City of God 4.7–4.19
Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).
Chapter 4
4.7CSEL 40:170–171
CAPUT VII. An regna terrena inter profectus suos adque defectus deorum iuuentur uel deserantur auxilio. Si nullo deorum adiutorio tam magnum hoc regnum et prolixum fuit, quare dis Romanis tribuitur Romanum regnum locis amplum temporibusque diuturnum? Quaecumque enim causa est illa, eadem est etiam ista. Si autem et illud deorum adiutorio tribuendum esse contendunt, quaero quorum. Non enim aliae gentes, quas Ninus domuit et subegit, alios tunc colebant deos. Aut si proprios habuerunt Assyrii, quasi peritiores fabros imperii construendi adque seruandi, numquidnam mortui sunt, quando et ipsi imperium perdiderunt, aut mercede non sibi reddita uel alia maiore promissa ad Medos transire maluerunt, adque inde rursus ad Persas Cyro inuitante et aliquid commodius pollicente? Quae gens non angustis Orientis finibus post Alexandri Macedonis regnum magnum locis, sed breuissimum tempore in suo regno adhuc usque perdurat. Hoc si ita est, aut infideles di sunt, qui suos deserunt et ad hostes transeunt (quod nec homo fecit Camillus, quando uictor et expugnator aduersissimae ciuitatis Romam, cui uicerat, sensit ingratam, quam tamen postea oblitus iniuriae, memor patriae, a Gallis iterum liberauit), aut non ita fortes sunt, ut deos esse fortes decet, qui possunt humanis uel consiliis uel uiribus uinci; aut si, cum inter se belligerant, non di ab hominibus, sed di ab aliis dis forte uincuntur, qui sunt quarumque proprii ciuitatum: habent ergo et ipsi inter se inimicitias, quas pro sua quisque parte suscipiunt. Non itaque deos suos debuit colere ciuitas magis quam alios, a quibus adiuuarentur sui. Postremo quoquo modo se habeat deorum iste uel transitus uel fuga, uel migratio uel in pugna defectio, nondum illis temporibus adque in illis terrarum partibus Christi nomen fuerat praedicatum, quando illa regna per ingentes clades bellicas amissa adque translata sunt. Nam post mille ducentos et quod excurrit annos, quando regnum Assyriis ablatum est, si iam ibi Christiana religio aliud regnum praedicaret aeternum et deorum falsorum cultus sacrilegos inhiberet: quid aliud illius gentis uani homines dicerent, nisi regnum, quod tam diu conseruatum est, nulla alia causa nisi suis religionibus desertis et illa recepta perire potuisse? In qua uoce uanitatis, quae poterat esse, isti adtendant speculum suum, et similia conqueri, si ullus in eis pudor est, erubescant. Quamquam Romanum imperium adflictum est potius quam mutatum, quod et aliis ante Christi nomen temporibus ei contigit et ab illa est adflictione recreatum, quod nec istis temporibus desperandum est. Quis enim de hac re nouit uoluntatem Dei?
Chapter 7. Whether earthly kingdoms, in their rises and falls, are helped or deserted by the aid of the gods.
If this kingdom was so great and long-lasting without any help from the gods, why is the Roman kingdom, broad in extent and long in duration, attributed to the Roman gods? For whatever the cause of the one, the same is the cause of the other. But if they argue that the former too is to be attributed to the help of the gods, I ask which gods. For the other nations which Ninus subdued and subjugated did not then worship other gods. Or if the Assyrians had their own gods, as more skilled craftsmen of building and preserving an empire, did they die when the Assyrians too lost their empire? Or, their wages not being paid them, or some greater reward being promised by another, did they prefer to go over to the Medes, and from there again to the Persians, when Cyrus invited them and promised something more advantageous? That nation, after the kingdom of Alexander of Macedon, which was great in extent but very short in duration, still endures in its own kingdom within no narrow borders of the East. If this is so, then either the gods are faithless, who desert their own and go over to the enemy (which not even the man Camillus did, when, as victor and conqueror of a most hostile city, he found Rome, for which he had conquered, ungrateful, yet afterwards, forgetting the injury and mindful of his country, freed it again from the Gauls), or they are not as strong as it befits gods to be strong, since they can be defeated by human counsels or forces; or, if when they make war on one another it is not the gods who are defeated by men but gods who are perhaps defeated by other gods, those who belong to particular cities, then they too have enmities among themselves, which each takes up for his own side. So a city ought not to have worshipped its own gods more than others, by whom its own might have been helped. Finally, however that crossing over or flight, migration or desertion in battle, of the gods may stand, the name of Christ had not yet been preached in those times and in those parts of the earth when those kingdoms were lost and transferred through immense disasters of war. For after twelve hundred years and more, when the kingdom was taken from the Assyrians, if the Christian religion had already been preaching another, eternal kingdom there and had forbidden the sacrilegious worship of false gods, what else would the vain men of that nation have said but that the kingdom, preserved so long, could have perished for no other reason than that its own religions had been deserted and this one received? In this voice of vanity, which could have been raised, let these people look at themselves as in a mirror, and blush, if they have any shame, to complain of similar things. Yet the Roman empire has been afflicted rather than changed, which happened to it at other times too before the name of Christ, and it was restored from that affliction; which is not to be despaired of in these times either. For who knows the will of God in this matter?
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that if the gods moved from Assyria to the Medes and Persians, they were faithless or weak, and that Rome's present affliction, like earlier ones, need not be permanent.
- Camillus: see 2.17 and 3.17.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.7 (CSEL 40:170–171; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.8CSEL 40:171–173
CAPUT VIII. Quorum deorum praesidio putent Romani imperium suum auctum adque seruatum, cum singulis uix singularum rerum tuitionem committendam esse crediderint. Deinde quaeramus, si placet, ex tanta deorum turba, quam Romani colebant, quem potissimum uel quos deos credant illud imperium dilatasse adque seruasse. Neque enim in hoc tam praeclaro opere et tantae plenissimo dignitatis audent aliquas partes deae Cluacinae tribuere aut Volupiae, quae a uoluptate appellata est, aut Lubentinae, cui nomen est a libidine, aut Vaticano, qui infantum uagitibus praesidet, aut Cuninae, quae cunas eorum administrat. Quando autem possunt uno loco libri huius commemorari omnia nomina deorum et dearum, quae illi grandibus uoluminibus uix conprehendere potuerunt singulis rebus propria dispertientes officia numinum? Nec agrorum munus uni alicui deo committendum arbitrati sunt, sed rura deae Rusinae, iuga montium deo Iugatino; collibus deam Collatinam, uallibus Valloniam praefecerunt. Nec saltem potuerunt unam Segetiam talem inuenire, cui semel segetes commendarent, sed sata frumenta, quamdiu sub terra essent, praepositam uoluerunt habere deam Seiam; cum uero iam essent super terram et segetem facerent, deam Segetiam; frumentis uero collectis adque reconditis, ut tuto seruarentur, deam Tutilinam praeposuerunt. Cui non sufficere uideretur illa Segetia, quamdiu seges ab initiis herbidis usque ad aristas aridas perueniret? Non tamen satis fuit hominibus deorum multitudinem amantibus, ut anima misera daemoniorum turbae prostitueretur, unius Dei ueri castum dedignata conplexum. Praefecerunt ergo Proserpinam frumentis germinantibus, geniculis nodisque culmorum deum Nodutum, inuolumentis folliculorum deam Volutinam; cum folliculi patescunt, ut spica exeat, deam Patelanam, cum segetes nouis aristis aequantur, quia ueteres aequare hostire dixerunt, deam Hostilinam; florentibus frumentis deam Floram, lactescentibus deum Lacturnum, maturescentibus deam Matutam; cum runcantur, id est a terra auferuntur, deam Runcinam. Nec omnia commemoro, quia me piget quod illos non pudet. Haec autem paucissima ideo dixi, ut intellegeretur nullo modo eos dicere audere ista numina imperium constituisse auxisse conseruasse Romanum, quae ita suis quaeque adhibebantur officiis, ut nihil uniuersum uni alicui crederetur. Quando ergo Segetia curaret imperium, cui curam gerere simul et segetibus et arboribus non licebat? Quando de armis Cunina cogitaret, cuius praepositura paruulorum cunas non permittebatur excedere? Quando Nodutus adiuuaret in bello, qui nec ad folliculum spicae, sed tantum ad nodum geniculi pertinebat? Unum quisque domui suae ponit ostiarium, et quia homo est, omnino sufficit: tres deos isti posuerunt, Forculum foribus, Cardeam cardini, Limentinum limini. Ita non poterat Forculus simul et cardinem limenque seruare.
