Apology 1–8

Latin text: Mayor-Souter 1917 (after Oehler) (Latin text: Franz Oehler's text as printed by John E. B. Mayor and Alexander Souter (Cambridge University Press, 1917); the commentary and English translation in that book are not reproduced. OCR corrected mechanically.).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 3 (1885).

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Chapter 1

1Mayor-Souter, 3–6

Si non licet uobis, Romani imperii antistites, in aperto et edito, in ipso fere uertice ciuitatis praesidentibus ad iudicandum palam dispicere et coram examinare quid sit liquido in causa Christianorum, si ad hanc solam speciem auctoritas uestra de iustitiae diligentia in publico aut timet aut erubescit inquirere, si denique, quod proxime accidit, domesticis iudiciis nimis operata infestatio sectae huius obstruit defensioni, liceat ueritati uel occulta uia tacitarum litterarum ad aures uestras peruenire. Nihil de causa sua deprecatur, quia nec de condicione miratur. Scit se peregrinam in terris agere, inter extraneos facile inimicos inuenire, ceterum genus, sedem, spem, gratiam, dignitatem in caelis habere. Unum gestit interdum, ne ignorata damnetur. Quid hic deperit legibus in suo regno dominantibus, si audiatur? An hoc magis gloriabitur potestas eorum, quo etiam auditam damnabunt ueritatem? Ceterum inauditam si damnent, praeter inuidiam iniquitatis etiam suspicionem merebuntur alicuius conscientiae, nolentes audire quod auditum damnare non possint. Hanc itaque primam causam apud uos collocamus iniquitatis odii erga nomen Christianorum. Quam iniquitatem idem titulus et onerat et reuincit qui uidetur excusare, ignorantia scilicet. Quid enim iniquius, quam ut oderint homines quod ignorant, etiam si res meretur odium? Tunc etenim meretur, cum cognoscitur an mereatur. Vacante autem meriti notitia, unde odii iustitia defenditur, quae non de euentu, sed de conscientia probanda est? Cum ergo propterea oderunt homines, quia ignorant quale sit quod oderunt, cur non liceat eiusmodi illud esse, quod non debeant odisse? Ita utrumque ex alterutro redarguimus, et ignorare illos, dum oderunt, et iniuste odisse, dum ignorant. Testimonium ignorantiae est, quae iniquitatem dum excusat, condemnat, cum omnes qui retro oderant, quia ignorabant quale sit quod oderant, simul desinunt ignorare, cessant et odisse. Ex his fiunt Christiani, utique de conperto, et incipiunt odisse quod fuerant, et profiteri quod oderant, et sunt tanti quanti et denotamur. Obsessam uociferantur ciuitatem; in agris, in castellis, in insulis Christianos; omnem sexum, aetatem, condicionem, etiam dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen quasi detrimento maerent, nec tamen hoc modo ad aestimationem alicuius latentis boni promouent animos. Non licet rectius suspicari, non libet propius experiri. Hic tantum curiositas humana torpescit. Amant ignorare, cum alii gaudeant cognouisse. Quanto magis hos Anacharsis denotasset inprudentes de prudentibus iudicantes quam inmusicos de musicis! Malunt nescire, quia iam oderunt. Adeo quod nesciant praeiudicant id esse quod, si sciant, odisse non poterant, quando, si nullum odii debitum deprehendatur, optimum utique sit desinere iniuste odisse, si uero de merito constet, non modo nihil odii detrahatur, sed amplius adquiratur ad perseuerantiam, etiam iustitiae ipsius auctoritate. Sed non ideo, inquit, bonum, quia multos conuertit: quanti enim ad malum performantur? quanti transfugae in peruersum? Quis negat? tamen quod uere malum est, ne ipsi quidem, quos rapit, defendere pro bono audent. Omne malum aut timore aut pudore natura perfudit. Denique malefici gestiunt latere, deuitant apparere, trepidant deprehensi, negant accusati, ne torti quidem facile aut semper confitentur, certe damnati maerent. Dinumerant in semetipsos mentis malae impetus, uel fato uel astris imputant; nolunt enim suum esse, quia malum agnoscunt. Christianus uero quid simile? Neminem pudet, neminem paenitet. nisi plane retro non fuisse. Si denotatur, gloriatur; si accusatur, non defendit; interrogatus uel ultro confitetur, damnatus gratias agit. Quid hoc mali est, quod naturalia mali non habet, timorem, pudorem, tergiuersationem, paenitentiam, deplorationem? Quid? hoc malum est, cuius reus gaudet? cuius accusatio uotum est et poena felicitas? Non potes dementiam dicere, qui reuinceris ignorare.

Rulers of the Roman Empire, seated as you are for judgment in an open and lofty place, at almost the very summit of the state: if you are not permitted to examine openly and to inquire face to face what is clearly the truth in the case of the Christians; if in this kind of case alone your authority is afraid or ashamed to inquire in public with the care that justice requires; if, finally, as happened recently, hostility to this school, kept too busy in domestic tribunals, blocks the way to its defense, then let the truth be allowed to reach your ears at least by the hidden path of silent writing. It makes no entreaty for its cause, because it is not surprised at its condition either. It knows that it lives as a stranger on earth, that among foreigners it easily finds enemies, but that its race, its home, its hope, its favor, and its rank are in heaven. One thing only it sometimes longs for: not to be condemned unknown. What do the laws, ruling in their own realm, lose here if it is heard? Will their power boast the more because they condemn the truth even after hearing it? But if they condemn it unheard, besides the odium of injustice they will also earn the suspicion of some guilty knowledge, since they refuse to hear what, once heard, they could not condemn. This, then, is the first ground we lay before you: the injustice of the hatred of the name of Christians. And this injustice is both aggravated and refuted by the very plea that seems to excuse it, namely ignorance. For what is more unjust than for people to hate what they do not know, even if the thing deserves hatred? For it deserves it only when it is known whether it deserves it. But when knowledge of its desert is lacking, how is the justice of the hatred defended? That justice must be proved not from the outcome but from knowledge. Since, then, people hate because they do not know what kind of thing it is they hate, why may it not be the kind of thing they ought not to hate? So we refute them on both counts, each from the other: that they are ignorant while they hate, and that they hate unjustly while they are ignorant. It is a proof of an ignorance which condemns the injustice even while it excuses it, that all who formerly hated because they did not know what they hated cease to hate as soon as they cease to be ignorant. From these Christians are made, plainly on the basis of what they have found out; and they begin to hate what they had been and to profess what they had hated; and they are as many as we are said to be. People cry out that the city is besieged; that there are Christians in the fields, in the forts, in the islands; they mourn, as if it were a loss, that every sex, age, condition, and even rank is going over to this name; and yet not even so do they rouse their minds to consider whether some hidden good is there. They will not allow themselves to suspect more rightly; they do not care to examine more closely. Here alone human curiosity grows sluggish. They love to be ignorant, while others rejoice to have learned. How much more would Anacharsis have censured these, the unwise judging the wise, than the unmusical judging musicians! They prefer not to know, because they already hate. So they prejudge that what they do not know is the very thing which, if they knew it, they could not hate; whereas, if no ground for hatred is found, it would surely be best to stop hating unjustly, and if the desert is established, not only would nothing be taken from the hatred, but more would be gained for persevering in it, with the authority of justice itself. “But,” someone says, “a thing is not good just because it converts many; for how many are trained for evil! how many desert to what is perverse!” Who denies it? Yet what is truly evil not even those whom it carries away dare to defend as good. Nature has steeped every evil in fear or in shame. Evildoers, in short, long to hide; they avoid appearing; they tremble when caught; they deny when accused; not even under torture do they confess easily or always; certainly when condemned they grieve. They reckon up against themselves the impulses of a bad mind, or they blame them on fate or the stars; for they do not want it to be their own, because they recognize it as evil. But what is there like this in a Christian? None of them is ashamed, none of them repents, except of not having been one earlier. If he is pointed out, he glories in it; if he is accused, he does not defend himself; when questioned he confesses, even of his own accord; when condemned he gives thanks. What sort of evil is this, which has none of the natural marks of evil, fear, shame, evasion, regret, lament? What! is this an evil, whose defendant rejoices? whose accusation is his prayer, and whose punishment his happiness? You cannot call it madness, you who stand convicted of not knowing it.

