# To the Donatists after the Collation

- Author: [Augustine of Hippo](https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/authors/augustine-of-hippo/)
- Latin title: *Ad Donatistas post collationem (Contra partem Donati post gesta)*
- Date: ca. 412 (approximate)
- Source: Michael Petschenig, ed., Sancti Aureli Augustini scripta contra Donatistas, pars III, CSEL 53 (Vienna: Tempsky; Leipzig: Freytag, 1910) (Latin text: Michael Petschenig, Contra partem Donati post gesta (CSEL 53, 1910), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0)

- Translation: Claude, from the original text, unless a passage says otherwise; each passage below gives the translator
- Work page: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/
- Passages: 58

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 1

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-1
- Source: CSEL 53:97–98
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine asks the Donatist laity why their bishops, who had refused to meet “the offspring of betrayers,” came to the conference of 411, and answers their claim that the judge was bribed.

### Latin text

Quid adhuc, Donatistae, seducimini ab episcopis uestris, quorum fallaces tenebrae clara luce discussae sunt, quorum error apparuit, quorum pertinacia superata est? quid adhuc uobis iactant uana mendacia? quid adhuc creditis hominibus uictis? cum uobis dicunt iudicem praemio fuisse corruptum, quid nouum faciunt? quid aliud omnes uicti facere consuerunt, qui ueritati consentire nolunt, nisi ut de iudicis iniquitate mentiantur? quaerite ab eis et ad hoc primum uobis respondeant, si possunt, quare ausi sunt uenire Carthaginem et in unum locum nobiscum conlationis gratia conuenire. iam ante aliquot annos conueneramus eos publice, ut nobis conferentibus ueritas appareret et dissensio quae nos diuidit de medio tolleretur, sed ipsam ueritatem refugientes actis responderunt: indignum est ut in unum conueniant filii martyrum et progenies traditorum. quare ergo modo nobiscum conuenire uoluerunt? puto quod non facerent, quod eis uidebatur indignum, nisi nos cognoscerent non esse progeniem traditorum. aut certe ipsi nobis respondeant, quare dixerunt: indignum est ut in unum conueniant filii martyrum et progenies traditorum et in unum nobiscum postea conuenerunt. quae res eos coegit facere quod indignum est? non enim ligati adducti sunt, sed omnino liberi conuenerunt. si dixerint: quia iusserat imperator, ergo tunc faciunt quod indignum est, quando iusserit imperator. quid ergo irascuntur nescio quibus traditoribus ad causam nostram non pertinentibus? codices enim dominicos persecutoribus dare utique indignum est; quod cum fecit traditor, non habet crimen, quia iusserat imperator. hoc dicimus non secundum ueritatem, sed secundum ipsorum peruersitatem. ipsi enim dixerunt — publica gesta proclamant —, apud acta dixerunt. non quilibet ignotus, sed Carthaginiensis episcopus eorum Primianus hoc dixit, Primianus hoc scriptum magistratui Carthaginis dedit et a diacono suo dicendum apud acta mandauit: indignum est ut in unum conueniant filii martyrum et progenies traditorum. ecce conuenimus in unum: quid ad ista respondent? si dicunt (non est indignum, quare mentiti sunt, quando indignum esse dixerunt? si dicunt (indignum est, quod indignum est quare fecerunt? uno modo se poterunt adserere quod indignum est non fecisse et in illis Primiani uerbis non fuisse mentitos, si dicant: indignum est quidem ut in unum conueniant filii martyrum et progenies traditorum, sed nos ideo uobiscum in unum conuenimus, quia cognouimus uos non esse progeniem traditorum. quod si ita est, quare nobis iam conuenientes in unum ipsas calumnias obiecerunt, nisi forte ut etiam nos eos cognosceremus non esse filios martyrum? martyres enim testes dicuntur. testes autem Christi ueri testes sunt. isti autem falsi testes inuenti sunt, qui traditionis crimina et aliena aliis obiecerunt et nec ipsa probare potuerunt.

### English translation (Claude)

Why, Donatists, do you still let yourselves be led astray by your bishops, whose deceitful darkness has been scattered by clear light, whose error has been exposed, whose stubbornness has been overcome? Why do they still boast empty lies to you? Why do you still believe men who have been defeated? When they tell you that the judge was corrupted by a bribe, what new thing are they doing? What else are all the defeated accustomed to do, who will not consent to the truth, but lie about the judge’s injustice? Ask them, and let them answer you this first, if they can: why did they dare to come to Carthage and to meet with us in one place for the sake of a conference? Some years ago we summoned them publicly, so that by our conferring the truth might appear and the dissension that divides us might be removed from our midst; but fleeing the truth itself, they answered on record: “It is unworthy that the sons of the martyrs and the offspring of betrayers should come together in one place.” Why, then, did they now wish to meet with us? I suppose they would not do what seemed to them unworthy unless they knew that we are not the offspring of betrayers. Or else let them answer us why they said, “It is unworthy that the sons of the martyrs and the offspring of betrayers should come together in one place,” and afterward came together with us in one place. What compelled them to do what is unworthy? For they were not brought in bound, but came together entirely free. If they say, “Because the emperor had ordered it,” then they do what is unworthy when the emperor orders it. Why, then, are they angry at some betrayers or other who have nothing to do with our case? For to give the Lord’s books to persecutors is certainly unworthy; and when a betrayer did this, he has no guilt, because the emperor had ordered it. We say this not according to the truth but according to their own perversity. For they said it (the public records proclaim it), they said it on record. Not some unknown person, but their bishop of Carthage, Primian, said this; Primian gave this in writing to the magistrate of Carthage and instructed his deacon to say it on record: “It is unworthy that the sons of the martyrs and the offspring of betrayers should come together in one place.” See, we have come together in one place: what do they answer to this? If they say, “It is not unworthy,” why did they lie when they said it was unworthy? If they say, “It is unworthy,” why did they do what is unworthy? There is only one way they can claim both that they did not do what is unworthy and that they did not lie in those words of Primian: if they say, “It is indeed unworthy that the sons of the martyrs and the offspring of betrayers should come together in one place; but we came together with you in one place because we learned that you are not the offspring of betrayers.” If that is so, why, when we were already together in one place, did they throw those same slanders at us, unless perhaps so that we too might learn that they are not the sons of the martyrs? For martyrs are called witnesses; and the witnesses of Christ are true witnesses. But these were found to be false witnesses, who charged the crimes of betrayal, and those of some against others, and could not prove even these.

### Translation notes

- This address “to the Donatists after the conference” (412) is written to the Donatist laity. Primian’s words (“It is unworthy …”) are quoted as a Donatist statement; see also Breviculus 3.4.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 1 (CSEL 53:97–98; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/1).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 2

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-2
- Source: CSEL 53:98–99
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Scripture foretold a church spreading from Jerusalem to all nations, yet the Donatists refuse communion with the very churches to which the apostles wrote.

### Latin text

Quid adhuc adtenditis humana mendacia et diuina testimonia non adtenditis? quid adhuc uictis hominibus creditis et ueritati, quae numquam est uicta, non creditis? ueritas enim dei, sicut in ipsa etiam conlatione probauimus, perhibuit testimonium ecclesiae suae per multa documenta scripturarum sanctarum, per propheticas et euangelicas litteras; et locus designatus est, unde Christi ecclesia fuerat inceptura, et fines terrae, quo usque fuerat peruentura. per omnes gentes futuram ecclesiam suam dominus dicit incipientem ab Hierusalem. diuina lectio recitatur, quemadmodum coeperit ab Hierusalem, ubi primum congregatis fidelibus missus est de caelo spiritus sanctus. diuinae lectiones recitantur, quemadmodum se ab Hierusalem per uicina et longinqua diffuderit. expressa sunt nomina locorum, manifestata sunt nomina ciuitatum, in quibus ecclesia Christi apostolico labore fundata est, quae loca et ciuitates etiam epistulas ab apostolis accipere meruerunt; quas epistulas et ipsi in uestris congregationibus legunt et tamen non communicant eorum locorum et ciuitatium ecclesiis, quae ipsas epistulas accipere meruerunt, obicientes eis nescio qua crimina Afrorum, quod eorum contagione perierint, cum ipsi dixerint in hac ipsa conlatione, quam modo Carthagini habuimus, quod nec causae causa nec personae persona praeiudicet.

### English translation (Claude)

Why do you still pay attention to human lies and not pay attention to divine testimonies? Why do you still believe defeated men and not believe the truth, which has never been defeated? For the truth of God, as we proved at the conference itself, has borne witness to his church through many proofs of the holy Scriptures, through the prophetic and Gospel writings; and the place was marked out from which the church of Christ was to begin, and the ends of the earth, as far as which it was to reach. The Lord says that his church is to be in all nations, beginning from Jerusalem. The divine reading is read of how it began from Jerusalem, where the Holy Spirit was first sent from heaven upon the gathered faithful. The divine readings are read of how it spread from Jerusalem through places near and far. The names of the places are stated, the names of the cities made known, in which the church of Christ was founded by apostolic labor, places and cities which were even counted worthy to receive letters from the apostles. These letters your bishops themselves read in your congregations, and yet they are not in communion with the churches of those places and cities which were counted worthy to receive those very letters, charging them with some crimes or other of Africans, as if they had perished by their contagion; although they themselves said, at this very conference which we lately held at Carthage, that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- Luke 24:47: allusion, high confidence
- Acts 2:1–4: allusion, high confidence
- Acts 1:8: allusion, medium confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 2 (CSEL 53:98–99; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/2).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 3

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-3
- Source: CSEL 53:99–100
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists conceded that “one case does not prejudice another” to protect Primian, yet deny the same to Caecilian and the worldwide church.