Chapter 8. Under the protection of which gods the Romans think their empire was increased and preserved, when they believed that to single gods the protection of single things could scarcely be entrusted.
Next let us ask, if you please, out of so great a crowd of gods as the Romans worshipped, which god in particular, or which gods, they believe enlarged and preserved that empire. For in so splendid a work, so full of great dignity, they do not dare to assign any part to the goddess Cloacina, or to Volupia, who is named from pleasure (voluptas), or to Lubentina, whose name comes from lust (libido), or to Vaticanus, who presides over the wailing (vagitus) of infants, or to Cunina, who looks after their cradles (cunae). But how could all the names of the gods and goddesses be recalled in one place of this book, which they could scarcely contain in great volumes, dividing the proper duties of the deities among particular things? Nor did they think the care of the fields should be entrusted to any one god, but they put the countryside (rura) under the goddess Rusina, the ridges of mountains (iuga) under the god Jugatinus, the hills (colles) under the goddess Collatina, the valleys (valles) under Vallonia. Nor could they even find one Segetia to whom they might entrust the crops (segetes) once for all; but they wanted the sown grain, as long as it was under the earth, to have the goddess Seia in charge; when it was above ground and forming a crop, the goddess Segetia; and when the grain was gathered and stored, they put the goddess Tutilina in charge, so that it might be kept safe (tuto). To whom would that Segetia not seem sufficient for the whole time the crop took to go from its first green blades to dry ears? Yet it was not enough for men who loved a multitude of gods that the wretched soul should prostitute itself to a crowd of demons, disdaining the chaste embrace of the one true God. So they put Proserpina in charge of the sprouting grain, the god Nodutus over the joints and knots (nodi) of the stalks, the goddess Volutina over the wrappings (involumenta) of the husks; when the husks open (patescunt) so that the ear may come out, the goddess Patelana; when the crops are made even with new ears, the goddess Hostilina, because the ancients said hostire for “to make even”; over the flowering grain the goddess Flora, over the milky grain the god Lacturnus, over the ripening grain the goddess Matuta; when the crops are weeded (runcantur), that is, removed from the earth, the goddess Runcina. I do not recount them all, because I am ashamed of what they are not ashamed of. I have mentioned these very few only so that it might be understood that they by no means dare to say that these deities established, increased, and preserved the Roman empire, since each was so applied to its own duties that nothing as a whole was entrusted to any one of them. When, then, would Segetia take care of the empire, who was not allowed to care for crops and trees at the same time? When would Cunina think about arms, whose charge was not allowed to go beyond the cradles of little children? When would Nodutus help in war, who had to do not even with the husk of the ear, but only with the knot of the joint? Each man sets one doorkeeper for his house, and because he is a man, he is quite sufficient; these people set three gods: Forculus for the doors (fores), Cardea for the hinge (cardo), Limentinus for the threshold (limen). So Forculus could not guard the hinge and threshold at the same time.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine ridicules the multitude of petty Roman deities, each confined to a single tiny function, as incapable of building an empire.
- The lists come from Varro's Antiquities of Divine Things (lost). Latin words are given in brackets where the names depend on them.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (letter split by a space): V olupiae → Volupiae.
Extrabiblical texts: Varro, Ant. rer. div. frag. (Varro; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.8 (CSEL 40:171–173; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.9CSEL 40:173–174
CAPUT VIIII. An imperii Romani amplitudo et diuturnitas Ioui fuerit adscribenda, quem summum deum cultores ipsius opinantur. Omissa igitur ista turba minutorum deorum uel aliquantum intermissa officium maiorum deorum debemus inquirere, quo Roma tam magna facta est, ut tam diu tot gentibus imperaret. Nimirum ergo Iouis hoc opus est. Ipsum enim deorum omnium dearumque regem uolunt: hoc eius indicat sceptrum, hoc in alto colle Capitolium. De isto deo quamuis a poeta dictum conuenientissime praedicant: Iouis omnia plena. Hunc Varro credit etiam ab his coli, qui unum Deum solum sine simulacro colunt, sed alio nomine nuncupari. Quod si ita est, quur tam male tractatus est Romae, sicut quidem et in ceteris gentibus, ut ei fieret simulacrum? Quod ipsi etiam Varroni ita displicet, ut, cum tantae ciuitatis peruersa consuetudine premeretur, nequaquam tamen dicere et scribere dubitaret, quod hi, qui populis instituerunt simulacra, et metum demserunt et errorem addiderunt.
Chapter 9. Whether the greatness and duration of the Roman empire should be ascribed to Jupiter, whom his worshippers think the supreme god.
So, leaving aside that crowd of petty gods, or setting it aside for a while, we must inquire into the work of the greater gods, by which Rome was made so great that it ruled so many nations for so long. No doubt, then, this is Jupiter's work. For they want him to be the king of all the gods and goddesses: his scepter shows this, the Capitol on the high hill shows this. Of this god they proclaim, as most fitting, what was said, though by a poet: “All things are full of Jupiter.” Varro believes that he is worshipped even by those who worship one God alone without an image, but is called by another name. If this is so, why was he so badly treated at Rome, as indeed among other nations too, that an image was made of him? This displeases Varro himself so much that, although he was weighed down by the perverse custom of so great a city, he did not hesitate at all to say and write that those who set up images for the peoples both took away fear and added error.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine turns to Jupiter as the supposed author of Rome's greatness, noting Varro's view that the one God worshipped without images is Jupiter under another name, and Varro's criticism of images.
- Virgil, Eclogues 3.60. Varro's view that the God of the Jews is Jupiter, and his criticism of images, are from the lost Antiquities (cf. 4.31).
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR n for u): Ionis omnia plena → Iouis omnia plena.
Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Ecl. 3.60 (Virgil; quotation); Varro, Ant. rer. div. frag. (Varro; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.9 (CSEL 40:173–174; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-9). (abbreviation not yet checked)
BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-4-9) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.10CSEL 40:174–177
CAPUT X. Quas opiniones secuti sint, qui diuersos deos diuersis mundi partibus praefecerunt. Quur illi etiam Iuno uxor adiungitur, quae dicatur soror et coniux? Quia Iouem, inquiunt, in aethere accipimus, in aere Iunonem, et haec duo elementa coniuncta sunt, alterum superius, alterum inferius. Non est ergo ille, de quo dictum est Iouis omnia plena, si aliquam partem inplet et Iuno. An uterque utrumque inplet, et ambo isti coniuges et in duobus istis elementis et in singulis simul sunt? Quur ergo aether datur Ioui, aer Iunoni? Postremo ipsi duo satis essent: quid est quod mare Neptuno tribuitur, terra Plutoni? Et ne ipsi quoque sine coniugibus remanerent, additur Neptuno Salacia, Plutoni Proserpina. Nam sicut inferiorem caeli partem, id est aerem, inquiunt, Iuno tenet, ita inferiorem maris Salacia et terrae inferiorem Proserpina. Quaerunt quem ad modum sarciant fabulas, nec inueniunt. Si enim haec ita essent, tria potius elementa mundi esse, non quattuor, eorum ueteres proderent, ut singula deorum coniugia diuiderentur singulis elementis. Nunc uero omni modo adfirmauerunt aliud esse aetherem, aliud aerem. Aqua uero siue superior siue inferior utique aqua est; puta quia dissimilis: numquid in tantum ut aqua non sit? Et inferior terra quid aliud potest esse quam terra quantalibet diuersitate distincta? Deinde ecce iam totus in his quattuor uel tribus elementis corporeus conpletus est mundus: Minerua ubi erit? quid tenebit? quid inplebit? Simul enim cum his in Capitolio constituta est, cum ista filia non sit amborum. Aut si aetheris partem superiorem Mineruam tenere dicunt et hac occasione fingere poetas quod de Iouis capite nata sit: quur non ergo ipsa potius deorum regina deputatur, quod sit Ioue superior? An quia indignum erat praeponere patri filiam? Quur non de Ioue ipso erga Saturnum iustitia ista seruata est? An quia uictus est? Ergo pugnarunt? Absit, inquiunt; fabularum est ista garrulitas. Ecce fabulis non credatur et de dis meliora sentiantur: quur ergo non data est patri Iouis, etsi non sublimior, aequalis certe sedes honoris? Quia Saturnus, inquiunt, temporis longitudo est. Tempus ergo colunt, qui Saturnum colunt, et rex deorum Iuppiter insinuatur natus ex tempore. Quid enim indignum dicitur, cum Iuppiter et Iuno nati dicuntur ex tempore, si caelum est ille et illa terra, cum facta sint utique caelum et terra? nam hoc quoque in libris suis habent eorum docti adque sapientes. Neque de figmentis poeticis, sed de philosophorum libris a Vergilio dictum est: Tum pater omnipotens fecundis imbribus aether Coniugis in gremium laetae descendit, id est in gremium telluris aut terrae; quia et hic aliquas differentias uolunt esse adque in ipsa terra aliud Terram, aliud Tellurem, aliud Tellumonem putant, et hos omnes deos habent suis nominibus appellatos, suis officiis distinctos, suis aris sacrisque ueneratos. Eandem terram etiam matrem deum uocant, ut iam poetae tolerabiliora confingant, si secundum istorum non poeticos, sed sacrorum libros non solum Iuno, soror et coniux), sed etiam mater est Iouis. Eandem terram Cererem, eandem etiam Vestam uolunt, cum tamen saepius Vestam non nisi ignem esse perhibeant pertinentem ad focos, sine quibus ciuitas esse non potest, et ideo illi uirgines solere seruire, quod sicut ex uirgine, ita nihil ex igne nascatur. Quam totam uanitatem aboleri et extingui utique ab illo oportuit, qui est natus ex uirgine. Quis enim ferat, quod, cum tantum honoris et quasi castitatis igni tribuerint, aliquando Vestam non erubescunt etiam Venerem dicere, ut uanescat in ancillis eius honorata uirginitas? Si enim Vesta Venus est, quo modo ei rite uirgines a Veneriis operibus abstinendo seruierunt? An Veneres duae sunt, una uirgo, altera mulier? An potius tres, una uirginum, quae etiam Vesta est, alia coniugatarum, alia meretricum? Cui etiam Phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas iungerent uiris. Quae illarum est matrona Vulcani? Non utique uirgo, quoniam habet maritum. Absit autem ut meretrix, ne filio Iunonis et cooperario Mineruae facere uideamur iniuriam. Ergo haec ad coniugatas intellegitur pertinere: sed eam nolumus imitentur in eo quod fecit illa cum Marte. Rursus, inquiunt, ad fabulas redis. Quae ista iustitia est, nobis suscensere, quod talia dicimus de dis eorum, et sibi non suscensere, qui haec in theatris libentissime spectant crimina deorum suorum? Et (quod esset incredibile, nisi contestatissime probaretur) haec ipsa theatrica crimina deorum in honorem instituta sunt eorundem deorum.
Chapter 10. What opinions were followed by those who set different gods over different parts of the world.