Phil 3:20 (echo, low confidence) · 1 Pet 2:11 (echo, low confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Tertullian appeals in writing to the Roman magistrates, arguing that hatred of the Christian name rests on ignorance and that Christians, unlike real criminals, rejoice when accused.

  • Anacharsis, the Scythian sage; the saying about the unmusical judging musicians is attributed to him in Greek tradition (source uncertain).
  • “Lives as a stranger on earth … in heaven”: compare Phil 3:20 and 1 Pet 2:11 (echo).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR split word): poena f elicitas → poena felicitas.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 1 (Mayor-Souter, 3–6; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-1).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-1) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 2

2Mayor-Souter, 6–12

Si certum est denique nos nocentissimos esse, cur a uobis ipsis aliter tractamur quam pares nostri, id est ceteri nocentes, cum eiusdem noxae eadem tractatio deberet interuenire? Quodcunque dicimur, cum alii dicuntur, et proprio ore et mercenaria aduocatione utuntur ad innocentiae suae commendationem. Respondendi, altercandi facultas patet, quando nec liceat indefensos et inauditos omnino damnari. Sed Christianis solis nihil permittitur loqui quod causam purget, quod ueritatem defendat, quod iudicem non faciat iniustum, sed illud solum expectatur quod odio publico necessarium est, confessio nominis, non examinatio criminis: quando, si de aliquo nocente cognoscatis, non statim confesso eo nomen homicidae uel sacrilegi uel incesti uel publici hostis, ut de nostris elogiis loquar, contenti sitis ad pronuntiandum, nisi et consequentia exigatis, qualitatem facti, numerum, locum, modum, tempus, conscios, socios. De nobis nihil tale, cum aeque extorqueri oporteret quod cum falso iactatur, quot quisque iam infanticidia degustasset, quot incesta contenebrasset, qui coci, qui canes adfuissent. quanta illius praesidis gloria, si eruisset aliquem, qui centum iam infantes comedisset! Atquin inuenimus inquisitionem quoque in nos prohibitam. Plinius enim Secundus cum prouinciam regeret, damnatis quibusdam Christianis, quibusdam gradu pulsis, ipsa tamen multitudine perturbatus, quid de cetero ageret, consuluit tunc Traianum imperatorem, adlegans praeter obstinationem non sacrificandi nihil aliud se de sacramentis eorum conperisse quam coetus antelucanos ad canendum Christo et deo, et ad confoederandam disciplinam, homicidium, adulterium, fraudem, perfidiam et cetera scelera prohibentes. Tunc Traianus rescripsit hoc genus inquirendos quidem non esse, oblatos uero puniri oportere. sententiam necessitate confusam! Negat inquirendos ut innocentes, et mandat puniendos ut nocentes. Parcit et saeuit, dissimulat et animaduertit. Quid temetipsam, censura, circumuenis? Si damnas, cur non et inquiris? si non inquiris, cur non et absoluis? Latronibus uestigandis per uniuersas prouincias militaris statio sortitur. In reos maiestatis et publicos hostes omnis homo miles est; ad socios, ad conscios usque inquisitio extenditur. Solum Christianum inquiri non licet, offerri licet, quasi aliud esset actura inquisitio quam oblationem. Damnatis itaque oblatum quem nemo uoluit requisitum, qui, puto, iam non ideo meruit poenam, quia nocens est, sed quia non requirendus inuentus est. Itaque nec in illo ex forma malorum iudicandorum agitis erga nos, quod ceteris negantibus tormenta adhibetis ad confitendum, solis Christianis ad negandum, cum, si malum esset, nos quidem negaremus, uos uero confiteri tormentis compelleretis. Neque enim ideo non putaretis requirenda quaestionibus scelera, quia certi essetis admitti ea ex nominis confessione, qui hodie de confesso homicida, scientes homicidium quid sit, nihilominus ordinem extorquetis admissi. Quo peruersius, cum praesumatis de sceleribus nostris ex nominis confessione, cogitis tormentis de confessione decedere, ut negantes nomen pariter utique negemus et scelera, de quibus ex confessione nominis praesumpseratis. Sed, opinor, non uultis nos perire, quos pessimos creditis. Sic enim soletis dicere homicidae Nega, laniari iubere sacrilegum, si confiteri perseuerauerit. Si non ita agitis circa nos nocentes, ergo nos innocentissimos iudicatis, cum quasi innocentissimos non uultis in ea confessione perseuerare, quam necessitate, non iustitia damnandam a uobis sciatis. Vociferatur homo: Christianus sum. Quod est dicit; tu uis audire quod non est. Veritatis extorquendae praesides de nobis solis mendacium elaboratis audire. Hoc sum, inquit, quod quaeris an sim. Quid me torques in peruersum? Confiteor, et torques: quid faceres, si negarem? Plane aliis negantibus non facile fidem accommodatis: nobis, si negauerimus, statim creditis. Suspecta sit uobis ista peruersitas, ne qua uis lateat in occulto, quae uos aduersus formam, aduersus naturam iudicandi, contra ipsas quoque leges ministret. Nisi fallor enim, leges malos erui iubent, non abscondi, confessos damnari praescribunt, non absolui. Hoc senatusconsulta, hoc principum mandata definiunt. Hoc imperium, cuius ministri estis, ciuilis, non tyrannica dominatio est. Apud tyrannos enim tormenta etiam pro poena adhibebantur: apud uos soli quaestioni temperatur. Vestram illis seruate legem usque ad confessionem necessariam, et iam si confessione praeueniantur, uacabunt: sententia opus est: debito poenae nocens expungendus est, non eximendus. Denique nemo illum gestit absoluere. Non licet hoc uelle, ideo nec cogitur quisquam negare. Christianum hominem omnium scelerum reum, deorum, imperatorum, legum, morum, naturae totius inimicum existimas, et cogis negare, ut absoluas quem non poteris absoluere nisi negauerit. Praeuaricaris in leges. Vis ergo neget se nocentem, ut eum facias innocentem, et quidem inuitum iam, nec de praeterito reum. Unde ista peruersitas, ut etiam illud non recogitetis, sponte confesso magis credendum esse quam per uim neganti? uel ne compulsus negare non ex fide negarit et absolutus ibidem post tribunal de uestra rideat aemulatione iterum Christianus? Cum igitur in omnibus nos aliter disponitis quam ceteros nocentes, ad unum contendendo, ut de eo nomine excludamur (excludimur enim si faciamus quae faciunt non Christiani), intellegere potestis non scelus aliquod in causa esse, sed nomen, quod quaedam ratio aemulae operationis insequitur, hoc primum agens, ut homines nolint scire pro certo quod se nescire pro certo sciunt. Ideo et credunt de nobis quae non probantur, et nolunt inquiri, ne probentur non esse quae malunt credidisse, ut nomen illius aemulae rationis inimicum praesumptis, non probatis criminibus de sua sola confessione damnetur. Ideo torquemur confitentes et punimur perseuerantes et absoluimur negantes, quia nominis proelium est. Denique quid de tabella recitatis illum Christianum? Cur non et homicidam? Si homicida Christianus, cur non et incestus uel quodcunque aliud esse nos creditis? In nobis solis pudet aut piget ipsis nominibus scelerum pronuntiare? Christianus si nullius criminis nomine reus est, ualde incestum, si solius nominis, crimen est.

