Church History 7.3–7.13

At that time, when Meletius too returned to Antioch in Syria under this law, a serious contention arose among the people. For since Paulinus was still alive — whose piety, as we have learned, the emperor Valens respected and did not dare to condemn him to exile — some thought it right that Meletius should become his colleague on the throne. When Paulinus’s supporters objected and slandered Meletius’s ordination as having been performed by Arian bishops, Meletius’s admirers carried out their purpose by force. For no ordinary crowd set him on the episcopal throne in one of the churches before the city. As the people on each side were angry and a riot was expected, a wonderful counsel prevailed that brought them to concord. For it was agreed that those thought fit to oversee the throne there — and besides Flavian there were five others expected — should take an oath that they would neither seek it nor, if ordination were offered them, consent to be bishop as long as Paulinus or Meletius was alive; and that when one of the two died, the other alone should have the episcopate. When the oaths had been given on these terms, almost the whole multitude was of one mind; but a few of Lucifer’s followers still dissented, on the ground that Meletius had been ordained by those of another belief. When this had been done, Meletius came to Constantinople; and there he and the other bishops gathered there decided that it was necessary to transfer Gregory from Nazianzus and entrust to him the episcopate there.

About this time Gratian, since the western Gauls were troubled by the Alamanni, returned to his father’s portion, which he had left for himself and his brother to govern, entrusting Illyricum and the eastern parts of the empire to Theodosius. His affairs against these went as he wished, and those of Theodosius against the barbarians along the Ister. When he had defeated some in battle, and accepted a treaty with others who asked to be friends of the Romans, taking hostages, he came to Thessalonica. Falling ill there, he was initiated, Ascholius the bishop there performing the rite, and grew better. For being a Christian from his forefathers according to the doctrine of the synod at Nicaea, he was then glad that Ascholius believed so, and that he was in deeds good and, in short, equipped, so to speak, with every priestly virtue; he was glad too that all the Illyrians had no part in the belief of Arius. Inquiring about the other provinces, he learned that as far as the Macedonians the churches were of one mind and all equally worshipped the God Word and the Holy Spirit with the Father; but that from there eastward they were in faction, so that the peoples were divided into different heresies, especially in Constantinople. Reckoning it better to proclaim to his subjects the belief he held about the divine, so as not to seem to use force by suddenly ordering them to worship against their will, he addressed a law from Thessalonica to the people of Constantinople; for he saw that from there, as from a citadel of the whole empire, the document would quickly become known to the other cities too. In it he made known that he wished all his subjects to worship as Peter, the chief of the apostles, had handed down to the Romans from the beginning, and as Damasus the bishop of Rome and Peter of Alexandria then kept it; that only those who worship the divine Trinity as equal in honour should be called the catholic church; and that those who believed otherwise should be called heretics, be held infamous, and expect punishment.

Having made this law, he came not long after to Constantinople. Those who held the views of Arius still held the churches, led by Demophilus; while Gregory of Nazianzus presided over those who held the Trinity to be of the same essence. He held assemblies in a small house, made into a house of prayer by those of the same belief for him and those who worshipped as he did. Afterwards this became, and still is, one of the most famous churches in the city, not only for the beauty and size of its buildings but also for the benefits of manifest divine appearances. For a divine power appearing here, both waking and in dreams, has often helped many suffering from diseases and reversals of fortune. It is believed that this is Mary, the holy virgin, the mother of God; for she appears in this way. They call this church Anastasia; as I supposed, because the doctrine of the synod at Nicaea, which had already fallen in Constantinople and was, so to speak, dead through the power of those of other belief, rose up here and came to life again through Gregory’s discourses. But as I have heard from some who maintain that it is true, while the people were assembled, a pregnant woman fell from the upper gallery and died there; but when all had made a common prayer over her, she came to life again and was saved together with her baby. Because of this marvel that happened from God, the place has had this name from that time. Such is the account that still circulates about it. The emperor sent to Demophilus and ordered him to worship according to the doctrine of the synod at Nicaea and to bring the people to concord, or to withdraw from the churches. He called the people together, made known the emperor’s will, and announced that the next day they would assemble before the walls. “For,” he said, “a divine law commands: ‘If they persecute you from this city, flee to the other.’” Having said this, from then on he held his assemblies before the city; and with him Lucius too, who had formerly been entrusted with the church of the Alexandrians by those of Arius’s party; for having been driven out, as was said, he had come to Constantinople as an exile and was living there. When Demophilus’s party had left the church, the emperor entered and prayed; and from that time those who uphold a Trinity of the same essence held the houses of prayer. This was the year in which Gratian was consul for the fifth time and Theodosius for the first, the fortieth since those of the Arian heresy had held the churches.