### Latin text

Tunc autem hoc dixerunt, quando eis diximus: concilium, quod contra Caecilianum profertis, sic non obest absenti Caeciliano, quemadmodum concilium, quod in causa Maximiani factum est, ubi damnatus est Primianus, non obest absenti Primiano. protulerunt enim, ubi septuaginta et quod excurrit episcopi absentem damnauerant Caecilianum, cum proferantur plus minus centum episcopi partis ipsorum, qui damnauerant absentem Primianum. quia ergo diximus eis sic illud non obesse Caeciliano, quemadmodum hoc non obest Primiano, quoniam contra absentes facta sunt ambo concilia, continuo non inuenientes quod responderent et horribiles angustias passi dixerunt nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae; quod aduersus omnes humanas calumnias in ore habet catholica ecclesia, nunc autem multo fortius multoque liberius, quando id, quod semper ueritas tenuit, etiam inimicorum confessio confirmauit. quis ergo sine graui tristitia perferat, quis gemitum cohibeat, quis non in lacrimas et in uocem doloris erumpat, qui hoc digne considerauerit? ecce ut ab episcopis partis Donati damnatus Primianus non amittat episcopatum aut ut Primianus damnatus non inquietet partem Donati, nec causae causa nec personae persona praeiudicat; ut autem Caecilianus, quem absentem inimici similiter damnauerunt, non deputetur episcopus et contaminet omnes christianas gentes usque ad terminos terrae, et causae causa et personae persona praeiudicat.

### English translation (Claude)

They said this when we told them: “The council that you bring against Caecilian does not harm the absent Caecilian, just as the council held in the case of Maximian, where Primian was condemned, does not harm the absent Primian.” For they brought forward the council in which seventy-odd bishops had condemned Caecilian in his absence, while some hundred bishops of their own party are brought forward who had condemned Primian in his absence. So because we told them that the one did not harm Caecilian just as the other did not harm Primian, since both councils were held against absent men, at once, finding nothing to answer and suffering dreadful straits, they said that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person; which the Catholic Church has on its lips against all human slanders, and now much more strongly and much more freely, when what the truth always held has been confirmed even by the confession of its enemies. Who, then, could bear it without grave sorrow, who could hold back a groan, who would not burst into tears and a cry of grief, having duly considered this? See: so that Primian, condemned by bishops of the party of Donatus, should not lose his episcopate, or so that the condemned Primian should not disturb the party of Donatus, neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person; but so that Caecilian, whom his enemies likewise condemned in his absence, should not be counted a bishop and should contaminate all the Christian nations to the ends of the earth, both does one case prejudice another case and one person another person.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 3 (CSEL 53:99–100; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/3).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 4

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-4
- Source: CSEL 53:100–102
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine imagines the churches addressed by Peter, John, and Paul asking the Donatists why Caecilian’s case should cut them off when Primian’s does not cut off the Donatists.

### Latin text

Si uoce ipsius unitatis clament ecclesiae Ponti, Bithyniae, Asiae, Cappadociae ceterarumque orientalium regionum, ad quas beatus Petrus apostolus scribit: (o pars Donati, non nouimus quid dicatis. quare nobis non communicatis? si Caecilianus mali aliquid fecit, quod nobis non probatum est nec demonstratum, tamen si mali aliquid fecit, quare nobis praeiudicat? si nos audire non uultis, uos ipsos audite dicentes: nec causae causa nec personae persona praeiudicat. an usque adeo potest uestra peruersitas, ut haec uerba ualeant, ne nobis praeiudicet Primianus, et haec uerba non ualeant, ut nobis praeiudicet Caecilianus? clament etiam similiter septem orientales ecclesiae, ad quas scribit apostolus Iohannes, Ephesi, Zmyrnae, Thyatirae, Sardis, Philadelphiae, Laudociae, Pergami, et dicant: (quid uobis fecimus, fratres, qui potius Donati quam nostrae communionis esse uoluistis? si Caecilianus peccauit, quamuis et ipsius crimen non potuistis ostendere, quia, sicut Primianus uester, sic absens etiam iste damnatus est, uerumtamen qualiscumque ille fuerit, nos nobis quid fecimus? quare christiani cum christianis pacem habere non uultis, quare in nobis communia sacramenta rescinditis? quid nobis fecimus? quare Primiani causa non praeiudicat parti Donati, nisi quia uerum est quod dixistis: nec causae causa nec personae persona praeiudicat? quare ergo causa Caeciliani praeiudicat hereditati Christi, in qua sumus apostolorum labore plantati? ad unam nostrum scribit apostolus Iohannes, quod habeat pauca nomina in Sardis eorum, qui non inquinauerunt uestimenta sua; nec tamen ab eis, qui in ipsa ecclesia inmundi fuerunt, illorum paucorum uestimenta polluta sunt, quoniam uerum est quod dixistis, nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae. quomodo ergo potest causa et persona Caeciliani praeiudicare nobis? aut si non praeiudicat, quare separamini a nobis? dicant etiam ecclesiae, ad quas Paulus apostolus scribit, Romanorum, Corinthiorum, Philippensium, Colossensium, Thessalonicensium — nam de Galatia et Epheso supra iam dictum est —, dicant ergo et istae: (litteras ad nos datas, fratres, cotidie legitis, qui uultis adhuc esse de parte Donati. in ipsis epistulis per nomen pacis nos apostolus salutauit dicens: gratia uobis et pax a deo patre et domino Iesu Christo. quare pacem in nostris epistulis legendo didicistis et eam nobiscum tenere noluistis? tam in longinquis terris trans mare positis Afrum nobis obicitis Caecilianum. certe uerum est quod dixistis: nec causae causa praeiudicat nec persona personae: quae est ista priuata et peculiaris sanctificatio, qua uobis licet, ut Afrae parti Donati causa non praeiudicet Afri Primiani nec personae Primiani Carthaginiensis praeiudicet persona Mustitani Feliciani, et ad nos Africana praeiudicia tam longe mittantur aut nobis praeiudicet causa Caeciliani?

### English translation (Claude)

Suppose the churches of Pontus, Bithynia, Asia, Cappadocia, and the other eastern regions, to which the blessed apostle Peter writes, were to cry out with the voice of unity itself: “Party of Donatus, we do not know what you are talking about. Why are you not in communion with us? If Caecilian did something evil, which has not been proved or shown to us, yet if he did something evil, why does it prejudice us? If you will not listen to us, listen to yourselves saying: neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person. Or can your perversity go so far that these words hold good so that Primian does not prejudice you, and these words do not hold good so that Caecilian prejudices us?” Let the seven eastern churches to which the apostle John writes, Ephesus, Smyrna, Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea, and Pergamum, likewise cry out and say: “What have we done to you, brothers, that you chose to be of the communion of Donatus rather than ours? If Caecilian sinned, though you could not show even his crime, since like your Primian he too was condemned in his absence, yet whatever he was, what have we done to you? Why will you not, as Christians, have peace with Christians? Why do you annul in us the sacraments we have in common? What have we done to you? Why does Primian’s case not prejudice the party of Donatus, unless because what you said is true: neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person? Why then does Caecilian’s case prejudice the inheritance of Christ, in which we were planted by the labor of the apostles? To one of us the apostle John writes that it has a few names in Sardis of those who have not soiled their garments; and yet the garments of those few were not polluted by those who were unclean in that very church, since what you said is true, that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person. How, then, can the case and person of Caecilian prejudice us? Or if it does not, why do you separate yourselves from us?” Let the churches to which the apostle Paul writes also say it, those of the Romans, the Corinthians, the Philippians, the Colossians, the Thessalonians (for Galatia and Ephesus have already been mentioned above); let these too say: “Brothers, you who still wish to be of the party of Donatus, you read every day the letters given to us. In those very letters the apostle greeted us in the name of peace, saying: ‘Grace to you and peace from God the Father and the Lord Jesus Christ.’ Why did you learn peace by reading our letters and refuse to keep it with us? To us, set in lands so far away across the sea, you object the African Caecilian. Surely what you said is true: neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person. What is this private and peculiar sanctification of yours, by which you are permitted that the case of the African Primian should not prejudice the African party of Donatus, nor the person of Felician of Mustis prejudice the person of Primian of Carthage, and yet African prejudgments are sent so far to us, and the case of Caecilian prejudices us?”

### Scripture references

- 1 Pet 1:1: allusion, high confidence
- Rev 1:11: allusion, high confidence
- Rev 3:4: allusion, high confidence
- Rom 1:7: quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The digital text twice reads “nos nobis quid fecimus” / “quid nobis fecimus”; the sense requires “to you” (uobis), and it is so translated. Galatia and Ephesus “mentioned above” are presumably covered by Asia and the seven churches.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 4 (CSEL 53:100–102; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/4).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 5

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-5
- Source: CSEL 53:102–103
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The African Catholic Church asks why the long-dead Caecilian should stain it when the living Felician, a condemned Maximianist, does not stain the Donatists.

### Latin text

Dicat etiam catholica ecclesia in ipsa Africa constituta et per pacem atque unitatem Christi illis omnibus communione copulata, dicat etiam ipsa: nec mihi Caeciliani causa praeiudicat, contra quem absentem septuaginta episcoporum est prolata sententia, quia non praeiudicat ecclesiae, quae toto orbe diffunditur, in cuius communione permaneo, aut certe praeiudicet parti Donati causa Primiani, quem sui collegae similiter absentem numerosiore concilio damnauerunt. si autem ideo non praeiudicat, quia nec causa causae nec persona personae, multo magis seruanda est ista iustitia erga unitatem catholicam Christi, si eam seruari erga se postulat pars Donati. hoc ecclesia catholica in Africa constituta proclamat: o pars Donati, tu ista uerba dixisti, tu ista uerba tua recognouisti, tu istis uerbis etiam suscripsisti: nec causa causae nec persona personae praeiudicat. ego inter spiritus olim requiescentium recito Caecilianum, tu adhuc uides et tecum habes in corpore Felicianum, a quo Primianus damnatus est. in ipsa Primiani causa Felicianum damnasti et eum postea, sicut erat, episcopum Primiano tibique sociasti. si tantum ualet, quod nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae, ut tibi non praeiudicet hodie tecum uiuentis communio Feliciani, mihi quomodo praeiudicat olim defuncti memoria Caeciliani?

