commandment of God. But as it is, you seek praise and glory from those former precepts if you keep them, and from these latter you fear no loss of that same good, because you despise them. Therefore it is clear, as I said, that these are not the law, but rather the stains and scab of the law; and if they are condemned by us, they are condemned as false, not as lawful. Nor does this reproach touch the law or God the author of the law, but those who wrote both him and it into their wicked religious rites. And that sometimes, when we attack the Jewish precepts, we seem to assail the revered name of the law, happens through your fault, since you will have no distinction between the Hebrew institutions and the law. Otherwise, give back to the law its proper dignity: cut away from it the Israelite disgraces like warts, impute the crime of its disfigurement to the writers, and you will see at once that we have been enemies of Judaism, not of the law. It is the name that deceives you, because you do not know to whom it ought rightly to be ascribed.
Exod 20:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 20:14 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 5:33 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Faustus distinguishes the true moral law from the Jewish precepts of circumcision, sabbath, and sacrifice, which he calls blemishes added by the Hebrew writers.
- The commandments are from Exod 20:13–14; “you shall not swear falsely” recalls Lev 19:12 and Matt 5:33. Faustus's description of the ceremonial precepts as “leprosy and scab” is his own Manichaean polemic.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray hyphen joining two words): haec-sua → haec sua.
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.2 (CSEL 25.1:591–593; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-2). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.3CSEL 25.1:593
Ad haec et prophetas ac patriarchas uestros cur nos blasphemare existimetis, ego non uideo. nam si a nobis scripta haec dictataue fuissent, quae idem commisisse leguntur, esset uestra haec in nos non inrationabilis accusatio; ubi uero aut ab ipsis eadem scripta sunt contra honestatis morem de uitiis captantibus gloriam aut ab eorum sociis ac paribus, nostra quae istic culpa est? damnamus enim detestati actus iniquos, quos ultro de se nec interrogati confessi sunt rei; aut si haec per inuidiam scriptorum aduersus eos malignitas finxit, puniantur scriptores, damnentur eorum libri, purgetur propheticum nomen indigna fama, grauitati atque censurae suae patriarcharum reddatur auctoritas.
Besides this, I do not see why you think that we blaspheme your prophets and patriarchs. For if these things which they are read to have committed had been written or composed by us, this accusation of yours against us would not be unreasonable. But when these things were either written by themselves, seeking glory from their vices against the custom of decency, or by their companions and peers, what fault of ours is there in this? For we condemn and detest the wicked deeds which the guilty confessed of themselves of their own accord and without being asked. Or if the malice of the writers, out of envy towards them, invented these things, let the writers be punished, let their books be condemned, let the prophetic name be cleansed of unworthy repute, and let the authority of the patriarchs be restored to its dignity and censure.
Notes and citation
Summary: Faustus says the Manichaeans only condemn deeds the patriarchs' own writers recorded, or else those writers slandered them and should be condemned.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.3 (CSEL 25.1:593; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-3). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.4CSEL 25.1:593–594
Et sane fieri potuit, ut quemadmodum de deo inpudenter idem tanta finxerunt, nunc eum in tenebris ex aeterno uersatum dicentes et postea miratum cum uidisset lucem. nunc ignarum futuri, ut praeceptum illud, quod non esset seruaturus Adam. ei mandaret, nunc et inprouidum, ut eum latentem in angulo paradisi post nuditatem cognitam uidere non posset, nunc et inuidum ac timentem, ne, si gustaret homo suus de ligno uitae, in aeternum uiueret, nunc alias et adpetentem sanguinis atque adipis ex omni genere sacrificiorum zelantemque, si et aliis eadem offerrentur ut sibi, et nunc irascentem in alienos, nunc et in suos, nunc perimentem milia hominum ob leuia quidem aut nulla commissa, nunc etiam comminantem uenturum se fore cum gladio et parciturum nemini, non iusto, non peccatori: fieri, inquam, potuit, ut et de dei hominibus mentirentur, qui de deo ipso tanta proteruitate mentiti sunt. sed uos consentite nobiscum, ut portent scriptores crimen. si uultis eodem liberari prophetas.
And indeed it could have happened that, just as they shamelessly invented so many things about God—now saying that he had dwelt in darkness from eternity and afterwards marvelled when he saw the light; now that he was ignorant of the future, so that he gave Adam that precept which he was not going to keep; now that he was improvident, so that he could not see him hiding in a corner of paradise after he knew his nakedness; now that he was envious and fearful that, if his man tasted of the tree of life, he would live for ever; at other times that he craved blood and fat from every kind of sacrifice, and was jealous if the same were offered to others as to himself; and now angry with strangers, now with his own; now destroying thousands of men for slight offences or none at all; now even threatening that he would come with a sword and spare no one, neither the righteous nor the sinner—it could have happened, I say, that those who lied with such impudence about God himself also lied about the men of God. But agree with us that the writers should bear the crime, if you want the prophets to be freed from it.