But these, still being a multitude and assembling more fearlessly because of the favour of Constantius and Valens, debated publicly about God and his essence; and they persuaded those of the same mind as themselves in the palace to sound out the emperor. For they thought they would succeed in the attempt, considering what had happened under Constantius. This very thing caused anxiety and fear to those of the catholic church; and they were especially alarmed reckoning with Eunomius’s skill in debate. For not long before, in the reign of Valens, having had a dispute at Cyzicus with his clergy, he cut himself off from Arius’s party and lived by himself in Bithynia, across from Constantinople; and a multitude crossed over to him, and others came from elsewhere, some to test him and others to hear what he said. Report of these things reached the emperor too, and he was ready to meet him; but the empress Placilla prevented it, earnestly entreating him. For, being a most faithful guardian of the doctrine of the synod at Nicaea, she feared lest her husband, as was likely, be won over in debate and change to Eunomius’s belief. While zeal on both sides about these things was at its height, it is said that the bishops staying in Constantinople came to the palace, as is customary, to greet the ruler, and that there was with them an old man, a priest of an obscure city, simple and inexperienced in affairs but wise in divine things. The others greeted the emperor bareheaded and very reverently, and the old priest addressed him likewise. But to the emperor’s son, who was seated with his father, he did not give equal honour; but coming up to him as to a child he said, “Greetings, my child,” patting him with his finger. The emperor, moved to anger and indignant on behalf of his son as insulted, because he had not been thought worthy of the same honour, ordered the old man to be thrown out insultingly. As he was being pushed out, he turned and said: “Think thus, O emperor, that the heavenly Father too is angry with those who do not honour the Son equally and dare to call him less than the one who begot him.” The emperor, struck with admiration at what had been said, called the priest back, asked his pardon, and agreed that he had spoken truly. And being made more steadfast, he would not admit those who believed otherwise; he forbade disputes and gatherings in the market place, and made it dangerous to debate in the same way about the essence and nature of God, making a law about it and fixing a punishment.

He quickly called together a synod of bishops of his own belief, for the confirmation of the decisions of Nicaea and for the ordination of the one who was to oversee the throne of Constantinople. Supposing that he could join the so-called Macedonians to the catholic church, as differing in nothing great in the inquiry about doctrine, he called them too. There met, of those who held the Trinity of the same essence, about a hundred and fifty; and of the heresy of Macedonius thirty-six, most of whom were from the cities about the Hellespont. These were led by Eleusius of Cyzicus and Marcian of Lampsacus; the others by Timothy, who governed the throne of the Alexandrians, having succeeded his brother Peter, who had died not long before; and Meletius, bishop of Antioch, who had already come to Constantinople earlier for the installation of Gregory; and Cyril of Jerusalem, who had then repented of his former holding of Macedonius’s views. With these were Ascholius of Thessalonica, Diodore of Tarsus and Acacius of Beroea. All of them, being supporters of the document confirmed at Nicaea, begged Eleusius’s party to become of one mind with them, reminding them of their embassy to Liberius and what they had confessed through Eustathius, Silvanus and Theophilus, as has been told. But they, saying openly that they would never hold the Son to be of the same essence with the Father, even if this contradicted their confessions to Liberius, went away, and wrote to those of their belief in the cities not to agree to the decisions of Nicaea. Those who remained in Constantinople deliberated to whom the see there should be entrusted. For it is said that the emperor, admiring Gregory’s life and eloquence, voted him worthy of this episcopate, and most of the synod agreed out of respect for his virtue; that he at first chose to preside over the church of Constantinople, but perceiving that some would object, especially those from Egypt, he declined. And this most wise man seems to me worthy of admiration in every respect, but not least in this. For he was neither filled with pride by his eloquence, nor led by vainglory to desire to lead the church which he had received when it was in danger of no longer existing. When the bishops asked for it back, he returned the trust, not complaining of his many labours or of the dangers he had undergone wrestling with the heresies. And yet there was nothing to hinder him from remaining bishop of Constantinople, since another bishop had already been ordained for Nazianzus. Nevertheless the synod, keeping the ancestral laws and the church’s order, took back from him, willing as he was, what it had given, paying no regard to the man’s distinctions. Since the emperor and the priests regarded the decision as a matter of the greatest importance, and the ruler urged them to make an exact examination so that the most excellent man might be found to whom the high priesthood of the greatest and imperial city should be entrusted, the synod was not of one mind; each party thought it right to ordain one of their own friends.

