City of God 18.35–18.42

Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).

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Chapter 18

18.35CSEL 40:321–325

CAPUT XXXV. De trium prophetarum uaticinio, id est Aggaei, Zachariae et Malachiae. Restant tres minores prophetae, qui prophetauerunt in fine captiuitatis, Aggaeus, Zacharias, Malachias. Quorum Aggaeus Christum et ecclesiam hac apertius breuitate prophetat: Haec dicit Dominus exercituum: Adhuc unum modicum est, et ego commouebo caelum et terram et mare et aridam, et mouebo omnes gentes, et ueniet desideratus cunctis gentibus. Haec prophetia partim conpleta iam cernitur, partim speratur in fine conplenda. Mouit enim caelum angelorum et siderum testimonio, quando incarnatus est Christus; mouit terram ingenti miraculo de ipso uirginis partu; mouit mare et aridam, cum et in insulis et in orbe toto Christus adnuntiatur: ita moueri omnes gentes uidemus ad fidem. Iam uero quod sequitur: Et ueniet desideratus cunctis gentibus, de nouissimo eius exspectatur aduentu. Ut enim esset desideratus exspectantibus, prius oportuit eum dilectum esse credentibus. Zacharias de Christo et ecclesia: Exulta, inquit, ualde, filia Sion, iubila, filia Hierusalem; ecce rex tuus uenit tibi iustus et saluator; ipse pauper et adscendens super asinum et super pullum filium asinae; et potestas eius a mari usque ad mare et a fluminibus usque ad fines terrae. Hoc quando factum sit, ut Dominus Christus in itinere iumento huius generis uteretur, in euangelio legitur, ubi et haec prophetia commemoratur ex parte, quantum illi loco sufficere uisum est. Alio loco ad ipsum Christum in spiritu prophetiae loquens de remissione peccatorum per eius sanguinem: Tu quoque, inquit, in sanguine testamenti tui emisisti uinctos tuos de lacu, in quo non est aqua. Quid per hunc lacum uelit intellegi, possunt diuersa sentiri etiam secundum rectam fidem. Mihi tamen uidetur non eo significari melius, nisi humanae miseriae profunditatem siccam quodam modo et sterilem, ubi non sunt fluenta iustitiae, sed iniquitatis lutum. De hoc quippe etiam in psalmo dicitur: Et eduxit me de lacu miseriae et de luto limi. Malachias prophetans ecclesiam, quam per Christum cernimus propagatam, Iudaeis apertissime dicit ex persona Dei: Non est mihi uoluntas in uobis, et munus non suscipiam de manu uestra. Ab ortu enim solis usque ad occasum magnum nomen meum in gentibus, et in omni loco sacrificabitur et offeretur nomini meo oblatio munda; quia magnum nomen meum in gentibus, dicit Dominus. Hoc sacrificium per sacerdotium Christi secundum ordinem Melchisedech cum in omni loco a solis ortu usque ad occasum Deo iam uideamus offerri, sacrificium autem Iudaeorum, quibus dictum est: Non est mihi uoluntas in uobis, nec accipiam munus de manibus uestris, cessasse negare non possunt: quid adhuc exspectant alium Christum, cum hoc, quod prophetatum legunt et inpletum uident, inpleri non potuerit nisi per ipsum? Dicit enim paulo post de ipso ex persona Dei: Testamentum meum erat cum eo uitae et pacis, et dedi ei, ut timore timeret me, et a facie nominis mei reuereretur. Lex ueritatis erat in ore ipsius. in pace dirigens ambulauit mecum et multos conuertit ab iniquitate; quoniam labia sacerdotis custodient scientiam et legem inquirent ex ore eius; quoniam angelus Domini omnipotentis est. Nec mirandum est, quia Domini omnipotentis angelus dictus est Christus Iesus. Sicut enim seruus propter formam serui, in qua uenit ad homines, sic angelus propter euangelium, quod nuntiauit hominibus. Nam si Graeca ista interpretemur, et euangelium bona nuntiatio est et angelus nuntius. De ipso quippe iterum dicit: Ecce mittam angelum meum, et prospiciet uiam ante faciem meam; et subito ueniet in templum suum Dominus, quem uos quaeritis, et angelus testamenti, quem uos uultis. Ecce uenit, dicit Dominus omnipotens; et quis sustinebit diem introitus eius? aut quis resistet in adspectu eius? Hoc loco et primum et secundum Christi praenuntiauit aduentum; primum scilicet, de quo ait: Et subito ueniet in templum suum, id est in carnem suam, de qua dixit in euangelio: Soluite templum hoc, et in triduo resuscitabo illud; secundum uero, ubi ait: Ecce uenit, dicit Dominus omnipotens, et quis sustinebit diem introitus eius? aut quis resistet in adspectu eius? Quod autem dixit: Dominus, quem uos quaeritis, et angelus testamenti, quem uos uultis, significauit utique etiam Iudaeos secundum scripturas, quas legunt, Christum quaerere et uelle. Sed multi eorum, quem quaesierunt et uoluerunt, uenisse non agnouerunt, excaecati in cordibus suis praecedentibus meritis suis. Quod sane hic nominat testamentum, uel supra, ubi ait: Testamentum meum erat cum eo, uel hic, ubi eum dixit angelum testamenti, nouum procul dubio testamentum debemus accipere, ubi sempiterna, non uetus, ubi temporalia sunt promissa; quae pro magno habentes plurimi infirmi et Deo uero talium rerum mercede seruientes, quando uident eis inpios abundare, turbantur. Propter quod idem propheta, ut noui testamenti aeternam beatitudinem, quae non dabitur nisi bonis, distingueret a ueteris terrena felicitate, quae plerumque datur et malis: Ingrauastis, inquit, super me uerba uestra, dicit Dominus, et dixistis: In quo detraximus de te? Dixistis: Vanus est omnis, qui seruit Deo, et quid plus, quia custodiuimus obseruationes eius, et quia ambulauimus supplicantes ante faciem Domini omnipotentis? Et nunc nos beatificamus alienos, et reaedificantur omnes, qui faciunt iniqua; et aduersati sunt Deo, et salui facti sunt. Haec oblocuti sunt, qui timebant Dominum, unusquisque ad proximum suum; et animaduertit Dominus et audiuit; et scripsit librum memoriae in conspectu suo eis, qui timent Dominum et reuerentur nomen eius. Isto libro significatum est testamentum nouum. Denique quod sequitur audiamus: Et erunt mihi, dicit Dominus omnipotens, in diem qua ego facio in adquisitionem, et eligam eos sicut eligit homo filium suum seruientem sibi; et conuertimini, et uidebitis inter iustum et iniustum, et inter seruientem Deo et non seruientem. Quoniam ecce dies uenit ardens sicut clibanus et concremabit eos, et erunt omnes alienigenae et omnes facientes iniquitatem stipula, et incendet illos dies, qui adueniet, dicit Dominus omnipotens; et non derelinquetur eorum radix neque sarmentum. Et orietur uobis timentibus nomen meum sol iustitiae, et sanitas in pinnis eius; et exibitis et exultabitis sicut uituli ex uinculis resoluti; et conculcabitis iniquos, et erunt cinis sub pedibus uestris in die, in quo ego facio, dicit Dominus omnipotens. Hic est qui dicitur dies iudicii; de quo suo loco, si Deus uoluerit, loquemur uberius.

