Dialogue on the Life of John Chrysostom 6–8
Greek text: PG 47.English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: H. Moore, The Dialogue of Palladius concerning the Life of Chrysostom (London: SPCK, 1921).
Chapter 6
6PG 47
Ἐχ τούτου προχαταλαμθάνει φθόνος τὰς διανοίας τῶν μισθωτῶν ποιμένων, ἐλεγχομένων ἐχ τοῦ παραλλήλον. Μὴ δυνηθέντες δὲ αὑτοῦ περιγενέσθαι, διὰ τὸ μὴ ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὸν χαταλυτὴν τοῦ φθόνου Σωτῆρα, πλέχουσι διαβολὰς χατὰ τοῦ Ἰωάνχατὰ τῆς βασιλίσσης, καὶ ἑτέρων τῶν ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τοῦ βασιλέως. Συνέθη ὃὲ χατ᾽ ἐχεῖνο χαιροῦ ἐπιστάντα ᾿Αχάχιον, τὸν ἐπίσχοπον Βεροίας, ἀστοχῆσαι, ὡς ἔλεγεν, χαταγωγίου χαλοῦ" καὶ λυπηθεὶς ἐπὶ τούτῳ, νου. ᾿Αχατασχέτοις δὲ λογισμοῖς ἡττηθεὶς, ἐκφέρει λόγον ἄλογον ἐχ τοῦ περισσεύματος τῆς χαρδίας ἄξ..»» τῆς αὐτοῦ διανοίας, ἐπί τινων κληρικῶν Ἰωάννου εἰπών: Ἐγὼ αὑτῷ ἀρτύω χύτραν“, Ἐξαυτῆς ἐν χαχολογίαις χατατριόέντι πάντοτε χατὰ ἐπισχόπων, σχέπτονται θωραχίξεσθαι δῆθεν μὲν χατὰ Ἰωάννου, τὸ δ᾽ ἀληθὲς, χατὰ τῆς δόξης τοῦ Σωτῆρος. ᾿Αποστείλαντες δὲ πρῶτον εἰς τὴν ᾿Αντιοχέων, ζητοῦσι νεότητος αὐτοῦ πλημμελείας. Ὡς δὲ πον ἐξερευγῶγτες ἐξερευγήσεις, καὶ οὐχ εὗρον οὐδὲν, ἀποστέλλουσιν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν πρὸς τὴν εὐχέρειαν βΘεηφίλου, καλουμένου ᾿Αμφαλλὰξ, τὰ τοιαὕτα σοφῶς ἀρχιτεχτονοῦντος" ὃς, ἐξαυτῆς ἀναπτύξας τὰ τῆς διανοίας αὐτοῦ βιδλία μετὰ πολλῆς τῆς σεως χἂν τῆς τυχούσης. Ὁ ΔΙΔΙΚ. Ἐπίσχες, ὦ Πάπερ, τῶν λόγων τὴν ῥύμην, πρὶν ἐπ'λήσομαι, ἕνα σοι εἴπω τὴν ἀπὸ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας διχδᾶσαν πρὸς ἡμᾶς: καὶ θρυλληθεῖσαν αἰτίαν. Φασὶ γὰρ, ὅτι χαθαιρεθέντας κληρικοὺς ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου ἐδέξατο Ἰωάννης εἰς χοινωνίαν, λυπήσας τὸν Θεόφιλον, ὅπερ οὐχ ἔδει’ ὡς ἐχ τούτου διενεχθέντα αὐτὸν χωρῆσαι χατὰ τοῦ Ἰωάννου. Ὁ ἘΠΙΣΚ. Δῶμεν ἀληθῇ εἶναι τὸν εἰρημένον θρύλλον' καὶ ἐπισχόπου ἐστὶ, χαχὸν ἰᾶσθαι χαχῷ; καὶ “τοῦ τὸ εὐαγγελικὸν ἐχεῖνο τὸ λέγον: Μὴ ἐπιδυέτω ὃ ἥνιος ἐπὶ τῷ παροργισμῷ ὑμῶν; ποῦ δὲ τὸ ἀποστολιχὸν, Νίχα τὸ καχὸν ἐγ τῷ ἀγαθῷ; ποῦ δὲ τὸ προφητικὸν, Εἰ ἀνταπέδωκα τοῖς ἀνταποδιδοῦσϊ μοι καχά; Εἶτα οὖν ἣν φιλονεικότερον εἰπεῖν ἐγκαλοῦντα ἐπὶ εὐλαβῶν ἐπισχόπων᾽ ᾿Αδελφὲ Ἰωάννη, παρῆλθέ σε πεποιηχότα τὸ ἣ τό; χαὺ τὸν Ἰωάννην ἀπολογησάμενον, ἡγνοηχέναι τὸ πρᾶγμα; Ὃ ΔΙΑΚ. ᾿Αληθὲς εἴρηχας, εἴ γέ τις ἣν ἐν αὐτῷ κχαλοθέλεια, καὶ μὴ χατεσχηματίζετο τὴν τῶν κληρικῶν αἰτίαν, τὴν οἱχείαν ὀργὴν ἐκπληρῶν. Ὁ ἘΠΙΣΚ. Νὴ τὸν φόδον τηΐίνυν τὸν τοῦ Θεοῦ, ὃς δεσπόζει τῶν ἀπείρων φόων, οὐχ ἐρῶ σοι ἄλλως, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔχει φύσεως τὸ πρᾶγμα περὶ τούτων ὧν εἴρηχας κληρικῶν, Ἰσίδωρός τις, πρεσθύτερος ἔτι τῆς τοῦ μαχαρίου ᾿Αθανασίου τοῦ μεγάλου χειροτονίας, ὁὀγδοηχοστὸν ἕτος ἄγων τὴν ἡλικίαν (ὃν ἴσασι Ῥωμαίων οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐγχλησιαστιχῶν ἕνεχεν εἰσδαλόντα εἰς αὑτὴν, ξενοδόχον ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ὄντα' οἷσθα δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὸν ἄνδρα, ἡνίχα σὺν ᾿Αχαχίῳ ἐλθὼν τὴν Φλαυϊανοῦ πρὸς Θεόφιλον χοινωνίαν ἐχόμισεν, εἴχοσιν ἔτεσιν ἀπεσχοινισμένην Εὐαγρίου ἕνεχεν τοῦ μαχαρίου, τοῦ πολλοὺς ἀγῶνας ἀγωνισαμένου ἐν ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς πόνοις" τούτῳ τῷ Ἰσιδώρῳ γυνή τις χέρα τῶν μεγιστάνων δίδωσι χιλίους χρυσίνους, ὁρκώσασα αὐτὸν χατὰ τῆς τοῦ Σωτῆρος τραπέζης, συναγοράσαντα ἄμφια ἐνδὺσα! τὰς πτωχοτέρας τῶν ᾿Αλεξανδρέων, μὴ μεταδόντα γνώσεως τῷ Θεοφίλῳ, ἵνα μὴ λαδὼν αὐτὰ, τοῖς λίθοις προσαναλώσῃ" λιθομανία γάρ τις αὐτὸν Φαραώνιος ἔχει εἰς οἰκοδομήματα, ὧν οὐδαμῶς χρήτει ἡ Ἐχκχλησία. Καὶ τὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα ἐν δευτέρῳ κείσθω" τὸ δὲ κατεπεῖγον περὶ τοῦ Ἰσιδώρου ἄχουσον" λαδὼν τοιγαροῦν ὁ Ἰσίδωρος τὰ νομίσματα, ἀναλίσχε: ταῖς πενομέναις καὶ ταῖς χήραις. Ἔγνω ποθὲν ὁ Θεόςιλος (οὐδὲν γὰρ αὐτῷ ἐλάνθανε τῶν πανταχοῦ πραττομένων ἣ λαλουμένων, ἔχοντι ἐργοσχόπους καὶ λογοσχόπους, ἵνα μὴ ἄλλως εἴπω), καὶ προσκαλεῖται τὸν Ἰἰσίδωρον, μετριοπαθῶς πυνθανόμενος, εἰ ταῦθ᾽ οὔ, τῶς ἔχει. Οὐχ ἀρνησάμενος ὡμολόγηδε τὴν τοῦ πράγματος διαχονίαν. Ὁ δὲ ἀχούσας, τὴν δχηνὴν ἐν. αλλάσσει, καὶ ὁ πρὸ ῥοπῆς ἐπιειχὴς καὶ χρηστοφανὴς ἐν τῇ ἐρωτήσει, μετὰ τὴν ῥοπὴν οἴδησεν ὅλος, τὰς τοῦ Ἰσιδύρου. Καὶ μιχρὸν ἐφησυχάσας χρόνον, καθάπερ λαθροδάχτης χύων, μετὰ δύο μῆνας προφέρει χαρτίον, συγχροτήσας τὸ ἱερατεῖον, παρόντος τοῦ Ἰσιδώρου λέγων, ὅτι Τοῦτο ἐδεξάμην πρὸ δεκαοκτὼ ἐτῶν, ᾿ἸΙσίδωρε, κατὰ σοῦ, καὶ ἐπειδὴ περιάσχολος ἐγενόμην, λήθῃ παρέδωκα τὸ πρᾶγμα" νῦν δὲ ἑτέρου; ἐπιζητῶν γάρτας, εὕρηκα τοῦτο τὸ περὶ σοῦ χαρτίον" ἀπολόγησαι πρὸς αὑτό. Περιεῖχε δὲ ὁ χάρτης ἔγχλημα τὸ Σοδόμων. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Ἰσίδωρος ἀπολογούμενος “λέγει τῷ Θεοφίλῳ' Συγχωρήσωμεν ἀλτθὲς εἶναι, ὅτι καὶ ἐδέξω τὸν χάρτην καὶ παρέπεσεν" οὐχ ἦν ὁ δοὺς τὸν λίδελλον, ἵνα ἐκ δευτέρου τοῦτον ἀπαιτηθῇ; Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Θεόφιλος" ᾿Αλλ᾽ οὐ παρῆν ὁ παῖς, πλεύστης ὑπάρχων. Καὶ ὁ Ἰσίδωρος" Οὐ παρῆν παρ-αὐτὰ, ὡς λέγεις, πάπα" μετὰ τὸν πλοῦν οὐ παρῆν; τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτει οὐ παρῆν, οὐδὲ τῷ τρίτῳ; καὶ νῦν εἰ πάρεστι, κέλευσον στῆναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Θεόφιλος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀληθείας μέλλων εὐχαταφρόνητος γίνεσθαι, ἀναθάλλεται εἰς ἡμέραν ἑτέραν. Καὶ λιπαρῆσας τινὰ νεανίσχον ὑποσχέσεσι πολλαῖς ἃ, ἥλειψεν εἰς χατηγορίαν κατὰ τοῦ Ἰσιδώρῦν, δοὺς αὐτῷ, ὥς φασι, πεντεκαίδεκα χρυσίνους, ὃς ἐξαυτῆς ἀνατίθεται τῇ μητρί. Ἧ δὲ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ χατεδέξατο ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀχλινοῦς ὀφθαλμοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δέου: τῶν νόμων ἀνατραπεῖσα, μήποτε ὁ Ἰσίδωρος συχοφαντηθεὶς ἐχχαλέσηται ἐπὶ τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν δήμων, ἐλθοῦσα, ὁμολογεῖ τὴν ὃδρανους, οὃς ἔλεγε παρὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς Θεοφίλου εἰληφέναι, μισθὸν χατὰ τοῦ ἀθώου. Καὶ αὕτη μὲν δι πολλὰ, ἐξαιρέτως ὃὲ διὰ τοῦτο τὴν ἀξίαν τίσασα ποινὴν τελευτᾷ, τοὺς μαστοὺς χειρουργουμένη. Πρὸ: ταῦτα ὁ Ἰσίδωρος ἔμενεν οἴχοι, τὸν Θεὸν ἱκετεύων. Ὃ δὲ νεανίσχος, τὸ μὲν τοὺς νόμους φοδούμενος, τὸ δὲ τὸν Θεόφιλον δεινότερον ἐννοῶν τῇ ἀστοχίχ, ἐπὶ τὸ λυσιτελὲς χαταφεύγει τεῖχος, τὴν ἐχχλησίαν, προσφυγὼν τῷ θυσιαστηρίῳ. Οὕτως ὁ Θεόφιλος χωφῇ τῇ πειαν τῇ ἀδικίᾳ. Πρὸς τούτοις δείσα- ὁ. Ἰσίδωρος μῆ- ᾿σχέψηται χατ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἐνέδραν τῆς σωτηρίας (φθάνει τΥὰρ, ὥς φασι, καὶ μέχρι τούτων), δρομαῖος ἃ χωρεῖ ἐπὶ τὸ ὄρος τὸ τῇς Νιτρίας πρὸς τὸ τάγμα τῶν μογαχῶν, ἔνθα τὰς τῆς νεότητος ἐσχήκει ἡ διατριθάς" καὶ καθίσας ἐν τῷ κελλίῳ αὐτοῦ, προσηύχετο τῷ μαχροθύμῳ Θεῷ ἐντυγχάνων. ᾿Επὶ τούτοις τὸ ἀπρεπὲς καὶ ἄδτλον δυνειδὼς ἑαυτῷ τῆς νίχης ὁ θεόφιλος, πέμπει γράμματα πρὺς τοὺ; σύνεγγυς ἐπισκόπους, καὶ χελεύει τινὰς τῶν πρώτων ῥιφῆναι τοῦ ὄρους καὶ φπ΄ξ: ἐνδοτέρας ἐρήμου, τοὺς ἐπὶ χεφαλῆς μοναχοὺς, οὐχ ἐπαγαγὼν τὴν αἰτίαν, Οἴτινες μοναχοὶ σὺν τοῖς ᾿πρεσθυτέροις κατελθόντες εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, παρεχάλουν τὸν Θεόφιλον εἰπεῖν τὴν αἰτίαν, δι᾿ ἣν κατεδικάσθησαν ῥιφῆναι. Ὃ δὲ ὑφαίμοι:ις ὀφθαλμοῖς ᾿μὲν πελιδνὸς, ποτὲ δὲ ὠχρὸς, ποτὲ δὲ καὶ σαρχάζων, ἀυδρὶ ἡλιχιώτῃ, τὸ ὠμοφόριον ἐν τῷ τραχήλῳ οἱχείαις χερσὶ, καὶ πληγὰς ταῖς σιαγόσιν αὐτοῦ ἐμφονην μηδενὸς προχειμένου, πλὴν τῆς ἀξιώσεως ἕνεχεν Ἰσιδώρου. Τοιοῦτον γὰρ οἱ θυμοὶ, χαθάπερ οἱ χύνες, 'κυφλὰ τίχτουσι καὶ τὰ πράγματα καὶ τὰ ῥήματα. ψαντες εἰς τὰς μονὰς αὐτῶν, εἴχοντο τῆς προχειμένὴς ἀσκήσεως, τῇ μαθήσει" τὴν φύσιν ὀξύναντες, δι" ᾿ὧν ἡ σωτηρία προσγίνεται, ἔλαττον φροντίσαντες τῆς τούτου μανίας τῷ μηδὲν ἑαυτοὺς συνειδέναι χαχόν.