Gen 1:2 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 1:4 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 2:17 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 3:8 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 3:22 (allusion, high confidence) · Exod 20:5 (allusion, medium confidence) · Ezek 21:3 (allusion, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Faustus lists Old Testament statements about God that he thinks unworthy of God and suggests that the same writers also slandered the patriarchs.
- Faustus alludes to Gen 1:2–4; 2:17; 3:8–10; 3:22; the jealousy of God (Exod 20:5; 34:14); and the sword that cuts off righteous and wicked alike (Ezek 21:3–4).
Topics: Heresy
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.4 (CSEL 25.1:593–594; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.5CSEL 25.1:594–595
Alioquin neque illa nos de Abraham scripsimus. quod habendae prolis insana flagrans cupidine et deo, qui id iam sibi de Sara coniuge promiserat, minime credens cum pelice uolutatus sit sub conscientia — quo sit inhonestius — uxoris: nec quod matrimonii sui infamissimus nundinator idem auaritiae ac uentris causa duobus regibus, Abimelech et Pharaoni, diuersis temporibus memoratam Saram coniugem suam sororem mentitus, quia erat pulcherrima, in concubitum uenditauit; nec quod Loth ipsius frater de Sodoma liberatus cum duabus filiabus suis in monte concubuit — qui honestius arsisset in Sodoma ictu fulminis quam in monte flagrauit inconcessae libidinis flamma — sed nec quod Isaac eadem patri suo gessit ac paria erga Rebeccam coniugem suam fingens et ipse eam sororem, quo per ipsam uiueret turpiter; nec quod Iacob filius eius inter Rachel et Liam duas germanas sorores earumque singulas famulas quattuor uxorum maritus tamquam hircus errauerit, ut esset cotidie inter quattuor scorta certamen. quaenam eum uenientem de agro prior ad concubitum raperet. interdumque etiam mercedibus in noctem ab inuicem conducerent eum; item quod ludas filius eius cum Thamar nuru sua dormierit post unius et alterius nuptias filii deceptus. ut aiunt, prostitutionis habitu, in quem se transformauerat eadem, quae socerum suum bene nosset cum hoc genere feminarum semper habuisse commercium; nec quod Dauid post tot numero uxores mulierculam quoque Uriae militis sui moechatus sit ipsumque perdiderit in bello; nec quod Salomon filius eius trecentas uxores et septingentas concubinas habuerit et regum filias sine numero; nec quod Osee prophetarum primus de fornicaria muliere filios fecerit — cui turpitudini, quo sit deterius, ascribitur et consilium dei — sed nec illud, quod Moyses homicidium fecerit, quod spoliauerit Aegyptum, quod bella gesserit, quod crudelia multa et mandarit et fecerit, quod ne ipse quidem uno contentus matrimonio fuerit: haec, inquam, et horum similia, quae in diuersis eorum habentur libris, nihil a nobis scriptum, nihil dictatum est; sed aut scriptorum uestrorum ista commenta sunt falsa aut patrum crimina uera. uos utrum uultis eligite; nam nos aut hos aut illos pariter detestari necesse est, quia tam malos et turpes odimus quam mendaces.
Otherwise, it was not we who wrote these things about Abraham: that, burning with an insane desire to have offspring, and not believing God, who had already promised him this from his wife Sarah, he wallowed with a concubine, and—what is more shameful—with his wife's knowledge; nor that he, a most infamous trafficker in his own marriage, for the sake of greed and his belly, at different times sold his wife Sarah to two kings, Abimelech and Pharaoh, for intercourse, falsely calling her his sister because she was very beautiful; nor that Lot, his brother, rescued from Sodom, lay with his two daughters on the mountain—he would have burned more honourably in Sodom by the stroke of lightning than he burned on the mountain with the flame of forbidden lust; nor that Isaac did the same as his father and, pretending in like manner about his wife Rebecca, himself called her his sister, so that he might live shamefully by means of her; nor that Jacob his son, the husband of four wives, Rachel and Leah, two sisters, and each of their maidservants, roamed among them like a he-goat, so that there was a daily contest among four harlots as to which would first seize him for intercourse when he came from the field, and sometimes they even hired him from one another for the night for a price; likewise that Judah his son slept with Tamar his daughter-in-law after her marriages to one son and then another, deceived, as they say, by the dress of a prostitute into which she had changed herself—she who knew well that her father-in-law had always had dealings with women of that kind; nor that David, after so many wives, committed adultery with the little wife of Uriah his soldier and had the man himself killed in war; nor that Solomon his son had three hundred wives and seven hundred concubines, and daughters of kings without number; nor that Hosea, the first of the prophets, begot children by a harlot—and to this disgrace, what is worse, the counsel of God is also ascribed; nor even this, that Moses committed murder, that he plundered Egypt, that he waged wars, that he both commanded and did many cruel things, that not even he was content with one marriage: these things, I say, and things like them, which are found in their various books, were none of them written by us, none composed by us. Either these are false fictions of your writers or true crimes of the fathers. Choose which you prefer; for we must detest either the one or the other alike, since we hate the wicked and shameful as much as liars.