Why is Juno also joined to him as wife, who is called “sister and spouse”? Because, they say, we take Jupiter to be in the ether and Juno in the air, and these two elements are joined, one above, the other below. Then he is not the one of whom it was said, “All things are full of Jupiter,” if Juno too fills some part. Or does each fill both, and are both these spouses in both these elements and in each at once? Why then is the ether given to Jupiter and the air to Juno? Finally, these two would be enough: why is the sea assigned to Neptune and the earth to Pluto? And so that these too should not remain without wives, Salacia is added to Neptune and Proserpina to Pluto. For just as Juno, they say, holds the lower part of the heaven, that is, the air, so Salacia holds the lower part of the sea and Proserpina the lower part of the earth. They look for a way to patch up their fables and do not find it. For if these things were so, their ancients would have taught that there are three elements of the world rather than four, so that each divine marriage might be assigned to each element. But in fact they have affirmed in every way that ether is one thing and air another. Water, whether higher or lower, is certainly water; suppose it is different: is it so different that it is not water? And what can the lower earth be but earth, however distinguished by difference? Then, see, the whole bodily world is already complete in these four, or three, elements: where will Minerva be? What will she hold? What will she fill? For she was set up in the Capitol together with them, although she is not the daughter of both. Or if they say that Minerva holds the upper part of the ether, and that for this reason the poets feign that she was born from Jupiter's head, why then is she not rather counted queen of the gods, since she is higher than Jupiter? Or was it because it was unworthy to put the daughter before the father? Why was this justice not kept by Jupiter himself toward Saturn? Because he was defeated? Did they fight, then? Far from it, they say; that is the chatter of fables. See, let the fables not be believed, and let better things be thought of the gods: why then was not the father of Jupiter given a seat of honor, if not higher, at least equal? Because, they say, Saturn is the length of time. Then those who worship Saturn worship time, and Jupiter, king of the gods, is insinuated to have been born of time. For what unworthy thing is said when Jupiter and Juno are said to have been born of time, if he is the heaven and she the earth, since heaven and earth were certainly made? For their learned and wise men have this too in their books. And it was not from poetic fictions but from the books of philosophers that Virgil said: “Then the almighty father Ether comes down with fertile showers into the lap of his glad spouse,” that is, into the lap of Tellus, or the earth. For here too they want there to be some differences, and in the earth itself they think Terra is one thing, Tellus another, Tellumo another, and they have all these as gods called by their own names, distinguished by their own functions, venerated with their own altars and rites. They also call this same earth the mother of the gods, so that the poets' fictions become more tolerable, if, according not to the poetic books but to the books of their rites, Juno is not only sister and spouse but also mother of Jupiter. They want this same earth to be Ceres, and also Vesta, though more often they declare that Vesta is nothing but the fire that belongs to hearths, without which a city cannot exist, and that virgins are therefore accustomed to serve her, because as nothing is born of a virgin, so nothing is born of fire. All this vanity ought certainly to have been abolished and extinguished by him who was born of a virgin. For who could bear that, while they gave so much honor and, as it were, chastity to fire, they sometimes do not blush to call Vesta Venus too, so that the virginity honored in her handmaids vanishes? For if Vesta is Venus, how did virgins rightly serve her by abstaining from the works of Venus? Or are there two Venuses, one a virgin, the other a woman? Or rather three, one of virgins, who is also Vesta, another of married women, another of harlots? To her the Phoenicians used to give a gift from the prostitution of their daughters before they joined them to husbands. Which of them is the wife of Vulcan? Certainly not the virgin, since she has a husband. Far be it that it should be the harlot, lest we seem to do wrong to the son of Juno and fellow worker of Minerva. So this one is understood to belong to married women; but we do not want them to imitate her in what she did with Mars. Again, they say, you go back to the fables. What justice is this, to be angry with us for saying such things of their gods, and not to be angry with themselves, who most gladly watch these crimes of their gods in the theaters? And (what would be incredible if it were not most thoroughly proved) these very theatrical crimes of the gods were instituted in honor of those same gods.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine exposes the contradictions in the physical allegories that assign gods to the elements, from Jupiter and Juno to the confusions of Vesta and Venus.
- Virgil, Aeneid 1.47 (“sister and spouse”); Georgics 2.325–326. The Phoenician custom: cf. Herodotus 1.199 on Babylon.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR e for o; OCR l for I; OCR o for e; stray mark): Non est -ergo ille → Non est ergo ille; louis omnia plena → Iouis omnia plena; potest esso → potest esse; aliquande Vestam → aliquando Vestam.
Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 1.47 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Georg. 2.325–326 (Virgil; quotation)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.10 (CSEL 40:174–177; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)
BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-4-10) · Report an error
Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.11CSEL 40:177–180
CAPUT XI. De multis dis, quos doctiores paganorum unum eundemque Iouem esse defendunt. Quotlibet igitur physicis rationibus et disputationibus adserant: modo sit Iuppiter corporei huius mundi animus, qui uniuersam istam molem ex quattuor uel quot eis placet elementis constructam adque conpactam inplet et mouet, modo inde suas partes sorori et fratribus cedat; modo sit aether, ut aerem Iunonem subterfusam desuper amplectatur; modo totum simul cum aere sit ipse caelum, terram uero tamquam coniugem eandemque matrem (quia hoc in diuinis turpe non est) fecundis imbribus et seminibus fetet; modo autem (ne sit necesse per cuncta discurrere) deus unus, de quo multi a poeta nobilissimo dictum putant: deum namque ire per omnes Terrasque tractusque maris caelumque profundum; ipse in aethere sit Iuppiter, ipse in aere Iuno, ipse in mari Neptunus, in inferioribus etiam maris ipse Salacia, in terra Pluto, in terra inferiore Proserpina, in focis domesticis Vesta, in fabrorum fornace Vulcanus, in sideribus sol et luna et stellae, in diuinantibus Apollo, in merce Mercurius, in Iano initiator, in Termino terminator, Saturnus in tempore, Mars et Bellona in bellis, Liber in uineis, Ceres in frumentis, Diana in siluis, Minerua in ingeniis; ipse sit postremo etiam in illa turba quasi plebeiorum deorum; ipse praesit nomine Liberi uirorum seminibus et nomine Liberae feminarum, ipse sit Diespater, qui partum perducat ad diem; ipse sit dea Mena, quam praefecerunt menstruis feminarum, ipse Lucina, quae a parturientibus inuocetur; ipse opem ferat nascentibus excipiendo eos sinu terrae et uocetur Opis, ipse in uagitu os aperiat et uocetur deus Vaticanus; ipse leuet de terra et uocetur dea Leuana, ipse cunas tueatur et uocetur Cunina; non sit alius, sed ipse in illis deabus, quae fata nascentibus canunt et uocantur Carmentes; praesit fortuitis uoceturque Fortuna; in diua Rumina mammam paruulo inmulgeat, quia rumam dixerunt ueteres mammam; in diua Potina potionem ministret, in diua Educa escam praebeat; de pauore infantum Pauentia nuncupetur, de spe, quae uenit, Venilia, de uoluptate Volupia, de actu Agenoria; de stimulis, quibus ad nimium actum homo inpellitur, dea Stimula nominetur; Strenia dea sit strenuum faciendo, Numeria, quae numerare doceat, Camena, quae canere; ipse sit et deus Consus praebendo consilia et dea Sentia sententias inspirando; ipse dea Iuuentas, quae post praetextam excipiat iuuenalis aetatis exordia; ipse sit et Fortuna barbata, quae adultos barba induat (quos honorare noluerunt, ut hoc qualecumque numen saltem masculum deum uel a barba Barbatum, sicut a nodis Nodutum, uel certe non Fortunam, sed quia barbas habet Fortunium nominarent; ipse in Iugatino deo coniuges iungat, et cum uirgini uxori zona soluitur, ipse inuocetur et dea Virginensis uocetur; ipse sit Mutunus uel Tutunus, qui est aput Graecos Priapus: si non pudet, haec omnia quae dixi et quaecumque non dixi (non enim omnia dicenda arbitratus sum), hi omnes di deaeque sit unus Iuppiter, siue sint, ut quidam uolunt, omnia ista partes eius siue uirtutes eius, sicut eis uidetur, quibus eum placet esse mundi animum, quae sententia uelut magnorum multumque doctorum est. Haec si ita sunt (quod quale sit, nondum interim quaero), quid perderent, si unum Deum colerent prudentiore conpendio? Quid enim eius contemneretur, cum ipse coleretur? Si autem metuendum fuit, ne praetermissae siue neglectae partes eius irascerentur: non ergo, ut uolunt, uelut unius animantis haec tota uita est, quae omnes continet deos, quasi suas uirtutes uel membra uel partes; sed suam quaeque pars habet uitam a ceteris separatam, si praeter alteram irasci altera potest, et alia placari, alia concitari. Si autem dicitur omnes simul, id est totum ipsum Iouem, potuisse offendi, si partes eius non etiam singillatim minutatimque colerentur, stulte dicitur. Nulla quippe illarum praetermitteretur, cum ipse unus, qui haberet omnia, coleretur. Nam ut alia omittam, quae sunt innumerabilia, cum dicunt omnia sidera partes Iouis esse et omnia uiuere adque rationales animas habere, et ideo sine controuersia deos esse, non uident quam multos non colant, quam multis aedes non construant, aras non statuant, quas tamen paucissimis siderum statuendas esse putauerunt et singillatim sacrificandum. Si igitur irascuntur, qui non singillatim coluntur, non metuunt paucis placatis toto caelo irato uiuere? Si autem stellas omnes ideo colunt, quia in Ioue sunt quem colunt, isto conpendio possent in illo uno omnibus supplicare (sic enim nemo irasceretur, cum in illo uno nemo contemneretur) potius quam cultis quibusdam iusta irascendi causa illis, qui praetermissi essent, multo numerosioribus praeberetur, praesertim cum eis de superna sede fulgentibus turpi nuditate distentus praeponeretur Priapus.-
Chapter 11. On the many gods whom the more learned of the pagans maintain to be one and the same Jupiter.