Ech toutou prochatalamthanei phthonos tas dianoias tōn misthōtōn poimenōn, elenchomenōn ech tou parallēlon. Mē dynēthentes de hautou perigenesthai, dia to mē epikalesasthai ton chatalytēn tou phthonou Sōtēra, plechousi diabolas chata tou Iōanchata tēs basilissēs, kai heterōn tōn en tę̄ aulę̄ tou basileōs. Synethē hoe chat᾽ echeino chairou epistanta ᾿Achachion, ton epischopon Beroias, astochēsai, hōs elegen, chatagōgiou chalou" kai lypētheis epi toutǭ, nou. ᾿Achataschetois de logismois hēttētheis, ekpherei logon alogon ech tou perisseumatos tēs chardias ax..»» tēs autou dianoias, epi tinōn klērikōn Iōannou eipōn: Egō hautǭ artyō chytran“, Exautēs en chachologiais chatatrioenti pantote chata epischopōn, scheptontai thōrachixesthai dēthen men chata Iōannou, to d᾽ alēthes, chata tēs doxēs tou Sōtēros. ᾿Aposteilantes de prōton eis tēn ᾿Antiocheōn, zētousi neotētos autou plēmmeleias. Hōs de pon exereugōgtes exereugēseis, kai ouch heuron ouden, apostellousin eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian pros tēn euchereian bTheēphilou, kaloumenou ᾿Amphallax, ta toiauta sophōs architechtonountos" hos, exautēs anaptyxas ta tēs dianoias autou bidlia meta pollēs tēs seōs chan tēs tychousēs. Ho DIDIK. Episches, ō Paper, tōn logōn tēn rhymēn, prin ep'lēsomai, hena soi eipō tēn apo ᾿Alexandreias dichdasan pros hēmas: kai thryllētheisan aitian. Phasi gar, hoti chathairethentas klērikous hypo Theophilou edexato Iōannēs eis choinōnian, lypēsas ton Theophilon, hoper ouch edei’ hōs ech toutou dienechthenta auton chōrēsai chata tou Iōannou. Ho EPISK. Dōmen alēthę̄ einai ton eirēmenon thryllon' kai epischopou esti, chachon iasthai chachǭ? kai “tou to euangelikon echeino to legon: Mē epidyetō ho hēnios epi tǭ parorgismǭ hymōn? pou de to apostolichon, Nicha to kachon eg tǭ agathǭ? pou de to prophētikon, Ei antapedōka tois antapodidousï moi kacha? Eita oun hēn philoneikoteron eipein enkalounta epi eulabōn epischopōn᾽ ᾿Adelphe Iōannē, parēlthe se pepoiēchota to hē to? chau ton Iōannēn apologēsamenon, hēgnoēchenai to pragma? Ho DIAK. ᾿Alēthes eirēchas, ei ge tis hēn en autǭ kchalotheleia, kai mē chateschēmatizeto tēn tōn klērikōn aitian, tēn hoicheian orgēn ekplērōn. Ho EPISK. Nē ton phodon tēïinyn ton tou Theou, hos despozei tōn apeirōn phoōn, ouch erō soi allōs, all᾽ hōs echei physeōs to pragma peri toutōn hōn eirēchas klērikōn, Isidōros tis, presthyteros eti tēs tou machariou ᾿Athanasiou tou megalou cheirotonias, hoogdoēchoston hetos agōn tēn hēlikian (hon isasi Rhōmaiōn hoi pleistoi enchlēsiastichōn henechen eisdalonta eis hautēn, xenodochon ᾿Alexandreias onta' hoistha de kai autos ton andra, hēnicha syn ᾿Achachiǭ elthōn tēn Phlauïanou pros Theophilon choinōnian echomisen, eichosin etesin apeschoinismenēn Euagriou henechen tou machariou, tou pollous agōnas agōnisamenou en ekklēsiastikois ponois" toutǭ tǭ Isidōrǭ gynē tis chera tōn megistanōn didōsi chilious chrysinous, horkōsasa auton chata tēs tou Sōtēros trapezēs, synagorasanta amphia endysa! tas ptōchoteras tōn ᾿Alexandreōn, mē metadonta gnōseōs tǭ Theophilǭ, hina mē ladōn auta, tois lithois prosanalōsę̄" lithomania gar tis auton Pharaōnios echei eis oikodomēmata, hōn oudamōs chrētei hē Echkchlēsia. Kai ta men toiauta en deuterǭ keisthō" to de katepeigon peri tou Isidōrou achouson" ladōn toigaroun ho Isidōros ta nomismata, analische: tais penomenais kai tais chērais. Egnō pothen ho Theosilos (ouden gar autǭ elanthane tōn pantachou prattomenōn hē laloumenōn, echonti ergoschopous kai logoschopous, hina mē allōs eipō), kai proskaleitai ton Iisidōron, metriopathōs pynthanomenos, ei tauth᾽ ou, tōs echei. Ouch arnēsamenos hōmologēde tēn tou pragmatos diachonian. Ho de achousas, tēn dchēnēn en. allassei, kai ho pro rhopēs epieichēs kai chrēstophanēs en tę̄ erōtēsei, meta tēn rhopēn oidēsen holos, tas tou Isidyrou. Kai michron ephēsychasas chronon, kathaper lathrodachtēs chyōn, meta dyo mēnas propherei chartion, synchrotēsas to hierateion, parontos tou Isidōrou legōn, hoti Touto edexamēn pro dekaoktō etōn, ᾿IIsidōre, kata sou, kai epeidē periascholos egenomēn, lēthę̄ paredōka to pragma" nyn de heterou? epizētōn gartas, heurēka touto to peri sou chartion" apologēsai pros hauto. Perieiche de ho chartēs enchlēma to Sodomōn. Pros tauta ho Isidōros apologoumenos “legei tǭ Theophilǭ' Synchōrēsōmen altthes einai, hoti kai edexō ton chartēn kai parepesen" ouch ēn ho dous ton lidellon, hina ek deuterou touton apaitēthę̄? Pros tauta ho Theophilos" ᾿All᾽ ou parēn ho pais, pleustēs hyparchōn. Kai ho Isidōros" Ou parēn par-auta, hōs legeis, papa" meta ton ploun ou parēn? tǭ deuterǭ etei ou parēn, oude tǭ tritǭ? kai nyn ei paresti, keleuson stēnai ton anthrōpon. Pros tauta ho Theophilos hyp᾽ autēs tēs alētheias mellōn euchataphronētos ginesthai, anathalletai eis hēmeran heteran. Kai liparēsas tina neanischon hyposchesesi pollais ha, hēleipsen eis chatēgorian kata tou Isidōryn, dous autǭ, hōs phasi, pentekaideka chrysinous, hos exautēs anatithetai tę̄ mētri. Hē de touto men ou chatedexato hypo tou achlinous ophthalmou, touto de hypo tou deou: tōn nomōn anatrapeisa, mēpote ho Isidōros sychophantētheis echchalesētai epi ton archonta tōn dēmōn, elthousa, homologei tēn hodranous, hoos elege para tēs adelphēs Theophilou eilēphenai, misthon chata tou athōou. Kai hautē men di polla, exairetōs hoe dia touto tēn axian tisasa poinēn teleutą, tous mastous cheirourgoumenē. Pro: tauta ho Isidōros emenen oichoi, ton Theon hiketeuōn. Ho de neanischos, to men tous nomous phodoumenos, to de ton Theophilon deinoteron ennoōn tę̄ astochich, epi to lysiteles chatapheugei teichos, tēn echchlēsian, prosphygōn tǭ thysiastēriǭ. Houtōs ho Theophilos chōphę̄ tę̄ peian tę̄ adikią. Pros toutois deisa- ho. Isidōros mē- ᾿schepsētai chat᾽ autou enedran tēs sōtērias (phthanei tYar, hōs phasi, kai mechri toutōn), dromaios ha chōrei epi to oros to tę̄s Nitrias pros to tagma tōn mogachōn, entha tas tēs neotētos eschēkei hē diatrithas" kai kathisas en tǭ kelliǭ autou, prosēucheto tǭ machrothymǭ Theǭ entynchanōn. ᾿Epi toutois to aprepes kai adtlon dyneidōs heautǭ tēs nichēs ho theophilos, pempei grammata prys tou? synengys episkopous, kai cheleuei tinas tōn prōtōn rhiphēnai tou orous kai php΄x: endoteras erēmou, tous epi chephalēs monachous, ouch epagagōn tēn aitian, Oitines monachoi syn tois ᾿presthyterois katelthontes eis tēn ᾿Alexandreian, parechaloun ton Theophilon eipein tēn aitian, di᾿ hēn katedikasthēsan rhiphēnai. Ho de hyphaimoi:is ophthalmois ᾿men pelidnos, pote de ōchros, pote de kai sarchazōn, audri hēlichiōtę̄, to ōmophorion en tǭ trachēlǭ hoicheiais chersi, kai plēgas tais siagosin autou emphonēn mēdenos procheimenou, plēn tēs axiōseōs henechen Isidōrou. Toiouton gar hoi thymoi, chathaper hoi chynes, 'kyphla tichtousi kai ta pragmata kai ta rhēmata. psantes eis tas monas autōn, eichonto tēs procheimenēs askēseōs, tę̄ mathēsei" tēn physin oxynantes, di" ᾿hōn hē sōtēria prosginetai, elatton phrontisantes tēs toutou manias tǭ mēden heautous syneidenai chachon.
[Bishop:] From this envy seized beforehand the minds of the hireling shepherds, who were shown up by the comparison. Unable to get the better of him, because they did not call on the Saviour, who destroys envy, they weave slanders against John, [representing his sermons as aimed] … against the empress and to others in the emperor's court. It happened at that time that Acacius, bishop of Beroea, having come to the city, failed, as he said, to get good lodging; and, aggrieved at this, … Overcome by unrestrained thoughts, he brings out a senseless word from the abundance of his heart, worthy of his own mind, saying before some of John's clergy: ‘I am cooking a pot for him.’ At once [he joined] … a man forever worn away with evil-speaking against bishops, and they plan to arm themselves, ostensibly against John, but in truth against the glory of the Saviour. First they send to the city of the Antiochenes, looking for faults from his youth. But when ‘the searchers failed in their searching’, and they found nothing, they send to Alexandria, to the ready Theophilus, who is called ‘the Turncoat’, a clever master builder of such things; and he at once unrolled the books of his mind with much …, [looking for] any pretext whatever.
Deacon: Stop the rush of your words, Father, before I forget, so that I may tell you the reason that came across to us from Alexandria and was noised about. For they say that John received into communion clergy deposed by Theophilus, so grieving Theophilus, which he ought not to have done; and that, having fallen out with him for this reason, Theophilus moved against John.
Bishop: Let us grant that the rumour you mention is true. Is it a bishop's part to heal evil with evil? Where is that word of the Gospel that says, ‘Do not let the sun go down on your anger’? Where is the apostolic word, ‘Overcome evil with good’? Where the prophetic word, ‘If I have repaid those who repaid me with evil’? Would it not have been more honourable to bring the charge before devout bishops and say: ‘Brother John, you have done this or that without realizing it’; and for John, having made his defence, [to say] that he had not known of the matter?
Deacon: What you say is true, if there was any good will in him, and he was not using the case of the clergy as a pretext while gratifying his own anger.
Bishop: By the fear of God, then, which masters all the countless fears, I will tell you nothing but the matter as it actually stands concerning those clergy you mentioned. There was a certain Isidore, a presbyter who had been ordained as long ago as the blessed Athanasius the Great, now in his eightieth year. Most of the Romans know him, since he came to Rome on church business, being the guestmaster of Alexandria; and you yourself know the man, from when he came with Acacius and brought Flavian's communion to Theophilus, which had been broken off for twenty years on account of the blessed Evagrius, who had fought many fights in the labours of the Church. To this Isidore a certain widow, one of the great ones, gives a thousand gold coins, making him swear by the Saviour's table to buy clothing and clothe the poorer women of Alexandria without letting Theophilus know, lest he take the money and spend it on stones; for a Pharaoh-like mania for stones possesses him, for buildings of which the Church has no need at all. But let such things stand in second place; hear what presses about Isidore. Isidore took the coins and spends them on the needy women and the widows. Theophilus learned of it somehow (for nothing escaped him that was done or said anywhere, since he had spies of deeds and spies of words, not to put it otherwise), and summons Isidore, asking him mildly whether this was so. Isidore did not deny it, but admitted that he had performed the service. When Theophilus heard this he changed his mask: he who before the turn had been gentle and kindly-seeming in his questioning swelled up all over after it, … Isidore's … For a little while he kept quiet; then, like a dog that bites by stealth, after two months he produces a paper, having assembled the body of presbyters, and says in Isidore's presence: ‘I received this against you eighteen years ago, Isidore, and since I was very busy I let the matter slip from my mind; but now, while looking for other papers, I have found this paper about you. Answer it.’ The paper contained the charge of Sodom. In his defence Isidore says to Theophilus: ‘Let us grant that it is true that you received the paper and that it was mislaid. Was not the man who gave the petition here, so that it could be demanded of him a second time?’ To this Theophilus: ‘But the young man was not here; he was at sea.’ And Isidore: ‘He was not here at once, as you say, pope; was he not here after the voyage? Was he not here in the second year, or the third? And now, if he is here, order the man to stand forward.’ At this Theophilus, about to be made contemptible by the truth itself, puts it off to another day. Then he won over a certain young man with many promises … and anointed him for an accusation against Isidore, giving him, as they say, fifteen gold coins; and the young man at once confides it to his mother. She, partly not accepting it because her eye was unswerving, partly overcome by fear of the laws, lest Isidore, if slandered, should appeal to the governor of the people, came and confessed the [bribe, showing the gold coins], which she said she had received from Theophilus's sister, as the fee for an accusation against an innocent man. And she, having paid a fitting penalty for many things, but especially for this, dies under surgery on her breasts. Upon this Isidore stayed at home, beseeching God. But the young man, partly fearing the laws, and partly thinking Theophilus more dangerous now that he had missed his aim, flees to the wall that profits, the church, taking refuge at the altar. So Theophilus [declared Isidore cast out] … [hiding] his injustice with a dumb [show]. Upon this Isidore, fearing that he might plot an ambush against his very life (for he goes even that far, they say), hurries to the mountain of Nitria, to the order of monks, where he had spent his youth; and sitting in his cell he prayed, appealing to the long-suffering God.
Upon this Theophilus, conscious that his victory was unseemly and uncertain, sends letters to the nearby bishops and orders certain of the leading men to be expelled from the mountain and from the inner desert, the monks who were at their head, without stating the charge. These monks came down to Alexandria with the presbyters and asked Theophilus to state the reason for which they had been condemned to be expelled. He, with bloodshot eyes, now livid, now pale, now sneering, [seized] a man of his own age by the omophorion around his neck with his own hands and struck him blows on the cheeks …, though nothing was at issue except their petition on Isidore's behalf. For tempers, like dogs, bring forth blind things, both deeds and words. [Returning] to their monasteries, they kept to the asceticism they had set themselves, sharpening their nature by learning, the means by which salvation comes, and caring little for his madness, since they were conscious of no evil in themselves.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Ps 64:6 (63:7 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 12:34 (allusion, medium confidence) · Eph 4:26 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 12:21 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 7:4 (7:5 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: John's enemies, among them Acacius of Beroea, seek grounds against him and turn to Theophilus; the bishop explains that the quarrel arose from Theophilus's persecution of the old presbyter Isidore and the Nitrian monks who pleaded for him.