### English translation (Claude)

Let the Catholic Church established in Africa itself, joined in communion with all those churches through the peace and unity of Christ, let it too say: “Neither does the case of Caecilian prejudice me, against whom in his absence the sentence of seventy bishops was pronounced, since it does not prejudice the church spread over the whole world, in whose communion I remain; or else let the case of Primian prejudice the party of Donatus, whom his colleagues likewise condemned in his absence in a more numerous council. But if it does not prejudice it, because neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another, much more must this justice be kept toward the Catholic unity of Christ, if the party of Donatus demands that it be kept toward itself.” This the Catholic Church established in Africa proclaims: “Party of Donatus, you said these words, you acknowledged these words as yours, you even signed these words: neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another. I name Caecilian among the spirits of those long at rest; you still see Felician, by whom Primian was condemned, and have him with you in the body. In Primian’s very case you condemned Felician, and afterward you joined him, a bishop as he was, to Primian and to yourself. If the principle that neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another has such force that communion with Felician, living with you today, does not prejudice you, how does the memory of Caecilian, long dead, prejudice me?”

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 5 (CSEL 53:102–103; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/5).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 6

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-6
- Source: CSEL 53:103–104
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Catholics argued from the parables of the weeds, chaff, goats, and fish that the bad mixed in the church do not harm the good, while discipline continues in love.

### Latin text

Quid ad ista respondent, qui uobis adhuc iactant inania et suae saluti, si non se correxerint, nocitura mendacia? quid adhuc dicunt nos iudicem corrupisse, ut pro nobis sententia proferretur? numquid et tanti apud uos meriti episcopum praeclarissimum defensorem corrupimus, ut pro nobis talia loqueretur? hoc enim agebamus omnibus uiribus, hoc instabamus, ut Caeciliani causa atque persona, qualiscumque ille fuerit, ad causam et personam ecclesiae, quam deus suis sanctis testimoniis roborauit, non pertinere ostenderetur. hoc agebamus etiam similitudinibus euangelicis, ut causa et persona zizaniorum non praeiudicaret causae et personae tritici, quamuis in eodem agro eadem pluuia simul crescerent usque ad messem, quando separari oporteret; ut causa et persona paleae non praeiudicaret (causae et) personae frumenti, quamuis in eadem area simul triturarentur, donec nouissima uentilatione separarentur; ut causa et persona haedorum non praeiudicaret causae et personae ouium, quamuis communibus pascuis utraque pecora permixta seruentur, donec a pastore summo in iudicio nouissimo alii ad sinistram, alii ad dexteram segregentur; ut causa et persona piscium malorum non praeiudicaret causae et personae piscium bonorum, quamuis intra eadem retia tenerentur in extremo litore separandi, hoc est in fine maris, quod significat finem saeculi. quibus parabolis et figuris ecclesia praenuntiata est usque ad finem saeculi bonos et malos simul habitura, ita ut mali bonis obesse non possint, cum uel ignorantur uel pro pace et tranquillitate ecclesiae tolerantur, si eos prodi aut accusari non oportuerit aut aliis bonis non potuerint demonstrari, ita sane, ut nec emendationis uigilantia quiescat corripiendo degradando excommunicando ceterisque cohercitionibus licitis atque concessis, quae salua unitatis pace in ecclesia cotidie fiunt secundum praeceptum apostolicum caritate seruata, qui dixit: si quis autem non obaudit uerbo nostro per epistulam, hunc notate, et nolite commisceri cum eo, ut erubescat; et non ut inimicum existimetis, sed corripite ut fratrem. sic enim et disciplina seruat patientiam et patientia temperat disciplinam et utrumque refertur ad caritatem, ne forte aut indisciplinata patientia foueat iniquitatem aut inpatiens disciplina dissipet unitatem.

### English translation (Claude)

What do they answer to this, who still boast empty things to you and lies that will harm their own salvation unless they correct themselves? Why do they still say that we corrupted the judge so that sentence would be given for us? Did we also corrupt your bishop, the most distinguished defender of such merit among you, so that he would say such things for us? For this is what we were doing with all our strength, what we were pressing: to show that the case and person of Caecilian, whatever he was, had nothing to do with the case and person of the church, which God has strengthened with his holy testimonies. We were doing this also with the Gospel likenesses: that the case and person of the weeds should not prejudice the case and person of the wheat, though they grow together in the same field under the same rain until the harvest, when they must be separated; that the case and person of the chaff should not prejudice the case and person of the grain, though they are threshed together on the same threshing floor until they are separated by the final winnowing; that the case and person of the goats should not prejudice the case and person of the sheep, though both flocks are kept mixed in common pastures until they are separated by the chief Shepherd at the last judgment, some to the left, some to the right; that the case and person of the bad fish should not prejudice the case and person of the good fish, though they are held within the same nets, to be separated on the far shore, that is, at the end of the sea, which signifies the end of the age. By these parables and figures the church was foretold as going to have good and bad together until the end of the age, in such a way that the bad cannot harm the good, since they are either unknown or tolerated for the peace and tranquillity of the church, if it was not fitting to expose or accuse them, or they could not be shown to be bad to other good people; yet so that the vigilance of amendment does not rest, by rebuking, degrading, excommunicating, and the other lawful and permitted restraints which are done daily in the church without harm to the peace of unity, according to the apostle’s precept, with love preserved, who said: “If anyone does not obey our word in this letter, note that person, and do not mix with him, so that he may be ashamed; and do not regard him as an enemy, but rebuke him as a brother.” For in this way discipline keeps patience and patience tempers discipline, and both are referred to love, lest undisciplined patience foster iniquity or impatient discipline scatter unity.

### Scripture references

- Matt 13:24–30: allusion, high confidence
- Matt 3:12: allusion, high confidence
- Matt 25:32–33: allusion, high confidence
- Matt 13:47–50: allusion, high confidence
- 2 Thess 3:14–15: quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- “Your bishop … the most distinguished defender” refers ironically to a Donatist spokesman whose admission (“one case does not prejudice another”) favored the Catholics; probably Emeritus of Caesarea or Petilian. The editor’s addition “(causae et)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 6 (CSEL 53:103–104; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/6).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 7

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-7
- Source: CSEL 53:104–105
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The good separate from the bad in heart, not body; the Donatist bishops’ refusal to sit with the Catholics while entering with them misreads Ps 26.

### Latin text

Ista cum fiunt a bonis, non inquinantur a malis, quia nec eorum peccatis consentiendo communicant et ab eis etsi non corporaliter segregatione, tamen spiritali uitae dissimilitudine et morum diuersitate discedunt, eo modo oboedientes praecepto dominico quo ait: discedite inde, et inmundum ne tetigeritis. nam qui hoc non spiritaliter obseruandum putant, adrogantia uanitatis in illud incidunt, quod per eundem prophetam dominus detestatur dicens: qui dicunt (noli me tangere, quoniam mundus sum, hic fumus indignationis meae. hoc episcopi uestri faciendum putauerunt, quando utrisque nostrum a iudice oblato consessu nobiscum sedere noluerunt, dicentes scriptum sibi esse ne cum talibus sedeant, illud utique non spiritaliter, sed carnaliter intellegentes, quod in psalmo positum est: et cum impiis non sedebo, et tamen fecerunt, quod in eodem ipso loco psalmi pariter prohibetur. nam ibi dicit propheta: et cum iniqua gerentibus non introibo. si ergo, quia nos iniquos uel nouerant uel putabant, ideo nobiscum sedere noluerunt, quare, quod similiter prohibetur, nobiscum introierunt ex parte sancti et ex parte polluti, nisi quia scripturas sanctas non intellegendo et carnaliter sapiendo etiam ipsam unitatem dissipauerunt?

### English translation (Claude)

When good people do these things, they are not defiled by the bad, because they do not share in their sins by consenting to them, and they depart from them, if not by bodily separation, then by spiritual unlikeness of life and difference of conduct, obeying in this way the Lord’s command where he says: “Depart from there, and touch no unclean thing.” For those who think this is not to be observed spiritually fall, through the arrogance of vanity, into what the Lord detests through the same prophet, saying: “Those who say, ‘Do not touch me, for I am clean’: this is the smoke of my anger.” Your bishops thought they should do this when, though the judge offered seats to both of us, they refused to sit with us, saying that it was written for them not to sit with such people, understanding not spiritually but carnally what is set down in the psalm, “And I will not sit with the impious”; and yet they did what is forbidden equally in the very same place of the psalm. For there the prophet says: “And I will not go in with those who do wicked things.” If, then, because they either knew or thought us wicked, they refused to sit with us, why did they go in with us (which is likewise forbidden), from the side of the holy and from the side of the polluted, unless because, by not understanding the holy Scriptures and thinking carnally, they have scattered unity itself?

### Scripture references

- Isa 52:11: quotation, high confidence
- Isa 65:5: quotation, high confidence
- Ps 26:4 (25:4 Vulg.): quotation, high confidence
- Ps 26:5 (25:5 Vulg.): quotation, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 7 (CSEL 53:104–105; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/7).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 8

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-8
- Source: CSEL 53:105–106
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Sharing the sacraments with the bad does not make the good share their guilt; only consent to evil does, as Peter and Judas received from the same hand.