Let them assert, then, as many physical theories and arguments as they like: now let Jupiter be the soul of this bodily world, which fills and moves this whole mass constructed and compacted of four, or as many as they please, elements; now let him yield parts of it to his sister and brothers; now let him be the ether, so as to embrace from above Juno, the air spread beneath; now let him be himself the whole heaven together with the air, and impregnate the earth, as his wife and likewise mother (for this is not shameful among the divine), with fertile showers and seeds; now (so that it may not be necessary to run through everything) let him be the one god of whom many think it was said by the most famous poet: “For God goes through all lands and tracts of sea and the deep heaven”; let him be Jupiter in the ether, Juno in the air, Neptune in the sea, Salacia too in the lower parts of the sea, Pluto on the earth, Proserpina in the lower earth, Vesta in household hearths, Vulcan in the smiths' furnace, sun, moon, and stars in the heavenly bodies, Apollo in diviners, Mercury in trade, the beginner in Janus, the ender in Terminus, Saturn in time, Mars and Bellona in wars, Liber in vineyards, Ceres in grain, Diana in forests, Minerva in talents; let him be, finally, in that crowd, as it were, of plebeian gods too; let him preside over the seed of men under the name of Liber and over that of women under the name of Libera; let him be Diespater, who brings the birth to the day; let him be the goddess Mena, whom they put in charge of women's menstruation; let him be Lucina, who is invoked by women in labor; let him bring help (opem) to the newborn by receiving them in the lap of the earth, and be called Opis; let him open the mouth in wailing and be called the god Vaticanus; let him lift the child from the earth and be called the goddess Levana; let him guard the cradles and be called Cunina; let no one else, but himself, be in those goddesses who sing the fates to the newborn and are called Carmentes; let him preside over chance events and be called Fortuna; in the goddess Rumina let him give the breast to the little one, because the ancients called the breast ruma; in the goddess Potina let him provide drink, in the goddess Educa let him give food; let him be called Paventia from the fear (pavor) of infants, Venilia from the hope that comes (venit), Volupia from pleasure, Agenoria from action; let him be named the goddess Stimula from the goads (stimuli) by which a man is driven to excessive action; let him be the goddess Strenia by making strenuous, Numeria who teaches to count (numerare), Camena who teaches to sing (canere); let him be both the god Consus by giving counsel and the goddess Sentia by inspiring opinions (sententiae); let him be the goddess Juventas, who receives the beginnings of youthful age after the boy's toga; let him be also bearded Fortune, who clothes adults with a beard (whom they did not wish to honor so far as to call this deity, whatever it is, at least a male god, either Barbatus from the beard (barba), as Nodutus from the knots, or certainly not Fortuna, but, because it has a beard, Fortunius); let him in the god Jugatinus join spouses, and when the girdle of a virgin wife is loosed, let him be invoked and called the goddess Virginensis; let him be Mutunus or Tutunus, who among the Greeks is Priapus: if they are not ashamed, let all these I have mentioned, and whatever I have not (for I did not think everything should be said), all these gods and goddesses, be one Jupiter, whether, as some would have it, all these are parts of him or his powers, as it seems to those who hold that he is the soul of the world, an opinion which is supposedly that of great and very learned men. If these things are so (what that means I do not yet ask for now), what would they lose if they worshipped one God by a wiser short cut? For what of him would be despised when he himself was worshipped? But if it was to be feared that his parts, passed over or neglected, would be angry, then it is not, as they would have it, the whole life of one living being, containing all the gods as its powers or members or parts; but each part has its own life separate from the others, if one can be angry apart from another, and one be appeased while another is stirred up. But if it is said that all together, that is, the whole Jupiter himself, could have been offended if his parts were not also worshipped one by one and in detail, it is said foolishly. For none of them would be passed over when he himself, the one who had them all, was worshipped. For, to omit other things, which are innumerable, when they say that all the stars are parts of Jupiter and that all live and have rational souls and are therefore, without dispute, gods, they do not see how many they do not worship, to how many they do not build temples or set up altars, which they thought should be set up to very few of the stars, and sacrifices offered to them singly. If, then, those not worshipped singly are angry, are they not afraid to live with the whole heaven angry, having appeased a few? But if they worship all the stars because they are in Jupiter, whom they worship, by this short cut they could supplicate all in that one (for so no one would be angry, since in that one no one would be despised), rather than, by worshipping some, give a just cause for anger to those passed over, who are far more numerous; especially when, over them as they shine from their heavenly seat, Priapus, swollen in foul nakedness, is preferred.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine lists the host of deities that learned pagans identify with Jupiter as the world soul, and argues that on this view it would be simpler to worship the one God alone.
- Virgil, Georgics 4.221–222. The names and etymologies come from Varro.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray punctuation): quasi. suas → quasi suas.
Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Georg. 4.221–222 (Virgil; quotation); Varro, Ant. rer. div. frag. (Varro; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.11 (CSEL 40:177–180; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.12CSEL 40:180
CAPUT XII. De opinione eorum, qui Deum animam mundi et mundum corpus Dei esse putauerunt. Quid: illud nonne debet mouere acutos homines uel qualescumque homines (non enim ad hoc ingenii opus est excellentia), ut deposito studio contentionis adtendant, si mundi animus Deus est eique animo mundus ut corpus est, ut sit unum animal constans ex animo et corpore, adque iste Deus est sinu quodam naturae in se ipso continens omnia, ut ex ipsius anima, qua uiuificatur tota ista moles, uitae adque animae cunctorum uiuentium pro cuiusque nascendi sorte sumantur, nihil omnino remanere, quod non sit pars Dei. Quod si ita est, quis non uideat quanta inpietas et inreligiositas consequatur, ut, quod calcauerit quisque, partem Dei calcet, et in omni animante occidendo pars Dei trucidetur? Nolo omnia dicere, quae possunt occurrere cogitantibus, dici autem sine uerecundia non possunt.
Chapter 12. On the opinion of those who have thought that God is the soul of the world and the world the body of God.