Again, if it is certain that we are the most guilty of people, why do you yourselves treat us differently from our peers, that is, from the other guilty, when the same guilt ought to meet the same treatment? Whatever we are charged with, when others are charged with it they use both their own mouths and hired advocates to commend their innocence. They are free to answer and to dispute, since it is not lawful for anyone to be condemned wholly undefended and unheard. But Christians alone are permitted to say nothing that clears their cause, that defends the truth, that keeps the judge from being unjust; all that is waited for is what public hatred needs: confession of the name, not investigation of the crime. Yet if you are trying any other guilty person, you are not at once satisfied to pronounce sentence when he confesses to the name of murderer, or temple-robber, or incestuous person, or public enemy (to speak of the charges laid against us), unless you also demand the particulars: the nature of the deed, how often, where, how, when, the accomplices, the partners. Nothing of the kind with us, though whatever is falsely spread abroad ought equally to be wrung out of us: how many murdered infants each had already tasted, how many acts of incest he had committed under cover of darkness, what cooks, what dogs were present. Oh, what glory for that governor, if he had unearthed someone who had already eaten a hundred infants! And yet we find that even inquiry into us has been forbidden. For Pliny the Younger, when he governed a province, having condemned some Christians and dislodged others from their stand, was nevertheless disturbed by their sheer number and consulted the emperor Trajan, then reigning, about what he should do for the future. He reported that, apart from their obstinate refusal to sacrifice, he had found out nothing else about their rites than meetings before dawn to sing to Christ and God and to bind themselves together in a discipline that forbids murder, adultery, fraud, treachery, and the other crimes. Trajan then wrote back that people of this kind were not to be sought out, but that if they were brought in they ought to be punished. O sentence confounded by necessity! He says they must not be sought out, as innocent, and orders them punished, as guilty. He spares and rages; he overlooks and punishes. Why do you entangle yourself, judgment? If you condemn, why not also inquire? If you do not inquire, why not also acquit? A military post is assigned by lot throughout all the provinces to track down bandits. Against those guilty of treason and public enemies every man is a soldier; the inquiry is extended even to partners and accomplices. The Christian alone may not be sought out, but he may be brought in, as though an inquiry would aim at anything else than bringing him in. So you condemn a man brought in whom no one wished to have sought; he has deserved punishment, I suppose, not because he is guilty, but because, though not to be sought, he was found. In this too you do not deal with us according to the procedure for judging criminals: to others who deny you apply torture to make them confess, to Christians alone to make them deny; whereas, if it were an evil, we would deny it and you would compel us by torture to confess. For you would not think that the crimes need not be investigated by examination just because you were sure from the confession of the name that they were committed, you who today, with a confessed murderer, though you know what murder is, nevertheless extract the details of the deed. All the more perverse, then, that when you presume our crimes from the confession of the name, you force us by torture to withdraw the confession, so that by denying the name we may at the same time deny the crimes too, which you had presumed from the confession of the name. But, I suppose, you do not want us to perish, whom you believe the worst of men. For this is how you usually say to a murderer, “Deny it!” and order a temple-robber to be torn if he persists in confessing! If you do not deal with us like this as guilty, then you judge us most innocent, since, as with the most innocent, you do not want us to persist in a confession which you know you must condemn from necessity, not from justice. A man cries out, “I am a Christian.” He says what he is; you want to hear what he is not. Governors appointed to extort the truth, from us alone you labor to hear a lie. “I am,” he says, “what you ask whether I am. Why do you torture me to say the opposite? I confess, and you torture: what would you do if I denied?” Plainly, when others deny you do not readily believe them; us, if we deny, you believe at once. Let this perversity be suspect to you, lest some hidden power be at work in secret which employs you against the form, against the nature of judging, and even against the laws themselves. For, unless I am mistaken, the laws order the wicked to be brought to light, not hidden; they prescribe that those who confess be condemned, not acquitted. This the decrees of the senate, this the mandates of the emperors define. This empire, whose ministers you are, is a civil, not a tyrannical, rule. For under tyrants torture was applied even as punishment; with you it is limited to examination. Keep your law for it up to the point where confession is necessary; and if it is anticipated by confession, torture will have nothing to do: sentence is what is needed; the guilty man must be discharged by paying the penalty he owes, not exempted from it. In short, no one is eager to acquit him; it is not lawful to wish it, and so no one is forced to deny. A Christian you think guilty of every crime, an enemy of the gods, the emperors, the laws, morals, and all nature, and yet you force him to deny, so that you may acquit one whom you could not acquit unless he denied. You betray the laws. You want him, then, to deny that he is guilty, so that you may make him innocent, and that against his will, and no longer guilty of the past. Where does this perversity come from, that you do not even consider that one who confesses freely should be believed rather than one who denies under force? Or that one compelled to deny may not have denied in good faith, and, once acquitted, may at once, just behind the tribunal, laugh at your rivalry, a Christian again? Since, then, you deal with us differently from other guilty persons in everything, striving for one thing only, that we be excluded from that name (for we are excluded if we do what non-Christians do), you can understand that what is at issue is not any crime but the name, which a certain rival power at work pursues, aiming first of all at this: that people should not wish to know for certain what they know for certain they do not know. So they both believe things about us that are not proved and refuse to have them investigated, lest what they prefer to have believed be proved untrue, so that the name hostile to that rival power may be condemned, with crimes presumed, not proved, on its own confession alone. That is why we are tortured when we confess, punished when we persevere, and acquitted when we deny: because the battle is over the name. Finally, why do you read out from your tablet that so-and-so is a Christian? Why not also a murderer? If a Christian is a murderer, why not also incestuous, or whatever else you believe us to be? With us alone are you ashamed or loath to pronounce the very names of crimes? If “Christian” is the name of no crime, it is a foul thing indeed if the only crime is the name.

Notes and citation

Summary: Christians alone are condemned for confessing the name and tortured to make them deny it; Trajan's reply to Pliny forbids seeking them out yet orders them punished.

  • Pliny, Letters 10.96–97 (Pliny's report and Trajan's rescript), paraphrased; Pliny writes that the Christians sang “to Christ as to a god.”
  • The last sentence plays on incestum (“foul, impure,” also “incest,” one of the charges).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR ! for i; OCR e for o; OCR g for o; OCR garble; OCR i for l; OCR nn for fi; OCR ri for n; OCR split word): uel public! hostis → uel publici hostis; De no bis nihil → De nobis nihil; Negat in quirendos → Negat inquirendos; confesses damnari → confessos damnari; denniunt → definiunt; tempera tur → temperatur; confession em → confessionem; nemo ilium gestit → nemo illum gestit; riegare → negare; dispom tis → disponitis; coritendendo → contendendo; hgmines → homines; recitatis ilium → recitatis illum.