- These are Palladius's charges against Theophilus, made by a partisan of John; they are translated as written. The scan has lost words in many places, marked … with conjectural sense in brackets: after Acacius ‘was aggrieved’ (probably he blamed John), the names of the men he gathered, the end of the sentence on Theophilus's ‘books of his mind’, Theophilus's response to Isidore, the sentence on Isidore's excommunication, and the description of the assault on the old monk (other editions name him as Ammonius and add that Theophilus shouted ‘Anathematize Origen’). ‘The Turncoat’ renders Ἀμφαλλάξ, a nickname of Theophilus. ‘The charge of Sodom’: an accusation of homosexual intercourse. The omophorion is the bishop's or senior cleric's scarf. Quotations: Matt 12:34 (allusion); Eph 4:26 (which Palladius calls ‘the word of the Gospel’); Rom 12:21; Ps 7:4 (7:5 LXX). An apparatus note and a long block of Migne's Latin column that leaked into the Greek have been removed. Words in square brackets either clarify the sense or supply the sense of text lost in the scan, following the complete text of other editions (as reflected in the public-domain translation of H. Moore, 1921); they are not part of the Greek printed here.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR letter confusion (χ for κ, δ for β); leaked Latin column removed; leaked apparatus note removed): τὸ 8 Θεατροσχόπους. [,Θ 6 Γα τηδ] πὴ θεατροχόπους. μη μία! 40 ἡϊα [ἀφ 011. πρᾶγμα → τὸ πρᾶγμα; "ουδὲ οἱ (οδ γα] πὶ Βροοϊδου ἀογῸ πλυ] ον συδί!ηι νι άσα ἃ ππᾶσηδίθι5 ἀὰϊ αἰ 6. ΡΟΝ αἴ ρα ρ γου 15 οἱ νἱ αι 5. πη Π} (ιεῖο. Εἰ απ ρα !αϊαιη αυΐαν ϑϑοι, αἱ οι }8. 4] οἶδ Τοιυγ ἢ Αἰ ᾿ς ΤὨΟορἨ 5 : ϑοὰ ποι δάοιαὶ υἱ ἀἰοἶδ, ρᾶρᾷ : Ροϑί πανὶ σαι πθ πόηπα δα [μ}} 5. ἡ οὐ αης ὙΠΟ απ, οϑαιδδηλ υἱ ἀϊοογοί, Οὐ εἶπαι ἡ δη ι9 086. 5015. ᾿π} 1610 ἢν ΘΟΠ στὴ, οὐ πὶ πη γ Π 11 σᾶπο5., οθοα οἱ ἀϊςία αἱ [Δο[ἃ ραγῖ!. σία δὶς δ} αγομ, ᾿ἱσοὶ ἀΐδογο, υὶ ν6] οϑ αν 6ββϑηῖ : οἱ Ἰὰς ταπι } Π ἀ πη οοηστοσαι, σαὶ οἰγοᾶ ρΡοϊσβίαιο5 γα Γγα οἰδη, ΄σύδηι ἃ Ο} 1511 Δύνϑι! Πα θα αι οἰν! 5 υγ 5 οπληΐθιϑ ναι ογῖβ ἃς πονὶ Τοϑίϑη, Δ} 5416 ορ σα "115. σοι οἰ 5, οἱ ῬΠΘΓΟ πο, σι! δου αι} δ ορίβοορος Ῥω]: ϑ πὸ Σ → ; ἐπιχαλέσασθαι → ἐπικαλέσασθαι; διαδολὰς → διαβολὰς; ἐχφέρει → ἐκφέρει; ν χληριχῶν Ἰ → ν κληρικῶν Ἰ; χληριχοὺς → κληρικοὺς; εὐαγγελιχὸν → εὐαγγελικὸν; προφητιχὸν → προφητικὸν; ἀνταπέδωχα → ἀνταπέδωκα; φιλονειχότερον → φιλονεικότερον; εὐλαδῶν → εὐλαβῶν; ν χληριχῶν α → ν κληρικῶν α; χληριχῶν, → κληρικῶν,; ἐχχλησιαστιχοῖς → ἐκκλησιαστικοῖς; οἰχοδομήματα → οἰκοδομήματα; χείσθω → κείσθω; χατεπεῖγον → κατεπεῖγον; δεχαοχτὼ → δεκαοκτὼ; παρέδωχα → παρέδωκα; εὕρηχα → εὕρηκα; χέλευσον → κέλευσον; πεντεκαίδεχα → πεντεκαίδεκα; ἱχετεύων → ἱκετεύων; ἀδιχίᾳ → ἀδικίᾳ; ἐσχήχει → ἐσχήκει; χαθίσας → καθίσας; χελλίῳ → κελλίῳ; ἐπισχόπους → ἐπισκόπους; χατεδιχάσθησαν → κατεδικάσθησαν; ἀσχήσεως → ἀσκήσεως.
Topics: Church office
Cite (SBL): Palladius, Dial. Vit. Chrys. 6 (PG 47; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/6). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/6
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 47 (archive.org OCR); every section compared afterwards with Moore's English (1921). Words lost in the scan are given in square brackets from the sense of Moore's translation and noted.
Chapter 7
7PG 47
Πρὸς τούτοις οὐχ ᾿ρεμήῆσας ὁ Θεόφιλος, ἀποστέλλει πρὸς ποὺς ἐχ γειτόνων ἐπισκόπους, καὶ συγχροτεῖὶ χατὰ τῶν μοναχῶν συνέδριον" οὔτε ᾿δὲ χαλέσας αὐτοὺς εἰς ἀπολογίαν, οὔτε μεταδοὺς λόγου, ἀποχηρύττει τρεῖς ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐπ᾽ ἐξοχῆς, 'φοβηθεὶς ἀθρόως χατὰ τοῦ πλήθους ἐξενεγκεῖν τὴν καὶ οὃς πολλάχις ὑπὲρ ἐπισχόπων ἐτίμησεν ὡς δ'δαασχάλους, διὰ τὸν βίον, διὰ τὸν λόγον, διὰ τὸν χρόνον, τούτους οὐχ ἠδέσθη γόητας ὀνομάζων διὰ τὴν πρὸς Ἰσίδωρον σχέσιν. Καὶ μετὰ τὸ ἀποχηοὔξαι, ἐξ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ὄρους ἀλείφει ἀνθρωπάρια πέσε, ἃ μηδέποτε ἐν συλλόγῳ τῶν τῆς ἐρήμου γερόντων ἔστησαν, ὀχνῶ λέγειν, ἀνάξια καὶ θυρωρείου " καὶ τὸν μὲν χειροτονεῖ ἐπίσχοπον, ἐγχατατάξας χωμυδρίῳ, πόλιν οὐχ ἔχων (ἀδεῶς γὰρ καὶ τὰς χα’νυτομίας εἰργάζετο, ἄλλον ἑαυτὸν Μωσέα ὀνομάζω") τὸν δὲ πρεσδύτερον᾽ τοὺς δὲ τρεῖς διαχόνους, οὐχ ὄντας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, ἀλλὰ διαφόρων τόπων. Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἣν Λίθυς, ὁ ἐὲ ᾿Αλεξανδρεὺς, ὁ ὃς Φαρανίτης, ὁ ὃὲ Παρᾳλεώτης. Διὸ καὶ ὑπήχουσαν αὖποῦ τῇ ματαιοπονίᾳ, τὸ ἀνέλπιστον ἔχοντες τῶν «τς πατρίδος ἐνεχύρων. Καὺ παρασχενόξει αὑποὺς δοῦναι λιδέλλου; χατὰ τῶν τριῶν ἐχείνων, αὐτὸς ὑφάνας τοὺς λόγηυς τῆς συχοφαντίας, τοῦτο ἐ μόνον συνεισενεγχάντων, τὸ ὑπογράψαι. Μετὰ τοῦτο, λαδὼν τοὺς λιδέλλους παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἐχχλησίαξ, εἰσέρχεται πβὸς τὸν Αὐγουστάλιον, ᾿καὶ ἀποτίθεται κατ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐντυχίαν ἐκ προσώπου οἰχείου ὁ ἀρχιε-. ρεὺς τῆς Αἰγυπτιακῆς διοικήσεως, συμπλέξας καὶ τοὺς τῆς συχοφαντίας λιδέλλους, καὶ ἀξιοῖ στρατιωτιχῇ βοηθείᾳ ῥιφῆναι τοὺς ἄνδρας ἀπὸ πάσης Αἰγό» πτου. Λαδὼν δὲ σχήματι τὸν στρατιώτην, ἅμα τῷ λων περὶ τὰς ἀξία:, καὶ ἐπισχιῤτᾷ τοῖς μοναστηρίοις ἁθρόχ νυχτὶ 5, οἰνοφλυγήσας τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς σὺν αὐὖτῷ καὶ πρῶτον. μὲν τὸν τούτων ἅγιον ἐπίσχοπον ὄντα τοῦ ὄρους, χελεύει τοῦ θρόνου ῥιφῦναι, συρέντα δι᾽ οἰχετῶν Αἰθιόπων, χαὺ αὐτῶν τάχα ἀχμὴν ἀφωτίστων᾽ λαβὼν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἣν ἀπὸ τῆς παρουσίας Χριστοῦ εἶχεν ἡ τοῦ Διοσχόρου πόλι;.. Μετὰ τοῦτο λαφυραγωγεῖ -τὸ ὄρος. μισθὸν τοῖς νεωτέροις τὰ μικρὰ πράγματα τῶν μοναγῶν διδούς. Σχυλεύσας δὲ τὰς χέλλας, ἐπιζητεῖ τοὺς τρεῖς ἐχείνους, οὃς χεχαλάχεισαν ἐν φρέατι, Ψίαθον ἐπιθέντες τῷ στομίῳ μὴ εὑρὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς, ἐμπίπρησιν αὐτῶν ἐνδιαθίτους καὶ σπουδαίας, καὶ παιδίον ἕν, ὡς ἔφασαν οἱ ἑωρακότες, καὶ τὰ σύμύολα τῶν μυστηρίων. Οὕτως οὖν λωφήσας τῇς ἀλόγου ὀργῆς, χαταλαμδάνε! πάλιν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, δοὺς χώραν φυγῆς τοῖς ἁγίοις ἐχείνοις ᾿ οἵτινες ἐξαυτῆς λαθόντες αὐτῶν τὰς μηλωτὰς, ἐξέρχονται εἰς τὴν Παλαιστίνην, Αἰλίαν διακόνοις τοῦ ὄρους τριακόσιοι τῶν μοναχῶν σπουδαίων, οἱ δ᾽ ἕτεροι διαφόροις διεσπάρησαν τόποις. Τούτων μὴ φέρων τὴν ἰδιοπραγίαν ὁ σκολιὸς τὸν δρόμον ὄφις, ἀνασείει πάλιν χατ᾿ αὐτῶν τὸν Θεόφιλον " ὃς ἀναδρασθεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς ὀργῆς, χαράσσε' γράμματα πρὸς τοὺς τῆς Παλαιστίνης ἐπισκόπους, λέγων" Οὐχ ἔδει μὲν ὑμᾶς παρὰ γνώμην μὴν ἐν ταῖς πόλεσιν ὑποδέξασθαι τούτους" ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἠγνοήύσατε, συγγνώμην ὑμῖν νέμω. Τοῦ λοιπὸῦ τοίνυν φροντίσατε, μὴτε εἰς ἐχχλησιαστιχὺν, μήτε εἰς ἰδιωτιχὰν τούτους ὑποδέξασθαι τόπον᾽ οὐ μόνον λέγων, ἀλλὰ φανταζόμενος εἶναι θεὸς, τῇ ὑπερθολῇ τῆς οἰήσεως. Οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς πολλῆς ἀνάγκης φερόμενο!: διὰ τὸ τόπους ἐχ τόπων ἀμείύειν, χαταλαμδάνουσι τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἔνθα ἐνεθρόνιστο ὁ ἐπίσχοπος Ἰωάννης ὑπὸ τῆς θείας χειρὸς εἰς ἐπιμέλειαν τῶν δυναστευόντων᾽ καὶ προσπεσόντες αὐτοῦ τοῖς γόνατιν, ἐδέοντο βοηθῆσαι ψυχαῖς συχοφαντουμέναις καὶ λεηλατουμέναις ὑπὸ τῶν τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἣ εὖ ποιεῖν εἰθισμένων. “Ἔστη ὁ Ἰωάννης, καὶ εἶδε πεντήχοντα λογάδων ἀνδρῶν πολιὰν πόνοις ἱεροῖς πάθει, κατὰ τὸν Ἰωσὴφ, δάκρυσι συνεσχέθη, πυνυθανόμενος παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ποῖος ὗ:; ἐχ δρυμοῦ ἢ μονιὸς ἄγριος τῇ πολυχάρπω ταύτῃ ἀμπέλῳ ἐδάσχηνεν. Οἱ δέ φασιν" Καθίσας δ, Πάτερ, μότωτον ἡμᾶς οὐχ ὡς ἔτυχε τρωθέντας τῇ Θεοφίλου τοῦ πάπα μανίᾳ, εἰ ἄρα δυνηθείης συνουλῶσαι ἡμῶν τὰ τῶν τραυμάτων οἰδήματα" ἔλν γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἡμᾶς παραλογίσῃ, ἢ αἰδεσθεὶς ἣ φοβηθεὶς τὸν Θεύόφιλον κατὰ τοὺς λοιποὺς ἐπισκόπους" οὐδὲν λοιπὸν παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ὑστερεῖταν, τῷ βασιλεῖ προσελθόντας, ἀναδιδάξαι τὰς αὐτοῦ χασὸν αὑτὸν συγχωρῆσαι ἡμῖν τὴν οἴκησιν τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, μηδὲν ἐπταιχότας μῆτε εἰς τὸν νόμον τοῦ Σωτῆρος, μήτε εἰς αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον. Ἐπὶ τούτοις νομίστας ὁ Ἰωάννης εὐχερῶς μεταβάλλειν τὴν Θεοφίλου πρὸς αὖτοὺς μνησικαχίαν, ἡδέως ἥρπασε τὸ πρᾶγμα "“παραχαλέσας δὲ τοὺς ἄνδρας φιλοθέῳ σιγῇ πρὸς πάντας ἧπτυχάται τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς παρουσίας, μέχρις οὗ ἀποστείλω πρὸς τὸν ἀδελφὸν Θεύφιλον ᾿ καὶ δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἐν τῇ ᾿λναστασίᾳ καλουμένῃ ἐκκλησίᾳ μονὰς πρὸς τὴν ἀνάπχυσιν, αὐτὸς μὲν οὐχ ἐπεχούρει τὰ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν, γυναῖχες δὲ φιλόθεοι ἐπήρκουν αὐτοῖς τὴν δίαιταν, καὶ αὐτῶν συνεισφερόντων ἐκ μέρους τῇ τῶν χειρῶν ἐργασίᾳ. Συνέθη οὖν χατ᾽ ἐχεῖνο χαιροῦ κληρικοὺς εἶνα; τοῦ Θεοφίλου ἐν τῇ Κωνσταντινουπόλει, προαγοράζοντας τῶν χειροτονου μένων ἀρχόντων τὰς προαγωγὰξ ἐν τῇ Αἰγυπτιακῇ διοικήσει, τὰς εἰς αὑτὸν εὖ νοίας περιποιούμενος ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν αὑτῷ ἃ λυπούντων. Προσκαλεσάμενος οὖν αὑτοὺς ὁ Ἰωάννης ἔπυν θάνετο, εἰ ἐπίστανται τοὺς παρόντας ἀσχητάς. Οἱ δὲ φιλαλήθως ἐμαρτύρησαν ἀνδράσι, λέγοντες τῷ Ἰωάννη. ὅτι Καὶ ἴσμεν αὐτοὺς, καὶ μεγάλην ὑπέστησαν βίαν" καὶ εἰ βούλει, δέσποτα, τῆς μὲν πνευματιχῆς χοίνω " νἱας αὐτοῖς μὴ μεταδῷς, ἵνα μὴ λυπήσῃς τὸν πάπαν, φιλοφρόνησαι δὲ ἐν τοῖς ἄλλοις " πρέπει γάρ σο', ὡς ἐπισζόπῳ. Οὕτως ὁ Ἰωάννης οὐχ ἐδέξατο μὲν αὐτοὺς εἰς χοινωνίαν, γράφει δὲ λιπαρῶν τῷ Θεοφίλῳ᾽ Ἱ αύπὴν μοι παράσχου χάριν ὡς τέχνῳ σῷ καὶ ἀδελφῷ, ἐναγχαλισάμενος τοὺς ἄνδρας. Πρὸς τούτοις ὁ Θεόφιλος τὴν μὲν χάριν οὐ παρέσχε τῷ Ἰωάννῃ, ἀποστέλλει δέ τινας περισεσυρμένους εἰς λογιχὰς ἁμίλλας, περὶ ὧν προείπομεν ἀνωτέρω, καὶ παρασχευάζει δεήσεις αὐτοὺς ἐπιδοῦναι ἃς συνύθως αὐτὸς ὑπηγόρευσε, περιεχούσας μὲν ψεῦδος ὡμολογη μένον, Ἀμφιεσμένον δὲ τὴν πολυσχεδῇ συχοφαντίαν τὴν ἐν τοῖς ἀοράτοις, μηδὲν ἔχων αὐτῶν διαθάλλειν τὸν βίον" καὶ παρασχευάζξει αὑτοὺς ἐν τῷ παλατίῳ ὡς γόητας δαχτυλοδειχτεῖσθαι. Ὡς ὃὲ εἶδον οἱ ἀσκηταὶ, ὅτι οὐ μόνον αὑτὸν οὐ διορθοῦνται, ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς ὀργὴν πλείονα κινοῦσιν, ἀξιώτας αὐτῷ προσάγοντες πολλοὺς, μετὰ τοῦ ἀναθεματίζειν πᾶσαν Ψευδοδοξίαν, ἐπιδιδόασι λ'τὴς τυραννίδος εἴδη, μετὰ καὶ κεφαλαίων τινῶν" ἃ αἰσχύνομαι ἐπὶ τῶν νηπιωτέρων τέως λέγειν, ἵνα μὴ καὶ πίστεως αὐτοὺς ἀπελάσω, ἴσως καὶ παρὰ τοῖς τελειοτέροις οὐ πιστενόμενος. Πάλιν καὶ δ:᾽ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ δ'᾽ ἑτέρων ἐπισχόπων ὁ Ἰωάννης παραχαλεῖ αὐτοὺς παύσασθαι τῆς χατ᾽ αὐτοῦ χατηγορίας διὰ τὴν ἐχ τῆς δίχης χαχοπάθειαν, γράψας τῷ θΘεοφίλῳ, ὅτι Εἰς ποσοῦτον ἡλάθησαν λύπης, ὡς καὶ ἐγγράφως σου χατηνορεῖν λοιπὸν τὸ δοχοῦν σοι ἀντίγραφον " οὗ γὰρ ἀνἐχονταί μου ἀποστῆναι! τοῦ στρατοπέδου. πὶ τούτοις διαπυρωθεὶς ὅλος ὁ Θεόφιλος, εἴργει καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν τῶν μοναχῶν τῆς ἑαυτοῦ Ἐχχλησίας Διόσχορον κὸν ἐπίσχοπον, γεγηραχότα ἐν τῇ Ἐχχλησίᾳ " τῷ δ᾽ ἐπ σχόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ γράφει" Οἶμαι μέν σε μὴ ἀγνοεῖν τὸ διάταγμα τῶν ἐν Νικαίᾳ κανόνων, ὅπου θεσπίζουσιν ἐπίσχοπον ὑπερόριον μὴ κρίνειν δίκην " εἰ δὲ ἀγνοεῖς, μαθὼν ἀπόσχου τῶν κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ λιθέλλων. Ἐὶ γὰρ καὶ δέοι με χριθῆναι, παρὰ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, καὶ οὐ παρὰ σοῦ, ἀφεστῶτος ἑδδομηχονταπέντε ἡ μερῶν ὁδόν.