Should not this move acute men, or men of any kind (for no outstanding talent is needed for this), to lay aside the zeal of contention and take note: if God is the soul of the world, and the world is to that soul as a body, so that there is one living being consisting of soul and body, and this is God, containing all things in himself in a kind of bosom of nature, so that from his soul, by which this whole mass is given life, the lives and souls of all living things are taken according to the lot of each one's birth, then nothing at all remains that is not a part of God? If this is so, who does not see what great ungodliness and irreligion follow, that whatever anyone treads on, he treads on a part of God, and in killing any living being a part of God is slaughtered? I do not want to say all the things that can occur to those who think about it, but cannot be said without shame.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that if God is the soul of the world, every creature would be part of God, so that treading on or killing anything would be treading on or killing a part of God.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.12 (CSEL 40:180; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-12). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.13CSEL 40:180–181
CAPUT XIII. De his, qui sola rationalia animantia partes esse unius Dei adserunt. Si autem sola animalia rationalia, sicut sunt homines, partes Dei esse contendunt: non uideo quidem, si totus mundus Deus est, quo modo bestias ab eius partibus separent; sed obluctari quid opus est? De ipso rationali animante, id est homine, quid infelicius credi potest, quam Dei partem uapulare, cum puer uapulat? Iam uero partes Dei fieri lasciuas, iniquas, inpias adque omnino damnabiles quis ferre possit, nisi qui prorsus insanit? Postremo quid irascitur eis, a quibus non colitur, cum a suis partibus non colatur? Restat ergo ut dicant omnes deos suas habere uitas, sibi quemque uiuere, nullum eorum esse partem cuiusquam, sed omnes colendos qui cognosci et coli possunt, quia tam multi sunt, ut omnes non possint. Quorum Iuppiter quia rex praesidet, ipsum credo ab eis putari regnum constituisse uel auxisse Romanum. Nam si hoc ipse non fecit, quem alium deum opus tam magnum potuisse adgredi credant, cum omnes occupati sint officiis et operibus propriis, nec alter inruat in alterius? A rege igitur deorum regnum hominum potuit propagari et augeri.
Chapter 13. On those who assert that only rational living beings are parts of the one God.
But if they contend that only rational living beings, such as men, are parts of God, I do not see, if the whole world is God, how they separate the beasts from his parts; but what need is there to struggle? As for the rational living being itself, that is, man, what more unhappy thing can be believed than that a part of God is beaten when a boy is beaten? And who could bear that parts of God become wanton, unjust, ungodly, and altogether damnable, except someone utterly mad? Finally, why is he angry with those by whom he is not worshipped, when he is not worshipped by his own parts? It remains, then, that they should say that all the gods have their own lives, that each lives for himself, that none of them is a part of any other, but that all should be worshipped who can be known and worshipped, because they are so many that all cannot be. And since Jupiter presides over them as king, I suppose they think that he established or enlarged the Roman kingdom. For if he did not do it himself, what other god do they believe could have undertaken so great a work, since all are busy with their own duties and works, and one does not intrude on another's? So by the king of the gods the kingdom of men could be extended and increased.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine rejects the view that rational beings are parts of God, since then parts of God would be beaten and sin, and turns to the claim that Jupiter as king of the gods enlarged the Roman empire.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.13 (CSEL 40:180–181; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-13). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.14CSEL 40:181–182
CAPUT XIIII. Augmenta regnorum Ioui incongruenter adscribi, cum, si Victoria, ut uolunt dea est, ipsa huic negotio sola sufficeret. Hic primum quaero, quur non etiam ipsum regnum aliquis deus est? Quur enim non ita sit, si Victoria dea est? Aut quid ipso Ioue in hac causa opus est, si Victoria faueat sitque propitia et semper eat ad illos, quos uult esse uictores? Hac dea fauente et propitia, etiam Ioue uacante uel aliud agente, quae gentes non subditae remanerent? quae regna non cederent? An forte displicet bonis iniquissima inprobitate pugnare et finitimos quietos nullamque iniuriam facientes ad dilatandum regnum bello spontaneo prouocare? Plane si ita sentiunt adprobo et laudo.
Chapter 14. That the growth of kingdoms is inappropriately ascribed to Jupiter, since, if Victory is a goddess, as they would have it, she alone would suffice for this business.
Here I first ask why the kingdom itself is not also some god. For why should it not be so, if Victory is a goddess? Or what need is there of Jupiter himself in this matter, if Victory favors and is propitious and always goes to those whom she wants to be victors? With this goddess favoring and propitious, even if Jupiter were idle or doing something else, what nations would remain unsubdued? What kingdoms would not yield? Or perhaps it displeases good men to fight with most unjust wickedness and to provoke peaceful neighbors who do no wrong by a war of their own choosing in order to enlarge their kingdom? Clearly, if that is what they think, I approve and praise it.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine asks why Jupiter is needed for conquest if Victory is a goddess, and notes that good men should dislike unprovoked wars of expansion.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR garbage in the heading): Victoria tor i ut uolunt → Victoria, ut uolunt.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.14 (CSEL 40:181–182; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-14). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.15CSEL 40:182–183
CAPUT XV. An congruat bonis latius uelle regnare. Videant ergo ne forte non pertineat ad uiros bonos gaudere de regni latitudine. Iniquitas enim eorum, cum quibus iusta bella gesta sunt, regnum adiuuit ut cresceret, quod utique paruum esset, si quies et iustitia finitimorum contra se bellum geri nulla prouocaret iniuria ac sic felicioribus rebus humanis omnia regna parua essent concordi uicinitate laetantia et ita essent in mundo regna plurima gentium, ut sunt in urbe domus plurimae ciuium. Proinde belligerare et perdomitis gentibus dilatare regnum malis uidetur felicitas, bonis necessitas. Sed quia peius esset, ut iniuriosi iustioribus dominarentur, ideo non incongrue dicitur etiam ista felicitas. Sed procul dubio felicitas maior est uicinum bonum habere concordem quam uicinum malum subiugare bellantem. Mala uota sunt optare habere quem oderis uel quem timeas, ut possit esse quem uincas. Si ergo iusta gerendo bella, non inpia, non iniqua, Romani imperium tam magnum adquirere potuerunt, numquid tamquam aliqua dea colenda est eis etiam iniquitas aliena? Multum enim ad istam latitudinem imperii eam cooperatam uidemus, quae faciebat iniuriosos, ut essent cum quibus iusta bella gererentur et augeretur imperium. Quur autem et iniquitas dea non sit uel externarum gentium, si Pauor et Pallor et Febris di Romani esse meruerunt? His igitur duabus, id est aliena iniquitate et dea Victoria, dum bellorum causas iniquitas excitat, Victoria eadem bella feliciter terminat, etiam feriato Ioue creuit imperium. Quas enim hic partes Iuppiter haberet, cum ea, quae possent beneficia eius putari, di habentur, di uocantur, di coluntur, ipsi pro suis partibus inuocantur? Haberet hic autem etiam ille aliquam partem, si Regnum etiam ipse appellaretur, sicut appellatur illa Victoria. Aut si regnum munus est Iouis, quur non et uictoria munus eius habeatur? Quod profecto haberetur, si non lapis in Capitolio, sed uerus rex regum et dominus dominantium cognosceretur adque coleretur.