### Latin text

Non itaque polluunt mali bonos in eodem agro, in eadem area, in eisdem pascuis, in eisdem retibus constituti, quia non eis communicant boni, sed altari et sacramentis dei. communicant autem malis qui consentiunt factis malorum; scriptum est enim: non solum qui faciunt ea, uerum etiam qui consentiunt facientibus. Cum uero mali pacis conseruandae necessitate tolerantur, non iniquitatis communicandae societate appetuntur, ut cum zizaniis triticum suauem pluuiam pariter bibat, seruet tamen ubertatem suam nec conuertatur in zizaniorum sterilitatem, sed utrumque simul usque ad messem crescat, ne forte, cum colliguntur zizania, eradicetur simul et triticum, nullam cum bonis habent mali participationem salutis uel perditionis — quae enim participatio iustitiae cum iniquitate?-, nullam cum bonis habent mali societatem regni aut ignis aeterni — quae enim societas luci ad tenebras? —, non habent mali cum bonis consonantiam uitae ac uoluntatis — quae enim consonantia Christi ad Beliar? —, non habent boni cum malis partem nec in poena criminis nec in praemio pietatis-quae enim pars fideli cum infideli? — et cum intra eadem retia, donec ad litus perueniant, pariter diuina sacramenta percipiunt, illi sociantur, illi dissociantur, isti consonant, illi dissonant, isti habent partem cum misericordia, illi cum iudicio, quoniam misericordiam (et iudicium) cantat ecclesia domino et qui manducat indigne iudicium non alteri, sed sibi manducat. de ipso quippe pane et de ipsa dominica manu et Iudas partem et Petrus accepit; et tamen quae societas, quae consonantia, quae pars Petro cum Iuda, quoniam nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae?

### English translation (Claude)

So the bad do not pollute the good, though placed in the same field, on the same threshing floor, in the same pastures, in the same nets, because the good are in communion not with them but with the altar and the sacraments of God. But those are in communion with the bad who consent to the deeds of the bad; for it is written: “Not only those who do them, but also those who consent to those who do them.” When the bad are tolerated out of the necessity of keeping peace, not sought out by a partnership of sharing in iniquity, so that the wheat drinks the gentle rain together with the weeds yet keeps its fruitfulness and is not turned into the barrenness of the weeds, but both grow together until the harvest, lest perhaps, when the weeds are gathered, the wheat be rooted up with them: then the bad have no participation with the good in salvation or in perdition (for what participation has righteousness with iniquity?); the bad have no fellowship with the good in the kingdom or in the eternal fire (for what fellowship has light with darkness?); the bad have no harmony with the good in life and will (for what harmony has Christ with Belial?); the good have no part with the bad either in the punishment of crime or in the reward of piety (for what part has a believer with an unbeliever?). And though within the same nets, until they reach the shore, they receive the divine sacraments alike, these are joined, those disjoined; these agree, those disagree; these have their part with mercy, those with judgment; since the church sings to the Lord of mercy and judgment, and “whoever eats unworthily eats judgment” not to another but “to himself.” For from the same bread and from the same hand of the Lord both Judas and Peter received a portion; and yet what fellowship, what harmony, what part has Peter with Judas, since neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person?

### Scripture references

- Rom 1:32: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 13:29–30: allusion, high confidence
- 2 Cor 6:14–15: quotation, high confidence
- Ps 101:1 (100:1 Vulg.): allusion, high confidence
- 1 Cor 11:29: quotation, high confidence
- John 13:26: allusion, medium confidence

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(et iudicium)” is translated. Judas and Peter receiving from the Lord’s hand: John 13:26 with the Last Supper.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 8 (CSEL 53:105–106; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/8).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 9

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-9
- Source: CSEL 53:106–107
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Whether the bad leave the church or remain within it, God sees that each bears his own guilt; consent makes one cause with the wicked, mere sharing of sacraments does not.

### Latin text

Siue ergo exeant, de quibus scriptum est: ex nobis exierunt, sed non erant ex nobis, siue intus esse uideantur, de quibus beatus Cyprianus apertissime loquitur dicens: nam etsi uidentur in ecclesia esse zizania, non tamen inpediri debet aut fides aut caritas nostra, ut quoniam zizania esse in ecclesia cernimus ipsi de ecclesia recedamus — quibus uerbis episcopi uestri nihil omnino ausi sunt respondere, quamuis diu frustra contenderint, quod non in ecclesia praedicta sint figurata zizania, quia dixit dominus: ager est hic mundus nec dixit (ager est ecclesia. nos autem mundum pro ecclesiae significatione positum dicebamus, sicut etiam Cyprianus intellexit, quia per totum mundum futura praefigurabatur ecclesia. unde illi dicebant mundum semper in malam significationem positum, et testimonia de scripturis dabant, quia scriptum est: si quis dilexerit mundum, non est caritas patris in illo et cetera talia; nos uero non solum in malam, sed etiam in bonam significationem mundum in scripturis positum respondebamus et commemorabamus inter alia etiam illud quod scriptum est: deus erat in Christo mundum reconcilians sibi, qui utique non sibi reconciliat nisi ecclesiam —, siue ergo exeant mali siue intus uel ignorentur uel uideantur, hoc agit misericordia et iustitia dei, ut sibi ad mala non consentientibus bonis mali non obsint, sed utrique propriam sarcinam portent, et nec filius accipiat peccata patris, nisi eum fuerit in malis imitatus, sed anima quae peccauerit ipsa moriatur. Cum ergo quisque malis consentit ad malum, iam unam causam cum eis habet et totius societatis malorum fit una persona, ac per hoc, cum simul pereunt simulque damnantur, causa sua et persona sua cuique praeiudicat, non aliena; cum uero boni et mali idem uerbum dei simul audiunt et simul dei sacramenta percipiunt et tamen dissimiles habent actuum suorum causas et dissimiles gerunt uoluntatis diuersitate personas, eundem cibum sanctum aliis manducantibus digne aliis indigne, nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae.

### English translation (Claude)

Whether, then, they go out, those of whom it is written, “They went out from us, but they were not of us,” or whether they seem to be inside, those of whom the blessed Cyprian speaks most plainly, saying: “For even if there seem to be weeds in the church, our faith or our love ought not to be hindered, so that, because we see that there are weeds in the church, we ourselves should withdraw from the church” (to which words your bishops dared to answer nothing at all, though they contended long and in vain that the weeds were not figured as foretold in the church, because the Lord said, “The field is this world,” and did not say, “The field is the church.” We, however, said that “world” was put to signify the church, as Cyprian too understood, since the church was prefigured as going to be throughout the whole world. Hence they said that “world” is always used in a bad sense, and gave testimonies from the Scriptures, since it is written, “If anyone loves the world, the love of the Father is not in him,” and other such things; but we answered that in the Scriptures “world” is used not only in a bad but also in a good sense, and recalled among other things what is written, “God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself,” who surely reconciles to himself nothing but the church): whether, then, the bad go out, or whether inside they are either unknown or seen, the mercy and justice of God bring it about that the bad do not harm the good who do not consent to them in evil, but each bears his own burden; and the son does not receive the sins of the father, unless he has imitated him in evil, but the soul that has sinned, it shall die. So when anyone consents to the bad in evil, he already has one case with them and becomes one person of the whole fellowship of the bad; and therefore, when they perish together and are condemned together, it is his own case and his own person that prejudices each, not another’s. But when the good and the bad hear the same word of God together and receive the sacraments of God together, and yet have unlike cases in their actions and play unlike persons by the difference of their wills, some eating the same holy food worthily and others unworthily, neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- 1 John 2:19: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 13:38: quotation, high confidence
- 1 John 2:15: quotation, high confidence
- 2 Cor 5:19: quotation, high confidence
- Gal 6:5: allusion, high confidence
- Ezek 18:20: quotation, high confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Cyprian, Ep. 54.3 (Letters): quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Cyprian, Letter 54.3 (Hartel).

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 9 (CSEL 53:106–107; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/9).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 10

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-10
- Source: CSEL 53:107–108
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Texts promising a pure church describe the age to come, and texts about sons bearing parents’ sins apply only to imitators; the Donatists set Scripture against itself.

### Latin text

Ac per hoc, quaecumque testimonia diuinarum scripturarum episcopi uestri commemorare potuerunt, quibus ab omni malorum hominum permixtione pura praenuntiabatur ecclesia, non qualis nunc est illis testimoniis praenuntiabatur, sed qualis post istam mortalitatem in uita aeterna futura est; et quaecumque testimonia scripturarum posuerunt de filiis, quos merito parentum, (non) imitando malitiam, unam cum eis causam habere uoluerunt, [quod] non intellegentes diuina testimonia secum pugnare cogebant nec utrasque uoces dei pro diuersitate temporum, causarum personarumque distinguentes in concordiam redigebant, sed sicut contra nos ipsi, ita etiam uolebant inter se ipsa diuina documenta pugnare. nec mirum si pacem scripturae dei non intellegebant, qui pacem cum eius ecclesia non habebant.

### English translation (Claude)

And so, whatever testimonies of the divine Scriptures your bishops could cite in which the church was foretold as pure of all mixture with bad people, those testimonies foretold not such a church as it is now, but such as it will be in eternal life after this mortality. And whatever testimonies of the Scriptures they set down about sons whom they wished to have one case with their parents by the parents’ desert, not by imitating their wickedness, they did not understand them; they were forcing the divine testimonies to fight against each other, and did not bring both voices of God into harmony by distinguishing them according to the difference of times, cases, and persons; but just as they themselves fought against us, so they wanted the divine documents to fight among themselves. No wonder they did not understand the peace of God’s Scriptures, who had no peace with his church.

### Translation notes

- The editor adds “(non)” (translated) and deletes “quod” before “non intellegentes”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 10 (CSEL 53:107–108; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/10).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 11

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-11
- Source: CSEL 53:108–109
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists themselves admitted hidden bad fish within the church’s nets, so Isaiah’s promise of a church without the unclean refers to the age to come.