Extrabiblical texts: Pliny the Younger, Ep. 10.96 (Pliny the Younger, Letters; allusion); Pliny the Younger, Ep. 10.97 (Pliny the Younger, Letters; allusion)

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 2 (Mayor-Souter, 6–12; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-2).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-2) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 3

3Mayor-Souter, 12–14

Quid? quod ita plerique clausis oculis in odium eius inpingunt, ut bonum alicui testimonium ferentes admisceant nominis exprobrationem. Bonus uir Gaius Seius, tantum quod Christianus. Item alius: Ego miror Lucium Titium sapientem uirum repente factum Christianum. Nemo retractat, ne ideo bonus Gaius et prudens Lucius, quia Christianus, aut ideo Christianus, quia prudens et bonus. Laudant quae sciunt, uituperant quae ignorant, et id quod sciunt eo quod ignorant inrumpunt, cum sit iustius occulta de manifestis praeiudicare quam manifesta de occultis praedamnare. Alii, quos retro ante hoc nomen uagos, uiles, improbos nouerant, ex ipso denotant quod laudant. Caecitate odii in suffragium inpingunt: Quae mulier! quam lasciua, quam festiua! Quis iuuenis! quam lasciuus, quam amasius! Facti sunt Christiani! Ita nomen emendationi imputatur. Nonnulli etiam de utilitatibus suis cum odio isto paciscuntur, contenti iniuria, dum ne domi habeant quod oderunt. Uxorem iam pudicam maritus iam non zelotypus, filium iam subiectum pater retro patiens abdicauit, seruum iam fidelem dominus olim mitis ab oculis relegauit; ut quisque hoc nomine emendatur, offendit. Tanti non est bonum quanti odium Christianorum. Nunc igitur, si nominis odium est, quis nominum reatus? Quae accusatio uocabulorum, nisi si aut barbarum sonat aliqua uox nominis, aut infaustum aut maledicum aut inpudicum? Christianus uero, quantum interpretatio est, de unctione deducitur. Sed et cum perperam Chrestianus pronuntiatur a uobis (nam nec nominis certa est notitia penes uos), de suauitate uel benignitate conpositum est. Oditur itaque in hominibus innocuis etiam nomen innocuum. At enim secta oditur in nomine utique sui auctoris. Quid noui, si aliqua disciplina de magistro cognomentum sectatoribus suis inducit? Nonne philosophi de auctoribus suis nuncupantur Platonici, Epicurei, Pythagorici? etiam a locis conuenticulorum et stationum suarum Stoici, Academici? aeque medici ab Erasistrato et grammatici ab Aristarcho, coci etiam ab Apicio? nec tamen quemquam offendit professio nominis cum institutione transmissa ab institutore. Plane, si qui probauit malam sectam et ita malum et auctorem, is probabit et nomen malum dignum odio de reatu sectae et auctoris, ideoque ante odium nominis conpetebat prius de auctore sectam recognoscere uel auctorem de secta. At nunc utriusque inquisitione et agnitione neglecta nomen detinetur, nomen expugnatur, et ignotam sectam, ignotum et auctorem uox sola praedamnat, quia nominantur, non quia reuincuntur.

What of this, that most people run blindly into hatred of the name in such a way that, even while giving someone a good testimony, they mix in a reproach for the name? “Gaius Seius is a good man, only he is a Christian.” Likewise another: “I am amazed that Lucius Titius, a wise man, has suddenly become a Christian.” No one stops to consider whether Gaius is good and Lucius prudent because he is a Christian, or a Christian because he is prudent and good. They praise what they know, they blame what they do not know, and they spoil what they know with what they do not know, when it would be more just to judge the hidden beforehand from the evident than to condemn the evident beforehand from the hidden. Others brand people whom they had known, before they took this name, as vagrant, worthless, and wicked, with the very thing they praise. In the blindness of hatred they stumble into commendation: “What a woman! how wanton, how gay! What a young man! how wanton, what a lover! They have become Christians!” So the name is blamed for the reform. Some even bargain with this hatred at the cost of their own interests, content to suffer loss so long as they do not have at home what they hate. A husband, no longer jealous, has cast out a wife now chaste; a father, once so patient, has disowned a son now obedient; a master, once mild, has banished from his sight a slave now faithful. As soon as anyone is reformed by this name, he gives offense. Good is not worth as much as hatred of Christians. Now, then, if the hatred is of a name, what guilt can there be in names? What charge can be brought against words, unless some sound of the name is barbarous, or ill-omened, or abusive, or indecent? But “Christian,” so far as its meaning goes, is derived from anointing. And even when it is wrongly pronounced by you “Chrestian” (for you do not have certain knowledge even of the name), it is formed from sweetness or kindness. So in harmless people even a harmless name is hated. “But the school is hated in the name, of course, of its founder.” What is new if a discipline gives its followers a surname from its teacher? Are not philosophers called after their founders Platonists, Epicureans, Pythagoreans? and from the places of their gatherings and stations Stoics and Academics? Likewise physicians from Erasistratus, grammarians from Aristarchus, even cooks from Apicius? Yet no one is offended by the profession of a name handed down with the teaching from its teacher. Certainly, if anyone has proved a school bad, and so its founder bad, he will prove the name too bad and worthy of hatred because of the guilt of the school and its founder; and so before hating the name it was proper first to examine the school from its founder, or the founder from the school. But as it is, both inquiry and knowledge of either are neglected; the name is seized, the name is attacked; and the mere word condemns beforehand an unknown school and an unknown founder, because they are named, not because they are convicted.

Notes and citation

Summary: People hate the very name “Christian” even in those it has reformed, though the name means “anointed” and schools are commonly named after their founders.

  • “Chrestian”: from Greek chrēstos, “good, kind,” a common confusion with Christos, “anointed.”

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR ! for i; OCR split word; stray OCR characters): Christi anus → Christianus; Facti sunt Christian!! → Facti sunt Christiani!; uocabulorum, TO nisi → uocabulorum, nisi; Py thagorici → Pythagorici.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 3 (Mayor-Souter, 12–14; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-3).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-3) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 4

4Mayor-Souter, 14–18

Atque adeo quasi praefatus haec ad sugillandam odii erga nos publici iniquitatem, iam de causa innocentiae consistam, nec tantum refutabo quae nobis obiciuntur, sed etiam in ipsos retorquebo qui obiciunt, ut ex hoc quoque sciant homines in Christianis non esse quae in se nesciunt esse, simul uti erubescant accusantes non dico pessimi optimos, sed iam, ut uolunt, conpares suos. Respondebimus ad singula quae in occulto admittere dicimur, quae illos palam admittentes inuenimus, in quibus scelesti, in quibus uani, in quibus damnandis, in quibus inridendi deputamur. Sed quoniam, cum ad omnia occurrit ueritas nostra, postremo legum obstruitur auctoritas aduersus eam, ut aut nihil dicatur retractandum esse post leges aut ingratis necessitas obsequii praeferatur ueritati, de legibus prius concurram uobiscum ut cum tutoribus legum. Iam primum cum dure definitis dicendo: Non licet esse uos! et hoc sine ullo retractatu humaniore praescribitis, uim profitemini et iniquam ex arce dominationem, si ideo negatis licere, quia uultis, non quia debuit non licere. Quodsi, quia non debet, ideo non uultis licere, sine dubio id non debet licere quod male fit, et utique hoc ipso praeiudicatur licere quod bene fit. Si bonum inuenero esse quod lex tua prohibuit, nonne ex illo praeiudicio prohibere me non potest quod, si malum esset, iure prohiberet? Si lex tua errauit, puto, ab homine concepta est; neque enim de caelo ruit. Miramini hominem aut errare potuisse in lege condenda aut resipuisse in reprobanda? Non enim et ipsius Lycurgi leges a Lacedaemoniis emendatae tantum auctori suo doloris incusserunt, ut in secessu inedia de semetipso iudicarit? Nonne et uos cotidie experimentis inluminantibus tenebras antiquitatis totam illam ueterem et squalentem siluam legum nouis principalium rescriptorum et edictorum securibus truncatis et caeditis? Nonne uanissimas Papias leges, quae ante liberos suscipi cogunt quam Iuliae matrimonium contrahi, post tantae auctoritatis senectutem heri Seuerus, constantissimus principum, exclusit? Sed et iudicatos in partes secari a creditoribus leges erant. consensu tamen publico crudelitas postea erasa est, in pudoris notam capitis poena conuersa est. Bonorum adhibita proscriptio suffundere maluit hominis sanguinem quam effundere. Quot adhuc uobis repurgandae latent leges, quas neque annorum numerus neque conditorum dignitas commendat, sed aequitas sola? et ideo cum iniquae recognoscuntur, merito damnantur, licet damnent. Quomodo iniquas dicimus? Immo, si nomen puniunt, etiam stultas: si uero facta, cur de solo nomine puniunt facta, quae in aliis de admisso, non de nomine probata defendunt? Incestus sum, cur non requirunt? Infanticidia cur non extorquent? In deos, in Caesares aliquid committo, cur non audior qui habeo quo purger? Nulla lex uetat discuti quod prohibet admitti, quia neque iudex iuste ulciscitur, nisi cognoscat admissum esse quod non licet, neque ciuis fideliter legi obsequitur ignorans quale sit quod ulciscitur lex. Nulla lex sibi soli conscientiam iustitiae suae debet, sed eis a quibus obsequium expectat. Ceterum suspecta lex est quae probari se non uult, inproba autem, si non probata dominetur.