At this time a certain Nectarius of Tarsus in Cilicia, of the most illustrious order of the senate, was staying in Constantinople. Being already prepared to go home, he came to Diodore, the bishop of Tarsus, to carry letters if he wished to write. Diodore happened then to be considering by himself whom he should put forward for the ordination in question. Seeing Nectarius, he thought him worthy of the episcopate; for at once there came to his mind the man’s grey hair, his priestly appearance, and the gentleness of his manners. And taking him, as if on some other business, to the bishop of Antioch, he praised him and asked him to support him. The bishop, since it was a matter of serious concern and many most distinguished men were candidates, laughed at Diodore’s vote. Yet he called Nectarius to himself and told him to wait a short time. Not long after, when the emperor ordered the priests to write on a paper the names of those each judged worthy of the ordination, reserving to himself the choice of one out of all, they wrote down different men. The head of the church of the Antiochenes wrote those he wished, and last of all added Nectarius, as a favour to Diodore. When the emperor read the list of those written down, he stopped at Nectarius; and becoming thoughtful, he deliberated with himself at leisure, putting his finger on the last name; then running back to the beginning, he went through all of them again, and chose Nectarius. Everyone was astonished, and they asked who this Nectarius was, what his pursuits, and where he came from. Learning that the man had not even received the mysteries, they marvelled still more at the strangeness of the emperor’s judgment. Diodore, I think, did not know this; for had he known, he would not have dared to give his vote for the priesthood to one still uninitiated; but, as was natural, he supposed that a grey-haired man had long been initiated. It did not happen without God. For the emperor, learning that he was uninitiated, remained of the same opinion, though many priests opposed him. When all had yielded and agreed to the ruler’s vote, he was initiated; and while still wearing the white garment of initiation, he was proclaimed bishop of Constantinople by the common vote of the synod. Many believe that this happened so because God gave an oracle to the emperor; I do not know exactly whether this is true or not. But I am persuaded that what happened was not accomplished without divine influence, when I look at the strangeness of the ordination and consider what followed, how God brought to this priesthood a most gentle and good and noble man. Such were the events of Nectarius’s ordination, as I have learned.

After this Nectarius himself and the other priests met and decreed that the faith of the synod at Nicaea should remain in force and every heresy be condemned; that the churches everywhere should be governed according to the ancient canons; that the bishops should remain in their own churches and not rashly invade those beyond their bounds, nor thrust themselves into ordinations they were not invited to and that did not concern them, as had often happened before when the church happened to be persecuted; that what happened in each province should be managed and dealt with by the synod of the province, as might seem best; and that after the bishop of Rome the bishop of Constantinople should have the precedence, as governing the throne of new Rome. For the city already not only had this name and had likewise a senate, orders of the people and magistrates, but contracts were judged according to the laws of the Romans in Italy, and the rights and privileges in everything were made equal for each. They decreed that Maximus neither had become nor was a bishop, nor were those ordained by him clerics, and that what had been done for him or by him was void. For this man, an Alexandrian by birth and a … philosopher by profession, zealous for the doctrine of the synod, had been made bishop of Constantinople by those who had come at that time from Egypt, who stole the ordination. Such were the synod’s decisions. The emperor ratified them and made a law that the faith of those who met at Nicaea should be in force, and that the churches everywhere should be handed over to those who confess one and the same Godhead of Father, Son and Holy Spirit in the hypostasis of three persons equal in honour and in power; and that these were those in communion with Nectarius in Constantinople; in Egypt with Timothy the bishop of Alexandria; in the churches of the East with Diodore of Tarsus and Pelagius the bishop of Laodicea in Syria; among the Asians with Amphilochius, who presided over the church at Iconium; in the cities along the Pontus, from the Bithynians to the Armenians, with Helladius, bishop of the church of Caesarea in Cappadocia, Gregory of Nyssa and Otreius of Melitene; and in the cities of Thrace and Scythia with Terentius of Tomi and Martyrius of Marcianopolis. For the emperor himself had praised these, having seen them and met with them, and a good reputation prevailed about them as leading the churches piously. When this had been done and the synod had ended, the others returned each to his home.