Chapter 35. On the prophecy of the three prophets, that is, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi.

There remain three minor prophets, who prophesied at the end of the captivity: Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi. Of these Haggai prophesies Christ and the church quite plainly with this brevity: “Thus says the Lord of hosts: Yet one little while, and I will move heaven and earth and the sea and the dry land, and I will move all nations, and the one desired by all nations shall come.” This prophecy is seen partly fulfilled already, and is partly hoped to be fulfilled at the end. For he moved the heaven by the testimony of angels and stars when Christ became incarnate; he moved the earth by the great miracle of his birth from the virgin; he moved the sea and the dry land when Christ is proclaimed both in the islands and in the whole world: so we see all nations moved to faith. But what follows, “and the one desired by all nations shall come,” is awaited of his last coming. For in order to be desired by those who await him, he had first to be loved by those who believe.

Zechariah says of Christ and the church: “Rejoice greatly, daughter of Zion; shout for joy, daughter of Jerusalem; behold, your king comes to you, righteous and a saviour; he is poor and riding upon an ass and upon a colt, the foal of an ass; and his dominion is from sea to sea and from the rivers to the ends of the earth.” When this was done, when the Lord Christ used a beast of this kind on a journey, is read in the gospel, where this prophecy too is recalled in part, as far as seemed sufficient for that place. In another place, speaking to Christ himself in the spirit of prophecy about the forgiveness of sins through his blood, he says: “You also, by the blood of your testament, have sent forth your prisoners from the pit in which there is no water.” What he wishes to be understood by this pit may be variously thought, even in accordance with the right faith. To me, however, it seems that nothing is better signified by it than the depth of human misery, dry and in a way barren, where there are no streams of righteousness but the mire of iniquity. Of this too it is said in the psalm: “And he brought me out of the pit of misery and from the miry clay.”

Malachi, prophesying the church, which we see spread abroad through Christ, says most plainly to the Jews in the person of God: “I have no pleasure in you, and I will not accept an offering from your hand. For from the rising of the sun to its setting my name is great among the nations, and in every place sacrifice shall be made and a pure offering shall be offered to my name; for my name is great among the nations, says the Lord.” Since we now see this sacrifice offered to God in every place from the rising of the sun to its setting, through the priesthood of Christ after the order of Melchizedek, while they cannot deny that the sacrifice of the Jews has ceased, to whom it was said, “I have no pleasure in you, nor will I accept an offering from your hands,” why do they still wait for another Christ, when what they read prophesied and see fulfilled could not have been fulfilled except through him? For a little after he says of him in the person of God: “My covenant was with him of life and peace, and I gave him to fear me with fear and to stand in awe before my name. The law of truth was in his mouth; directing in peace he walked with me and turned many from iniquity; for the lips of the priest shall keep knowledge, and they shall seek the law from his mouth; for he is the angel of the Lord almighty.” Nor is it to be wondered at that Christ Jesus was called the angel of the Lord almighty. For as he is called servant because of the form of a servant in which he came to men, so he is called angel because of the gospel which he announced to men. For if we translate these Greek words, “gospel” is good news and “angel” is messenger. Of him again he says: “Behold, I will send my angel, and he shall look out the way before my face; and suddenly the Lord whom you seek shall come to his temple, and the angel of the testament whom you desire. Behold, he comes, says the Lord almighty; and who shall endure the day of his coming? Or who shall stand in his sight?” In this place he foretold both the first and the second coming of Christ: the first, namely, of which he says, “And suddenly he shall come to his temple,” that is, to his flesh, of which he said in the gospel, “Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it up”; and the second, where he says, “Behold, he comes, says the Lord almighty, and who shall endure the day of his coming? Or who shall stand in his sight?” And when he said, “the Lord whom you seek, and the angel of the testament whom you desire,” he indicated, surely, that the Jews too, according to the Scriptures which they read, seek and desire Christ. But many of them did not recognize that he whom they sought and desired had come, being blinded in their hearts by their previous deserts. What he here names the testament, whether above, where he says, “My testament was with him,” or here, where he called him the angel of the testament, we must without doubt take as the new testament, in which eternal things are promised, not the old, in which temporal things are promised; and a great many weak people, who count these things great and serve the true God for a reward of such things, are disturbed when they see the ungodly abound in them. Therefore the same prophet, to distinguish the eternal blessedness of the new testament, which will be given only to the good, from the earthly happiness of the old, which is often given to the wicked too, says: “You have made your words heavy against me, says the Lord, and you said: In what have we spoken against you? You said: Everyone who serves God is vain; and what more have we, because we kept his observances and walked as suppliants before the face of the Lord almighty? And now we call strangers blessed, and all who do iniquity are built up; they have opposed God and have been saved. These things those who feared the Lord spoke against him, each to his neighbour; and the Lord took note and heard; and he wrote a book of remembrance before him for those who fear the Lord and revere his name.” By this book the new testament is signified. Finally, let us hear what follows: “And they shall be mine, says the Lord almighty, on the day when I act, for a possession, and I will choose them as a man chooses his son who serves him; and you shall turn and see the difference between the righteous and the unrighteous, and between the one who serves God and the one who does not serve him. For behold, the day comes burning like an oven, and it shall burn them up, and all the aliens and all who do iniquity shall be stubble, and the day that is coming shall set them on fire, says the Lord almighty; and neither root nor branch of them shall be left. And to you who fear my name the sun of righteousness shall rise, and healing in his wings; and you shall go out and leap like calves loosed from their bonds; and you shall tread down the wicked, and they shall be ashes under your feet on the day when I act, says the Lord almighty.” This is what is called the day of judgment; of which, God willing, we shall speak more fully in its place.

Hag 2:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Hag 2:7 (quotation, high confidence) · Zech 9:9 (quotation, high confidence) · Zech 9:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 21:5 (allusion, high confidence) · John 12:15 (allusion, medium confidence) · Zech 9:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 40:2 (39:3 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 1:10 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 1:11 (quotation, high confidence) · Ps 110:4 (109:4 LXX) (allusion, high confidence) · Mal 2:5 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 2:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 2:7 (quotation, high confidence) · Phil 2:7 (allusion, medium confidence) · Mal 3:1 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:2 (quotation, high confidence) · John 2:19 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:14 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:15 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:16 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:17 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 3:18 (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 4:1 (3:19 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 4:2 (3:20 LXX) (quotation, high confidence) · Mal 4:3 (3:21 LXX) (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine reads Haggai's shaking of the nations, Zechariah's humble king and the blood of the covenant, and Malachi's pure offering among the nations, the angel of the covenant, and the day of judgment as prophecies of Christ and the church.