Gen 16:1 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 12:10 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 20:2 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 19:30 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 26:7 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 30:16 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 38:15 (allusion, high confidence) · 2 Sam 11:4 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Kgs 11:3 (allusion, high confidence) · Song 6:8 (echo, low confidence) · Hos 1:2 (allusion, high confidence) · Exod 2:12 (allusion, high confidence) · Exod 12:36 (allusion, high confidence) · Num 12:1 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Faustus lists the patriarchs' sexual and violent deeds recorded in Scripture and says either the deeds or the records must be condemned.
- Faustus's list: Abraham and Hagar (Gen 16); Sarah with Pharaoh and Abimelech (Gen 12:10–20; 20); Lot and his daughters (Gen 19:30–38); Isaac and Rebecca (Gen 26:6–11); Jacob's wives and the hiring for the night (Gen 29–30; 30:14–16); Judah and Tamar (Gen 38); David and Uriah's wife (2 Sam 11); Solomon's wives (1 Kgs 11:3, where the numbers are 700 wives and 300 concubines; Faustus reverses them, and the “daughters of kings without number” recalls Song 6:8); Hosea (Hos 1:2); Moses' killing of the Egyptian (Exod 2:12), the spoiling of Egypt (Exod 12:35–36), and his Cushite wife (Num 12:1). Lot is called Abraham's “brother” as in Gen 13:8 and 14:14 (he was his nephew). The polemical wording is Faustus's own.
Topics: Marriage
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.5 (CSEL 25.1:594–595; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.6CSEL 25.1:595–596
AUGUSTINUS respondit: Nec sacramenta legis intellegitis nec facta prophetarum, quia neque sanctitatem neque iustitiam cogitare nostis. sed de praeceptis et sacramentis ueteris testamenti saepe ac multa iam diximus, ut intellegeretur aliud ibi fuisse, quod per gratiam noui testamenti faciendo donaretur inplendum, aliud, quod per ueritatem patefactam remouendo demonstraretur inpletum: cum dei et proximi dilectione susciperetur legis perficienda praeceptio, circumcisionis autem atque aliorum illius temporis sacramentorum cessatione ostenderetur legis persoluta promissio. praeceptum quippe reos faciebat ad desiderandam salutem, promissum autem figuras celebrabat ad expectandum saluatorem, ut per aduentum noui testamenti illos liberaret gratia donata, illas auferret ueritas reddita. ipsa enim lex, quae per Moysen data est, gratia et ueritas per Iesum Christum facta est: gratia scilicet, ut data indulgentia peccatorum, quod praeceptum erat, ex dei dono custodiretur, ueritas autem, ut ablata obseruatione umbrarum, quod promissum erat, ex dei fide praesentaretur.
Augustine replied: You understand neither the sacraments of the law nor the deeds of the prophets, because you know how to think neither of holiness nor of righteousness. But concerning the precepts and sacraments of the Old Testament we have already said much and often, so that it might be understood that there was in them one thing that was to be fulfilled by being done, given as a gift through the grace of the New Testament, and another that was shown to be fulfilled by being removed, through the truth now revealed. For the precept of the law to be perfected was taken up in the love of God and of neighbour, while the promise of the law was shown to be discharged by the ceasing of circumcision and of the other sacraments of that time. For the precept made people guilty, so that they might long for salvation, while the promise celebrated figures, so that they might wait for the Saviour; so that by the coming of the New Testament grace, once given, might set free the former, and truth, once rendered, might take away the latter. For the very law that was given through Moses became grace and truth through Jesus Christ: grace, namely, so that, forgiveness of sins having been given, what had been commanded might be kept by the gift of God; and truth, so that, the observance of shadows having been taken away, what had been promised might be made present by the faithfulness of God.
John 1:17 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 22:37 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine replies that the precepts of the law are fulfilled through grace by love, and its sacramental figures are fulfilled by being removed when the truth they promised came.
- Quotation of John 1:17, which Augustine reworks: “the law that was given through Moses became grace and truth through Jesus Christ.” The love of God and neighbour recalls Matt 22:37–40.