Nectarius learned the priestly order under Cyriacus, bishop of Adana, as his teacher. For he asked Diodore, the bishop of Tarsus, to let Cyriacus stay with him for some time; and he invited many other Cilicians to be with him, among them Martyrius, whom he had as his own physician and who knew of the sins of his youth, and whom he planned to ordain deacon. But Martyrius would not consent, maintaining that he was unworthy of the divine ministry and calling Nectarius himself to witness to his way of life. Nectarius said: “Was not I, who am now a priest, much more careless than you in my former life, as you yourself bear witness, having often ministered to my many excesses?” He answered: “But you, blessed one, having lately been baptized, have been cleansed and for this have been thought worthy of the priesthood; for the Divine has ordained both as purifications of sins. And you seem to me no different from newborn babes. But I, having long ago received divine baptism, have continued to live the same life.” Saying this, he did not accept ordination. I praise the man for his refusal, and for this reason have made him part of this history. The emperor, learning what had happened to Paul, who had been bishop of Constantinople, brought his body back and buried it in the church which Macedonius, who had plotted against him, had built; and this temple, being very large and most celebrated, is still named after him. This leads many who do not know the truth, especially women and most of the common people, to suppose that Paul the apostle lies there. About this time the remains of Meletius too were brought to Antioch and buried beside the tomb of the martyr Babylas. It is said that by the emperor’s order, along the whole highway, they were received within the walls into the cities, contrary to Roman custom, and honoured in turn with psalm-singing in each place, until they were brought to Antioch.

In his place Flavian was ordained, contrary to the oaths that had been given; for Paulinus was still alive. From this the greatest turmoil again took hold of the church of the Antiochenes; very many separated themselves from communion with Flavian and held assemblies apart under Paulinus. The priests themselves disagreed with one another on this account. The Egyptians, the Arabians and the Cypriots were indignant, as at a wrong done to Paulinus; but the Syrians, the Palestinians and the Phoenicians, and most of the Armenians, Cappadocians, Galatians and those along the Pontus, took Flavian’s side. Not least, the bishop of the Romans and all the priests of the West were angry. They wrote the usual letters, which they call synodal, to Paulinus as bishop of Antioch, but kept silence toward Flavian; and they blamed Diodore of Tarsus and Acacius of Beroea, who had ordained him, and held them out of communion. To decide these matters, they and the emperor Gratian wrote summoning the bishops of the East to the West.