  • Malachi is quoted in an Old Latin version following the LXX (“angel” for “messenger”). The argument about the Jewish sacrifice and the Jews' expectation of “another Christ” is Augustine's own and is translated as written. Mal 4:1–3 in English Bibles is 3:19–21 in the LXX and Vulgate.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip; letter-spaced word misread; stray hyphen; stray marks; words run together; words run together (marked sic)): Exuit, inquit → Exulta, inquit; testamenti tu-i → testamenti tui; pacis. et.dedi → pacis, et dedi; quiacustodiuimusobseruationes → quia custodiuimus obseruationes; etreaedificanturomnes, quifaciunt → et reaedificantur omnes, qui faciunt; in ius t u ro → iniustum; dicitDominusomnipotens → dicit Dominus omnipotens.

Topics: Christology, Eucharist, Eschatology

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.35 (CSEL 40:321–325; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-35). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.36CSEL 40:325–326

CAPUT XXXVI. De Esdra et libris Macchabaeorum. Post hos tres prophetas, Aggaeum, Zachariam, Malachiam, per idem tempus liberationis populi ex Babylonica seruitute scripsit etiam Esdras, qui magis rerum gestarum scriptor est habitus quam propheta (sicuti est et liber, qui appellatur Esther, cuius res gesta in laudem Dei non longe ab his temporibus inuenitur); nisi forte Esdras in eo Christum prophetasse intellegendus est, quod inter quosdam iuuenes orta quaestione, quid amplius ualeret in rebus, cum reges unus dixisset, alter uinum, tertius mulieres, quae plerumque regibus imperarent, idem tamen tertius ueritatem super omnia demonstrauit esse uictricem. Consulto autem euangelio Christum esse cognoscimus ueritatem. Ab hoc tempore aput Iudaeos restituto templo non reges, sed principes fuerunt usque ad Aristobolum: quorum subputatio temporum non in scripturis sanctis, quae appellantur canonicae, sed in aliis inuenitur, in quibus sunt et Macchabaeorum libri, quos non Iudaei, sed ecclesia pro canonicis habet propter quorundam martyrum passiones uehementes adque mirabiles, qui, antequam Christus uenisset in carne, usque ad mortem pro Dei lege certarunt et mala grauissima adque horribilia pertulerunt.

Chapter 36. On Ezra and the books of the Maccabees.

After these three prophets, Haggai, Zechariah, and Malachi, in the same period of the people's liberation from the Babylonian slavery, Ezra also wrote, who has been regarded more as a writer of history than as a prophet (as is also the book called Esther, whose events, told to the praise of God, are found to be not far from these times); unless perhaps Ezra is to be understood as having prophesied Christ in the passage where, when a question arose among certain young men as to what had most power in the world, and one had said kings, another wine, and the third women, who for the most part rule over kings, that same third nevertheless showed that truth is victorious over all. But by consulting the gospel we learn that Christ is the truth. From this time, the temple having been restored, there were among the Jews not kings but rulers down to Aristobulus; the reckoning of whose times is found not in the holy Scriptures which are called canonical, but in others, among which are also the books of the Maccabees, which not the Jews but the church holds as canonical, because of the fierce and wonderful sufferings of certain martyrs who, before Christ had come in the flesh, contended for the law of God even to death and endured most grievous and horrible evils.

John 14:6 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine treats Ezra and Esther as historical books, reads the contest of the three young men as pointing to Christ the truth, and notes that the church, not the Jews, holds the books of the Maccabees as canonical because of their martyrs.

  • The contest of the three young men is 1 Esdras 3–4 (Vulgate 3 Esdras), which Augustine assigns to Ezra; it is outside the 66 books. Augustine's statement that “the church holds as canonical” the books of the Maccabees is translated as written; under the site's convention they are extrabiblical. The Maccabean martyrs are those of 2 Macc 6–7.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (word split by a stray mark; word split in the digital text): prophe tasse → prophetasse; es. e uictricem → esse uictricem.

Extrabiblical texts: 1 Esd 3:1-4.41 (1 Esdras [in EO, ETH canons]; allusion); 2 Macc 6:18-7.42 (2 Maccabees [in RC, EO canons]; allusion); 1 Macc (1 Maccabees [in RC, EO canons]; allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon, Martyrdom

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.36 (CSEL 40:325–326; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-36). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.37CSEL 40:326–328

CAPUT XXXVII. Quod prophetica auctoritas omni origine gentilis philosophiae inueniatur antiquior. Tempore igitur prophetarum nostrorum, quorum iam scripta ad notitiam fere omnium gentium peruenerunt, et multo magis post eos fuerunt philosophi gentium, qui hoc etiam nomine uocarentur, quod coepit a Samio Pythagora, qui eo tempore, quo Iudaeorum est soluta captiuitas, coepit excellere adque cognosci. Multo magis ergo ceteri philosophi post prophetas reperiuntur fuisse. Nam ipse Socrates Atheniensis, magister omnium, qui tunc maxime claruerunt, tenens in ea parte, quae moralis uel actiua dicitur, principatum, post Esdram in chronicis inuenitur. Non multo post etiam Plato natus est, qui longe ceteros Socratis discipulos anteiret. Quibus si addamus etiam superiores, qui nondum philosophi uocabantur, septem scilicet sapientes ac deinde physicos, qui Thaleti successerunt in perscrutanda natura rerum studium eius imitati, Anaximandrum scilicet et Anaximenem et Anaxagoram aliosque nonnullos, antequam Pythagoras philosophum primus profiteretur: nec illi prophetas nostros uniuersos temporis antiquitate praecedunt, quando quidem Thales, post quem ceteri fuerunt, regnante Romulo eminuisse fertur, quando de fontibus Israel in eis litteris, quae toto orbe manarent, prophetiae flumen erupit. Soli igitur illi theologi poetae, Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus et si quis alius aput Graecos fuit, his prophetis Hebraeis, quorum scripta in auctoritate habemus, annis reperiuntur priores. Sed nec ipsi uerum theologum nostrum Moysen, qui unum uerum Deum ueraciter praedicauit, cuius nunc scripta in auctoritatis canone prima sunt, tempore praeuenerunt; ac per hoc, quantum ad Graecos adtinet, in qua lingua litterae huius saeculi maxime ferbuerunt, nihil habent unde sapientiam suam iactent, quo religione nostra, ubi uera sapientia est, si non superior, saltem uideatur antiquior. Verum, quod fatendum est, non quidem in Graecia, sed in barbaris gentibus, sicut in Aegypto, iam fuerat ante Moysen nonnulla doctrina, quae illorum sapientia diceretur; alioquin non scriptum esset in libris sanctis, Moysen eruditum fuisse omni sapientia Aegyptiorum, tunc utique, quando ibi natus et a filia Pharaonis adoptatus adque nutritus etiam liberaliter educatus est. Sed nec sapientia Aegyptiorum sapientiam prophetarum nostrorum tempore antecedere potuit, quando quidem et Abraham propheta fuit. Quid autem sapientiae potuit esse in Aegypto, antequam eis Isis, quam mortuam tamquam magnam deam colendam putarunt, litteras traderet? Isis porro Inachi filia fuisse proditur, qui primus regnare coepit Argiuis, quando Abrahae iam nepotes reperiuntur exorti.