### Latin text

Nos autem utraque accipientes testimonia demonstrabamus utrorumque concordiam. nam et illud accipiebamus, quod in suis litteris commemorauerunt, ecclesiae dictum esse: nec adiciet ultra per te transire incircumcisus et inmundus et illud, quod scriptum est: sinite utraque crescere usque ad messem, sed hoc esse in agro, illud futurum in horreo. denique et ipsi, qui diu contenderunt dicentes zizania, quae cum tritico simul crescere usque ad messem permissa sunt, non in ecclesia, sed in mundo esse contra intellectum martyris Cypriani, qui dixit: etsi uidentur in ecclesia esse zizania: non tamen inpediri debet aut fides aut caritas nostra, ut quoniam zizania esse in ecclesia cernimus ipsi de ecclesia recedamus, et nolentes consentire mundi nomine ecclesiam posse significari contra uerba apostoli, qui dixit: deus erat in Christo mundum reconcilians sibi et contra ipsius uerba domini, qui dixit: non uenit filius hominis ut iudicet mundum, sed ut saluetur mundus per ipsum — neque enim reconciliari deo et saluari per ipsum mundus potest, nisi mundi nomine intellegatur ecclesia, quae sola per eum deo reconciliata saluatur —, tamen in illa similitudine, quam ex euangelio commemorauimus, quod et boni et mali pisces, quousque in litore, hoc est in fine saeculi, separentur, intra eadem permixti retia continentur, uicti euidentia ueritatis malos in ecclesia usque in finem saeculi permixtos esse confessi sunt, sed eos occultos esse dixerunt, quoniam sic a sacerdotibus ignorantur, quemadmodum pisces intra retia, cum adhuc in mari sunt, a piscatoribus [intra retia] non uidentur. quomodo ergo testimonium propheticum, quod in sua responsione posuerunt, quo ecclesiae dictum est: non adiciet ultra per te transire incircumcisus et inmundus, ad hoc tempus pertinere intellegitur, quando ecclesia retibus comparata est, quibus in mari adhuc positis pisces malos bonis permixtos uel occultos esse confessi sunt? unde manifestum est non nisi in futuro saeculo post iudicium nullum incircumcisum et inmundum per ecclesiam transiturum. o uiolentia ueritatis, quae suos non in carne, sed in corde torquet inimicos, ut eam confiteantur inuiti!

### English translation (Claude)

We, however, accepting both sets of testimonies, showed their harmony. For we accepted both what they cited in their letter as said to the church, “The uncircumcised and the unclean shall no longer pass through you,” and what is written, “Let both grow until the harvest”; but the latter is in the field, the former will be in the barn. Finally, they themselves contended long, saying that the weeds which were permitted to grow with the wheat until the harvest are not in the church but in the world, against the understanding of the martyr Cyprian, who said, “Even if there seem to be weeds in the church, our faith or our love ought not to be hindered, so that, because we see that there are weeds in the church, we ourselves should withdraw from the church”; and they would not agree that the church can be signified by the name “world,” against the words of the apostle, who said, “God was in Christ reconciling the world to himself,” and against the words of the Lord himself, who said, “The Son of Man did not come to judge the world, but that the world might be saved through him” (for the world cannot be reconciled to God and saved through him unless by the name “world” the church is understood, which alone is reconciled to God and saved through him). And yet, in that likeness which we cited from the Gospel, that good and bad fish are held mixed within the same nets until they are separated on the shore, that is, at the end of the age, overcome by the evidence of the truth they confessed that bad people are mixed in the church until the end of the age; but they said they are hidden, since they are unknown to the priests just as fish within the nets, while still in the sea, are not seen by the fishermen. How, then, can the prophetic testimony which they set down in their reply, in which it is said to the church, “The uncircumcised and the unclean shall no longer pass through you,” be understood to belong to this time, when the church is compared to nets in which, while they are still in the sea, they confessed that bad fish are mixed with the good, or hidden? From this it is plain that only in the age to come, after the judgment, will no uncircumcised and unclean person pass through the church. O force of truth, which tortures its enemies not in the flesh but in the heart, so that they confess it against their will!

### Scripture references

- Isa 52:1: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 13:30: quotation, high confidence
- 2 Cor 5:19: quotation, high confidence
- John 3:17: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 13:47–49: allusion, high confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Cyprian, Ep. 54.3 (Letters): quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Cyprian, Letter 54.3. The editor deletes “intra retia” after “a piscatoribus”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 11 (CSEL 53:108–109; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/11).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 12

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-12
- Source: CSEL 53:109–110
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ own admission proves that the church is mixed now and will be pure only after the resurrection.

### Latin text

Ecce manifestatum est quod dicebatur a nobis, distinguenda esse tempora ecclesiae: non eam nunc esse talem, qualis post resurrectionem futura est; nunc malos habere permixtos, tunc omnino non habituram; ad illam eius puritatem, non ad huius temporis permixtionem illa diuina testimonia pertinere, quibus eam deus praedixit ab omni malorum permixtione penitus alienam. ecce etiam ipsi ueritate euangelica non aliud coacti sunt confiteri, qui malos occultos nunc ei permixtos esse dixerunt. ecce nunc transit per illam licet occultus inmundus. non est ergo tempus, quod praedictum est dicente propheta: non adiciet ultra per te transire incircumcisus et inmundus. nunc ergo transeunt uel occulti. nam et hoc ipsum, quod ait (non adiciet ultra, ostendit eos prius solere transire, sed ultra non transituros. et a nobis inuidiose requirebant, quomodo potuerit in ecclesia Christi diabolus seminare zizania, cum ipsi faterentur in ecclesia malos saltem occultos esse permixtos nec uellent adtendere a diabolo utique seminatos.

### English translation (Claude)

See, what we were saying has been made plain: that the times of the church must be distinguished; that it is not now such as it will be after the resurrection; that now it has the bad mixed in, then it will not have them at all; that those divine testimonies in which God foretold it as wholly free of all mixture with the bad belong to that purity of it, not to the mixture of this time. See, they too were compelled by the Gospel truth to confess nothing else, when they said that hidden bad people are now mixed in it. See, now an unclean person passes through it, though hidden. So it is not yet the time that was foretold when the prophet said, “The uncircumcised and the unclean shall no longer pass through you.” Now, then, they pass through, even if hidden. For the very words “shall no longer” show that they used to pass through before but will not pass through any more. And they asked us spitefully how the devil could have sown weeds in the church of Christ, when they themselves admitted that at least hidden bad people are mixed in the church, and would not consider that these were certainly sown by the devil.

### Scripture references

- Isa 52:1: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 13:25: allusion, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 12 (CSEL 53:109–110; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/12).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 13

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-13
- Source: CSEL 53:110
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The threshing floor shows that even manifest sinners are mixed in the church; Jeremiah’s “What has chaff to do with wheat?” concerns dreams and prophecy.

### Latin text

Hoc ipsum etiam, quod sibi acutum inuenisse uidebantur, contra se potius proferebant. si enim dominus propterea retibus bonos et malos pisces pariter congregantibus ecclesiam conparauit, quia malos in ecclesia non manifestos, sed latentes intellegi uoluit, quos ita nesciunt sacerdotes, quemadmodum sub fluctibus quid ceperint retia nesciunt piscatores, propterea ergo et areae conparata est, ut etiam manifesti mali bonis in ea permixti praenuntiarentur futuri. neque enim palea, quae in area est permixta frumentis, etiam ipsa sub fluctibus latet, quae sic omnium oculis est conspicua, ut potius occulta sint in ea frumenta, cum sit ipsa manifesta. de hac autem areae similitudine, quia et ipsam inter ceteras ex euangelio posueramus, nihil in litteris suis contra nos scribere potuerunt nisi Hieremian prophetam dixisse: quid paleis ad triticum? quod ideo dixit, quia similia non sunt, non quia permixta esse non possunt, quia in horreo non simul erunt, non quia in area pariter non triturantur. quamquam Hieremias, cum hoc diceret, non agebat de populo dei, sed de somniis hominum et uisionibus prophetarum, quia haec duo nulla similitudine conparanda sunt, sicut plenitudini tritici inanitas paleae non potest conparari.

### English translation (Claude)

The very point which they seemed to themselves to have found so sharp, they were rather bringing forward against themselves. For if the Lord compared the church to nets gathering good and bad fish alike because he wished the bad in the church to be understood as not manifest but hidden, whom priests do not know just as fishermen do not know what the nets have caught under the waves, then for that very reason the church was also compared to a threshing floor, so that it would be foretold that even manifest bad people would be mixed in it with the good. For the chaff mixed with the grain on the threshing floor does not also lie hidden under the waves; it is so conspicuous to all eyes that the grain in it is rather what is hidden, while the chaff itself is in plain view. About this likeness of the threshing floor, which we had also set down among others from the Gospel, they could write nothing against us in their letter except that the prophet Jeremiah said, “What has chaff to do with wheat?” He said this because they are not alike, not because they cannot be mixed; because they will not be together in the barn, not because they are not threshed together on the threshing floor. And yet Jeremiah, when he said this, was not dealing with the people of God, but with the dreams of men and the visions of prophets, because these two cannot be compared by any likeness, just as the emptiness of chaff cannot be compared to the fullness of wheat.

### Scripture references

- Jer 23:28: quotation, high confidence
- Matt 3:12: allusion, high confidence
- Matt 13:47–48: allusion, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 13 (CSEL 53:110; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/13).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 14

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-14
- Source: CSEL 53:110–112
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: If hidden sinners are the bad fish, the chaff on the open threshing floor must be manifest sinners, and neither harms the good.

### Latin text

Temptauerunt sane episcopi uestri negare scriptum in euangelio, quod areae sit ecclesia conparata, sed mox euangelicorum uerborum commemoratione conuicti ad id se conuerterunt, ut etiam ibi dicerent occultos malos significatos, non manifestos, de quibus scriptum est: ueniet ferens uentilabrum in manu sua et mundabit aream suam, frumenta recondet in horreo, paleas autem conburet igni inextinguibili. uos itaque iudicate, aperite oculos, aures intendite ueritati. si propterea, sicut ipsi dixerunt, dominus ecclesiam retibus conparauit, quia non manifestos, sed latentes in ea malos intellegi uoluit, quos ita non uident sacerdotes, quemadmodum pisces intra retia sub fluctibus non uident piscatores, numquid et area sub aqua uel sub terra trituratur aut certe nocturnis horis, non in sole conteritur aut in ea rusticus caecus operatur? quanto ergo melius se ipsos corrigunt quam euangelia sancta peruertunt et ad uanum suae mentis errorem eloquia dominica detorquere conantur! aut enim et illa piscium similitudo non propter occultos, sed tantum propter mixtos in ecclesia malos a domino posita est aut certe singulis rebus propriae similitudines datae sunt, de piscibus propter occultos, de area propter manifestos malos, quod, sicut illi ante litus, sic isti ante uentilabrum bonis in ecclesia misceantur. ipsi enim nos admonent, ut in area paleam manifestos in ecclesia malos intellegamus, qui pisces reprobos intra natantia retia propterea malos occultos intellegi uolunt, quia, sicut illos nesciunt piscatores, sic istos nesciunt sacerdotes. cur enim non dicamus: sic ergo et palea manifesti sunt mali, quia in aperto eam uident trituratores? sed sicut illi non possunt ante litoris exitum separari, sic nec illa potest ante finem debitum uentilari. custodit autem deus innocentiam sanctorum et fidelium suorum sicut piscium bonorum, sicut pinguium frumentorum, ut intra ista retia non eis noceant permixta genera reprobanda et in ista area non eis noceat permixta palea uentilanda, quia, sicut ipsi dixerunt relegerunt suscripserunt, nec causae causa nec personae poterit praeiudicare persona.