Pros toutois ouch ᾿remēēsas ho Theophilos, apostellei pros pous ech geitonōn episkopous, kai synchroteii chata tōn monachōn synedrion" oute ᾿de chalesas autous eis apologian, oute metadous logou, apochēryttei treis andras tous ep᾽ exochēs, 'phobētheis athroōs chata tou plēthous exenenkein tēn kai hoos pollachis hyper epischopōn etimēsen hōs d'daaschalous, dia ton bion, dia ton logon, dia ton chronon, toutous ouch ēdesthē goētas onomazōn dia tēn pros Isidōron schesin. Kai meta to apochēouxai, ex autou tou orous aleiphei anthrōparia pese, ha mēdepote en syllogǭ tōn tēs erēmou gerontōn estēsan, ochnō legein, anaxia kai thyrōreiou " kai ton men cheirotonei epischopon, enchatataxas chōmydriǭ, polin ouch echōn (adeōs gar kai tas cha’nytomias eirgazeto, allon heauton Mōsea onomazō") ton de presdyteron᾽ tous de treis diachonous, ouch ontas tōn Aigyptiōn, alla diaphorōn topōn. Ho men gar hēn Lithys, ho ee ᾿Alexandreus, ho hos Pharanitēs, ho hoe Parąleōtēs. Dio kai hypēchousan aupou tę̄ mataioponią, to anelpiston echontes tōn «ts patridos enechyrōn. Kau paraschenoxei haupous dounai lidellou? chata tōn triōn echeinōn, autos hyphanas tous logēus tēs sychophantias, touto e monon syneisenenchantōn, to hypograpsai. Meta touto, ladōn tous lidellous par᾽ autōn epi tēs Echchlēsiax, eiserchetai pbos ton Augoustalion, ᾿kai apotithetai kat᾿ autōn entychian ek prosōpou oicheiou ho archie-. reus tēs Aigyptiakēs dioikēseōs, symplexas kai tous tēs sychophantias lidellous, kai axioi stratiōtichę̄ boētheią rhiphēnai tous andras apo pasēs Aigo» ptou. Ladōn de schēmati ton stratiōtēn, hama tǭ lōn peri tas axia:, kai epischirtą tois monastēriois hathroch nychti 5, oinophlygēsas tous paidas tous syn auytǭ kai prōton. men ton toutōn hagion epischopon onta tou orous, cheleuei tou thronou rhiphynai, syrenta di᾽ oichetōn Aithiopōn, chau autōn tacha achmēn aphōtistōn᾽ labōn autou tēn hēn apo tēs parousias Christou eichen hē tou Dioschorou poli?.. Meta touto laphyragōgei -to oros. misthon tois neōterois ta mikra pragmata tōn monagōn didous. Schyleusas de tas chellas, epizētei tous treis echeinous, hoos chechalacheisan en phreati, Psiathon epithentes tǭ stomiǭ mē heurōn de autous, empiprēsin autōn endiathitous kai spoudaias, kai paidion hen, hōs ephasan hoi heōrakotes, kai ta symyola tōn mystēriōn. Houtōs oun lōphēsas tę̄s alogou orgēs, chatalamdane! palin tēn ᾿Alexandreian, dous chōran phygēs tois hagiois echeinois ᾿ hoitines exautēs lathontes autōn tas mēlōtas, exerchontai eis tēn Palaistinēn, Ailian diakonois tou orous triakosioi tōn monachōn spoudaiōn, hoi d᾽ heteroi diaphorois diesparēsan topois. Toutōn mē pherōn tēn idiopragian ho skolios ton dromon ophis, anaseiei palin chat᾿ autōn ton Theophilon " hos anadrastheis hypo tēs orgēs, charasse' grammata pros tous tēs Palaistinēs episkopous, legōn" Ouch edei men hymas para gnōmēn mēn en tais polesin hypodexasthai toutous" epeidē de ēgnoēusate, syngnōmēn hymin nemō. Tou loipou toinyn phrontisate, mēte eis echchlēsiastichyn, mēte eis idiōtichan toutous hypodexasthai topon᾽ ou monon legōn, alla phantazomenos einai theos, tę̄ hypertholę̄ tēs oiēseōs. Hoi de hypo tēs pollēs anankēs pheromeno!: dia to topous ech topōn ameiyein, chatalamdanousi to stratopedon, entha enethronisto ho epischopos Iōannēs hypo tēs theias cheiros eis epimeleian tōn dynasteuontōn᾽ kai prospesontes autou tois gonatin, edeonto boēthēsai psychais sychophantoumenais kai leēlatoumenais hypo tōn touto mallon hē eu poiein eithismenōn. “Estē ho Iōannēs, kai eide pentēchonta logadōn andrōn polian ponois hierois pathei, kata ton Iōsēph, dakrysi syneschethē, pynythanomenos par᾽ autōn, poios hy:? ech drymou ē monios agrios tę̄ polycharpō tautę̄ ampelǭ edaschēnen. Hoi de phasin" Kathisas d, Pater, motōton hēmas ouch hōs etyche trōthentas tę̄ Theophilou tou papa manią, ei ara dynētheiēs synoulōsai hēmōn ta tōn traumatōn oidēmata" eln gar kai autos hēmas paralogisę̄, ē aidestheis hē phobētheis ton Theuophilon kata tous loipous episkopous" ouden loipon par᾽ hēmōn hystereitan, tǭ basilei proselthontas, anadidaxai tas autou chason hauton synchōrēsai hēmin tēn oikēsin tēn en Aigyptǭ, mēden eptaichotas mēte eis ton nomon tou Sōtēros, mēte eis auton ekeinon. Epi toutois nomistas ho Iōannēs eucherōs metaballein tēn Theophilou pros autous mnēsikachian, hēdeōs hērpase to pragma "“parachalesas de tous andras philotheǭ sigę̄ pros pantas hēptychatai tēn aitian tēs parousias, mechris hou aposteilō pros ton adelphon Theuphilon ᾿ kai dous autois en tę̄ ᾿lnastasią kaloumenę̄ ekklēsią monas pros tēn anapchysin, autos men ouch epechourei ta pros tēn chreian, gynaiches de philotheoi epērkoun autois tēn diaitan, kai autōn syneispherontōn ek merous tę̄ tōn cheirōn ergasią. Synethē oun chat᾽ echeino chairou klērikous eina? tou Theophilou en tę̄ Kōnstantinoupolei, proagorazontas tōn cheirotonou menōn archontōn tas proagōgax en tę̄ Aigyptiakę̄ dioikēsei, tas eis hauton eu noias peripoioumenos ep᾽ olethrǭ tōn hautǭ ha lypountōn. Proskalesamenos oun hautous ho Iōannēs epyn thaneto, ei epistantai tous parontas aschētas. Hoi de philalēthōs emartyrēsan andrasi, legontes tǭ Iōannē. hoti Kai ismen autous, kai megalēn hypestēsan bian" kai ei boulei, despota, tēs men pneumatichēs choinō " nias autois mē metadǭs, hina mē lypēsę̄s ton papan, philophronēsai de en tois allois " prepei gar so', hōs episzopǭ. Houtōs ho Iōannēs ouch edexato men autous eis choinōnian, graphei de liparōn tǭ Theophilǭ᾽ Hi aupēn moi paraschou charin hōs technǭ sǭ kai adelphǭ, enanchalisamenos tous andras. Pros toutois ho Theophilos tēn men charin ou paresche tǭ Iōannę̄, apostellei de tinas perisesyrmenous eis logichas hamillas, peri hōn proeipomen anōterō, kai parascheuazei deēseis autous epidounai has synythōs autos hypēgoreuse, periechousas men pseudos hōmologē menon, Amphiesmenon de tēn polyschedę̄ sychophantian tēn en tois aoratois, mēden echōn autōn diathallein ton bion" kai parascheuazxei hautous en tǭ palatiǭ hōs goētas dachtylodeichteisthai. Hōs hoe eidon hoi askētai, hoti ou monon hauton ou diorthountai, alla kai eis orgēn pleiona kinousin, axiōtas autǭ prosagontes pollous, meta tou anathematizein pasan Pseudodoxian, epididoasi l'tēs tyrannidos eidē, meta kai kephalaiōn tinōn" ha aischynomai epi tōn nēpiōterōn teōs legein, hina mē kai pisteōs autous apelasō, isōs kai para tois teleioterois ou pistenomenos. Palin kai d:᾽ heautou kai d'᾽ heterōn epischopōn ho Iōannēs parachalei autous pausasthai tēs chat᾽ autou chatēgorias dia tēn ech tēs dichēs chachopatheian, grapsas tǭ thTheophilǭ, hoti Eis posouton hēlathēsan lypēs, hōs kai engraphōs sou chatēnorein loipon to dochoun soi antigraphon " hou gar anechontai mou apostēnai! tou stratopedou. pi toutois diapyrōtheis holos ho Theophilos, eirgei kai ton adelphon tōn monachōn tēs heautou Echchlēsias Dioschoron kon epischopon, gegērachota en tę̄ Echchlēsią " tǭ d᾽ ep schopǭ Iōannę̄ graphei" Oimai men se mē agnoein to diatagma tōn en Nikaią kanonōn, hopou thespizousin epischopon hyperorion mē krinein dikēn " ei de agnoeis, mathōn aposchou tōn kat᾽ emou lithellōn. Ei gar kai deoi me chrithēnai, para tōn Aigyptiōn, kai ou para sou, aphestōtos heddomēchontapente hē merōn hodon.
[Bishop:] Theophilus did not keep quiet after this. He sends to the neighbouring bishops and convenes a council against the monks; and, without calling them to make a defence or giving them a hearing, he excommunicates three men, the most eminent, being afraid to pronounce [sentence] against the whole multitude at once, … And those whom he had often honoured above bishops as teachers, for their life, their learning and their age, he was not ashamed to call sorcerers because of their attachment to Isidore. After excommunicating them, he anoints five little fellows from the mountain itself, men who had never stood in an assembly of the elders of the desert, unworthy (I hesitate to say it) even of the porter's lodge. One he ordains bishop, placing him in a hamlet that was no city (for he made innovations without fear, calling himself another Moses); another presbyter; and the three deacons, who were not Egyptians but from various places: one was a Libyan, one an Alexandrian, one from Pharan, one from Paralus. That is why they lent themselves to his idle labour, having no hope of the pledges of their homeland. And he gets them to give petitions against those three, weaving the words of the slander himself, while they contributed only this, their signatures. After this he takes the petitions from them in the church, goes in to the Augustal prefect, and lodges a complaint against them in his own name as high priest of the Egyptian diocese, attaching also the slanderous petitions, and asks that the men be expelled from the whole of Egypt with military help. Taking the soldier as a cover, together with [a crowd who cared nothing] about rank, he swoops on the monasteries suddenly by night, having made the servants with him drunk; and first he orders their holy [Dioscorus], who was bishop of the mountain, to be thrown from his throne, dragged by Ethiopian slaves, and these perhaps still unbaptized; taking his [see], which the city of Dioscorus had held since the coming of Christ. After this he plunders the mountain, giving the monks' few belongings to the young men as pay. Having despoiled the cells, he looks for those three, whom [the monks] had let down into a well, putting a mat over its mouth; not finding them, he burns their [cells, with the books] … of the Scriptures and the serious works, and a child, as eyewitnesses said, and the symbols of the mysteries. Having thus slaked his irrational wrath, he goes back to Alexandria, giving those holy men room to flee. They at once took their sheepskins and went out to Palestine, [and came to] Aelia [with … and] deacons, three hundred of the zealous monks of the mountain, while the rest were scattered in various places.
Not bearing their independence, the serpent who is crooked in his course stirs up Theophilus against them again; and he, boiling over with anger, writes letters to the bishops of Palestine, saying: ‘You ought not to have received these men in your cities against my judgement; but since you did not know, I grant you pardon. In future, then, take care not to receive them in any place, whether church or private house’; not only saying this, but imagining himself to be a god in the excess of his conceit. They, driven by great necessity from changing from place to place, reach the capital, where Bishop John had been enthroned by the divine hand for the care of those in power; and falling at his knees they begged him to help souls slandered and plundered by men more used to doing this than to doing good. John stood and saw fifty chosen men, grey-haired from holy labours, [and moved] with feeling, like Joseph, he was overcome by tears, and asked them what boar out of the wood or what solitary wild beast had ravaged this fruitful vine. They say: ‘Sit down, Father, [and dress] our wound, for we have been wounded not lightly by the madness of Pope Theophilus, if perhaps you can heal the swellings of our wounds. For if you too pass us over, out of respect or fear for Theophilus like the other bishops, nothing is left for us but to go to the emperor and inform him of his [deeds] … to allow us to live in Egypt, since we have done no wrong either against the law of the Saviour or against him himself.’
Upon this John, thinking he could easily change Theophilus's grudge against them, gladly took up the matter. He asked the men, with God-loving silence, to tell no one the reason for their coming, ‘until I send to brother Theophilus’; and he gave them lodgings for their rest in the church called Anastasia. He did not himself provide for their needs, but God-loving women supplied their food, while they themselves contributed in part by the work of their hands. It happened at that time that there were clergy of Theophilus in Constantinople, buying in advance the promotions of the officials being appointed in the Egyptian diocese, [for Theophilus] was gaining their goodwill toward himself, to the ruin of those who vexed him. John summoned them and asked whether they knew the ascetics who were present. They, loving the truth, bore witness for the men, saying to John: ‘We know them, and they have suffered great violence. If you will, master, do not give them spiritual communion, so as not to grieve the pope; but show them kindness in other respects; for that befits you as bishop.’ So John did not receive them into communion, but writes to Theophilus, entreating him: ‘Grant me this favour, as your son and brother: take the men back into your embrace.’