Having made these remarks by way of preface, as it were, to expose the injustice of the public hatred against us, I will now take my stand on the case for our innocence; and I will not only refute what is charged against us but turn it back on those who charge it, so that people may learn even from this that there is not in Christians what they do not know is in themselves, and at the same time may blush to accuse, I do not say the worst the best, but now, as they would have it, their own equals. We will answer each of the things we are said to commit in secret, which we find them committing openly, things for which we are reckoned criminal, or vain, or worthy of condemnation, or laughable. But since, when our truth meets every point, the authority of the laws is at last set against it, so that either it is said that nothing may be reconsidered after the laws have spoken, or the necessity of obedience is, against one's will, preferred to the truth, I will first contend with you about the laws, as with their guardians. First, then, when you harshly lay down, “You are not permitted to exist!” and prescribe this without any more humane reconsideration, you avow violence and an unjust domination from the citadel, if you deny that it is lawful because you so wish, not because it ought not to be lawful. But if you do not wish it to be lawful because it ought not to be, then without doubt what is done wrongly ought not to be lawful, and by this very fact it is decided beforehand that what is done rightly is lawful. If I find that what your law has forbidden is good, does it not follow from that prior judgment that it cannot forbid me something it would rightly forbid only if it were evil? If your law has erred, it was conceived, I suppose, by a man; for it did not fall from heaven. Are you surprised that a man could err in framing a law, or come to his senses in rejecting it? Did not the amendment by the Spartans of the laws of Lycurgus himself cause their author such grief that he condemned himself to starve to death in seclusion? Do not you yourselves every day, as experience lights up the darkness of antiquity, lop and fell that whole old and rough forest of laws with the new axes of imperial rescripts and edicts? Did not Severus, most steadfast of emperors, only yesterday abolish the most futile Papian laws, which compel people to have children before the Julian laws allow a marriage to be contracted, despite the authority of their great age? There were also laws that debtors who had been condemned might be cut into pieces by their creditors; but by public consent that cruelty was later erased, and the capital penalty was changed into a mark of disgrace: the confiscation of goods, once adopted, preferred to bring the blood into a man's face rather than to shed it. How many laws still lie hidden that you need to clean up, laws commended neither by the number of their years nor by the rank of their makers, but by equity alone! And so, when they are recognized as unjust, they are rightly condemned, even though they condemn. How do we call them unjust? Indeed, if they punish a name, even foolish; but if deeds, why do they punish deeds on the name alone in our case, when in others they establish them as proved from the act, not from the name? I am incestuous: why do they not investigate? A killer of infants: why do they not extract it? I commit some offense against the gods, against the Caesars: why am I not heard, who have the means to clear myself? No law forbids the examination of what it forbids to be committed, because neither does a judge punish justly unless he knows that what is unlawful has been committed, nor does a citizen obey the law faithfully if he does not know what kind of thing it is that the law punishes. No law owes the consciousness of its justice to itself alone, but to those from whom it expects obedience. Besides, a law that does not wish to be examined is suspect, and wicked if it rules unexamined.

Notes and citation

Summary: Tertullian challenges the law forbidding Christians to exist: human laws can err and are constantly amended, and no just law refuses examination.

  • The Papian laws: the lex Papia Poppaea (AD 9), part of Augustus's marriage legislation with the lex Iulia; the reform by Septimius Severus is otherwise poorly attested.
  • The law on cutting up debtors is the Twelve Tables (3.6).

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR ! for i; OCR c for e; OCR garble; OCR l for i; OCR n for u, e for o; OCR split word): refutabo quae no bis → refutabo quae nobis; concur ram → concurram; prontemini → profitemini; indicates in partes → iudicatos in partes; creditor! bus → creditoribus; fldeliter → fideliter; lex est quac → lex est quae.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 4 (Mayor-Souter, 14–18; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-4).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-4) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 5

5Mayor-Souter, 18–20

Ut de origine aliquid retractemus eiusmodi legum, uetus erat decretum, ne qui deus ab imperatore consecraretur nisi a senatu probatus. Scit M. Aemilius de deo suo Alburno. Facit et hoc ad causam nostram, quod apud uos de humano arbitratu diuinitas pensitatur. Nisi homini deus placuerit, deus non erit; homo iam deo propitius esse debebit. Tiberius ergo, cuius tempore nomen Christianum in saeculum introiuit, adnuntiata sibi ex Syria Palaestina, quae illic ueritatem ipsius diuinitatis reuelauerant, detulit ad senatum cum praerogatiua suffragii sui. Senatus, quia non ipse probauerat, respuit, Caesar in sententia mansit, comminatus periculum accusatoribus Christianorum. Consulite commentarios uestros, illic reperietis primum Neronem in hanc sectam cum maxime Romae orientem Caesariano gladio ferocisse. Sed tali dedicatore damnationis nostrae etiam gloriamur. Qui enim scit illum, intellegere potest non nisi grande aliquod bonum a Nerone damnatum. Temptauerat et Domitianus, portio Neronis de crudelitate, sed qua et homo, facile coeptum repressit, restitutis etiam quos relegauerat. Tales semper nobis insecutores, iniusti, impii, turpes, quos et ipsi damnare consuestis, a quibus damnatos restituere soliti estis. Ceterum de tot exinde principibus ad hodiernum diuinum humanumque sapientibus edite aliquem debellatorem Christianorum! At nos e contrario edimus protectorem, si litterae M. Aurelii grauissimi imperatoris requirantur, quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbri discussam contestatur. Sicut non palam ab eiusmodi hominibus poenam dimouit, ita alio modo palam dispersit, adiecta etiam accusatoribus damnatione, et quidem tetriore. Quales ergo leges istae quas aduersus nos soli exercent impii, iniusti, turpes, truces, uani, dementes? quas Traianus ex parte frustratus est uetando inquiri Christianos, quas nullus Hadrianus, quamquam omnium curiositatum explorator, nullus Vespasianus, quamquam Iudaeorum debellator, nullus Pius, nullus Verus inpressit. Facilius utique pessimi ab optimis quibusque, ut ab aemulis, quam a suis sociis eradicandi iudicarentur.