### English translation (Claude)

Your bishops did try to deny that it is written in the Gospel that the church is compared to a threshing floor; but soon, convicted when the Gospel words were cited, they turned to saying that there too hidden bad people were signified, not manifest ones, of whom it is written: “He will come with his winnowing fork in his hand and will clean his threshing floor; he will store the grain in the barn, but the chaff he will burn with unquenchable fire.” So you judge: open your eyes, turn your ears to the truth. If, as they themselves said, the Lord compared the church to nets because he wished the bad in it to be understood as not manifest but hidden, whom priests do not see just as fishermen do not see the fish within the nets under the waves, is a threshing floor also threshed under water or under the earth, or at least at night hours, not trodden in the sun, or does a blind farmer work on it? How much better, then, for them to correct themselves than to pervert the holy Gospels and try to twist the Lord’s words to the empty error of their own minds! For either that likeness of the fish too was given by the Lord not because of hidden bad people but only because of bad people mixed in the church, or else each thing was given its own likeness: of the fish because of the hidden, of the threshing floor because of the manifest bad, who, just as the former are mixed with the good in the church before the shore, so the latter are before the winnowing fork. For they themselves remind us to understand the chaff on the threshing floor as the manifest bad in the church, when they want the worthless fish within the swimming nets to be understood as the hidden bad because, just as fishermen do not know the former, so priests do not know the latter. For why should we not say: so too the chaff is the manifest bad, because the threshers see it in the open? But just as the fish cannot be separated before they come out on the shore, so the chaff cannot be winnowed before the appointed end. And God guards the innocence of his saints and faithful as of the good fish, as of the plump grain, so that within these nets the mixed kinds to be rejected do not harm them, and on this threshing floor the mixed chaff to be winnowed does not harm them; since, as they themselves said, read over, and signed, neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- Matt 3:12: quotation, high confidence
- Luke 3:17: quotation, medium confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 14 (CSEL 53:110–112; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/14).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 15

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-15
- Source: CSEL 53:112
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists were made to sign their own statements, so they cannot deny their words and instead accuse the judge of bribery.

### Latin text

Haec uerba se negarent forte dixisse, nisi sua possent suscriptione conuinci. ecce quam diligenter actum est pro salute uestra, ut uerbis nostris suscriberemus, quod fieri omnino nolebant et ut facerent tandem aliquando pudore conpulsi sunt. nam exstant uerba eorum, ubi hoc facere recusarunt, et rursus alia uerba, ubi hoc facere consenserunt quod primo negauerant; omnia scripta sunt, omnibus suscriptum est. ideo enim uidebantur nolle suscribere, ut negare se possent dixisse quod dixerant et de gestis corruptis iudici calumniari. quod modo quia non possunt, dicunt ipsum esse corruptum, qui ut contra illos iudicaret non nisi ipsi fecerunt, qui contra se ipsos pro nobis tanta dixerunt, quae ut negare non possent, etiamsi coacti et inuiti, suis tamen prosecutionibus suscripserunt. ideo ergo nolebant suscribere, ut liceret eis per calumniam corruptorum gestorum negare quod dixerant, et ideo postea instante iudice consenserunt, quia sentiebant omnibus apparere nihil se aliud indicare nolendo suscribere, nisi se uerba sua ne sibi legerentur timere. maluerunt enim prosecutiones suas quibuscumque nebulis postea defendere quam eas tam cito damnare.

### English translation (Claude)

Perhaps they would deny having said these words, if they could not be convicted by their own signature. See how carefully it was managed for your salvation that we should sign our words, which they absolutely did not want done, and which they were at last compelled by shame to do. For their words survive in which they refused to do this, and again other words in which they agreed to do what they had first refused; everything was written down, everything was signed. They seemed unwilling to sign precisely so that they could deny having said what they had said and slander the judge over corrupted minutes. Since they cannot do this now, they say the judge himself was corrupted, whom no one but they themselves caused to judge against them, they who said so much against themselves and for us that, so as not to be able to deny it, they signed their statements, though compelled and unwilling. So they did not want to sign, so that they might be allowed to deny what they had said by slandering the minutes as corrupted; and they agreed afterward, at the judge’s insistence, because they sensed it was plain to all that by refusing to sign they showed nothing but that they feared having their own words read to them. For they preferred to defend their statements afterward with whatever fogs they could rather than condemn them so quickly.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 15 (CSEL 53:112; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/15).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 16

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/1/#p-16
- Source: CSEL 53:112–113
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists complain that the sentence was given at night; Augustine answers from Scripture and notes that they fled the light by day.

### Latin text

Sed uidete, rogamus uos, quemadmodum ipsa sua defensione se peius implicent et agant causam nostram et omnino perimant suam. nam post conlationem, posteaquam uicti appellare uoluerunt, obiecta sunt eis haec uerba, et ea conantur peiore sua implicatione defendere, quando ab eis quid egerint quaeritis. ita enim uos putant cor non habere, ut non intellegatis eos omni modo esse superatos, quando uobis ea dicunt quae omnino non dicerent, si aliquid utile quod dicerent inuenirent. quis enim ferat uictos homines conqueri, quod nocte contra eos est prolata sententia? quasi non saepe iudices audiendi necessitas tenet, ut usque ad multam partem noctis sedere cogantur, aut ideo non est uerum quod dicitur, quia per noctem dicitur. nec audiunt scripturam clamantem: per diem mandauit dominus misericordiam suam et nocte declarauit, et iterum: ad annuntiandam mane misericordiam tuam et ueritatem tuam per noctem. aut quod dixerunt nocte uenisse ad dominum tenendum persecutores, non adtendentes quoniam ipsis nocturnis horis etiam dominus ueritatem suis discipulis praedicauit, nec aduertere uoluerunt quod scriptum est, apostolum Paulum usque ad medium noctis produxisse sermonem. si haberent uerum quod dicerent, nox eos impedire non posset. sed sane tenebrosissimam noctem in suis mentibus patiebantur, quando contra se ipsos tanta proferebant nec ad ueritatis lucem peruersum animum corrigebant. et adhuc utique dies erat, quando nobis forensi more de tempore praescribebant, dicentes causam lapsam esse et agi iam omnino non posse, nec intellegentes nihil se hominibus ostendisse nisi quantum timuerint ne ageretur, ubi eorum peruersitas et catholica ueritas monstraretur.

### English translation (Claude)

But see, we beg you, how by their very defense they entangle themselves worse, and plead our case and destroy their own altogether. For after the conference, when the defeated wished to appeal, these words were put to them, and they try to defend them with a worse entanglement of their own when you ask them what they did. For they think you have so little sense that you do not understand they have been beaten in every way, when they tell you things they would never say if they could find anything useful to say. For who could bear defeated men complaining that the sentence against them was pronounced at night? As if the need to hear a case did not often hold judges so that they are compelled to sit far into the night, or as if what is said is not true because it is said at night. Nor do they listen to Scripture proclaiming: “By day the Lord commanded his mercy, and by night he declared it”; and again: “To proclaim your mercy in the morning and your truth through the night.” Or they say that the persecutors came by night to arrest the Lord, not noticing that in those same night hours the Lord also preached the truth to his disciples; nor did they wish to note what is written, that the apostle Paul prolonged his speech until midnight. If they had anything true to say, the night could not hinder them. But indeed they were suffering a most dark night in their minds, when they brought forward so much against themselves and did not correct their perverse spirit toward the light of truth. And it was certainly still day when, in forensic fashion, they pleaded the time limit against us, saying that the case had lapsed and could no longer be heard at all, not understanding that they showed people nothing but how much they feared that the case would be heard, in which their perversity and the Catholic truth would be shown.

### Scripture references

- Ps 42:8 (41:9 Vulg.): quotation, high confidence
- Ps 92:2 (91:3 Vulg.): quotation, high confidence
- John 18:3: allusion, high confidence
- Acts 20:7: allusion, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 16 (CSEL 53:112–113; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/16).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 17

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-17
- Source: CSEL 53:113–115
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatist charge against Miltiades rests on shared names (Strato, Cassian), though Scripture itself has two Johns, Simons, Jameses, Judases, and Herods.