Upon this Theophilus did not grant the favour to John, but sends certain men practised in contests of words, of whom we spoke above, and gets them to submit petitions which, as usual, he had dictated himself, containing an avowed falsehood dressed up in a many-sided slander about invisible things, since he had nothing in their life to slander; and he arranges for them to be pointed at in the palace as sorcerers. When the ascetics saw that not only were they failing to bring him to a better mind, but were even moving him to greater anger, though they brought many to plead with him, and anathematized every false doctrine, they submit [a petition setting out] the forms of his tyranny, with certain charges, which I am ashamed to tell for now before the less mature, lest I drive them away from faith too, and perhaps I would not be believed even by the more perfect. Again John, both himself and through other bishops, urges them to drop their accusation against him because of the hardship a lawsuit brings, and writes to Theophilus: ‘They have been driven to such grief that they are now even accusing you in writing. Send what reply seems good to you; for they will not consent to leave the capital.’ At this Theophilus, all on fire, excludes from his own Church also the brother of the monks, Dioscorus the bishop, who had grown old in the Church; and to Bishop John he writes: ‘I think you are not unaware of the ordinance of the canons of Nicaea, in which they decree that a bishop must not judge a case outside his own borders. If you are unaware of it, learn it, and keep away from the petitions against me. For if I must be judged, it should be by the Egyptians and not by you, who are seventy-five days' journey away.’
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Gen 43:30 (allusion, medium confidence) · Ps 80:13 (79:14 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Theophilus condemns the leading Nitrian monks, raids their monasteries and drives them out; they flee to Palestine and then to Constantinople, where John shelters them without receiving them into communion and writes to Theophilus, who refuses and warns him against judging outside his province.
- The three monks condemned are the ‘Tall Brothers’ (Dioscorus, Ammonius, Eusebius, Euthymius in other sources); Palladius tells the story as their partisan, and his charges against Theophilus are translated as written. The scan has lost words in several places, marked … with conjectural sense in brackets (the sentence on the excommunication, where other editions add a charge of false doctrine, the soldier's escort, what was taken from Dioscorus, what was burned, the route to Palestine, and the end of the monks' plea). ‘Invisible things’ refers to the charge of holding Origenist doctrines. The list of deacons names four places for three men, as in the scan. Quotations and allusions: Gen 43:30 (Joseph's tears); Ps 80:13 (79:14 LXX); the canon cited by Theophilus is Nicaea canon 5 (or 6), on bishops keeping to their own provinces. An apparatus note that leaked into the monks' plea has been removed. Words in square brackets either clarify the sense or supply the sense of text lost in the scan, following the complete text of other editions (as reflected in the public-domain translation of H. Moore, 1921); they are not part of the Greek printed here.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR letter confusion (χ for κ, δ for β); leaked apparatus note removed; split word rejoined): Αἰγύ- “ (6ογξ. ἀθρόως ἐν νυχτί, πτῳ → Αἰγύπτῳ; ν ἐπισχόπους, → ν ἐπισκόπους, ; 'φοδηθεὶς → 'φοβηθεὶς ; ἐξενεγχεῖν → ἐξενεγκεῖν; Αἰγυπτιαχῆς → Αἰγυπτιακῆς; διοιχήσεως → διοικήσεως; ἑωραχότες → ἑωρακότες; τριαχόσιοι → τριακόσιοι; σχολιὸς → σκολιὸς; ς ἐπισχόπους, → ς ἐπισκόπους, ; φοδηθεὶς → φοβηθεὶς ; μεταδάλλειν → μεταβάλλειν; ἐχχλησίᾳ → ἐκκλησίᾳ; χληριχοὺς → κληρικοὺς; Αἰγυπτιαχῇ → Αἰγυπτιακῇ; Προσχαλεσάμενος → Προσκαλεσάμενος; ἀσχηταὶ → ἀσκηταὶ; χεφαλαίων → κεφαλαίων.
Topics: Heresy, Church office
Cite (SBL): Palladius, Dial. Vit. Chrys. 7 (PG 47; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/7
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 47 (archive.org OCR); every section compared afterwards with Moore's English (1921). Words lost in the scan are given in square brackets from the sense of Moore's translation and noted.
Chapter 8
8PG 47
Λαδὼν τὴν ἐπιστολὴν ὁ Ἰωάννης, καὶ ἀναγνοὺς, ταύτην μὲν ἔσχε παρ᾽ ἑαυτῷ, τοῖς δὲ ἀσχηταῖ; ἀμφοτέρων τῶν μερῶν διελέχθη τὰ πρὸς εἰρήνην. ᾿Αχούσαντα δὲ ἀμφότερα τὰ μέρη ἑτοααὐνῦτ, τὸ μὲν ὡς τετυρανυτ μένον, τὸ ὃΣ ὡς οὐχ ἔχον ἄνευ Θεοφίλου τὴν τῆς εἰρήνης ἐξουσίαν, διὰ τὸ καὶ χατὰ κέλευσιν αὐτοῦ ἐπιδεδωκέναι τὰς τῇς συχοφαντίας δεήσεις. Οὕτως ὁ Ἰωάννης δοὺς αὐτοῖς ἀπόχρισιν, ἀπέλυσε τῆς ἑαυτοῦ διανοίας, Πρὸς τούτοις ἀναχωρήσαντες οἱ μοναχοὶ τοῦ μέρους ἣδιψαντες χατὰ μὲν τῶν μοναχῶν ὡς συχόφαντῶν, κατὰ δὲ Θεοφίλου τὰ Θεοφίλου, ἵνα μὴ ἄλλως εἴπω, τοσαῦτα ὅσα ἕχαστος οἶδεν" καὶ ἐνευξάμενοι τοῖς Αὐγούστοις, προσέρχονται ἐν τῷ μαρτυρίῳ τοῦ ἁγίου Ἰωάννου τῇ βασιλίσσῃ δεηθέντες, τῶν μὲν ἀντιδίχων μοναχῶν τὴν δέησιν παρὰ τοῖς ἐπάρχοις γυμνασθῖναι, τὸν δὲ Θεόφιλον παραστάντα καὶ ἄχοντα ἐπὶ Ἰωάννου χριθῆναι. Ἐπράχθη ἢ δέησις, ἔχουσα τὴν ἀπόφασιν τήνδε" ὥστε τὸν μὲν θεόφιλον παραστάντα δ'ὰ τοῦ μαγίστρου καὶ ἑχόντα καὶ ἄχοντα, δοῦναι δίχὴν ἐπὶ Ἰωάννου " τοὺς δὲ Θεοφίλου μοναχοὺς συπτῖ,ναι ἑαυτοῖς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐγχλήμασιν οἷς κατηγόρτσαν τῶν ἁγίων γερόντων, ἣ τὰ τῶν συχοφαντῶν ὑφίστασθαι. Οὕτως οὖν εἰς μὲν τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν ἀπεστάλη Ἐλάφιος, ὁ νῦν ἀπὸ πριγχίπων, διαγαγεῖν τὸν Θεόφιλον, τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν ἀπόφασιν οἱ ἔπαρχοι ἐξεθίδασαν. Γυμναζομένης δὲ τῆς δίχης καὶ εἰς ἄπορον χαταληγούσης, οἱ μὲν νόμοι ἐπέχειντο ἀποστίλθοντες τὸ ξίφος " οἱ δὲ ἄθλιοι ἐχεῖνο! φοβηθέντες τὴν ἔχύασιν, ὑπερτίθενται εἰς Θεόφιλον, ὡς αὐτοῦ αὐτοὺς ὑποθαλόντος καὶ τὰς δεήσεις ὑπαγορεύσαντο:. Οὕτως ἣ τάξις βάλλει αὐτοὺς εὶς δεσμωτήριον, μέχρι τῆς Θεοφίλου παρουσίας, μὴ ἀνασχομένη ἐπὶ τοιαύτῃ ὑποθέσει δέξασθαι ἐγγύας. Καὶ τούτων οἱ μὲν τελευτῶσιν ἐν τῇ εἰρχτῇ χρονοτο!θήσαντες διὰ τὴν Θεοφίλου βραδυτῆτα, οἱ δὲ μετ τὴν Θεοφίλου παρουσίαν χρήμασι τὸ πρᾶγμα ἔξευμαρίσαντος, ἐν τελευταίᾳ ἐξετάσει τὴν Προχόννη σον οἰχεῖν παρὰ τῶν νόμων χκατεχρίθησαν ὡς συχοφάνται. Οὕτως ὁ Θεόφιλος παραστὰς, χαθάπερ κάνθαρος πεφορτωμένος τῆς χόπρου τῶν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου καλλίστων καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς Ἰνδίας, ὑπὲρ δυσώδους φθόνου εὐωδίαν πέμπτῃ τοῦ Σαθθάτου, ὑπὸ τοῦ ναυτιχοῦ πούμενος στίφους, τὴν ἄτιμον ἀποφερόμενος δόξαν, περὶ ἧς προεῖπεν ὁ ᾿Απόστολος, Ὧ» ἡ δίξα ἐν τῇ αἰσχύνῃ αὑτῶν, ἑἐπενεγχών' Οἱ τὰ ἐπίγεια φρογοῦντες" καὶ ξενίζεται ἐν σκηνώμασιν οὐ δικαίων, φυγὼν τὴν ἐχχλησίαν, ἐπιλαθόμενος τὸ Δαυϊδιχὸν ἐχεῖνος Ἐξει1εξάμην παραῤῥιπτείσθαι ἐν" τῷ οἴχῳ τοῦ Θεοῦ μου μᾶ.1.1ο» ἣ οἰκεῖν με ἐν σχηγώμασιν» ἁμαρτω.ῶν" εἰργόμενοξ τῆ; ἐκκλησίας ὑπὸ τοῦ ἰδίου συνειδότος, Διατρίψας δὲ τρεῖς ἐθδομάδας ἦμερῶν, οὔτε τῷ ἐπισχόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ συνέτυχε χατὰ τὸ ἔθος τῶν ἑἐπισχόπων, οὔτε ἐπλησίασεν ὅλως τὴ ἐχχλησίχ, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμενεν ἀγωνιζόμενος νύχτωρ τε καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τὸ νέον ἔχθος τῷ παλαιῷ ἐπισυνάψας, ὅπως τὸν ἐπίσχοπον Ἰωάννην ἐξώσῃ, οὐ μόνον τῆς Ἐχχλησίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ζῇν «“ τοῦτο μὲν ἀφειδίᾳ χρυσίου τοὺς δεισιδαίμονας τῶν χρατούντων ὠνούμενος χατὰ τῆς ἀληθείας, τοῦτο δὲ πολυτελεῖ τραπέζῃ τοὺς γαστριμάργους δουλούμενος, τοῦτο δὲ καὶ κολακείᾳ καὶ ὑποσχέσει τῆς μείζονος ἀξίας τοὺς συμφέναχας τῶν κληρικῶν ἐπαγόμενος. Συνδῆσας πάντας τούτους ἄνευ σχοινίου ταῖς ἡδοναῖς χαθάπερ λχοπλάνος τις δαίμων, τὸ κριτικὸν τῶν Ψυχῶν χαπαγοντεύσας, ἐζήτει πρόσωπον δαιμον'ὥδες εἰς τὴν τοῦ δράματος ὑπηρεσίαν, ὃ δὴ α καὶ ἐπέτυχεν. Δύο ἐπισχόπου Ἰωάννόυ ἐπὶ πλημμελήμασι παρανόμοις, ἀπεγρήσατο τῇ χουφότητι, καὶ πείθει αὐτοὺς ἐπιδοῦναι λιδέλλους χατὰ τοῦ Ἰωάννου, ὑποσχόμενος αὐτοῖς ἀποκαταστῆσαι εἰς τὸν τῆς λειτουργίας τόπον. Ἣν δὲ αὑτῶν τὰ πταίσματα, τοῦ μὲν φόνος, τοῦ δὲ. μοιχεία" ὃ δὴ καὶ πεποίηχε. Μετὰ γὰρ τὴν ἐξορίαν Ἰωάννου ἀποχατέστησεν αὐτοὺς εἰς τοὺς τόπους αὖσεν αὐτὸς ἐχεῖνος, ἔχοντας μὲν ἀληθὲς οὐδὲν, πλὴν τούτου, ὅτι καρήνει πᾶσι μετὰ τὴν χοινωνίαν ἀπογεύεσθαι ὕδατος ἣ παστίλου, ἵνα μὴ ὀχουσίω; τῷ᾽ αὐτὸς πρῶτος ποιῶν τὸ πρᾶγμα, εὐλάθειαν δάσχων τοὺς βουλομένους. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ δέξασθαι τοὺς Σευηριανῷ, καὶ ᾿Αντιόχῳ, καὶ ᾿Αχαχίῳ, καὶ λοιποῖς ἔχουσι μνησικακίαν χατὰ τοῦ Ἰωάννου ἐπὶ ταῖς παραἰνέσεσι ταῖς χοσμία:ς.. Εἰώθει γὰρ ὁ μαχάριος, κατὰ τὸν Παῦλον, δημοσίᾳ τὲ καὶ χατ᾽ οἴχους σεμνοπρέπειαν ἐκδιδάσκειν, μάλιστα συνεχῶς ταῖς τοιαύταις ἐπισκήπτων, ὅτι Γραῖδες οὖσαι διὰ τὸν χρόνον, καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς ἐλευθέρας, ἐπὶ ἀπάτῃ τῶν συντυγχανόντων, καὶ τοῦτο χῆοαι; Συναχθέντες δὲ, ἐζήτουν τρόπον πῶς ἄρξοντα' τῆς δίχης. Εἷς δέ τις τῶν παρὄντων ὑπέθετο, δόντας διήσεις τῷ βασιλεῖ, καὶ ἄχοντα αὐτὸν ἑλχύσαι εἰς τὸ συνέδριον. Τοῦτο οὖν γίνεται χαθάπερ ἐπὶ τῶν Ἰουδαίων, χουσίου τὰ πάντα αὐτοῖς ἐξομαλίζοντος. Ἦμεν δὲ ἡμεῖς τεσσαράχοντα ἐπίσκοποι καθεζόμενοι σὺν τῷ ἐπισχόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ ἐν ἀγώγιμος καὶ μόνος κελευσθεὶς παραστῆναι εἰς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐπ᾽ ἐγχλήμασιν ἀνοσίοις, μετὰ τοσούτων παρεγένετο ἐπισχόπιυν' πῶς τε ἀθρόον μετεχέρασς τὰς τῶν χρατούντων γνώμας, ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον διαστρέ- Ψψας τοὺς πλείονας τοῦ χλήρου. Διαπορούντων δὲ ἡ μῶν, ἐμπνευσθεὶς ὁ Ἰωάννης τῷ Πνεύματι, λέγει τοῖς πᾶσιν: Εὔξασθε, ἀδελφοὶ, καὶ εἰ φιλεῖτε τὸν Χριστὸν, ἐμοῦ ἕνεχεν μή τις ἀπολείπῃ τὴν ἑαυτοῦ ἐχχλησίαν: Ἐγὼ γὰρ ἤδη σπέγδομαι, καὶ ὁ καιρὸς τῆς ἀναλύσεώς μου ἐφέστηκε, κατὰ τὸν εἰπόντα, καὶ πολλὰς θλίψεις ὑποστὰς, ἀπολείψω τὸ ζῆν, ὡς ὁρῶ. Οἶδα γὰρ τὴν σχευωρίαν τοῦ Σατανᾶ, ὅτι οὐχ ἔτι φέρει μου τὴν ἐπάχθειαν τῶν λόγων τῶν χατ’ αὐτοῦ γινομένων. Καὶ οὕτως ἐλεηθῆτε ἐν ταῖς ποοσευχαῖς ὑμῶν μνημονεύετέ μον. Συσχεθέντες δὲ αγάτῳ ἀθυμίᾳ, οἱ μὲν ἐδαχρύομεν, ἕτεροι δὲ ἐξήρχουτο τοῦ συνεδρίου, τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς καὶ τὴν ἱερὰν χεφαλὴν σὺν τῷ εὐστόχῳ Ῥ καὶ μαχαρίῳ στόματι ματι. Παραχαλέσας δὲ ἐπανελθεῖν εἰς τὸ συνέδριον ὧδε κἀκεῖσε περιπετομένους, καθάπερ μελίσσας καὶ μὴ χλαίετε, ἐπὶ πλέον με θρύπτοντες. ᾿Εμοὶ γὰρ τὸ ζῇν Χριστὸς καὶ τὸ ἀποθανεῖν κέρδος. Ἔθρυλἃ Τοτγὶ. οὗ δή. τὰς μνήμας, ὅτι πάντοτε ἔλεγον ὑμῖν: Ὁδός ἔστιν ὁ παρὼν βίος, καὶ τὰ χρηστὰ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰ λυπηρὰ παροδεύεται᾽ καὶ πανήγυρις τὰ παρόντα᾽ ᾿ἢγοράσαμεν, ἐπωλήσαμεν, καταλύομεν. Μὴ ἀμείνους ἐσμὲν τῶν πατριαρχῶν, τῶν προφητῶν, τῶν ἀποστόλων, ἵνα ἀθάνατον ἡμῖν παραμείνῃ τοῦτο τὸ ζῇν; Ἐπολολύξαδέ τις τῶν παρόντων εἶπεν: ᾿Αλλὰ θρηνοῦμεν τὴν ἡμῶν ὀρφανίαν, τὴν τῆς Ἐχχλησίας χηρείαν, τὴν τῶν θεσμῶν σύγχυσιν, τὴν φιλαρχίαν τῶν μὴ φαθουμένων τὸν Κύριον, καὶ ταῖς προστασίαις ἐπιπηδώντων ἀ, τῶν πτωχῶν τὸ ἀπροστάτεντον, τῆς διδαχτύλῳ τὸν ταρσὸν τῆς ἀριστερᾶς χειρὸς (εἰώθει γὰρ ὁ φιλόχριστος ἐν ταῖς χατὰ “νοῦν φροντίσιν αὐτὸ ποιεῖν), τῷ ὁμιλοῦντι αὐτῷ εἶπεν" ᾿Αρχεῖ, ἀδελφὲ, μὴ πολλὰ λέγε, ἀλλ᾽ ὃ εἶπον, τὰς Ἐχχλησίας ὑμῶν μὴ ἀφῆτε.-Οὔτε γὰρ ἀπ᾽ ἐμοῦ ἤρξατο τὸ διδασχάλιον, οὔτε εἰς ἐμὲ ἐτελεύτησε. Μὴ οὐκ ἀπέθανε Μωῦσῇς; οὐχ εὕρηται Ἰησοῦς; Οὐχ ἐτελεύτησε Σαμουήλ; οὐ χέχρισται ὁ Δαυΐδ; ᾿Απέλιπε τὸν βίον Ἱερεμίας, οὐκ ἣν ὁ Βαρούχ; ᾿Ανελήφθη Ἠλίας, οὐ οὐχ ἀπέλιπε Τιμόθεον, Τίτον, ᾿Απολλὼ καὶ ἄλλους μυρίους; Μετὰ τούτους τοὺς λόγους λέγει Εὐλύσιος ὁ ᾿Απαμείας τῆς Βιθυνίας: Ἐπάναγχες ἡμᾶς ἐστι κατέχοντας τὰς Ἐχχλησίας ἀναγχασθῆνα: καὶ χοινωνῆσαι καὶ ὑπογράψαι. "Ἔφη ὁ ἅγιος Ἰωάννης" Κοινωνήσατε μὲν, ἵνα μὴ σχίσητε τὴν Ἐχχλησίαν, μὴ ὑπογράψητε δέ: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐμαυτῷ σύνοιδα ἄξιον καθαιρέσεως ἐννοήσας. Τούτων οὕτως ἐχόντων ἐδηλώθησαν οἱ ἀποσταλέντες ὑπὸ Θεοφίλου" χελεύε: αὑτοὺς εἰσελθεῖν" εἰσελθόντας ἤρετο, ποίου εἶεν βαθμοῦ" λέγουσιν: Ἐπίσκοποι. Παραχαλεῖ χαθίσαντας εἰπεῖν ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πάρεισιν. Οἱ δὲ λέγουσι “ Παραναγνωστιχὸν ἔχομεν μόνον" ποιήσατε οὖν αὐτὸ ἀναγνωσθῆναι. Κε-᾿ λεύει ὁ Ἰωάννης ἀναγνωσθῆναι. Προστάσσουσι τῷ παιδαρίῳ τοῦ Θεοφίλου ἀναγνῶναι τὴν ὑπηγορίαν, καὶ ἀνέγνω. Ἦν δὲ τὸ ὕτος τοῦτο’ Ἡ σύγοδος ἡ ἁγία ἡ ἐπὶ Δρῦν συναχθεῖσω (τόπος δέ ἔστιν οὕτω ὃ ἣν, τῷ ἐπισκόπῳ: φιλεῖ γάρ πως ἢ ἐσκοτισμένη Ψυχὴ οὐκ ἀκολούθως βλέπειν, ἀλλὰ φαντάζεσθαι ἃ τὸ πάθος ὑπαγορεύει)" Λιδέλλους ἐδεξάμεθα κατὰ σοῦ, περιέχογντας μυρία κακά. ᾿Απάγντησον τοίπρεσδυτέρους" ἔστι γὰρ αὐτῶν χρεία. σαν δὲ οἵ ἐλθόντες πρὸς αὐτὸν Διόσχορος καὶ Παῦλος ἐν Λιθύῃ ὑπόγνον καταστάντες νέοι. Μετὰ τὸ ἀναγνωσθῆναι τὴν δέλτον, ἀντιλέγουσιν οἱ σὺν τῷ ἐπισχόπῳ Ἰωάννῃ ἐπίσκοποι, δηλώσαντες τῷ Θεορίλῳ διὰ τριῶν ᾿ἔπισχόπων, Λουππιχίνου καὶ Δημητρίου καὶ Εὐλυσίου, καὶ πρεσθυτέρων δύο Γερμανοῦ καὶ Σευήρου, τῶν πάντων ἁγίων ἀνδρῶν καὶ ἀξιολόγων" Μὴ κχατάλυς τὰ πράγματα τῆς Ἐχχλησίας, καὶ μὴ σχίξε τὴν Ἐχχλησίαν. δι᾽ ἣν ὁ θεὸς εἰς σάρχα κατῆλθεν' εἰ δὲ ἀστεχτῶν 1 χαταλύεις τοὺς ἐν Νικαίᾳ χανόνα: τῶν τιη ἐπισχόπων, καὶ ὑπερόριον διχάζεις δίχην, σὺ πέρασον πρὸς ἡμᾶς εἰς τὴν εὐνομουμένην πόλιν, μὴ προκαλούμενος τὸν ἤλθελ χατὰ τὸν Κάϊν εἰς τὸ πεδίον, ἵνα σου ἡμεῖς πρῶτοι ἀκούσωμεν. Ἔχομεν γὰρ χατὰ σοῦ ἑβδομήκοντα κεφαλαίων λιδέλλους, προ δήλους ἀθεμιτουργίας ἔχοντας, καὶ πλείους ἐσμὲν τῆς σῆς συνόδου, Θεοῦ χάριτι συναχθέντες, οὐχ ἐπὶ τῇ καταλύσει τῆς ᾿ἰχχλησίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν εἰρήνῃ. Σὺ μὲν γὰρ εἶ τριακοστὸς ἔχτος ἐξ ἐπαρχίας μιᾶς" ἡμεῖς δέ ἐσμεν τεσσαράχοντα ἐχ διαφόρων ἐπαρχιῶν, ἐν οἷς ἐσμεν καὶ ἑπτὰ μητροπολῖται, καὶ ἀκόλουθόν ἐστι τὸν ἐλάσσονα παρὰ τῶν πλειόνων καὶ διαφερόντῶν χατὰ τοὺς χανόνας χριθῆναι. Ἔχομεν γάρ σου καὶ τὴν ἐπιστολὴν, δι᾽ ἧς παρεγγυᾷς τῷ συλλειτουργῷ ἡμῶν Ἰωάννῃ τὸ μὴ δεῖν ὑπερορίας εἰσδέχεσθαι δίχας. Ὅθεν πειθόμενος τοῖς ἐχχλησιᾶάστιχοῖς νόμοις, παραχάλει σου τοὺς χατηγόρους, ἣ παύεσθαι τῆς χατὰ σοῦ χατηγορίας, ἣ τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν προσόδου. ἸΙρὸς ταῦτα κινηθεὶς ὁ Ἰωάννης, τοῖς μὲν ἐπισκόποις αὑτοῦ ἔλεγεν" Ὑμεῖς ὃ δοχεῖ ὑμῖν δηλώσατε, ἐμὲ δὲ ἀχόλουθόν ἔστι πρὸς τὰ δηἀνταπέστειλε ταῦτα" Ἐγὼ, εἰ μὲν ἔχει τις χατ᾽ ἐμοῦ λέγειν, μέχρι τῆς δεῦρο οὐδεπώποτε ἔγνων᾽ εἰ δέ τις χατεῖπέ μου, καὶ βούλεσθέ με παραγενέσθαι, τοὺς προδήλους μου ἐχθροὺς, οἴτινες ἐχ τῆς ἀμελείας αὐτῶν ἐχαχώθησαν πρὸς ἐμὲ, βάλλετε τούτους ἔξω τοῦ ὑμετέρο) συλλόγου" καὶ οὔτε τόπου ἀμφισθν τῶ ὅπου μὲ δέοι χριθῆναι, εἰ καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἔδει ἐν τῇ πόλει. Εἰσὶ δὲ οὃς παραιτοῦμαι, Θεόφιλος, ὃν ἐλέγχω εἰρηκότα καὶ ἐν ᾿Αλεξανδρείῷ καὶ ἐν Λυχίᾳ, ὅτι ᾿Απέρχομαι εἰς τὸν χομιτάτον, Ἰωάννην χαθελεῖν. Ἔστι δὲ ἀληθὲς, ἐξ ὧν παραγενόμενος οὔτε συνέτυχέ μοι, οὔτε ἐχοινώνησέ μοι. Ὃς οὖν πρὸ τῆς ἀκροάσεως τὰ ἐχθρῶν ἐπετέλεσε, τί ἂν ποιήσῃ μετὰ τὴν δίχην; Ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ᾿Αχάχιον διελέγχω ἐφ᾽ ᾧ εἶπεν’ ᾿Εγὼ αὐτῷ ἀρτύω χύτραν. Περὶ ὃὲ Σευηριανοῦ καὶ ᾿λντιόχου, οὃς τάχιην μετελεύσεται ἡ θεία δίχη, τί δεῖ καὶ λέγειν, ὧν τὰς νεωτεροποιίας καὶ τὰ κοσμικὰ ἄδουσι θέατρα; Οὐχοῦν παραχέχλησθε, εἰ χατὰ ἀλήθειαν βούλεσθέ με ἐλθεῖν, τούτους τοὺς τέσσαρας’ εἰ μὲν ὡς δικαστὰς, ἐκθάλλετε τούτους τοῦ συνεδρίου" εἰ ὃὲ ὡς χατηγόρους, στήσατε εἰς τὴν χρίσιν, ἵνα γνῶ ὅπως χονίζωμαι, πότερον ὡς πρὸς ἀντιδίκους, ἣ ὡς δικαστάς" καὶ πάντως ἐλεύσομαι οὐ μόνον πρὸς τὴν ὑμετέραν ἀγάπην, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς πᾶσαν τῆς οἱχουμένης σύνοδον. “Ὥστε οὖν γνῶτε, ἐὰν μυριάκις ἀποστείλητε πρός με, οὐδὲν πλέον ἀκούσεσθε παρ᾽ ἐμοῦ. Τούτων ἐξελθόντων, νοτάριος παρὰ πόδας γράμμα ἔχων βασιλικὸν, ἐν ᾧ προεδεήθησὰν ἄχοντα αὐτὸν ἀπαντῆσαι εἰς τὴν δίχην, χατἤπειγεν αὐτὸν εἰς τὴν χρίσιν. Μετὰ τὴν ἀπότἧς χατὰ τοῦ ἐπισχόπου Ἰωάννου συσχευῆῇς τὴν προχίος, ἵνα μὴ ἄλλως εἴπω, λέγοντες: Ἐδήλωσέ σοι ἢ σύνοδος - πέρασον πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ἀπολογησόμενος τὰ ἐγχλήματα. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Ἰωάννης ἀντεδήλωσς δι᾽ ἐπισχόπων ἑτέρων" Ποίᾳ ἀχολουθίᾳ διχάξετε, οἱ μήτε τοὺς ἐχθρούς μον ἐξώσαντες, καὶ διὰ τῶν ἐμῶν κληρικῶν με μεταστελλόμενοι; Οἱ δὲ λαθόντες τοὺς ἐπισκόπους, τὸν μὲν ἔδειραν, τὸν δὲ περιέσχισαν, τῷ δὲ σίδηρα τῷ τραχήλῳ περιέθηκαν, ἃ ἧσαν εὖτρεπίσαντες τῷ ἁγίῳ, ἵν᾽ οὕτως βληθεὶς εἰς πλοῖον, εἰς ἄδηλον ἀποσταλῇ τόπον" τοῦ δαίμονος χαθάπερ λέοντας ἀγριώσαντος αὐτούς. Καὶ ὁ μὲν ὅσιος εἰδὼς τὴν ἀναιδῇ αὐτῶν γνώμην, ἑαυτὸν ἐπέσχεν. Οἱ ὃὲ στερα πρὸς ἀφοσίωσιν, ἀποφαίνονται χατὰ τοῦ μαχαρίου, οὗ οὔτε τὸ πρότωπον εἴδην, οὔτε φωνῆς σὺτον Ἡχῆὴηταν, ἐν ἡμέρᾳ μ'λ τὴν ἐν πολλῷ φρόνῳ γὰ τὸ δαιμονιῶδες ὅρμημα, οὐχ ἀναμένον σκέψιν. Καὶ πέμψαντες τῷ βασιλεῖ ἀναφορὰν, προέταξαν - Ἐπειδὴ χατηγορηθεὶς Ἰωάννης ἐπὶ χαχοῖς τισι, καὶ συνειδὼς ἑαυτῷ, οὐχ ἠθέλησεν ἀπαντῆσαι, τόνδε τοιοῦτον καθαιροῦσιν οἱ νόμοι" ὃ δὴ καὶ ὑπέστη. Περιέχουσι δὲ οἱ λιδέλλοι καὶ καθοσιώσεως ἔγχλημα. Κελεύσει οὖν ἣ ὑμῶν εὐσέῤεια καὶ ἄχοντα αὐτὸν ἐξωσθῆναι, καὶ δίχας δοῦναι ἐπὶ τῇ γχαθοσιώσει, ἐπειδὴ ἡμῖν οὖκ ἔξεστι ταῦτα ζητεῖν. Ὧ τριπάλθλιοι, ἃ φρονεῖτε καὶ ποιεῖτε" αἰσχύνεσθε ταῦτα ποιεῖν, οὐ Θεὺν, ἀλλὰ ἀνθρώπους αἰδούμενοι ἣ φοθούμενοι. ἢν δὲ ἡ καθοσίωσις ἡ εἰς τὴν βασίλισσαν λοιδορία, ὡς ἐχεῖνοι ἀνήνεγκαν, ὅτι εἶπεν αὐτὴν Ἰεζάβελ. Καὶ οἱ μὲν θαυμάσιοι, τὸν διὰ ξίφους θάνατον αὐτοῦ ποθή,σαντες ἰδεῖν, οὗτως ἀνήνεγκαν" ὁ δὲ Θεὸς καὶ τούτων ἐφανέρωσε τὴν ἐνδομυχοῦσαν χαχίαν, καὶ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἐμαλάχυνε τὴν καρδίαν χαθάπερ ἐπὶ τοῦ Δανιὴλ συνέθη ἐν Βαδυλῶνι. Ἐχεϊ γὰρ οἱ μὲν λέοντες ἡσμερώθησαν, φεισάμενοι τοῦ Δανιὴλ, οἱ ὃξ ἄνθρωποι ὠπῆσεν ὁ Θεὸς τοὺς παρὰ φύσιν ἀγριωθέντας, τῶν παρὰ φύσιν ἡ μερωθέντων.