Chapter 37. That prophetic authority is found to be more ancient than any origin of Gentile philosophy.

It was in the time of our prophets, then, whose writings have now come to the knowledge of almost all nations, and much more after them, that there were philosophers of the nations who were also called by this name, which began with Pythagoras of Samos, who began to excel and be known at the time when the captivity of the Jews was ended. Much more, then, are the other philosophers found to have lived after the prophets. For Socrates of Athens himself, the master of all who were then most renowned, holding the first place in that part which is called moral or active, is found in the chronicles after Ezra. Not much later Plato too was born, who far surpassed the other disciples of Socrates. If we add to these also the earlier ones, who were not yet called philosophers, namely the seven sages and then the natural philosophers who succeeded Thales, imitating his zeal in searching out the nature of things, namely Anaximander, Anaximenes, Anaxagoras, and some others, before Pythagoras first professed himself a philosopher, not even they precede all our prophets in antiquity of time, since Thales, after whom the others came, is said to have been eminent in the reign of Romulus, when the river of prophecy burst forth from the springs of Israel in those writings that were to flow through the whole world. Only those theological poets, then, Orpheus, Linus, Musaeus, and any other among the Greeks, are found to be earlier in years than these Hebrew prophets whose writings we hold as authoritative. But not even they preceded in time our true theologian Moses, who truthfully proclaimed the one true God, and whose writings are now first in the canon of authority; and therefore, as far as the Greeks are concerned, in whose language the literature of this world has most flourished, they have nothing to boast of in their wisdom by which it might seem, if not superior to our religion, where true wisdom is, at least more ancient.

It must be admitted, however, that not indeed in Greece, but among barbarian nations, as in Egypt, there had already been before Moses some learning which could be called their wisdom; otherwise it would not have been written in the holy books that Moses was instructed in all the wisdom of the Egyptians, namely at the time when he was born there and, adopted and nursed by Pharaoh's daughter, was also liberally educated. But not even the wisdom of the Egyptians could precede in time the wisdom of our prophets, since Abraham too was a prophet. And what wisdom could there have been in Egypt before Isis, whom after her death they thought should be worshipped as a great goddess, gave them letters? Isis, moreover, is reported to have been the daughter of Inachus, who first began to reign over the Argives when Abraham's grandsons are found to have been born.

Acts 7:22 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 2:10 (allusion, high confidence) · Gen 20:7 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that the Hebrew prophets, and above all Moses, are older than every Greek philosopher and even than the wisdom of Egypt.

  • “The chronicles” are the Chronicle of Eusebius and Jerome (no entry in the site's list of extrabiblical texts).
  • The first sentence is translated as printed; its sense is that philosophers so called appeared only at the time of the later prophets and after them (some translations read that they had “not yet” arisen).

Extrabiblical texts: Chron. (Eusebius and Jerome, Chronicle; allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.37 (CSEL 40:326–328; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-37). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-18-37) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.38CSEL 40:328–329

CAPUT XXXVIII. Quod quaedam sanctorum scripta ecclesiasticus canon propter nimiam non receperit uetustatem, ne per occasionem eorum falsa ueris insererentur. Iam uero si longe antiquiora repetam, et ante illud grande diluuium noster erat utique Noe patriarcha, quem prophetam quoque non inmerito dixerim; si quidem ipsa arca, quam fecit et in qua cum suis euasit, prophetia nostrorum temporum fuit. Quid Enoch septimus ab Adam, nonne etiam in canonica epistula apostoli Iudae prophetasse praedicatur? Quorum scripta ut aput Iudaeos et aput nos in auctoritate non essent, nimia fecit antiquitas, propter quam uidebantur habenda esse suspecta, ne proferrentur falsa pro ueris. Nam et proferuntur quaedam quae ipsorum esse dicantur ab eis, qui pro suo sensu passim quod uolunt credunt. Sed ea castitas canonis non recepit, non quod eorum hominum, qui Deo placuerunt, reprobetur auctoritas, sed quod ista esse non credantur ipsorum. Nec mirum debet uideri, quod suspecta habentur, quae sub tantae antiquitatis nomine proferuntur; quando quidem in ipsa historia regum Iuda et regum Israel, quae res gestas continet, de quibus eidem scripturae canonicae credimus, commemorantur plurima, quae ibi non explicantur et in libris dicuntur aliis inueniri, quos prophetae scripserunt, et alicubi eorum quoque prophetarum nomina non tacentur; nec tamen inueniuntur in canone, quem recepit populus Dei. Cuius rei, fateor, causa me latet, nisi quod existimo etiam ipsos, quibus ea, quae in auctoritate religionis esse deberent, sanctus utique Spiritus reuelabat, alia sicut homines historica diligentia, alia sicut prophetas inspiratione diuina scribere potuisse, adque haec ita fuisse distincta, ut illa tamquam ipsis, ista uero tamquam Deo per ipsos loquenti iudicarentur esse tribuenda, ac sic illa pertinerent ad ubertatem cognitionis, haec ad religionis auctoritatem, in qua auctoritate custoditur canon, praeter quem iam si qua etiam sub nomine uerorum prophetarum scripta proferuntur, nec ad ipsam copiam scientiae ualent, quoniam utrum eorum sint, quorum esse dicuntur, incertum est; et ob hoc eis non habetur fides, maxime his, in quibus etiam contra fidem librorum canonicorum quaedam leguntur, propter quod ea prorsus non esse apparet illorum.

Chapter 38. That the church's canon has not received certain writings of saints because of their excessive antiquity, lest on their pretext false things be inserted among true.