Chapter 15. Whether it befits good men to wish to reign more widely.
Let them consider, then, whether it perhaps does not befit good men to rejoice in the breadth of their kingdom. For the iniquity of those against whom just wars were waged helped the kingdom to grow; it would certainly have been small if the peace and justice of its neighbors had provoked no war against it by any wrong; and so, human affairs being happier, all kingdoms would be small, rejoicing in harmonious neighborliness, and there would be many kingdoms of nations in the world as there are many houses of citizens in a city. So to wage war and enlarge a kingdom by subduing nations seems happiness to the wicked, necessity to the good. But because it would be worse for the wrongdoers to rule over the more just, this too is not inappropriately called happiness. But without doubt it is a greater happiness to have a good neighbor in harmony than to subjugate a bad neighbor at war. It is a bad wish to desire to have someone to hate or fear so that there may be someone to conquer. If, then, by waging just wars, not ungodly, not unjust ones, the Romans were able to acquire so great an empire, must they worship even the iniquity of others as some goddess? For we see that it cooperated greatly toward this breadth of empire, by making men wrongdoers, so that there might be those against whom just wars could be waged and the empire increased. And why should not Iniquity, at least of foreign nations, be a goddess too, if Fear and Pallor and Fever deserved to be Roman gods? By these two, then, that is, foreign iniquity and the goddess Victory, the empire grew even while Jupiter took a holiday, while Iniquity stirred up the causes of wars and Victory brought those same wars to a happy end. For what part would Jupiter have here, when the things that could be thought his benefits are held to be gods, called gods, worshipped as gods, and are themselves invoked for their own parts? He too would have some part here if he himself were called Kingdom, as that one is called Victory. Or if the kingdom is the gift of Jupiter, why should not victory too be held his gift? It certainly would be, if not a stone in the Capitol but the true King of kings and Lord of lords were known and worshipped.
1 Tim 6:15 (allusion, medium confidence) · Rev 19:16 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that good men prefer peaceful neighbors to conquest, that Rome's just wars were made possible by others' iniquity, and that victory is the gift of the true King of kings, not of Jupiter.
- “King of kings and Lord of lords”: 1 Timothy 6:15; Revelation 19:16.
Topics: Ethics
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.15 (CSEL 40:182–183; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-15). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.16CSEL 40:183–184
CAPUT XVI. Quid fuerit quod Romani omnibus rebus et omnibus motibus deos singulos deputantes aedem Quietis extra portas esse uoluerunt. Miror autem plurimum, quod, cum deos singulos singulis rebus et paene singulis motibus adtribuerent, uocauerunt deam Agenoriam, quae ad agendum excitaret, deam Stimulam, quae ad agendum ultra modum stimularet, deam Murciam, quae praeter modum non moueret ac faceret hominem, ut ait Pomponius, murcidum, id est nimis desidiosum et inactuosum, deam Streniam, quae faceret strenuum, his omnibus dis et deabus publica sacra facere susceperunt, Quietem uero appellantes, quae faceret quietum, cum aedem haberet extra portam Collinam, publice illam suscipere noluerunt. Utrum indicium fuit animi inquieti, an potius ita significatum est, qui illam turbam colere perseueraret non plane deorum, sed daemoniorum, eum quietem habere non posse? ad quam uocat uerus medicus dicens: Discite a me, quoniam mitis sum et humilis corde, et inuenietis requiem animabus uestris.
Chapter 16. Why the Romans, who assigned single gods to all things and all movements, wanted the temple of Quiet to be outside the gates.
I wonder very much that, while they assigned single gods to single things and almost to single movements, and named a goddess Agenoria, to rouse to action (agere); a goddess Stimula, to goad to action beyond measure; a goddess Murcia, who would not move a man beyond measure and would make him, as Pomponius says, murcidus, that is, too lazy and inactive; a goddess Strenia, to make him strenuous; and undertook to offer public rites to all these gods and goddesses, they were unwilling to receive publicly the one they called Quiet, who would make a man quiet, though she had a temple outside the Colline gate. Was it a sign of a restless mind, or was it rather signified thus that whoever persisted in worshipping that crowd, not of gods at all but of demons, could not have quiet? To which the true Physician calls, saying: “Learn from me, for I am gentle and humble of heart, and you will find rest for your souls.”
Matt 11:29 (quotation, high confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine notes that the Romans worshipped deities of action and exertion publicly but kept the temple of Quiet outside the city, and contrasts the rest Christ offers.
- Matthew 11:29. Pomponius was a writer of Atellan farces (1st century BC; no entry in the site's list of texts).
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.16 (CSEL 40:183–184; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-16). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.17CSEL 40:184
CAPUT XVII. An, si Iouis summa potestas est, etiam Victoria dea debuerit aestimari. An forte dicunt, quod deam Victoriam Iuppiter mittat adque illa tamquam regi deorum obtemperans ad quos iusserit ueniat et in eorum parte considat? Hoc uere dicitur non de illo Ioue, quem deorum regem pro sua opinione confingunt, sed de illo uero rege saeculorum, quod mittat non Victoriam, quae nulla substantia est, sed angelum suum et faciat uincere quem uoluerit; cuius consilium occultum esse potest, iniquum non potest. Nam si uictoria dea est, quur non deus est et triumphus, et uictoriae iungitur uel maritus uel frater uel filius? Talia quippe isti de dis opinati sunt, qualia si poetae fingerent adque a nobis exagitarentur, responderent isti ridenda esse figmenta poetarum, non ueris adtribuenda numinibus; et tamen se ipsi non ridebant, cum talia deliramenta non aput poetas legebant, sed in templis colebant. Iouem igitur de omnibus rogarent, ei uni tantummodo supplicarent. Non enim, quo misisset Victoriam, si dea est et sub illo rege est, posset ei audere resistere et suam potius facere uoluntatem.
Chapter 17. Whether, if the supreme power belongs to Jupiter, Victory too ought to have been regarded as a goddess.
Or perhaps they say that Jupiter sends the goddess Victory, and that she, obeying him as king of the gods, comes to those he has ordered and takes her seat on their side? This is truly said, not of that Jupiter whom they imagine king of the gods according to their opinion, but of that true King of the ages: that he sends, not Victory, which is no substance, but his angel, and makes whom he wills conquer; his counsel can be hidden, but it cannot be unjust. For if victory is a goddess, why is triumph not also a god, and joined to victory as husband or brother or son? For these people have held such opinions about the gods that, if the poets invented them and we attacked them, they would answer that the poets' fictions are to be laughed at, not attributed to true deities; and yet they did not laugh at themselves when they read such ravings, not in the poets, but worshipped them in the temples. Let them, then, ask Jupiter for everything, and supplicate him alone. For wherever he had sent Victory, if she is a goddess and under that king, she could not dare to resist him and do her own will instead.
1 Tim 1:17 (allusion, medium confidence)
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine argues that it is the true King of the ages who gives victory through his angels, and that if Victory obeys Jupiter, Jupiter alone should be worshipped.
- “King of the ages”: 1 Timothy 1:17.