Ladōn tēn epistolēn ho Iōannēs, kai anagnous, tautēn men esche par᾽ heautǭ, tois de aschētai? amphoterōn tōn merōn dielechthē ta pros eirēnēn. ᾿Achousanta de amphotera ta merē hetoaaunyt, to men hōs tetyranyt menon, to hoS hōs ouch echon aneu Theophilou tēn tēs eirēnēs exousian, dia to kai chata keleusin autou epidedōkenai tas tę̄s sychophantias deēseis. Houtōs ho Iōannēs dous autois apochrisin, apelyse tēs heautou dianoias, Pros toutois anachōrēsantes hoi monachoi tou merous hēdipsantes chata men tōn monachōn hōs sychophantōn, kata de Theophilou ta Theophilou, hina mē allōs eipō, tosauta hosa hechastos oiden" kai eneuxamenoi tois Augoustois, proserchontai en tǭ martyriǭ tou hagiou Iōannou tę̄ basilissę̄ deēthentes, tōn men antidichōn monachōn tēn deēsin para tois eparchois gymnasthinai, ton de Theophilon parastanta kai achonta epi Iōannou chrithēnai. Eprachthē ē deēsis, echousa tēn apophasin tēnde" hōste ton men theophilon parastanta d'a tou magistrou kai hechonta kai achonta, dounai dichēn epi Iōannou " tous de Theophilou monachous sypti,nai heautois epi tois enchlēmasin hois katēgortsan tōn hagiōn gerontōn, hē ta tōn sychophantōn hyphistasthai. Houtōs oun eis men tēn ᾿Alexandreian apestalē Elaphios, ho nyn apo princhipōn, diagagein ton Theophilon, tēn de loipēn apophasin hoi eparchoi exethidasan. Gymnazomenēs de tēs dichēs kai eis aporon chatalēgousēs, hoi men nomoi epecheinto apostilthontes to xiphos " hoi de athlioi echeino! phobēthentes tēn echyasin, hypertithentai eis Theophilon, hōs autou autous hypothalontos kai tas deēseis hypagoreusanto:. Houtōs hē taxis ballei autous eis desmōtērion, mechri tēs Theophilou parousias, mē anaschomenē epi toiautę̄ hypothesei dexasthai engyas. Kai toutōn hoi men teleutōsin en tę̄ eirchtę̄ chronoto!thēsantes dia tēn Theophilou bradytēta, hoi de met tēn Theophilou parousian chrēmasi to pragma exeumarisantos, en teleutaią exetasei tēn Prochonnē son oichein para tōn nomōn chkatechrithēsan hōs sychophantai. Houtōs ho Theophilos parastas, chathaper kantharos pephortōmenos tēs choprou tōn ex Aigyptou kallistōn kai autēs tēs Indias, hyper dysōdous phthonou euōdian pemptę̄ tou Saththatou, hypo tou nautichou poumenos stiphous, tēn atimon apopheromenos doxan, peri hēs proeipen ho ᾿Apostolos, Hō» hē dixa en tę̄ aischynę̄ hautōn, heepenenchōn' Hoi ta epigeia phrogountes" kai xenizetai en skēnōmasin ou dikaiōn, phygōn tēn echchlēsian, epilathomenos to Dauïdichon echeinos Exei1examēn pararrhipteisthai en" tǭ oichǭ tou Theou mou ma.1.1o» hē oikein me en schēgōmasin» hamartō.ōn" eirgomenox tē? ekklēsias hypo tou idiou syneidotos, Diatripsas de treis ethdomadas ēmerōn, oute tǭ epischopǭ Iōannę̄ synetyche chata to ethos tōn heepischopōn, oute eplēsiasen holōs tē echchlēsich, all᾽ emenen agōnizomenos nychtōr te kai meth᾽ hēmeran to neon echthos tǭ palaiǭ episynapsas, hopōs ton epischopon Iōannēn exōsę̄, ou monon tēs Echchlēsias, alla kai autou tou zę̄n «“ touto men apheidią chrysiou tous deisidaimonas tōn chratountōn ōnoumenos chata tēs alētheias, touto de polytelei trapezę̄ tous gastrimargous douloumenos, touto de kai kolakeią kai hyposchesei tēs meizonos axias tous symphenachas tōn klērikōn epagomenos. Syndēsas pantas toutous aneu schoiniou tais hēdonais chathaper lchoplanos tis daimōn, to kritikon tōn Psychōn chapagonteusas, ezētei prosōpon daimon'hōdes eis tēn tou dramatos hypēresian, ho dē a kai epetychen. Dyo epischopou Iōannou epi plēmmelēmasi paranomois, apegrēsato tę̄ chouphotēti, kai peithei autous epidounai lidellous chata tou Iōannou, hyposchomenos autois apokatastēsai eis ton tēs leitourgias topon. Hēn de hautōn ta ptaismata, tou men phonos, tou de. moicheia" ho dē kai pepoiēche. Meta gar tēn exorian Iōannou apochatestēsen autous eis tous topous ausen autos echeinos, echontas men alēthes ouden, plēn toutou, hoti karēnei pasi meta tēn choinōnian apogeuesthai hydatos hē pastilou, hina mē ochousiō? tǭ᾽ autos prōtos poiōn to pragma, eulatheian daschōn tous boulomenous. Meta de to dexasthai tous Seuērianǭ, kai ᾿Antiochǭ, kai ᾿Achachiǭ, kai loipois echousi mnēsikakian chata tou Iōannou epi tais parainesesi tais chosmia:s.. Eiōthei gar ho macharios, kata ton Paulon, dēmosią te kai chat᾽ oichous semnoprepeian ekdidaskein, malista synechōs tais toiautais episkēptōn, hoti Graides ousai dia ton chronon, kai tas loipas eleutheras, epi apatę̄ tōn syntynchanontōn, kai touto chēoai? Synachthentes de, ezētoun tropon pōs arxonta' tēs dichēs. Heis de tis tōn parontōn hypetheto, dontas diēseis tǭ basilei, kai achonta auton helchysai eis to synedrion. Touto oun ginetai chathaper epi tōn Ioudaiōn, chousiou ta panta autois exomalizontos. Ēmen de hēmeis tessarachonta episkopoi kathezomenoi syn tǭ epischopǭ Iōannę̄ en agōgimos kai monos keleustheis parastēnai eis to stratopedon ep᾽ enchlēmasin anosiois, meta tosoutōn paregeneto epischopiyn' pōs te athroon metecherass tas tōn chratountōn gnōmas, epi to cheiron diastre- Pspsas tous pleionas tou chlērou. Diaporountōn de hē mōn, empneustheis ho Iōannēs tǭ Pneumati, legei tois pasin: Euxasthe, adelphoi, kai ei phileite ton Christon, emou henechen mē tis apoleipę̄ tēn heautou echchlēsian: Egō gar ēdē spegdomai, kai ho kairos tēs analyseōs mou ephestēke, kata ton eiponta, kai pollas thlipseis hypostas, apoleipsō to zēn, hōs horō. Oida gar tēn scheuōrian tou Satana, hoti ouch eti pherei mou tēn epachtheian tōn logōn tōn chat’ autou ginomenōn. Kai houtōs eleēthēte en tais pooseuchais hymōn mnēmoneuete mon. Syschethentes de agatǭ athymią, hoi men edachryomen, heteroi de exērchouto tou synedriou, tous ophthalmous kai tēn hieran chephalēn syn tǭ eustochǭ Rh kai machariǭ stomati mati. Parachalesas de epanelthein eis to synedrion hōde kakeise peripetomenous, kathaper melissas kai mē chlaiete, epi pleon me thryptontes. ᾿Emoi gar to zę̄n Christos kai to apothanein kerdos. Ethryla Totgi. hou dē. tas mnēmas, hoti pantote elegon hymin: Hodos estin ho parōn bios, kai ta chrēsta autou kai ta lypēra parodeuetai᾽ kai panēgyris ta paronta᾽ ᾿ēgorasamen, epōlēsamen, katalyomen. Mē ameinous esmen tōn patriarchōn, tōn prophētōn, tōn apostolōn, hina athanaton hēmin parameinę̄ touto to zę̄n? Epololyxade tis tōn parontōn eipen: ᾿Alla thrēnoumen tēn hēmōn orphanian, tēn tēs Echchlēsias chēreian, tēn tōn thesmōn synchysin, tēn philarchian tōn mē phathoumenōn ton Kyrion, kai tais prostasiais epipēdōntōn a, tōn ptōchōn to aprostatenton, tēs didachtylǭ ton tarson tēs aristeras cheiros (eiōthei gar ho philochristos en tais chata “noun phrontisin auto poiein), tǭ homilounti autǭ eipen" ᾿Archei, adelphe, mē polla lege, all᾽ ho eipon, tas Echchlēsias hymōn mē aphēte.-Oute gar ap᾽ emou ērxato to didaschalion, oute eis eme eteleutēse. Mē ouk apethane Mōysę̄s? ouch heurētai Iēsous? Ouch eteleutēse Samouēl? ou chechristai ho Dauïd? ᾿Apelipe ton bion Hieremias, ouk hēn ho Barouch? ᾿Anelēphthē Ēlias, ou ouch apelipe Timotheon, Titon, ᾿Apollō kai allous myrious? Meta toutous tous logous legei Eulysios ho ᾿Apameias tēs Bithynias: Epananches hēmas esti katechontas tas Echchlēsias ananchasthēna: kai choinōnēsai kai hypograpsai. "Ephē ho hagios Iōannēs" Koinōnēsate men, hina mē schisēte tēn Echchlēsian, mē hypograpsēte de: ouden gar emautǭ synoida axion kathaireseōs ennoēsas. Toutōn houtōs echontōn edēlōthēsan hoi apostalentes hypo Theophilou" cheleue: hautous eiselthein" eiselthontas ēreto, poiou eien bathmou" legousin: Episkopoi. Parachalei chathisantas eipein eph᾽ hǭ pareisin. Hoi de legousi “ Paranagnōstichon echomen monon" poiēsate oun auto anagnōsthēnai. Ke-᾿ leuei ho Iōannēs anagnōsthēnai. Prostassousi tǭ paidariǭ tou Theophilou anagnōnai tēn hypēgorian, kai anegnō. Ēn de to hytos touto’ Hē sygodos hē hagia hē epi Dryn synachtheisō (topos de estin houtō ho hēn, tǭ episkopǭ: philei gar pōs ē eskotismenē Psychē ouk akolouthōs blepein, alla phantazesthai ha to pathos hypagoreuei)" Lidellous edexametha kata sou, periechogntas myria kaka. ᾿Apagntēson toipresdyterous" esti gar autōn chreia. san de hoi elthontes pros auton Dioschoros kai Paulos en Lithyę̄ hypognon katastantes neoi. Meta to anagnōsthēnai tēn delton, antilegousin hoi syn tǭ epischopǭ Iōannę̄ episkopoi, dēlōsantes tǭ Theorilǭ dia triōn ᾿epischopōn, Louppichinou kai Dēmētriou kai Eulysiou, kai presthyterōn dyo Germanou kai Seuērou, tōn pantōn hagiōn andrōn kai axiologōn" Mē kchatalys ta pragmata tēs Echchlēsias, kai mē schixe tēn Echchlēsian. di᾽ hēn ho theos eis sarcha katēlthen' ei de astechtōn 1 chatalyeis tous en Nikaią chanona: tōn tiē epischopōn, kai hyperorion dichazeis dichēn, sy perason pros hēmas eis tēn eunomoumenēn polin, mē prokaloumenos ton ēlthel chata ton Kaïn eis to pedion, hina sou hēmeis prōtoi akousōmen. Echomen gar chata sou hebdomēkonta kephalaiōn lidellous, pro dēlous athemitourgias echontas, kai pleious esmen tēs sēs synodou, Theou chariti synachthentes, ouch epi tę̄ katalysei tēs ᾿ichchlēsias, all᾽ en eirēnę̄. Sy men gar ei triakostos echtos ex eparchias mias" hēmeis de esmen tessarachonta ech diaphorōn eparchiōn, en hois esmen kai hepta mētropolitai, kai akolouthon esti ton elassona para tōn pleionōn kai diapherontōn chata tous chanonas chrithēnai. Echomen gar sou kai tēn epistolēn, di᾽ hēs parengyąs tǭ sylleitourgǭ hēmōn Iōannę̄ to mē dein hyperorias eisdechesthai dichas. Hothen peithomenos tois echchlēsiaastichois nomois, parachalei sou tous chatēgorous, hē pauesthai tēs chata sou chatēgorias, hē tēs pros auton prosodou. IIros tauta kinētheis ho Iōannēs, tois men episkopois hautou elegen" Hymeis ho dochei hymin dēlōsate, eme de acholouthon esti pros ta dēantapesteile tauta" Egō, ei men echei tis chat᾽ emou legein, mechri tēs deuro oudepōpote egnōn᾽ ei de tis chateipe mou, kai boulesthe me paragenesthai, tous prodēlous mou echthrous, oitines ech tēs ameleias autōn echachōthēsan pros eme, ballete toutous exō tou hymetero) syllogou" kai oute topou amphisthn tō hopou me deoi chrithēnai, ei kai ta malista edei en tę̄ polei. Eisi de hoos paraitoumai, Theophilos, hon elenchō eirēkota kai en ᾿Alexandreiǭ kai en Lychią, hoti ᾿Aperchomai eis ton chomitaton, Iōannēn chathelein. Esti de alēthes, ex hōn paragenomenos oute synetyche moi, oute echoinōnēse moi. Hos oun pro tēs akroaseōs ta echthrōn epetelese, ti an poiēsę̄ meta tēn dichēn? Homoiōs de kai ᾿Achachion dielenchō eph᾽ hǭ eipen’ ᾿Egō autǭ artyō chytran. Peri hoe Seuērianou kai ᾿lntiochou, hoos tachiēn meteleusetai hē theia dichē, ti dei kai legein, hōn tas neōteropoiias kai ta kosmika adousi theatra? Ouchoun parachechlēsthe, ei chata alētheian boulesthe me elthein, toutous tous tessaras’ ei men hōs dikastas, ekthallete toutous tou synedriou" ei hoe hōs chatēgorous, stēsate eis tēn chrisin, hina gnō hopōs chonizōmai, poteron hōs pros antidikous, hē hōs dikastas" kai pantōs eleusomai ou monon pros tēn hymeteran agapēn, alla kai pros pasan tēs hoichoumenēs synodon. “Hōste oun gnōte, ean myriakis aposteilēte pros me, ouden pleon akousesthe par᾽ emou. Toutōn exelthontōn, notarios para podas gramma echōn basilikon, en hǭ proedeēthēsan achonta auton apantēsai eis tēn dichēn, chatēpeigen auton eis tēn chrisin. Meta tēn apotēs chata tou epischopou Iōannou syscheuēę̄s tēn prochios, hina mē allōs eipō, legontes: Edēlōse soi ē synodos - perason pros hēmas, apologēsomenos ta enchlēmata. Pros tauta ho Iōannēs antedēlōss di᾽ epischopōn heterōn" Poią acholouthią dichaxete, hoi mēte tous echthrous mon exōsantes, kai dia tōn emōn klērikōn me metastellomenoi? Hoi de lathontes tous episkopous, ton men edeiran, ton de perieschisan, tǭ de sidēra tǭ trachēlǭ periethēkan, ha hēsan eutrepisantes tǭ hagiǭ, hin᾽ houtōs blētheis eis ploion, eis adēlon apostalę̄ topon" tou daimonos chathaper leontas agriōsantos autous. Kai ho men hosios eidōs tēn anaidę̄ autōn gnōmēn, heauton epeschen. Hoi hoe stera pros aphosiōsin, apophainontai chata tou machariou, hou oute to protōpon eidēn, oute phōnēs syton Hēchēēētan, en hēmerą m'l tēn en pollǭ phronǭ ga to daimoniōdes hormēma, ouch anamenon skepsin. Kai pempsantes tǭ basilei anaphoran, proetaxan - Epeidē chatēgorētheis Iōannēs epi chachois tisi, kai syneidōs heautǭ, ouch ēthelēsen apantēsai, tonde toiouton kathairousin hoi nomoi" ho dē kai hypestē. Periechousi de hoi lidelloi kai kathosiōseōs enchlēma. Keleusei oun hē hymōn eusereia kai achonta auton exōsthēnai, kai dichas dounai epi tę̄ nchathosiōsei, epeidē hēmin ouk exesti tauta zētein. Hō tripalthlioi, ha phroneite kai poieite" aischynesthe tauta poiein, ou Theun, alla anthrōpous aidoumenoi hē phothoumenoi. ēn de hē kathosiōsis hē eis tēn basilissan loidoria, hōs echeinoi anēnenkan, hoti eipen autēn Iezabel. Kai hoi men thaumasioi, ton dia xiphous thanaton autou pothē,santes idein, houtōs anēnenkan" ho de Theos kai toutōn ephanerōse tēn endomychousan chachian, kai tōn archontōn emalachyne tēn kardian chathaper epi tou Daniēl synethē en Badylōni. Echeï gar hoi men leontes hēsmerōthēsan, pheisamenoi tou Daniēl, hoi hox anthrōpoi ōpēsen ho Theos tous para physin agriōthentas, tōn para physin hē merōthentōn.