To go back a little to the origin of laws of this kind: there was an old decree that no god should be consecrated by a general unless approved by the senate. Marcus Aemilius knows this, from his god Alburnus. This too tells in favor of our cause, that with you divinity is weighed by human judgment. Unless a god has pleased man, he will not be a god; man will now have to be gracious to god! Tiberius, then, in whose time the Christian name came into the world, when news was brought to him from Syria Palestine of events that had revealed there the truth of His divinity, referred the matter to the senate with his own vote in favor. The senate, because it had not itself approved it, rejected it; Caesar held to his opinion and threatened danger to the accusers of the Christians. Consult your records: there you will find that Nero was the first to rage with the imperial sword against this school, just then rising especially at Rome. But we even glory in such a dedicator of our condemnation. For whoever knows him can understand that nothing but some great good was condemned by Nero. Domitian too, a portion of Nero in cruelty, had tried it; but, being also something of a man, he soon checked what he had begun, even restoring those he had banished. Such have always been our persecutors: unjust, impious, base men, whom you yourselves are accustomed to condemn, and whose victims you have been accustomed to restore. But of all the emperors since then down to the present, men wise in things divine and human, show us one destroyer of Christians! We, on the contrary, show a protector, if the letters of Marcus Aurelius, that most serious emperor, are looked up, in which he testifies that the great drought in Germany was dispelled by rain obtained, as it happened, through the prayers of Christian soldiers. As he did not openly remove the penalty from such men, so in another way he openly set it aside, even adding a condemnation, and a harsher one, for their accusers. What kind of laws, then, are these, which only the impious, unjust, base, savage, vain, and insane enforce against us? which Trajan partly frustrated by forbidding Christians to be sought out; which no Hadrian, though an explorer of all curiosities, no Vespasian, though the conqueror of the Jews, no Pius, no Verus enforced? Surely the worst would more readily be judged fit to be rooted out by all the best, as by their opponents, than by their own allies.

Notes and citation

Summary: The laws against Christians began with bad emperors like Nero and Domitian, while Tiberius and Marcus Aurelius are said to have favored them.

  • “By a general” (ab imperatore): the decree is republican, so a victorious commander is probably meant, though “emperor” is possible.
  • The report about Tiberius and the senate occurs only in Christian writers; its historical value is doubted.
  • The letter of Marcus Aurelius about the “rain miracle” in the German war (ca. 172) is otherwise known only from Christian sources; the surviving text of such a letter is generally regarded as spurious.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR P for F; OCR garble; OCR i for l; OCR split word): Pacit et hoc → Facit et hoc; de human o arbitratu → de humano arbitratu; Qui enim scit ilium → Qui enim scit illum; humaimmque → humanumque; deb ellator → debellator.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 5 (Mayor-Souter, 18–20; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-5).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-5) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 6

6Mayor-Souter, 20–24

Nunc religiosissimi legum et paternorum institutorum protectores et ultores respondeant uelim de sua fide et honore et obsequio erga maiorum consulta, si a nullo desciuerunt, si in nullo exorbitauerunt, si non necessaria et aptissima quaeque disciplinae oblitterauerunt. Quonam illae leges abierunt sumptum et ambitionem comprimentes? quae centum aera non amplius in coenam subscribi iubebant nec amplius quam unam inferri gallinam, et eam non saginatam, quae patricium, quod decem pondo argenti habuisset, pro magno ambitionis titulo senatu submouebant, quae theatra stuprandis moribus orientia statim destruebant, quae dignitatum et honestorum natalium insignia non temere nec inpune usurpari sinebant? Video enim et centenarias coenas a centenis iam sestertiis dicendas, et in lances (parum est si senatorum et non libertinorum uel adhuc flagra rumpentium) argentaria metalla producta. Video et theatra nec singula satis esse nec nuda; nam ne uel hieme uoluptas inpudica frigeret, primi Lacedaemonii penulam ludis excogitauerunt. Video et inter matronas atque prostibulas nullum de habitu discrimen relictum. Circa feminas quidem etiam illa maiorum instituta ceciderunt quae modestiae, quae sobrietati patrocinabantur, cum aurum nulla norat praeter unico digito quem sponsus obpignorasset pronubo anulo, cum mulieres usque adeo uino abstinerentur, ut matronam ob resignatos cellae uinariae loculos sui inedia necarint, sub Romulo uero quae uinum attigerat, inpune a Metennio marito trucidata sit. Idcirco et oscula propinquis offerre etiam necessitas erat, ut spiritu iudicarentur. Ubi est illa felicitas matrimoniorum de moribus utique prosperata, qua per annos ferme sexcentos ab urbe condita nulla repudium domus scripsit? At nunc in feminis prae auro nullum leue est membrum. prae uino nullum liberum est osculum, repudium uero iam et uotum est, quasi matrimonii fructus. Etiam circa ipsos deos uestros quae prospecte decreuerant patres uestri, idem uos obsequentissimi rescidistis. Liberum Patrem cum mysteriis suis consules senatus auctoritate non modo urbe, sed uniuersa Italia eliminauerunt. Serapidem et Isidem et Arpocratem cum suo cynocephalo Capitolio prohibitos inferri, id est curia deorum pulsos, Piso et Gabinius consules non utique Christiani euersis etiam aris eorum abdicauerunt, turpium et otiosarum superstitionum uitia cohibentes. His uos restitutis summam maiestatem contulistis. Ubi religio. ubi ueneratio maioribus debita a uobis? Habitu, uictu, instructu, sensu, ipso denique sermone proauis renuntiastis. Laudatis semper antiquitatem, et noue de die uiuitis. Per quod ostenditur, dum a bonis maiorum institutis deceditis, ea uos retinere et custodire quae non debuistis, cum quae debuistis non custodistis. Ipsum adhuc quod uidemini fidelissime tueri a patribus traditum, in quo principaliter reos transgressionis Christianos destinastis, studium dico deorum colendorum, de quo maxime errauit antiquitas, licet Serapidi iam Romano aras restruxeritis, licet Baccho iam Italico furias uestras immoletis, suo loco ostendam proinde despici et neglegi et destrui a uobis aduersus maiorum auctoritatem. Nunc enim ad illam occultorum facinorum infamiam respondebo, ut uiam mihi ad manifestiora purgem.

Now I should like those most scrupulous protectors and avengers of the laws and of ancestral institutions to answer concerning their own faithfulness, honor, and obedience toward the decrees of their ancestors: whether they have departed from none, whether they have strayed in nothing, whether they have not erased things necessary and most fitting for discipline. Where have those laws gone that restrained expense and display? which ordered that no more than a hundred asses be spent on a dinner and no more than one hen be served, and that not fattened; which removed from the senate, as a great mark of ambition, a patrician who had owned ten pounds of silver; which pulled down theaters at once as they rose to corrupt morals; which did not allow the insignia of offices and of honorable birth to be usurped lightly or with impunity? For I see dinners that must be called “hundreds” now from a hundred thousand sesterces, and silver from the mines worked into platters (it would be little if for senators, and not for freedmen or for men still breaking whips with their backs). I see too that theaters are not enough when single, nor when uncovered; for it was the Spartans who first devised the cloak for the games, lest shameless pleasure should be cold even in winter. I see also that between matrons and prostitutes no distinction of dress is left. With regard to women, indeed, even those institutions of the ancestors have fallen which protected modesty and sobriety, when no woman knew gold except on the one finger which her betrothed had pledged with the betrothal ring; when women were kept from wine to such a degree that her family starved a matron to death for unsealing the compartments of the wine cellar, while under Romulus a woman who had touched wine was killed with impunity by her husband Metennius. For that reason they were even required to offer kisses to their relatives, so that they might be judged by their breath. Where is that happiness of marriages, prospered of course by good morals, through which for nearly six hundred years from the founding of the city no household wrote a bill of divorce? But now in women no limb is light for the gold on it, no kiss is free for the wine; and divorce is now even prayed for, as though it were the fruit of marriage. Even concerning your gods themselves, you, most obedient people, have rescinded what your fathers had wisely decreed. Father Liber with his mysteries the consuls, by authority of the senate, banished not only from the city but from all Italy. Serapis and Isis and Harpocrates with his dog-headed companion were forbidden to be brought into the Capitol, that is, were expelled from the senate-house of the gods: the consuls Piso and Gabinius, certainly not Christians, cast them off, even overturning their altars, to restrain the vices of base and idle superstitions. You have restored them and conferred on them the highest majesty. Where is your religion, where the veneration you owe your ancestors? In dress, food, furnishings, feelings, and even in your very speech you have renounced your great-grandfathers. You always praise antiquity, and you live in new ways from day to day. This shows that, while you depart from the good institutions of your ancestors, you retain and guard what you ought not, since what you ought you have not guarded. Even that which you seem to guard most faithfully as handed down from your fathers, the thing in which above all you have marked out Christians as guilty of transgression, I mean zeal for worshiping the gods, in which antiquity erred most: though you have now rebuilt altars to Serapis, now made Roman, though you offer up your frenzies to Bacchus, now made Italian, I will show in its place that it is likewise despised, neglected, and destroyed by you, against the authority of your ancestors. For now I will answer that infamy of secret crimes, to clear my way to things more open.