At this time, as those of the catholic church took possession of the houses of prayer, very many disturbances took place in many parts of the empire, those of the Arian heresy resisting. The emperor Theodosius, after a short interval from the former synod, again called together the leaders of the heresies then flourishing, either to be persuaded or to persuade about what they disagreed on. For he supposed that he would make all of one belief if he set before them a common debate about the disputed points of doctrine. When they had met — this was the year in which Merobaudes for the second time and Saturninus were consuls, when he proclaimed his son Arcadius co-emperor — he summoned Nectarius, conferred with him about the coming synod, and ordered him to bring the questions that produce the heresies to debate, so that there might be one church of those who believe in Christ and a harmonious doctrine by which to worship. Nectarius, anxious by himself, made the emperor’s mind known to Agelius, head of the church of the Novatians, as one of the same mind about the faith. Agelius, who bore the virtue of his life in his deeds but was unpractised in the subtlety and complexity of arguments, put forward in his place, to see what was to be done and to debate if necessary, a man among his readers at that time named Sisinnius, who was afterwards entrusted with the same episcopate — a man able to think and to express himself, knowing exactly the interpretations of the sacred books, and widely learned in the history of those who had lived the philosophic life among the Greeks and in the church. He, seeming then to speak best, advised that they avoid debates with those of other belief, as causes of strife and battle, but ask them whether they accepted those who had been guides and teachers of the sacred words before the division of the church. “For if they reject their testimonies,” he said, “they will be driven out by their own people; but if they think them adequate for the proof of the disputed points, their books must be produced.” For he knew well that the ancients, finding the Son coeternal with the Father, did not dare to say that he had his generation from some beginning. When Nectarius too thought this good, and the emperor on learning it praised the counsel, he sounded out those of the other heresies as to their mind concerning the interpretations of the older writers. When they professed great admiration for them, he openly asked whether they would end their inquiries on the basis of what those had said and thought them trustworthy witnesses of doctrine. When disagreement arose about this too among the leaders of the heresies — for each did not think the same about the books of the older writers — the emperor understood that they declined the proposal, trusting only in debates of their own arguments. Blaming them for their attitude, he ordered each heresy to give him a written statement of its own doctrine. When the day came that had been fixed for doing this, they met at the palace: for those who held the Trinity of the same essence, Nectarius and Agelius; for the Arian heresy, Demophilus, its head; for that of Eunomius, Eunomius himself; and Eleusius, bishop of Cyzicus, for the so-called Macedonians. Receiving each one’s document, he praised only that which taught the Trinity of the same essence, and tore up the others as contrary. From this nothing turned out against the wishes of the Novatians, for they believe the same about God as the catholic church. But the others were angry with their priests for having opposed them ignorantly before the ruler; and many, condemning them, went over to the approved doctrine. The emperor, making laws, ordered those of other belief neither to hold assemblies nor to teach about the faith nor to ordain bishops or others; some were to be driven from cities and fields, others to be infamous and not to share in civic rights like the rest; and he wrote severe penalties into the laws. But he did not carry them out; for he was eager not to punish but to frighten his subjects, so that they might be of one mind with him about the divine; since he praised those who changed of their own accord.

About this time, while Gratian was occupied with the war against the Alamanni, Maximus rose up from Britain and tried to bring the empire of the Romans under himself. Valentinian, still young, was then living in Italy; the administration of affairs there had been entrusted to Probus, a man of consular rank, as prefect. Then Justina, the emperor’s mother, who held the views of Arius, gave trouble to Ambrose, bishop of Milan, and disturbed the churches, attempting to innovate against the decisions of Nicaea and setting great store on the faith of those who met at Ariminum prevailing. When Ambrose strove to the contrary, she, angry, slandered him to her son as having insulted her. Valentinian, supposing the slanders true, as avenging his mother, sent a body of soldiers against the church. They attacked the temple, forced their way inside the doors, and dragged Ambrose off at once to take him into exile. But the multitude of the church, pouring round him, resisted the soldiers, and resolved to die rather than abandon the priest. At this Justina was inflamed to greater anger and planned to strengthen her attempt by law. Summoning Menivolus, who was then in charge of the secretaries of the laws, she ordered him to issue as quickly as possible a law for the confirmation of the faith read at Ariminum. When he quietly declined the task — for he was of the catholic church — she urged him, enticing him with promises of greater honour. But she did not persuade him; Menivolus took off his belt and threw it at the empress’s feet, saying that he would claim neither his present rank nor a greater one at the price of impiety. Since he stood firm never to do this, others served in issuing such a law. It ordered that those who believed as those who had met at Ariminum, and afterwards at Constantinople, should assemble without fear; and that those who hindered this, or petitioned against the emperor’s law, should be punished with death. While the emperor’s mother was eager about this and pressing to carry the law into effect, it was announced that Gratian had been killed by the treachery of Andragathius, Maximus’s general. For he had hidden himself in an imperial carriage and ordered the officers to announce that it was the emperor’s wife. Gratian, rashly crossing the river there, being lately married, young, and in love with his wife, in his eagerness to see her, foreseeing nothing, fell into Andragathius’s hands; and being seized, he was killed not long after, being about twenty-four years old and having reigned fifteen. At so great a calamity Justina ceased from her anger against Ambrose. Meanwhile Maximus, gathering a very great army of Britons and of the neighbouring Gauls and Celts and the nations there, marched on Italy, on the pretext that he would not tolerate any innovation in the ancestral faith and the order of the church, but in truth clearing himself of the reputation of a usurper; and looking to the empire, he was contriving, if he could, to seem to gain the rule of the Romans by law and not by force. Valentinian, compelled by the circumstances, acknowledged the insignia of his rule. But fearing lest he suffer harm, he fled from Italy and came to Thessalonica, and with him his mother and Probus the prefect.