[Bishop:] John received the letter, read it and kept it by him; and he spoke with the ascetics of both parties about peace. On hearing it, both parties [were exasperated], the one as having suffered tyranny, the other as having no power to make peace without Theophilus, since they had submitted their slanderous petitions at his order. So John gave them an answer and dismissed the matter from his mind. Upon this the monks of the [other] party withdrew … [and drew up petitions], against the monks as slanderers, and against Theophilus, setting out the doings of Theophilus, not to put it otherwise, as much as each knew. And having appealed to the Augusti, they approach the empress at the shrine of Saint John, begging that the petition of the opposing monks be examined before the prefects, and that Theophilus be made to appear, even against his will, and be tried before John. The petition was granted, with this decision: that Theophilus should be brought by the magister, willing or unwilling, to stand trial before John; and that Theophilus's monks should prove the charges they had brought against the holy elders, or suffer the penalty of slanderers. So Elaphius, now one of the principes, was sent to Alexandria to bring Theophilus, and the prefects carried out the rest of the decision. When the case was being tried and was coming to a dead end, the laws pressed hard, sharpening the sword; and those wretches, fearing the outcome, had the case deferred until Theophilus came, saying that he had put them up to it and dictated the petitions. So the court put them in prison until Theophilus arrived, refusing to accept sureties in a case of this kind. Some of them died in prison after spending a long time there because of Theophilus's slowness; the others, after Theophilus had arrived and smoothed the matter with money, were condemned by the laws at the final examination to live on Proconnesus as slanderers.
So Theophilus arrived, like a dung beetle loaded with the dung of the finest things of Egypt and of India itself, [spreading] perfume over his stinking envy, on the fifth day of the week, [cheered] by the crowd of sailors, carrying off that dishonourable glory of which the Apostle spoke beforehand, ‘whose glory is in their shame’, adding, ‘who set their minds on earthly things’. He is entertained in tents not of the righteous, having avoided the church, forgetting that saying of David, ‘I have chosen to be cast aside in the house of my God rather than to dwell in the tents of sinners’; he was kept away from the church by his own conscience. He spent three weeks there and neither met Bishop John, as is the custom of bishops, nor came near the church at all, but stayed working night and day, joining the new enmity to the old, to drive Bishop John out not only from the Church but from life itself: on the one hand buying the superstitious among the powerful against the truth by lavishing gold, on the other enslaving the gluttons with an expensive table, and again drawing to himself his fellow impostors among the clergy by flattery and the promise of higher rank. Having bound all these without a rope, by pleasures, like some deceiving demon, bewitching the judgement of souls, he looked for a demon-like face to serve the drama, and indeed he found one. Two [deacons], [deposed] by Bishop John for unlawful offences, he made use of for their levity, and persuades them to submit petitions against John, promising to restore them to their place in the ministry. Their offences were, for one murder, for the other adultery. And he did indeed do this: after John's exile he restored them to their places, [as having presented the memorials which] he himself [dictated]; they contained nothing true, except this, that he urged everyone after communion to take a little water or a lozenge, so that they might not involuntarily … ; he himself was first to do it, teaching devoutness to those who wished. After receiving [the petitions, he held a meeting at the house of Eugraphia with] Severian, Antiochus, Acacius and the rest who bore a grudge against John because of his exhortations to modesty. For the blessed man was accustomed, like Paul, to teach decorum both in public and from house to house, charging women of that kind above all and continually: ‘Though you are old women by your years, [why do you behave like girls] … and [lead astray] the other free women, to deceive those you meet, and that as widows?’
Gathered together, they looked for a way to begin the trial. One of those present suggested giving petitions to the emperor and dragging him to the council against his will. This then is done, as among the Jews, gold smoothing everything for them. We were forty bishops sitting with Bishop John in … [and wondering how he who, though] summoned as a defendant and ordered to appear alone in the capital on unholy charges, had come with so many bishops; and how he had suddenly changed the minds of the powerful, perverting most of the clergy to the worse. While we were at a loss, John, inspired by the Spirit, says to us all: ‘Pray, brothers; and if you love Christ, let no one leave his own church on my account. For I am already being poured out as a drink offering, and the time of my departure has come, as he said who [wrote it]; and after undergoing many afflictions I shall leave this life, as I see. For I know the scheming of Satan, that he can no longer bear the burden of the words spoken against him. So may you find mercy: remember me in your prayers.’ Seized with unbearable dejection, some of us wept, while others left the assembly, [having kissed] the eyes and the holy head and the well-aimed and blessed mouth. He urged them to come back into the assembly, as they flew about here and there like bees, [saying: ‘Sit down, brothers,] and do not weep and break me down further. For to me to live is Christ and to die is gain. … your memories, that I always told you: The present life is a road, and its good and painful things pass by; and the present is a fair: we have bought, we have sold, we break up. Are we better than the patriarchs, the prophets, the apostles, that this life should remain to us undying?’ One of those present, lamenting aloud, said: ‘But we mourn our orphanhood, the widowhood of the Church, the confusion of its ordinances, the ambition of those who do not fear the Lord and leap upon the offices of leadership, the poor left without a protector, the [famine] of teaching.’ [Then the Christ-loving John, tapping] with [the forefinger of his right hand] the palm of his left (for he used to do this when deep in thought), said to the one speaking with him: ‘Enough, brother; do not say much; but, as I said, do not leave your churches. For neither did the office of teaching begin with me, nor has it ended with me. Did Moses not die? Was not Joshua found? Did not Samuel die? Was not David anointed? Jeremiah left this life: was there not Baruch? Elijah was taken up: [did not Elisha prophesy? Paul was beheaded:] did he not leave Timothy, Titus, Apollos and countless others?’ After these words Eulysius of Apamea in Bithynia says: ‘We who hold our churches will inevitably be forced both to communicate and to sign.’ The holy John said: ‘Communicate, so that you do not split the Church; but do not sign; for I am not conscious of anything in myself that deserves deposition.’
While matters stood thus, those sent by Theophilus were announced. He orders them to come in; when they had come in he asked them what rank they held. They say: ‘Bishops.’ He invites them to sit and say why they have come. They say: ‘We have only a summons; have it read.’ John orders it to be read. They tell Theophilus's servant to read out the dictated text, and he read it. Its tenor was this: ‘The holy synod assembled at the Oak’ (the place is called so …) ‘[to John]’ [without adding] ‘bishop’; for somehow a darkened soul is apt to see things not as they follow, but to imagine what passion dictates) ‘: We have received petitions against you containing countless evils. Appear, then, [and bring with you] the presbyters …; for they are needed.’ Those who came to him were Dioscorus and Paul, lately made [bishops] in Libya, young men. After the document had been read, the bishops with Bishop John reply, informing Theophilus through three bishops, Lupicinus, Demetrius and Eulysius, and two presbyters, Germanus and Severus, all holy and notable men: ‘Do not overturn the order of the Church, and do not split the Church, for whose sake God came down in the flesh. But if, disregarding the canons of the three hundred and eighteen bishops at Nicaea, you overturn them and judge a case outside your borders, come over to us in the city that lives under law, and do not, like Cain, call Abel out into the field, so that we may hear you first. For we have petitions against you of seventy heads, containing manifest crimes; and we are more numerous than your synod, gathered by the grace of God not for the overthrow of the Church but in peace. You are thirty-six from one province; we are forty from various provinces, among whom are seven metropolitans; and it is consistent with the canons that the lesser be judged by the more numerous and more eminent. For we also have your letter, in which you instruct our fellow minister John that cases from beyond the borders must not be accepted. Obey the laws of the Church, then, and urge your accusers to give up either their accusation against you or their approach to him.’
Moved by this, John said to his bishops: ‘State what seems good to you; but it is fitting for me [to reply] to what has been [stated to me].’ And he sent back this answer: ‘Up to now I have never known that anyone had anything to say against me. But if someone has accused me and you want me to come, put out of your assembly my manifest enemies, who became hostile to me on account of [what they took as] neglect; and I do not dispute the place where I must be judged, though it ought above all to be in the city. Those whom I object to are these: Theophilus, whom I prove to have said both in Alexandria and in Lycia, “I am going to court to depose John”; and this is true, for after arriving he neither met me nor communicated with me. He who carried out the acts of an enemy before the hearing, what will he do after the trial? Likewise I prove that Acacius said, “I am cooking a pot for him.” As for Severian and Antiochus, whom divine justice will soon overtake, what need is there even to speak, since the worldly theatres sing of their seditious doings? I ask you, then, if you truly want me to come: as for these four, if they sit as judges, put them out of the council; if as accusers, set them up for the trial, so that I may know how to prepare for the contest, as against adversaries or as before judges. And I will certainly come, not only before your love but before a synod of the whole world. So know this: even if you send to me ten thousand times, you will hear nothing more from me.’
When these had gone out, a notary came hard on their heels with an imperial letter, in which [they] had asked beforehand that he be made to appear at the trial even against his will, and he pressed him to come to the trial. After the reply, [two of John's own clergy came: Eugenius, who was given a see as his wage] for the plot against Bishop John, and [Isaac, the monk] …, not to put it otherwise, saying: ‘The synod informs you: come over to us to answer the charges.’ To this John replied through other bishops: ‘By what due order will you judge, you who have not expelled my enemies, and who summon me through my own clergy?’ They seized the bishops: one they beat, another's clothes they tore off, on another they put round his neck the irons which they had prepared for the saint, so that he might be thrown into a ship like that and sent to some unknown place; for the demon had made them savage as lions. The holy man, knowing their shameless purpose, held himself back. They, [compiling dockets frailer than a spider's web] for form's sake, pronounce sentence against the blessed man, whose face they had not seen and whose voice they had not heard, in a single day [accomplishing what they had long been forging]; [such is] the demonic impulse, which does not wait for reflection. And sending a report to the emperor, they put at its head: ‘Since John, accused of certain evils and conscious of his guilt, would not appear, the laws depose such a man, and this he has now undergone. The petitions also contain a charge of treason. Let your piety, then, order that he be expelled, even against his will, and pay the penalty for treason, since it is not lawful for us to inquire into such matters.’ O thrice-wretched men, what you think and what you do! Be ashamed of doing such things, you who respect or fear not God but men. The treason was the insult to the empress, as they reported it, that he had called her Jezebel. These wonderful men reported thus, longing to see his death by the sword; but God revealed the malice lurking in them too, and softened the hearts of the rulers, as happened in Daniel's case in Babylon. For there the lions were tamed and spared Daniel, while the men … God showed up those who had become savage against nature by those who had been tamed against nature.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Phil 3:19 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 84:10 (83:11 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Acts 20:20 (allusion, medium confidence) · 2 Tim 4:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Phil 1:21 (quotation, high confidence) · Gen 4:8 (allusion, high confidence) · Dan 6:22 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Kgs 21:5–25 (allusion, low confidence) · 2 Kgs 2:11 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: John's attempt at peace fails; the Nitrian monks win an imperial order bringing Theophilus to Constantinople, where he wins allies, gathers charges, convenes the Synod of the Oak, and condemns John in his absence after John refuses to appear before judges who are his avowed enemies.
- This section gives Palladius's account of the Synod of the Oak (403) as a member of John's party; the charges, the synod's report to the emperor, and the bishop's polemic against Theophilus are translated as written. The charge about water or a lozenge after communion concerns John's practice of taking something after receiving the sacrament, presumably so that none of it would be spat out involuntarily; the scan has lost the end of the clause. Many words are lost in this section, marked … with conjectural sense in brackets: the refusal of the two parties, the identity of the two deacons, the old women's dress, the place where the forty bishops sat (the bishop's dining hall in other editions), the names of the presbyters summoned and the omission of John's title in the summons (the estate called ‘the Oak’ was in the suburb of Rufinus near Chalcedon), part of John's list of successors (Elisha and Paul restored), and the messengers sent after John's reply. ‘Elaphius, now one of the principes’ renders ὁ νῦν ἀπὸ πριγκίπων. The synod's 36 members and John's 40 bishops are as the bishops' letter states. Quotations and allusions: Phil 3:19; Ps 84:10 (83:11 LXX); Acts 20:20; 2 Tim 4:6; Phil 1:21; Gen 4:8; Dan 6:22; the name Jezebel (1 Kgs 21). Leaked Latin column and an apparatus note have been removed. Words in square brackets either clarify the sense or supply the sense of text lost in the scan, following the complete text of other editions (as reflected in the public-domain translation of H. Moore, 1921); they are not part of the Greek printed here.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR letter confusion (χ for κ, δ for β); leaked Latin column removed; leaked apparatus note removed): χαθάπερ ἰδ ᾿ρ9}5 ἐοϑιϊπγομ θη ρου εἰ θυσγὸ, (ἰσαι 5 δοληπηὶ : Εἰ ϑυδίυης, υἱ ἃ (οπιίίδιυ ἀἰϊδοθιίκηϊ. Ὁ οὐ θη οι οἴ οἰ 5 5 ἰὴ συ γοο οι Ειτ ονυηὶ αυϊάθιι πον μὰν μοι} ἢν νἰο 15 ἀΐὰ πα σα ρα] δηι 51 η δῖ ποῖα. οΟσὶ οἱ σοι οἱ φυθβογθογο, δαὶ → χαθάπερ ; ἐσμὲν “ (4. Τίγριν. : ᾿ -ἧς → ἐσμὲν τῆς; χέλευσιν → κέλευσιν; ἐπιδεδωχέναι → ἐπιδεδωκέναι; φοδηθέντες → φοβηθέντες; χάνθαρος → κάνθαρος; χαλλίστων → καλλίστων; σχηνώμασιν → σκηνώμασιν; ἐχχλησίας → ἐκκλησίας; χολαχείᾳ → κολακείᾳ; ν χληριχῶν ἐ → ν κληρικῶν ἐ; χριτιχὸν → κριτικὸν; μνησιχακίαν → μνησικακίαν; ἐχδιδάσχειν → ἐκδιδάσκειν; ἐπισχήπτων → ἐπισκήπτων; ἐπίσχοποι χαθεζόμενοι → ἐπίσκοποι καθεζόμενοι; χελευσθεὶς → κελευσθεὶς; χἀκεῖσε → κἀκεῖσε; χαθαιρέσεως → καθαιρέσεως; Ἐπίσχοποι → Ἐπίσκοποι; ἐσχοτισμένη → ἐσκοτισμένη; ἀχολούθως → ἀκολούθως; χαταστάντες → καταστάντες; ἐπίσχοποι, → ἐπίσκοποι,; χατῆλθεν → κατῆλθεν; ἑδδομήχοντα → ἑβδομήκοντα; χεφαλαίων → κεφαλαίων; χαταλύσει → καταλύσει; τριαχοστὸς → τριακοστὸς; χινηθεὶς → κινηθεὶς; ἐπισχόποις → ἐπισκόποις; χοσμιχὰ → κοσμικὰ; διχαστάς → δικαστάς; ν χληριχῶν μ → ν κληρικῶν μ; ἐπισχόπους → ἐπισκόπους; περιέθηχαν → περιέθηκαν; σχέψιν → σκέψιν; χαθαιροῦσιν → καθαιροῦσιν; χαθοσίωσις → καθοσίωσις; ἀνήνεγχαν, → ἀνήνεγκαν,; Ἰεζάδελ → Ἰεζάβελ; ἀνήνεγχαν" → ἀνήνεγκαν"; χαρδίαν → καρδίαν.
Topics: Church office, Eucharist
Cite (SBL): Palladius, Dial. Vit. Chrys. 8 (PG 47; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/8). (abbreviation not yet checked)
Permanent link: https://sophiascriptura.com/p/palladius-dialogus-chrysostomi/8
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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Greek as printed in Migne PG 47 (archive.org OCR); every section compared afterwards with Moore's English (1921). Words lost in the scan are given in square brackets from the sense of Moore's translation and noted.