Now if I go back to much more ancient times, even before that great flood there was certainly our patriarch Noah, whom I might not undeservedly call a prophet too; since the very ark which he made and in which he escaped with his family was a prophecy of our times. What of Enoch, the seventh from Adam? Is he not declared in the canonical epistle of the apostle Jude to have prophesied? That their writings should not be authoritative among the Jews and among us was the effect of their excessive antiquity, on account of which they seemed to need to be held suspect, lest false things be put forward as true. For some things are indeed put forward which are said to be theirs by those who, according to their own notion, believe at random whatever they please. But the purity of the canon has not received them, not because the authority of those men who pleased God is rejected, but because these writings are not believed to be theirs. Nor ought it to seem strange that writings put forward under the name of so great antiquity are held suspect, since in the very history of the kings of Judah and the kings of Israel, which contains events concerning which we believe the same canonical Scripture, very many things are mentioned which are not explained there and are said to be found in other books which prophets wrote; and in some places the names of these prophets too are not left unmentioned; and yet these books are not found in the canon which the people of God has received.

The reason for this, I confess, is hidden from me; except that I think that those very men to whom the Holy Spirit certainly revealed what ought to be of religious authority could write some things as men with historical diligence and other things as prophets by divine inspiration; and that these were so distinguished that the former were judged to be attributed to themselves, the latter to God speaking through them; and so the former belonged to the fullness of knowledge, the latter to the authority of religion, in which authority the canon is guarded. Beyond it, if any writings are now put forward even under the name of true prophets, they are of no value even for the abundance of knowledge, since it is uncertain whether they are the work of those whose they are said to be; and for this reason no credit is given them, especially those in which some things are read that are even contrary to the faith of the canonical books, from which it is quite clear that they are not theirs.

Gen 6:14 (allusion, medium confidence) · 1 Pet 3:20 (echo, medium confidence) · Jude 1:14 (allusion, high confidence) · 1 Chr 29:29 (allusion, medium confidence) · 2 Chr 9:29 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine explains that writings attributed to Noah, Enoch, and other early prophets were excluded from the canon because their authenticity could not be trusted, and distinguishes prophets' historical writing from inspired Scripture.

  • The books of Enoch (1 Enoch), cited in Jude 14–15, are meant; Augustine does not name them. The lost prophetic books are those cited in Kings and Chronicles (e.g. 1 Chr 29:29; 2 Chr 9:29).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (word split by a stray mark): uber. tatem → ubertatem.

Extrabiblical texts: 1 En. (1 Enoch [in the ETH canon]; allusion); Chron. (Eusebius and Jerome, Chronicle; allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.38 (CSEL 40:328–329; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-38). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.39CSEL 40:329–330

CAPUT XXXVIIII. De Hebraicis litteris, quae numquam in suae linguae proprietate non fuerint. Non itaque credendum est, quod nonnulli arbitrantur, Hebraeam tantum linguam per illum, qui uocabatur Heber, unde Hebraeorum uocabulum est, fuisse seruatam, adque inde peruenisse ad Abraham, Hebraeas autem litteras a lege coepisse, quae data est per Moysen, sed potius per illam successionem patrum memoratam linguam cum suis litteris custoditam. Denique Moyses in populo constituit qui docendis litteris praeessent, priusquam diuinae legis ullas litteras nossent. Hos appellat scriptura 7pa[i{iatostoaif«>Yoy(:, qui Latine dici possunt litterarum inductores uel introductores, eo quod eas inducant, id est introducant, quodam modo in corda discentium uel in eas potius ipsos quos docent. Nulla igitur gens de antiquitate suae sapientiae super patriarchas et prophetas nostros, quibus diuina inerat sapientia, ulla se uanitate iactauerit, quando nec Aegyptus inuenitur, quae solet falso et inaniter de suarum doctrinarum antiquitate gloriari, qualicumque sapientia sua patriarcharum nostrorum tempore praeuenisse sapientiam. Neque enim quisquam dicere audebit mirabilium disciplinarum eos peritissimos fuisse, antequam litteras nossent, id est, antequam Isis eo uenisset easque ibi docuisset. Ipsa porro eorum memorabilis doctrina, quae appellata est sapientia, quid erat nisi maxime astronomia et si quid aliud talium disciplinarum magis ad exercenda ingenia quam ad inluminandas uera sapientia mentes solet ualere? Nam quod adtinet ad philosophiam, quae se docere profitetur aliquid, unde fiant homines beati, circa tempora Mercurii, quem Trismegistum uocauerunt, in illis terris eius modi studia claruerunt, longe quidem ante sapientes uel philosophos Graeciae, sed tamen post Abraham et Isaac et Iacob et Ioseph, nimirum etiam post ipsum Moysen. Eo quippe tempore, quo Moyses natus est, fuisse reperitur Atlans ille magnus astrologus, Promethei frater, maternus auus Mercurii maioris, cuius nepos fuit Trismegistus iste Mercurius,

Chapter 39. On the Hebrew letters, which were never lacking to that language as its own.

It is not to be believed, then, as some think, that only the Hebrew language was preserved through the man called Heber, from whom the name of the Hebrews comes, and so came down to Abraham, but that the Hebrew letters began with the law given through Moses; rather, that language was kept with its letters through that succession of fathers. Indeed, Moses appointed among the people men to be in charge of teaching letters, before they knew any letters of the divine law. These the Scripture calls grammatoeisagōgeis, who in Latin can be called “inductors” or “introducers” of letters, because they lead them in, that is, introduce them in a way into the hearts of the learners, or rather lead those whom they teach into them. No nation, then, should boast with any vanity of the antiquity of its wisdom over our patriarchs and prophets, in whom there was divine wisdom, since not even Egypt, which is accustomed falsely and emptily to glory in the antiquity of its learning, is found to have preceded in time, by any wisdom of its own, the wisdom of our patriarchs. For no one will dare to say that they were most skilled in wonderful sciences before they knew letters, that is, before Isis came there and taught them there. And that memorable learning of theirs which was called wisdom, what was it but chiefly astronomy and whatever else of such sciences is wont to serve rather to exercise the wits than to enlighten minds with true wisdom? For as regards philosophy, which professes to teach something by which men may become happy, studies of that kind flourished in those lands about the times of Mercury, whom they called Trismegistus, long indeed before the sages or philosophers of Greece, but yet after Abraham and Isaac and Jacob and Joseph, and certainly after Moses himself. For at the time when Moses was born there is found to have lived that great astrologer Atlas, the brother of Prometheus, maternal grandfather of the elder Mercury, whose grandson was this Mercury Trismegistus.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Gen 10:21 (allusion, medium confidence) · Gen 11:14 (allusion, medium confidence) · Deut 1:15 (allusion, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that Hebrew with its letters was preserved from the patriarchs, and that Egyptian learning and Hermes Trismegistus came after Abraham and Moses.

  • The Greek word is garbled in the digital text; it is the LXX term γραμματοεισαγωγεῖς (“introducers of letters”, Exod 18:21–25 and Deut 1:15 in some manuscripts; the exact reference is uncertain), left uncorrected. The chapter ends mid-sentence with a comma in the digital text; it is translated as a complete sentence.