Notes and citation

Summary: The Romans who accuse Christians of abandoning ancestral custom have themselves abandoned their ancestors' laws on luxury, women's modesty, marriage, and the gods.

  • The Spartans and the theater cloak: so the text; the reference is obscure.
  • Metennius: elsewhere (Pliny, Natural History 14.89; Valerius Maximus 6.3.9) the husband is called Egnatius Mecenius.
  • The banishment of the Bacchic mysteries is the senate's decree of 186 BC; Piso and Gabinius were consuls in 58 BC.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR garble; OCR i for l; OCR ra for m; OCR rin for rm; OCR rn for m; OCR t for u): sumpturn → sumptum; stuprandis rnoribus → stuprandis moribus; etiam ilia maiorum → etiam illa maiorum; Ubi est ilia felicitas → Ubi est illa felicitas; serinone → sermone; instittitis → institutis; transgressiom s → transgressionis; deorura → deorum.

Extrabiblical texts: Pliny the Elder, Pliny, Nat. 14.89 (Pliny the Elder, Natural History; allusion)

Topics: Divorce and remarriage

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 6 (Mayor-Souter, 20–24; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-6).

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Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 7

7Mayor-Souter, 24–28

Dicimur sceleratissimi de sacramento infanticidii et pabulo inde, et post conuiuium incesto, quod euersores luminum canes, lenones scilicet tenebrarum, libidinum impiarum in uerecundiam procurent. Dicimur tamen semper, nec uos quod tam diu dicimur eruere curatis. Ergo aut eruite, si creditis, aut nolite credere, qui non eruistis. De uestra uobis dissimulatione praescribitur non esse quod nec ipsi audetis eruere. Longe aliud munus carnifici in Christianos imperatis, non ut dicant quae faciunt, sed ut negent quod sunt. Census istius disciplinae, ut iam edidimus, a Tiberio est. Cum odio sui coepit ueritas. Simul atque apparuit, inimica est. Tot hostes eius quot extranei, et quidem proprie ex aemulatione Iudaei, ex concussione milites, ex natura ipsi etiam domestici nostri. Cotidie obsidemur, cotidie prodimur, in ipsis plurimum coetibus et congregationibus nostris opprimimur. Quis umquam taliter uagienti infanti superuenit? Quis cruenta, ut inuenerat, Cyclopum et Sirenum ora iudici reseruauit? Quis uel in uxoribus aliqua inmunda uestigia deprehendit? Quis talia facinora cum inuenisset, celauit aut uendidit ipsos trahens homines? Si semper latemus, quando proditum est quod admittimus? immo a quibus prodi potuit? Ab ipsis enim reis non utique, cum uel ex forma omnibus mysteriis silentii fides debeatur. Samothracia et Eleusinia reticentur, quanto magis talia quae prodita interim etiam humanam animaduersionem prouocabunt, dum diuina seruatur? Si ergo non ipsi proditores sui, sequitur ut extranei. Et unde extraneis notitia, cum semper etiam piae initiationes arceant profanos et arbitris caueant? Nisi si impii minus metuunt. Natura famae omnibus nota est. Vestrum est: Fama malum qua non aliud uelocius ullum. Cur malum fama? quia uelox? quia index? an quia plurimum mendax? quae ne tunc quidem, cum aliquid ueri adfert, sine mendacii uitio est, detrahens, adiciens, demutans de ueritate. Quid? quod ea illi condicio est, ut non nisi cum mentitur perseueret et tamdiu uiuit quamdiu non probat, siquidem, ubi probauit, cessat esse et quasi officio nuntiandi functa rem tradit, et exinde res tenetur, res nominatur. Nec quisquam dicit uerbi gratia, Hoc Romae aiunt factum, aut, Fama est illum prouinciam sortitum, sed, Sortitus est ille prouinciam, et, Hoc factum est Romae. Fama, nomen incerti, locum non habet ubi certum est. An uero famae credat nisi inconsideratus? Quia sapiens non credit incerto. Omnium est aestimare, quantacunque illa ambitione diffusa sit, quantacunque asseueratione constructa, quod ab uno aliquando principe exorta sit necesse est. Exinde in traduces linguarum et aurium serpit, et ita modici seminis uitium cetera rumoris obscurat, ut nemo recogitet, ne primum illud os mendacium seminauerit, quod saepe fit aut ingenio aemulationis aut arbitrio suspicionis aut non noua sed ingenita quibusdam mentiendi uoluptate. Bene autem quod omnia tempus reuelat, testibus etiam uestris prouerbiis atque sententiis, ex dispositione naturae, quae ita ordinauit, ut nihil diu lateat, etiam quod fama non distulit. Merito igitur fama tamdiu conscia sola est scelerum Christianorum. Hanc indicem aduersus nos profertis, quae quod aliquando iactauit tantoque spatio in opinionem corroborauit usque adhuc probare non ualuit, ut fidem naturae ipsius appellem aduersus eos qui talia credenda esse praesumunt.

We are called the most wicked of people on account of a sacrament of infanticide and the feeding on it, and of incest after the banquet, which the dogs who overturn the lamps, panderers, of course, of darkness, procure, to the shamelessness of impious lusts. We are always called so, yet you take no care to bring to light what we have so long been called. Either bring it to light, then, if you believe it, or stop believing it, since you have not brought it to light. Your own failure to look into it makes the plea against you that there is nothing there which you yourselves do not dare to bring to light. You give the executioner a very different task against Christians: not to make them say what they do, but to make them deny what they are. The origin of this discipline, as we have already stated, dates from Tiberius. Truth began with hatred of itself; as soon as it appeared, it is an enemy. It has as many enemies as there are outsiders: the Jews indeed specifically from rivalry, the soldiers from extortion, and by nature even our own households. Daily we are besieged, daily betrayed; very often we are surprised in our very meetings and assemblies. Who ever came upon a crying infant in such a way? Who kept for the judge the bloody mouths of Cyclopes and Sirens, just as he had found them? Who has detected any impure traces even in the wives? Who, having discovered such crimes, concealed them, or sold his silence while dragging the very people to court? If we are always hidden, when was what we commit betrayed? Indeed, by whom could it have been betrayed? Certainly not by the guilty themselves, since by the very pattern of all mysteries a pledge of silence is owed. The mysteries of Samothrace and Eleusis are kept silent; how much more such things as, once betrayed, would provoke even human punishment at once, while the divine is reserved? If, then, they are not their own betrayers, it follows that outsiders are. And where would outsiders get knowledge, since even holy initiations always shut out the profane and beware of witnesses? Unless the impious are less afraid. The nature of rumor is known to all. It is your own poet's saying: “Rumor, an evil than which no other is swifter.” Why is rumor an evil? Because it is swift? Because it informs? Or because it is mostly a liar? It is not free from the fault of lying even when it brings something true, taking away, adding, changing the truth. What of this, that its condition is such that it lasts only while it lies, and lives only as long as it does not prove? For once it has proved, it ceases to be and, as though it had fulfilled the office of reporting, hands the matter over; from then on the thing is held as fact and called fact. No one says, for example, “They say this was done at Rome,” or, “The rumor is that he has drawn a province,” but, “He has drawn a province,” and, “This was done at Rome.” Rumor, the name for what is uncertain, has no place where there is certainty. Would anyone but a thoughtless person believe rumor? For a wise man does not believe what is uncertain. Anyone can reckon that, however widely it has spread, however confidently it has been built up, it must have arisen at some time from one originator. From there it creeps along the branches of tongues and ears, and the flaw of the little seed so obscures the rest of the report that no one considers whether that first mouth sowed a lie, which often happens, from a jealous disposition, or from a whim of suspicion, or from a pleasure in lying that in some people is not new but inborn. But it is well that time reveals all things, as even your proverbs and sayings testify, by the ordering of nature, which has so arranged it that nothing lies hidden long, even what rumor has not spread. Rightly, then, has rumor alone so long been privy to the crimes of Christians. This is the informer you bring against us; and what it once threw out and over so long a time hardened into opinion it has not been able to prove even until now, so that I appeal to the testimony of nature itself against those who presume such things are to be believed.