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.17 (CSEL 40:184; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-17). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.18CSEL 40:184–186
CAPUT XVIII. Felicitatem et Fortunam qui deas putant, qua ratione secernunt. Quid, quod et Felicitas dea est? Aedem accepit, aram meruit, sacra congrua persoluta sunt. Ipsa ergo sola coleretur. Ubi enim ipsa esset, quid boni non esset? Sed quid sibi uult. quod et Fortuna dea putatur et colitur? An aliud est felicitas, aliud fortuna? Quia fortuna potest esse et mala; felicitas autem si mala fuerit, felicitas non erit. Certe omnes deos utriusque sexus (si et sexum habent) non nisi bonos existimare debemus. Hoc Plato dicit, hoc alii philosophi, hoc excellentes rei publicae populorumque rectores. Quo modo ergo dea Fortuna aliquando bona est, aliquando mala? An forte quando mala est, dea non est, sed in malignum daemonem repente conuertitur? Quot sunt ergo deae istae? Profecto quotquot homines fortunati, hoc est bonae fortunae. Nam cum sint et alii plurimi simul, hoc est uno tempore, malae fortunae, numquid, si ipsa esset, simul et bona esset et mala; his aliud, illis aliud? An illa, quae dea est, semper est bona? Ipsa est ergo Felicitas: quur adhibentur diuersa nomina? Sed hoc ferendum est; solet enim et una res duobus nominibus appellari. Quid diuersae aedes, diuersae arae, diuersa sacra? Est causa, inquiunt, quia felicitas illa est, quam boni habent praecedentibus meritis; fortuna uero, quae dicitur bona, sine ullo examine meritorum fortuito accidit hominibus et bonis et malis, unde etiam Fortuna nominatur. Quo modo ergo bona est, quae sine ullo iudicio uenit et ad bonos et ad malos? Ut quid autem colitur, quae ita caeca est passim in quoslibet incurrens, ut suos cultores plerumque praetereat et suis contemtoribus haereat? Aut si aliquid proficiunt cultores eius, ut ab illa uideantur et amentur, iam merita sequitur, non fortuito uenit. Ubi est definitio illa Fortunae? Ubi est quod a fortuitis etiam nomen accepit? Nihil enim prodest eam colere, si fortuna est. Si autem suos cultores discernit, ut prosit, fortuna non est. An et ipsam, quo uoluerit, Iuppiter mittit? Colatur ergo ipse solus; non enim potest ei iubenti et eam quo uoluerit mittenti Fortuna resistere. Aut certe istam mali colant, qui nolunt habere merita, quibus dea possit Felicitas inuitari.
Chapter 18. By what reasoning those who think Felicity and Fortune goddesses distinguish them.
What of the fact that Felicity too is a goddess? She received a temple, earned an altar, fitting rites were paid to her. Then let her alone be worshipped. For where she was, what good would be lacking? But what does it mean that Fortune too is thought a goddess and worshipped? Is felicity one thing and fortune another? Because fortune can also be bad; but felicity, if it is bad, will not be felicity. Certainly we ought to think that all gods of both sexes (if they even have sex) are only good. Plato says this, other philosophers say it, excellent rulers of states and peoples say it. How then is the goddess Fortune sometimes good, sometimes bad? Or perhaps when she is bad she is not a goddess, but is suddenly turned into a malign demon? How many, then, are these goddesses? Surely as many as there are fortunate men, that is, men of good fortune. For since there are also very many others at the same time, that is, at one time, of bad fortune, would she, if she were one, be both good and bad at once, one thing to these, another to those? Or is she who is a goddess always good? Then she is Felicity: why are different names used? But this can be borne; for one thing is often called by two names. Why different temples, different altars, different rites? There is a reason, they say: felicity is what the good have by preceding merits, while fortune, which is called good, befalls men, both good and bad, by chance (fortuito), without any weighing of merits, which is why she is called Fortune. How then is she good, who comes to good and bad without any judgment? And why is she worshipped, who is so blind that she runs into anyone at random, so that she often passes by her worshippers and clings to those who despise her? Or if her worshippers gain something, so that they are seen and loved by her, then she follows merits and does not come by chance. Where is that definition of Fortune? Where is the fact that she took her very name from chance events? For it is useless to worship her if she is fortune. But if she distinguishes her worshippers so as to benefit them, she is not fortune. Or does Jupiter send her too wherever he wills? Then let him alone be worshipped; for Fortune cannot resist him when he commands and sends her where he wills. Or at least let the wicked worship her, who do not want to have the merits by which the goddess Felicity might be invited.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine exposes the confusion between the goddesses Felicity and Fortune, arguing that a blind Fortune is not worth worshipping and a discerning one is not fortune.
- Plato, Republic 379b (God is good).
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray letter): coleretur.I Ubi → coleretur. Ubi.
Extrabiblical texts: Plato, Resp. 379b (Plato (works); allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.18 (CSEL 40:184–186; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-18). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).
4.19CSEL 40:186
CAPUT XVIIII. De Fortuna muliebri. Tantum sane huic uelut numini tribuunt, quam Fortunam uocant, ut simulacrum eius, quod a matronis dedicatum est et appellata est Fortuna muliebris, etiam locutum esse memoriae commendauerint adque dixisse non semel, sed iterum, quod eam rite matronae dedicauerint. Quod quidem si uerum, sit, mirari nos non oportet. Non enim malignis daemonibus etiam sic difficile est fallere, quorum artes adque uersutias hinc potius isti aduertere debuerunt, quod illa dea locuta est, quae fortuito accidit, non quae meritis uenit. Fuit enim Fortuna loquax et muta Felicitas, ut quid aliud, nisi ut homines recte uiuere non curarent conciliata sibi Fortuna, quae illos sine ullis bonis meritis faceret fortunatos? Et certe si Fortuna loquitur, non saltem muliebris, sed uirilis potius loqueretur, ut non ipsae, quae simulacrum dedicauerunt, putarentur tantum miraculum muliebri loquacitate finxisse.
Chapter 19. On Fortuna Muliebris.
They attribute so much to this supposed deity whom they call Fortune that they have recorded that her image, which was dedicated by the matrons and called Fortuna Muliebris (the Fortune of women), even spoke, and said not once but twice that the matrons had dedicated her rightly. If this is true, we need not wonder. For it is not hard for malign demons to deceive even in this way; and these people ought rather to have noticed their arts and tricks from the fact that the goddess who spoke was the one who comes by chance, not the one who comes by merits. For Fortune was talkative and Felicity dumb, for what other purpose than that men should not care to live rightly, once they had won over Fortune, who would make them fortunate without any good merits? And certainly, if Fortune speaks, it would rather be not the womanly but the manly one who spoke, so that it might not be thought that the women themselves who dedicated the image invented so great a miracle out of womanly talkativeness.
Notes and citation
Summary: Augustine mocks the report that the statue of Fortuna Muliebris spoke twice, attributing it to demonic deception.
- Livy 2.40; Valerius Maximus 1.8.4.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (OCR n for ri; repeated word): memoriae memoriae → memoriae; non quae mentis uenit → non quae meritis uenit.
Extrabiblical texts: Livy, 2.40 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 4.19 (CSEL 40:186; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/4-7/#p-4-19). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).