Extrabiblical texts: Corp. herm. (Hermetic writings; allusion)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.39 (CSEL 40:329–330; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-39). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.40CSEL 40:330–331

CAPUT XXXX. De Aegyptiorum mendacissima uanitate, quae antiquitati scientiae suae centum milia adscribit annorum. Frustra itaque uanissima praesumtione garriunt quidam dicentes, ex quo Aegyptus rationem siderum conprehendit, amplius quam centum annorum milia numerari. In quibus enim libris istum numerum collegerunt, qui non multum ante annorum duo milia litteras magistra Iside didicerunt? Non enim paruus auctor est in historia Varro, qui hoc prodidit, quod a litterarum etiam diuinarum ueritate non dissonat. Cum enim ab ipso primo homine, qui est appellatus Adam, nondum sex annorum milia conpleantur, quo modo non isti ridendi potius quam refellendi sunt, qui de spatio temporum tam diuersa et huic exploratae ueritati tam contraria persuadere conantur? Cui enim melius narranti praeterita credimus, quam qui etiam futura praedixit, quae praesentia iam uidemus? Nam et ipsa historicorum inter se dissonantia copiam nobis praebet, ut ei potius credere debeamus, qui diuinae, quam tenemus, non repugnat historiae. Porro autem ciues inpiae ciuitatis diffusi usquequaque per terras cum legunt doctissimos homines, quorum nullius contemnenda uideatur auctoritas, inter se de rebus gestis ab aetatis nostrae memoria remotissimis discrepantes, cui potius credere debeant, non inueniunt. Nos uero in nostrae religionis historia fulti auctoritate diuina, quidquid ei resistit, non dubitamus esse falsissimum, quomodolibet sese habeant cetera in saecularibus litteris, quae seu uera seu falsa sint, nihil momenti adferunt, quo recte beateque uiuamus.

Chapter 40. On the most lying vanity of the Egyptians, who ascribe a hundred thousand years to the antiquity of their science.

In vain, then, do some chatter with most empty presumption, saying that more than a hundred thousand years are counted since Egypt grasped the reckoning of the stars. For in what books did they collect that number, who learned letters from Isis as their teacher not much more than two thousand years ago? For Varro, no small authority in history, reported this, and it is not out of harmony with the truth of the divine writings too. For since not yet six thousand years are completed from the first man himself, who was called Adam, how are those not rather to be laughed at than refuted who try to persuade us of things about the length of time so different from, and so contrary to, this ascertained truth? For whom do we better believe when he narrates the past than one who also foretold the future, which we now see present? For the very disagreement of the historians among themselves gives us good reason to believe rather the one who does not contradict the divine history which we hold. Moreover, the citizens of the ungodly city, spread everywhere over the earth, when they read most learned men, none of whose authority seems to be despised, disagreeing among themselves about events very remote from the memory of our age, do not find whom they ought rather to believe. But we, supported in the history of our religion by divine authority, do not doubt that whatever opposes it is most false, however other things may stand in secular writings, which, whether true or false, contribute nothing of importance to our living rightly and happily.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine rejects the Egyptian claim of a hundred thousand years of astronomy, citing Varro and the biblical chronology of fewer than six thousand years since Adam.

  • Varro, fragment.

Extrabiblical texts: Varro (Varro; allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.40 (CSEL 40:330–331; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-40). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.41CSEL 40:331–335

CAPUT XXXXI. De philosophicarum opinionum dissensionibus et canonicarum aput ecclesiam concordia scripturarum. Ut autem iam cognitionem omittamus historiae, ipsi philosophi, a quibus ad ista progressi sumus, qui non uidentur laborasse in studiis suis, nisi ut inuenirent quo modo uiuendum esset adcommodate ad beatitudinem capessendam, quur dissenserunt et a magistris discipuli, et inter se condiscipuli, nisi quia ut homines humanis sensibus et humanis ratiocinationibus ista quaesierunt? Ubi quamuis esse potuerit et studium gloriandi, quo quisque alio sapientior et acutior uideri cupit nec sententiae quodam modo addictus alienae. sed sui dogmatis et opinionis inuentor, tamen ut nonnullos uel etiam plurimos eorum fuisse concedam, quos a suis doctoribus uel discendi sociis amor ueritatis abruperit, ut pro ea certarent, quam ueritatem putarent, siue illa esset, siue non esset: quid agit aut quo uel qua, ut ad beatitudinem perueniatur, humana se porrigit infelicitas, si diuina non ducit auctoritas? Denique auctores nostri, in quibus non frustra sacrarum litterarum figitur et terminatur canon, absit ut inter se aliqua ratione dissentiant. Unde non inmerito, cum illa scriberent, eis Deum uel per eos locutum, non pauci in scholis adque gymnasiis litigiosis disputationibus garruli, sed in agris adque urbibus cum doctis adque indoctis tot tantique populi crediderunt. Ipsi sane pauci esse debuerunt, ne multitudine uilesceret, quod religione carum esse oporteret; nec tamen ita pauci, ut eorum non sit miranda consensio. Neque enim in multitudine philosophorum, qui labore etiam litterario monumenta suorum dogmatum reliquerunt, facile quis inuenerit, inter quos cuncta quae sensere conueniant: quod ostendere hoc opere longum est. Quis autem sectae cuiuslibet auctor sic est in hac daemonicola ciuitate adprobatus, ut ceteri inprobarentur, qui diuersa et aduersa senserunt? Nonne aput Athenas et Epicurei clarebant, adserentes res humanas ad deorum curam non pertinere, et Stoici, qui contraria sentientes eas regi adque muniri dis adiutoribus et tutoribus disputabant? Unde miror quur Anaxagoras reus factus sit, quia solem dixit esse lapidem ardentem, negans utique deum, cum in eadem ciuitate gloria floruerit Epicurus uixeritque securus, non solum solem uel ullum siderum deum esse non credens, sed nec Iouem nec ullum deorum omnino in mundo habitare contendens, ad quem preces hominum supplicationesque perueniant. Nonne ibi Aristippus in uoluptate corporis summum bonum ponens, ibi Antisthenes uirtute animi potius hominem fieri beatum adseuerans, duo philosophi nobiles et ambo Socratici, in tam diuersis adque inter se contrariis finibus uitae summam locantes, quorum etiam ille fugiendam, iste administrandam sapienti dicebat esse rem publicam, ad suam quisque sectam sectandam discipulos congregabat? Nempe palam in conspicua et notissima porticu, in gymnasiis, in hortulis, in locis publicis ac priuatis cateruatim pro sua quisque opinione certabant, alii adserentes unum, alii innumerabiles mundos; ipsum autem unum alii ortum esse, alii uero initium non habere; alii interiturum, alii semper futurum; alii mente diuina, alii fortuito et casibus agi; alii inmortales esse animas, alii mortales; et qui inmortales, alii reuolui in bestias, alii nequaquam; qui uero mortales, alii mox interire post corpus, alii uiuere etiam postea uel paululum uel diutius, non tamen semper; alii in corpore constituentes finem boni, alii in animo, alii in utroque, alii extrinsecus posita etiam bona ad animum et corpus addentes; alii sensibus corporis semper, alii non semper, alii numquam putantes esse credendum. Has et alias paene innumerabiles dissensiones philosophorum quis umquam populus, quis senatus, quae potestas uel dignitas publica inpiae ciuitatis diiudicandas et alias probandas ac recipiendas, alias inprobandas repudiandasque curauit, ac non passim sine ullo iudicio confuseque habuit in gremio suo tot controuersias hominum dissidentium, non de agris et domibus uel quacumque pecuniaria ratione, sed de his rebus, quibus aut misere uiuitur aut beate? Ubi etsi aliqua uera dicebantur, eadem licentia dicebantur et falsa, prorsus ut non frustra talis ciuitas mysticum uocabulum Babylonis acceperit. Babylon interpretatur quippe confusio, quod nos iam dixisse meminimus. Nec interest diaboli regis eius, quam contrariis inter se rixentur erroribus, quos merito multae uariaeque inpietatis pariter possidet. At uero gens illa, ille populus, illa ciuitas, illa res publica, illi Israelitae, quibus credita sunt eloquia Dei, nullo modo pseudoprophetas cum ueris prophetis parilitate licentiae confuderunt, sed concordes inter se adque in nullo dissentientes sacrarum litterarum ueraces ab eis agnoscebantur et tenebantur auctores. Ipsi eis erant philosophi, hoc est amatores sapientiae, ipsi sapientes, ipsi theologi, ipsi prophetae, ipsi doctores probitatis adque pietatis. Quicumque secundum illos sapuit et uixit, non secundum homines, sed secundum Deum, qui per eos locutus est, sapuit et uixit. Ibi si prohibitum est sacrilegium, Deus prohibuit. Si dictum est: Honora patrem [tuum] et matrem tuam, Deus iussit. Si dictum est: Non moechaberis, non homicidium facies, non furaberis, et cetera huius modi, non haec ora humana. sed oracula diuina fuderunt. Quidquid philosophi quidam inter falsa, quae opinati sunt, uerum uidere potuerunt et laboriosis disputationibus persuadere moliti sunt, quod mundum istum Deus fecerit eumque ipse prouidentissimus administret, de honestate uirtutum, de amore patriae; de fide amicitiae, de bonis operibus adque omnibus ad mores probos pertinentibus rebus, quamuis nescientes ad quem finem et quonam modo essent ista omnia referenda, propheticis, hoc est diuinis, uocibus, quamuis per homines, in illa ciuitate populo commendata sunt, non argumentationum concertationibus inculcata, ut non hominis ingenium, sed Dei eloquium contemnere formidaret, qui illa cognosceret.