Topics: Scripture and canon
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.6 (CSEL 25.1:595–596; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.7CSEL 25.1:596
Proinde isti, qui ea, quae non intellegunt, reprehendentes lepram uel scabiem seu uerrucas legis esse dicunt promissiuas figuras sacramentorum, similes sunt hominibus, quibus displicent ea, quorum non capiunt utilitatem; uelut si surdus uidens moueri labia loquentium, tamquam superfluos oris motus deformesque reprehenderet; uel si quisquam caecus laudata sibi aliqua domo uellet palpando probare, quod dicitur, et parietum leuitatem manu pertractans in fenestras inrueret easque uelut inconuenientes illi aequalitati redargueret cauernasque ruinosas putaret.
Those, then, who find fault with what they do not understand and call the figures of the promising sacraments the leprosy or scab or warts of the law are like people who are displeased with things whose usefulness they do not grasp: as if a deaf man, seeing the lips of speakers move, were to find fault with these movements of the mouth as superfluous and ugly; or as if some blind man, having heard a house praised, wanted to test by feeling what was said, and, running his hand over the smoothness of the walls, came upon the windows and blamed them as out of keeping with that evenness, and thought them ruinous holes.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine compares the Manichaean critics of the law's figures to a deaf man faulting lips that speak and a blind man faulting the windows of a house.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.7 (CSEL 25.1:596; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).
22.8CSEL 25.1:596–597
Iam uero facta prophetarum etiam ipsa prophetica et mystica fuisse, quid agam, ut intellegant, quorum mentes uanitas occupauit, ita ut putent credi a nobis etiam ipsum deum aliquando in tenebris esse uersatum, quia scriptum est: tenebrae erant super abyssum, tamquam nos abyssum dicamus deum, ubi tenebrae erant, quia lux ibi non erat, antequam deus uerbo faceret lucem? sed quia non distingunt inter lucem, quod est ipse deus, et lucem, quam fecit deus, ideo putant esse consequens, ut in tenebris ipse fuerit. antequam faceret lucem, cum tenebrae essent super abyssum, antequam diceret: fiat lux, et facta est lux. sicut enim in nouo testamento utrumque de illo dicitur - nam et: deus lux est et tenebrae in eo non sunt ullae ibi legimus et: deus, qui dixit de tenebris lumen clarescere, claruit in cordibus nostris itidem ibi legimus — sic et in illis ueteribus libris et: candor est lucis aeternae dictum est de sapientia dei, quae utique facta non est, quia per illam facta sunt omnia, et de luce quadam, quae non nisi per illam fieri potest, hoc modo ibi dicitur: tu inluminabis lucernam meam, domine; deus meus inluminabis tenebras meas. sicut et ab initio, cum tenebrae essent super abyssum, dixit deus: fiat lux, et facta est lux; quam non fecisset nisi lucifica lux, quod est deus.
Now as for the deeds of the prophets, that they too were prophetic and mystical—what shall I do to make them understand, whose minds vanity has so taken hold of that they think we believe that God himself once dwelt in darkness, because it is written: “Darkness was over the abyss”? As though we said that God is the abyss where the darkness was, because there was no light there before God made light by his word! But because they do not distinguish between the light which is God himself and the light which God made, they therefore think it follows that he himself was in darkness before he made light, when darkness was over the abyss, before he said: “Let there be light,” and light was made. For just as in the New Testament both are said of him—for there we read both: “God is light, and in him there is no darkness at all,” and likewise there we read: “God, who said that light should shine out of darkness, has shone in our hearts”—so also in those old books it is said, “She is the radiance of eternal light,” of the wisdom of God, which certainly was not made, since through it all things were made; and of a certain light which can be made only through it, it is said there in this way: “You will light my lamp, O Lord; my God, you will light up my darkness.” So too in the beginning, when darkness was over the abyss, God said: “Let there be light,” and light was made; which he would not have made unless he were the light-making light, which is God.
Gen 1:2 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 1:3 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 John 1:5 (quotation, high confidence) · 2 Cor 4:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 18:28 (17:29 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · John 1:3 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine answers that God did not dwell in darkness before creating light, distinguishing the light that God is from the light God made.
- Quotations: Gen 1:2–3; 1 John 1:5; 2 Cor 4:6; Wis 7:26; Ps 18:28 (LXX 17:29). “Through it all things were made” recalls John 1:3.
Extrabiblical texts: Wis 7:26 (Wisdom of Solomon [in RC, EO, ETH canons]; quotation)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, C. Faust. 22.8 (CSEL 25.1:596–597; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-contra-faustum/21-10/#p-22-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Zycha (CSEL 25.1, 1891); each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation of R. Stothert in NPNF¹ 4 (1887).