### Latin text

Adhuc dies erat, quando uolentes destruere iudicium Romani episcopi Miltiadis, quo purgatus et absolutus est Caecilianus, etiam ipsum Miltiadem traditorem fuisse dixerunt. cuius criminationis cum ab eis esset exacta probatio, gesta prolixissima recitarunt, ubi Miltiadis nomen, quod aliquid tradiderit, non fuit. et recitauerunt etiam alia gesta, ubi legebatur Miltiadem misisse diaconos cum litteris Maxenti imperatoris et praefecti praetorio ad praefectum urbi, ut reciperent loca, quae fuerant a christianis tempore persecutionis ablata. ubi cum Miltiadis crimen nullum penitus adpareret, dixerunt superioribus traditionis gestis traditorem Stratonem fuisse recitatum, quod uocabatur unus etiam ex diaconis, quos ad recipienda loca miserat Miltiades, eundem ipsum esse contendentes et non ostendentes. neque enim Stratonem qui tradiderat saltem diaconum fuisse monstrabant. quod etiamsi esset, respondimus eis ante paruum tempus in eodem clero ecclesiae Romanae duos Petros diaconos fuisse. ita mente caeci tenebrosas calumnias innectebant, addentes etiam manifestissimam falsitatem, quod non solum nomen, sed etiam loca et regiones et personae conuenirent, quibus non alius, sed ipse esse Straton ostenderetur, cum in illis gestis omnino nihil conueniens praeter similitudinem nominis legeretur, qua plena est consuetudo generis humani, ut non solum duo, sed etiam plures homines uno nomine uocitentur. nam ipsi quoque Donatum suum Carthaginiensem, ne in iudicio Miltiadis ipse putaretur esse damnatus, quoniam illum pro magno habent, a Donato Casensi distinguendum esse clamauerunt, quia (non) Donatus Carthaginiensis contra Caecilianum missus fuerat ad Miltiadis episcopale iudicium, tam crassam noctem in corde gestantes, ut Donatum infamari nollent similitudine nominis sui et Miltiadem maculari uellent similitudine nominis alieni. nunc autem Stratoni etiam Cassiani nomen addere dicuntur, quod in conlatione tacuerunt, quasi Straton solus cognominalem habere potuisset et Cassianus non potuit. nec adtendere potuerunt interna sua nocte impediti non solum duos Iohannes, unum baptistam, alterum euangelistam, sed etiam duos Simones, unum Petrum, alterum magum, in ipso denique tam paruo numero apostolorum non solum duos Iacobos, unum Alphaei, alterum Zebedaei, sed etiam duos Iudas, unum sanctum, alterum diabolum; cui tamen Iudae apostolo sancto quisquis similiter mente caecus de crimine Iudae traditoris calumniaretur, non nisi istos imitaretur. non enim mirum est, si tales istos calumniatores post tam longum tempus patitur existimatio Miltiadis de duobus Cassianis uel de duobus Stratonibus, quales euangelica ueritas patitur de duobus Herodibus. nam quia non est expressum, quis Herodes pro Christo occisis infantibus continuo mortuus fuerit et quis Herodes cum Pilato dominum persecutus sit, putantes unum fuisse obiciunt euangelio crimen falsitatis, sicut isti putantes unum fuisse Stratonem uel Cassianum obiciunt Miltiadi maculam traditionis. et tamen illi tolerabilius errant, quia non solum nomen, uerum etiam dignitas consonat — uterque enim legitur rex Herodes —, isti autem dignitatem consonare mentiti sunt, quia utrosque fuisse diaconos nullo modo legere potuerunt.

### English translation (Claude)

It was still day when, wishing to destroy the judgment of Miltiades, bishop of Rome, by which Caecilian was cleared and acquitted, they said that Miltiades himself had been a betrayer. When proof of this accusation was demanded of them, they read some very long minutes in which the name of Miltiades, as having handed anything over, did not occur. And they also read other minutes in which it was read that Miltiades had sent deacons with letters of the emperor Maxentius and of the praetorian prefect to the prefect of the city, to recover the places that had been taken from the Christians in time of persecution. When no crime of Miltiades whatever appeared there, they said that in the earlier minutes of the betrayal a betrayer Strato had been read, since one of the deacons whom Miltiades had sent to recover the places was also called that, contending that he was the same man and not showing it. For they did not even show that the Strato who had handed over was a deacon. And even if he had been, we answered them that a short time ago there had been two deacons named Peter in the same clergy of the Roman church. So, blind in mind, they wove dark slanders, adding even a most manifest falsehood, that not only the name but also the places, regions, and persons agreed, by which it would be shown that Strato was not another but the same; when in those minutes nothing at all was read that agreed except the likeness of the name, with which the custom of the human race is full, so that not only two but even more people are called by one name. For they too cried out that their Donatus of Carthage was to be distinguished from Donatus of Casae, so that he would not be thought to have been condemned in the judgment of Miltiades, since they hold him in great esteem; because it was not Donatus of Carthage who had been sent against Caecilian to Miltiades’ episcopal judgment: carrying so thick a night in their hearts that they would not have Donatus disgraced by the likeness of his name, and would have Miltiades stained by the likeness of another’s name. Now they are said also to add to Strato the name of Cassian, which they kept silent about at the conference; as if Strato alone could have had a namesake and Cassian could not. Nor, hindered by their inner night, could they notice not only two Johns, one the Baptist, the other the Evangelist, but also two Simons, one Peter, the other the magician; and finally, in the very small number of the apostles, not only two named James, one of Alphaeus, the other of Zebedee, but also two named Judas, one a saint, the other a devil; and yet anyone equally blind in mind who slandered the holy apostle Judas with the crime of Judas the betrayer would only be imitating these men. For it is no wonder if the reputation of Miltiades, after so long a time, suffers such slanderers as these about two Cassians or two Stratos, as the truth of the Gospel suffers about two Herods. For since it is not stated which Herod died soon after the infants were killed for Christ’s sake, and which Herod persecuted the Lord with Pilate, those who think they were one man charge the Gospel with falsehood, just as these, thinking that Strato or Cassian was one man, charge Miltiades with the stain of betrayal. And yet those err more tolerably, because not only the name but also the rank agrees, for each is read as King Herod; but these lied that the rank agreed, since they could in no way read that both had been deacons.

### Scripture references

- Acts 8:9–24: allusion, high confidence
- Luke 6:14–16: allusion, high confidence
- John 6:70: allusion, medium confidence
- Matt 2:16–19: allusion, high confidence
- Luke 23:7–12: allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Two Herods: Herod the Great (Matt 2:16–19) and Herod Antipas (Luke 23:7–12). The editor’s addition “(non)” is translated. Pagans who charged the Gospels with contradiction over the Herods are not named.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 17 (CSEL 53:113–115; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/17).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 18

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-18
- Source: CSEL 53:115–116
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ own acts of martyrs show that Christians assembled, ordained, and baptized during persecution, so the council of Cirta was possible.

### Latin text

Adhuc dies erat, quando Cirtense concilium — si tamen concilium dicendum est, in quo uix undecim uel duodecim episcopi fuerunt —, unde recitauimus traditores fuisse quosdam, qui cum Secundo Tigisitano contra Caecilianum sententias protulerunt, falsum uolentes ostendere dixerunt persecutionis tempore non potuisse in aliquam domum illos undecim uel duodecim episcopos congregari, et ut probarent tempus fuisse persecutionis, protulerunt martyrum gesta, ut diebus et consulibus consideratis quod tempus fuerit appareret. quae martyrum gesta contra se ipsos protulisse conuicti sunt; in eis quippe gestis manifestatum est illo tempore persecutionis christianas plebes solitas congregari. unde constitit non esse incredibile, quod etiam illi episcopi in priuatam domum similiter conuenisse legebantur, ut plebi, quae poterat, sicut gestis martyrum continebatur, etiam persecutionis tempore congregari, occulte ordinaretur episcopus, qui posset sibi etiam ipse occulte clericos ordinare in tanta necessitate, ubi anterior episcopus cum clero lapsus per epistulam ipsius Secundi, quae ab illis allegata est, monstrabatur. ex his martyrum gestis, quae ipsi proferebant, admoniti sumus et in alia gesta martyrum intendere, et inuenimus et diximus feruente tempore persecutionis et priuatam domum, quod illi fieri potuisse negauerant, congregationi christianorum fuisse concessam et in carcere fuisse martyres baptizatos, ut uiderent, quam non esset incredibile tempore persecutionis in priuatam domum paucos episcopos congregari, quando et in ipso carcere celebrarentur sacramenta Christi, in quo inclusi homines tenebantur pro fide Christi. quantum uos ergo adiuuerint gesta martyrum proferendo, quis non uideat, qui non similem noctem habet in corde, qualem illi habebant qui haec non uidebant?

### English translation (Claude)

It was still day when, wishing to show false the council of Cirta (if indeed it should be called a council, in which there were scarcely eleven or twelve bishops), from which we read that certain men who pronounced sentences against Caecilian with Secundus of Tigisi had been betrayers, they said that in time of persecution those eleven or twelve bishops could not have assembled in any house; and to prove that it was a time of persecution, they produced acts of martyrs, so that, the days and consuls being considered, it would appear what time it was. They were convicted of having produced these acts of martyrs against themselves; for in those acts it was made plain that at that time of persecution Christian congregations were accustomed to assemble. From this it was established that it was not incredible that those bishops too were read to have met likewise in a private house, so that for a congregation which could assemble even in time of persecution, as the acts of the martyrs contained, a bishop might be secretly ordained, who could himself also secretly ordain clergy for himself in such great necessity, where the previous bishop with his clergy was shown to have lapsed by the letter of Secundus himself, which they had cited. From these acts of martyrs which they produced we were prompted to look into other acts of martyrs too, and we found and said that at the height of the time of persecution both a private house, which they had denied could happen, had been granted for an assembly of Christians, and martyrs had been baptized in prison; so that they might see how far from incredible it was that a few bishops assembled in a private house in time of persecution, when the sacraments of Christ were celebrated even in the very prison where men were held shut in for faith in Christ. How much, then, they helped you by producing the acts of the martyrs, who does not see, unless he has a night in his heart like that of those who did not see it?

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 18 (CSEL 53:115–116; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/18).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 19

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-19
- Source: CSEL 53:116–118
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The dispute over dated and undated councils was an empty delay; copies vary in recording dates, as the Donatists’ own documents show.