Chapter 41. On the disagreements of philosophical opinions and the concord of the canonical Scriptures in the church.

But to leave aside now the knowledge of history, why have the philosophers themselves, from whom we have come on to these matters, who seem to have laboured in their studies for nothing except to find how one should live so as to attain happiness, disagreed, disciples with their masters and fellow disciples among themselves, except because as men they sought these things with human senses and human reasonings? Though there could have been in this also a desire for glory, by which each wishes to seem wiser and sharper than another, and not bound, as it were, to another's opinion, but the discoverer of his own doctrine and view, yet, granting that some or even very many of them were such that the love of truth tore them away from their teachers or fellow learners, so that they might contend for what they thought the truth, whether it was so or not: what does human unhappiness do, or where or by what way does it stretch itself out to reach happiness, if divine authority does not lead it?

Our authors, finally, in whom the canon of the sacred writings is fixed and bounded, not without reason, far be it that they should disagree among themselves in any way. Hence not without reason did not a few talkers in the schools and gymnasia, with contentious disputations, but so many and such great peoples, in fields and cities, learned and unlearned, believe that God spoke to them or through them when they wrote those things. They themselves indeed had to be few, lest what ought to be dear to religion should grow cheap by multitude; and yet not so few that their agreement is not to be wondered at. For among the multitude of philosophers who, even with literary labour, left monuments of their doctrines, one would not easily find any among whom all that they thought agrees; which it would be long to show in this work. And what founder of any sect whatever has been so approved in this demon-worshipping city that the others, who thought differently and contrarily, were disapproved? Were there not renowned at Athens both the Epicureans, who asserted that human affairs do not belong to the care of the gods, and the Stoics, who, thinking the contrary, argued that they are ruled and defended by the gods as helpers and guardians? Hence I wonder why Anaxagoras was put on trial because he said that the sun was a burning stone, thereby, of course, denying that it was a god, when in the same city Epicurus flourished in glory and lived secure, not only not believing that the sun or any of the stars was a god, but contending that neither Jupiter nor any of the gods dwelt in the world at all, for the prayers and supplications of men to reach him. Did not Aristippus there, placing the highest good in the pleasure of the body, and Antisthenes there, asserting rather that man becomes happy by virtue of mind, two noble philosophers and both Socratics, placing the sum of life in ends so different and contrary to each other, of whom the former said the wise man should avoid public affairs and the latter that he should administer them, each gather disciples to follow his own sect? Indeed, openly, in the conspicuous and very well-known Porch, in gymnasia, in gardens, in public and private places, they contended in crowds, each for his own opinion: some asserting one world, others innumerable worlds; of this one world, some that it had a beginning, others that it had none; some that it would perish, others that it would always exist; some that it is governed by the divine mind, others by chance and accident; some that souls are immortal, others that they are mortal; and of those who held them immortal, some that they return into beasts, others by no means; of those who held them mortal, some that they perish immediately after the body, others that they live on afterwards for a little or for longer, but not for ever; some placing the end of the good in the body, others in the mind, others in both, others adding to mind and body external goods as well; some thinking the senses of the body always to be trusted, others not always, others never.

These and other almost innumerable disagreements of the philosophers, what people, what senate, what public power or dignity of the ungodly city ever took care to judge between them, approving and receiving some, disapproving and rejecting others? Did it not rather hold in its bosom, at random, without any judgment and in confusion, so many controversies of men disagreeing, not about fields and houses or any matter of money, but about those things by which one lives either wretchedly or happily? Where, even if some true things were said, false things were said with the same licence, so that it was not for nothing that such a city received the mystical name of Babylon. For Babylon means “confusion,” as we remember having said already. Nor does it matter to the devil, its king, with how contrary errors they quarrel among themselves, since he possesses them all alike, as they deserve, for their many and various impieties.