Notes and citation

Summary: The charges of ritual infanticide, cannibalism, and incest rest only on rumor, which has never been proved despite constant betrayal and surprise of Christian meetings.

  • The charges (eating a slaughtered infant, incest after dogs tied to the lamps overturn them) are the accusations made against Christians, which Tertullian rejects.
  • “Rumor, an evil …”: Virgil, Aeneid 4.174.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR e for o; OCR fc for t; OCR i for l; OCR i for l, T for f; OCR n for u; OCR split word; OCR split word and garble): dissimu lations → dissimulatione; Efc unde → Et unde; arceant profanes → arceant profanos; uelocius nllum → uelocius ullum; Fama est ilium → Fama est illum; quantacunque ilia ambitione difTusa → quantacunque illa ambitione diffusa; Merito igitur fa ma → Merito igitur fama.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 4.174 (Virgil; quotation)

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 7 (Mayor-Souter, 24–28; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-7).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-7) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).

Chapter 8

8Mayor-Souter, 28–30

Ecce proponimus horum facinorum mercedem. Vitam aeternam repromittunt. Credite interim. De hoc enim quaero, an et qui credideris tanti habeas ad eam tali conscientia peruenire. Veni, demerge ferrum in infantem nullius inimicum, nullius reum, omnium filium, uel, si alterius officium est, tu modo adsiste morienti homini antequam uixit, fugientem animam nouam expecta, excipe rudem sanguinem, eo panem tuum satia, uescere libenter. Interea discumbens dinumera loca, ubi mater, ubi soror; nota diligenter, ut, cum tenebrae ceciderint caninae, non erres. Piaculum enim admiseris nisi incestum feceris. Talia initiatus et consignatus uiuis in aeuum. Cupio respondeas, si tanti aeternitas. Aut si non, ideo nec credenda. Etiamsi credideris, nego te uelle; etiamsi uolueris, nego te posse. Cur ergo alii possint, si uos non potestis? cur non possitis, si alii possunt? Alia nos, opinor, natura; Cynopaene aut Sciapodes? Alii ordines dentium, alii ad incestam libidinem nerui? Qui ista credis de homine, potes et facere. Homo es et ipse, quod et Christianus. Qui non potes facere, non debes credere. Homo est enim et Christianus et quod et tu. Sed ignorantibus subicitur et inponitur. Nihil enim tale de Christianis asseuerari sciebant obseruandum utique sibi et omni uigilantia inuestigandum. Atquin uolentibus initiari moris est, opinor, prius patrem illum sacrorum adire, quae praeparanda sint describere. Tum ille: Infans tibi necessarius adhuc tener, qui nesciat mortem, qui sub cultro tuo rideat; item panis, quo sanguinis uirulentiam colligas; praeterea candelabra et lucernae et canes aliqui et offulae, quae illos ad euersionem luminum extendant: ante omnia cum matre et sorore tua uenire debebis. Quid, si noluerint uel nullae fuerint? quid denique singulares Christiani? Non erit, opinor, legitimus Christianus nisi frater aut filius. Quid nunc, et si ista omnia ignaris praeparantur? Certe postea cognoscunt et sustinent et ignoscunt. Timent plecti, si proclament, qui defendi merebuntur,- qui etiam ultro perire malint quam sub tali conscientia uiuere. Age nunc timeant, cur etiam perseuerant? Sequitur enim, ne ultra uelis id te esse quod, si prius scisses, non fuisses.

See, we set out the reward for these crimes: they promise eternal life. Believe it for the moment. For I ask you this: whether, even if you believed it, you would think it worth reaching with such a conscience. Come, plunge the knife into an infant, enemy of no one, guilty of nothing, everyone's child; or, if that is another's duty, you need only stand by a human being dying before he has lived, wait for the new soul as it flees, catch the fresh blood, soak your bread in it, eat with pleasure. Meanwhile, as you recline, count the places, where your mother is, where your sister; note them carefully, so that when the dogs' darkness falls you make no mistake. For you will have committed a sacrilege if you have not committed incest. Initiated and sealed with such things, you live forever. I want you to answer whether eternity is worth that much. Or if not, then it is not to be believed either. Even if you believed it, I deny that you would want it; even if you wanted it, I deny that you could. Why then could others, if you cannot? Why could you not, if others can? We are of another nature, I suppose: Dog-faces or Shade-feet? We have other rows of teeth, other sinews for incestuous lust? You who believe these things of a human being can also do them. You are a human being yourself, as the Christian is too. You who cannot do them ought not to believe them. For the Christian too is a human being, and what you are. “But they are imposed on the ignorant and slipped upon them.” For, they say, they did not know that anything of the kind was asserted of Christians, which they would surely have had to watch out for and investigate with all vigilance. Yet it is the custom, I suppose, for those who wish to be initiated first to go to the father of the rites and set down what must be prepared. Then he says: “You need an infant, still tender, that does not know death, that will smile under your knife; also bread, to gather up the gush of blood; besides that, lampstands and lamps and some dogs and scraps of food to make them stretch and overturn the lights; above all, you will have to come with your mother and your sister.” What if they will not, or you have none? What, in short, of Christians who are alone in the world? There will be no lawful Christian, I suppose, unless he is a brother or a son. And what if all these things are prepared for people who do not know? Surely they learn of them afterward, and they bear them and pardon them. “They fear punishment if they cry out.” People who will deserve to be protected, who would rather die of their own accord than live with such a conscience! Suppose, then, that they fear: why do they still persevere? For it follows that you would no longer wish to be what, had you known it before, you would not have become.

Notes and citation

Summary: Tertullian mocks the charge of ritual murder and incest by imagining what an initiate would have to do and asking whether anyone could do it.

  • The Cynopenae (“dog-faces”) and Sciapodes (“shade-feet,” who shade themselves with one huge foot) are fabulous peoples of ancient ethnography.
  • The charges described are those made against Christians, which Tertullian rejects.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR garble; OCR i for l; OCR rn for m; OCR split word): Christian is asseuerari → Christianis asseuerari; patrem ilium sacrorum → patrem illum sacrorum; Turn ille → Tum ille; nullae f uerint → nullae fuerint; frater aut films → frater aut filius.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Tertullian, Apol. 8 (Mayor-Souter, 28–30; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/tertullian-apologeticum/1/#p-8).

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-tertullian-apologeticum-8) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude (Opus) from the Latin of Mayor and Souter (Cambridge, 1917; Oehler's text), from the OCR of the printed edition with slips corrected as logged; each batch compared afterwards with the public-domain translation in ANF 3 (1885).