But that nation, that people, that city, that commonwealth, those Israelites to whom the oracles of God were entrusted, by no means confused false prophets with true ones with equal licence; but the truthful authors of the sacred writings, in agreement among themselves and disagreeing in nothing, were recognized and held by them. These were to them their philosophers, that is, lovers of wisdom; these their sages, these their theologians, these their prophets, these their teachers of uprightness and piety. Whoever was wise and lived according to them was wise and lived not according to men but according to God, who spoke through them. If sacrilege was forbidden there, God forbade it. If it was said, “Honour father and your mother,” God commanded it. If it was said, “You shall not commit adultery, you shall not commit murder, you shall not steal,” and other things of this kind, these were poured forth not by human mouths but by divine oracles. Whatever truth certain philosophers could see amid the false things they held, and strove to persuade by laborious disputations, that God made this world and himself governs it most providently, about the honourableness of the virtues, the love of country, the faithfulness of friendship, good works, and all things pertaining to upright morals, though they did not know to what end and in what way all these things were to be referred, was commended to the people in that city by prophetic, that is, divine, voices, though through men, not driven home by contests of argument; so that whoever came to know these things feared to despise not the wit of a man but the word of God.

Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.

Gen 11:9 (allusion, medium confidence) · Rom 3:2 (allusion, high confidence) · Exod 20:12 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 20:13 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 20:14 (quotation, high confidence) · Exod 20:15 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine contrasts the endless disagreements of the philosophers, all tolerated by the earthly city, “Babylon,” with the concord of the canonical Scriptures, through which God himself taught Israel.

  • In “Honour father and your mother” the editor deletes “tuum” (“your”) before “father”; it is left out. On Babylon as “confusion” see Gen 11:9 and Book 16 of this work.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray letters in the digital text): regi ti adque → regi adque.

Extrabiblical texts: Epicurus (Epicurus (sayings and fragments); allusion); Anaxagoras (Anaxagoras; allusion); Aristippus (Aristippus (fragments); allusion); Antisthenes (Antisthenes (fragments); allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon, Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.41 (CSEL 40:331–335; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-41). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-18-41) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

18.42CSEL 40:335–336

CAPUT XXXXII. Qua dispensatione prouidentiae Dei scripturae sacrae ueteris testamenti ex Hebraeo in Graecum eloquium translatae sint, ut gentibus innotescerent. Has sacras litteras etiam unus Ptolomaeorum regum Aegypti nosse studuit et habere. Nam post Alexandri Macedonis, qui etiam Magnus cognominatus est, mirificentissimam minimeque diuturnam potentiam, qua uniuersam Asiam, immo paene totum orbem, partim ui et armis, partim terrore subegerat, quando inter cetera Orientis etiam Iudaeam ingressus obtinuit; eo mortuo comites eius cum regnum illud amplissimum non pacifice inter se possessuri diuisissent, sed potius dissipassent bellis omnia uastaturi, Ptolomaeos reges habere coepit Aegyptus; quorum primus, Lagi filius, multos ex Iudaea captiuos in Aegyptum transtulit. Huic autem succedens alius Ptolomaeus, qui est appellatus Philadelphus, omnes, quos ille adduxerat subiugatos, liberos redire permisit; insuper et dona regia in templum Dei misit petiuitque ab Eleazaro tunc pontifice dari sibi scripturas, quas profecto audierat fama praedicante diuinas, et ideo concupiuerat habere in bibliotheca, quam nobilissimam fecerat. Has ei cum idem pontifex misisset Hebraeas, post ille etiam interpretes postulauit; et dati sunt septuaginta duo, de singulis duodecim tribubus seni homines, linguae utriusque doctissimi, Hebraeae scilicet adque Graecae, quorum interpretatio ut Septuaginta uocetur, iam obtinuit consuetudo. Traditur sane tam mirabilem ac stupendum planeque diuinum in eorum uerbis fuisse consensum, ut, cum ad hoc opus separatim singuli sederint (ita enim eorum fidem Ptolomaeo placuit explorare), in nullo uerbo, quod idem significaret et tantundem ualeret, uel in uerborum ordine alter ab altero discreparet; sed tamquam unus esset interpres, ita quod omnes interpretati sunt unum erat; quoniam re uera spiritus erat unus in omnibus. Et ideo tam mirabile Dei munus acceperant, ut illarum scripturarum non tamquam humanarum, sed, sicut erant, tamquam diuinarum etiam isto modo commendaretur auctoritas, credituris quandoque gentibus profutura, quod iam uidemus effectum.

Chapter 42. By what dispensation of God's providence the sacred Scriptures of the Old Testament were translated from Hebrew into the Greek language, so that they might become known to the nations.

These sacred writings one of the Ptolemies, kings of Egypt, was eager to know and to possess. For after the most marvellous and by no means lasting power of Alexander of Macedon, who was also surnamed the Great, by which he had subdued all Asia, indeed almost the whole world, partly by force of arms, partly by terror, when among other parts of the East he also entered and held Judea: after his death, when his companions had divided that very great kingdom among themselves, not to possess it peacefully, but rather had torn it apart to lay everything waste with wars, Egypt began to have the Ptolemies as kings. The first of them, the son of Lagus, carried many captives from Judea into Egypt. But another Ptolemy succeeding him, who was called Philadelphus, allowed all those whom he had brought as subjects to return free; and moreover he sent royal gifts to the temple of God and asked Eleazar, then high priest, that the Scriptures should be given him, which he had certainly heard, as fame proclaimed, were divine, and therefore he had desired to have them in the library which he had made most renowned. When the same high priest had sent them to him in Hebrew, he afterwards asked for translators too; and there were given seventy-two, six men from each of the twelve tribes, most learned in both languages, that is, Hebrew and Greek; and custom has now established that their translation is called the Septuagint. It is related, indeed, that there was so marvellous, astonishing, and plainly divine an agreement in their words that, though each sat separately at this work (for so it pleased Ptolemy to test their faithfulness), they did not differ from one another in any word that meant the same thing and had the same force, or in the order of the words; but as if there were one translator, so what they all translated was one, since in truth the Spirit was one in all. And they had received so marvellous a gift of God so that in this way too the authority of those Scriptures might be commended, not as human but, as they were, as divine, to benefit the nations that would at some time believe, which we now see accomplished.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine recounts how Ptolemy Philadelphus obtained the Hebrew Scriptures and had them translated by seventy-two elders whose separate translations miraculously agreed, a gift of God for the future faith of the nations.

  • The story comes from the Letter of Aristeas, embellished (the separate cells and identical translations) in later Jewish and Christian tradition; the Letter of Aristeas has no entry in the site's list of extrabiblical texts. The miracle is reported by Augustine as tradition (“it is related”).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR slip (annis for armis)): ui et annis → ui et armis.

Extrabiblical texts: Let. Aris. (Letter of Aristeas; allusion)

Topics: Scripture and canon

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 18.42 (CSEL 40:335–336; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/18-35/#p-18-42). (abbreviation not yet checked)

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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).