### Latin text

Qui etiam hinc gestis ipsis Cirtensibus calumniabantur, quia ibi dies et consules legebantur, et exigebant a nobis, ut aliqua ecclesiastica concilia proferremus, ubi dies recitarentur et consules. ipsi enim Carthaginiense concilium factum sine die et consule proferebant. dicebant enim etiam concilium Cypriani consules non habere, ubi tamen legitur dies, in illo autem ipsorum Carthaginiensi nec dies. nos autem quod in manibus erat Romanum concilium Miltiadis, sicut illud Cirtense, et diem habere demonstrabamus et consules. neque enim tunc ad horam antiqua archiua ecclesiastica discutienda nobis fuerunt, unde ista consuetudo etiam ueterum fuisse doceretur. nec tamen inanes eis etiam nos calumnias mouere uoluimus, quare in Cypriani concilio dies inueniretur, in ipsorum autem non inueniretur, quia illi uanas moras uolebant innectere, quas nos conabamur (auertere). nam etiam hoc exigebant, ut de scripturis sanctis ostenderemus alicubi dies et consules esse conscriptos; quasi episcoporum concilia scripturis canonicis aliquando fuerint conparata aut possint etiam ipsi de scripturis sanctis proferre concilium, ubi apostoli iudices sederint et accusatum aliquem uel damnauerint uel absoluerint. et tamen respondimus eis etiam prophetas libros suos praenotatis et definitis commendasse temporibus, quo anno cuius regis, quoto mense anni, quoto die mensis factum super eos fuerit uerbum domini, ut ostenderemus, quam inaniter et calumniose de diebus et consulibus episcopalium conciliorum quaestiones uanissimas excitarent. fieri enim potest, ut in codicibus sit ista uarietas, dum alii etiam dies et consules diligentia maiore describunt, alii tamquam superfluum praetermittunt: sicut etiam codex, de quo primum legimus iudicium Constantini, quo inter partes Caecilianum innocentem, illos autem calumniosissimos pronuntiauit, diem et consulem non habebat, alius autem, quem contra eorum calumnias postea protulimus, habebat. qui etiam illic inuidiosissime proclamauerant, quod imperatoris litteras sine die et consule recitauimus, et tamen etiam ipsi alias eiusdem imperatoris litteras in causa Felicis ordinatoris Caeciliani, quas mirabili caecitate contra se ipsos protulerunt, sine die et consule recitarunt. nec eis inde aliquid obiecimus, ne similiter ut ipsi tempora necessaria superfluis uerbis occuparemus; haec autem modo dicimus, ut uos saltem oculos aperiatis et tenebrosa nocte careatis, quam uestri episcopi corde gestabant, qui nocturnam sententiam cognitioni iudicis obiecerunt et ipsi per diem interioribus tenebris inuoluti mirabili caecitate contra se ipsos tanta dixerunt.

### English translation (Claude)

They also slandered the minutes of Cirta on the ground that a day and consuls were read there, and they demanded that we produce some councils of the church in which days and consuls were read. For they were producing a council of Carthage held without day or consul. They said too that the council of Cyprian has no consuls, though a day is read in it, while in that Carthaginian council of theirs there is not even a day. We, however, showed that the Roman council of Miltiades, which was in hand, has both a day and consuls, like that of Cirta. For we did not then have time on the spot to examine the ancient archives of the church, by which it might be shown that this was a custom of the ancients too. Nor did we wish to raise empty slanders against them in turn, why a day was found in Cyprian’s council but not in theirs, since they wanted to weave in empty delays, which we were trying to avert. For they even demanded that we show from the holy Scriptures that days and consuls were written down somewhere; as if councils of bishops had ever been compared with the canonical Scriptures, or as if they themselves could produce from the holy Scriptures a council in which apostles sat as judges and either condemned or acquitted someone accused. And yet we answered them that the prophets too commended their books with times noted and fixed at the head, in what year of what king, in what month of the year, on what day of the month the word of the Lord came upon them; so as to show how emptily and slanderously they raised most empty questions about the days and consuls of episcopal councils. For it can happen that there is this variation in copies, some writing out even days and consuls with greater care, others omitting them as superfluous; just as the copy from which we first read the judgment of Constantine, in which he pronounced Caecilian innocent between the parties and them most slanderous, had no day and consul, while another, which we later produced against their slanders, had them. They had also cried out there most spitefully that we read the emperor’s letter without day and consul; and yet they themselves read another letter of the same emperor in the case of Felix, Caecilian’s ordainer, which by an amazing blindness they produced against themselves, without day and consul. Nor did we charge them with anything on that account, so as not to fill the necessary time with superfluous words as they did; but we say these things now so that you at least may open your eyes and be free of the dark night which your bishops carried in their hearts, who charged the judge’s hearing with a night sentence, while they themselves, wrapped by day in inner darkness, said so much against themselves with amazing blindness.

### Scripture references

- Ezek 1:1–2: allusion, medium confidence
- Hag 1:1: allusion, medium confidence

### Translation notes

- “The council of Cyprian” is the council of Carthage of 256 (Sententiae episcoporum).

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 19 (CSEL 53:116–118; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/19).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 20

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-20
- Source: CSEL 53:118–119
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: By boasting that Donatus of Carthage had Caecilian condemned by the emperor, the Donatists make their hero the persecutor and refute their own claim to be the church that suffers persecution.

### Latin text

Leguntur actis apud Carthaginis magistratum expressa uerba Primiani, ubi dicit, quod parentes eorum nostri maiores uariis exiliis uexauerunt, et in conlatione probare conantur accusantibus maioribus suis ab imperatore Caecilianum exilio esse damnatum. dicunt in litteris suis communionem suam ecclesiam ueritatis, quae persecutionem patitur, non quae facit, et conantur ostendere Caecilianum damnatum iudicio imperatoris persequentibus maioribus suis, et hoc dicunt factum non per Donatum Casensem, sed per eum, quem prae ceteris praedicant, Donatum Carthaginiensem. hoc enim scriptis suis [per suos] modo iactare dicuntur, ubi uicti iudicem accusant, quia noctem cordis ipsorum nocturna ueritas confutauit. Donatum illum, illum, inquam, Donatum, quem dixerunt ecclesiae Carthaginis ornamentum et martyralis gloriae uirum, sic commendare uoluerunt, ut dicerent, quod apud imperatoris Constantini cognitionem ipse reum et asseruerit et conuicerit Caecilianum. ille ergo uir gloriae martyralis apud imperatoris cognitionem reum constituit et asseruit Caecilianum illamque cognitionem Caeciliani damnatio consecuta est, illo uiro gloriae martyralis accusante et instante Caecilianus ab imperatore damnatus est. quod quidem nos falsum esse conuicimus, qui eiusdem imperatoris litteras, quibus se inter partes audisse et iudicasse testatur, ubi Caeciliano absoluto atque purgato illorum calumnias detestatus est, prolatas de archiuo publico recitauimus. contra quas omnino quid responderent nihil inuenire potuerunt et ad eas confirmandas contra se ipsos alia protulerunt. proinde a maioribus eorum apud imperatorem accusatum constitit Caecilianum, damnatum autem non constitit, immo etiam constitit absolutum. sed tamen uel uos uidete, quantum adiuuerint causam nostram episcopi uestri, qui de illa uoluerunt etiam falsitate gloriari. si enim Donatus ille uir gloriae martyralis apud imperatoris cognitionem reum asseruit Caecilianum et illo uiro gloriae martyralis accusante et instante Caecilianus ab imperatore damnatus est, respondeant uobis, quando haec agebantur, quis erat martyr, utrum Donatus, qui hominem apud imperatorem persequebatur, an Caecilianus, qui illo persequente ab imperatore damnabatur? ubi est nunc illa definitiua regula ipsorum communionem Donati esse ecclesiam ueritatis quae persecutionem patitur, non quae facit? ecce patitur Caecilianus, Donatus facit: quis eorum est uir gloriae martyralis?

### English translation (Claude)

In the records before the magistrate of Carthage the words of Primian are read stated plainly, where he says that our forebears harassed their parents with various exiles; and at the conference they try to prove that, on the accusation of their forebears, Caecilian was condemned to exile by the emperor. They say in their letter that their communion is the church of truth, which suffers persecution, not that which inflicts it; and they try to show that Caecilian was condemned by the emperor’s judgment, their forebears persecuting him; and they say this was done not through Donatus of Casae but through the one whom they praise above the rest, Donatus of Carthage. For this is what they are now said to boast in their writings, in which, defeated, they accuse the judge because truth at night refuted the night of their hearts. That Donatus, that Donatus, I say, whom they have called the ornament of the church of Carthage and a man of martyr’s glory, they wished to commend by saying that before the hearing of the emperor Constantine he himself both charged Caecilian as guilty and convicted him. So that man of martyr’s glory, before the emperor’s hearing, made Caecilian a defendant and charged him, and condemnation of Caecilian followed that hearing; on the accusation and insistence of that man of martyr’s glory Caecilian was condemned by the emperor. This indeed we proved false, we who read the letter of the same emperor, brought out from the public archive, in which he testifies that he heard and judged between the parties, where, having acquitted and cleared Caecilian, he expressed his detestation of their slanders. Against it they could find nothing at all to answer, and to confirm it they produced other things against themselves. So it was established that Caecilian was accused before the emperor by their forebears, but not established that he was condemned; on the contrary, it was established that he was acquitted. But you at least see how much your bishops helped our case, who wished to boast even of that falsehood. For if that Donatus, a man of martyr’s glory, charged Caecilian as guilty before the emperor’s hearing, and on the accusation and insistence of that man of martyr’s glory Caecilian was condemned by the emperor, let them answer you: when these things were being done, who was the martyr, Donatus, who was persecuting a man before the emperor, or Caecilian, who was being condemned by the emperor while he persecuted him? Where now is that defining rule of theirs, that the communion of Donatus is the church of truth, which suffers persecution, not that which inflicts it? See, Caecilian suffers, Donatus inflicts: which of them is the man of martyr’s glory?

### Translation notes

- The Donatist claims (Primian’s words; “the church … which suffers persecution, not that which inflicts it”; Donatus as “a man of martyr’s glory”) are quoted as theirs. The editor deletes “per suos” after “scriptis suis”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 20 (CSEL 53:118–119; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/20).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 21

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-21
- Source: CSEL 53:119–120
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine argues that suffering persecution does not prove a church true; he defends mild legal coercion of Donatists without bloodshed and asks judges to soften harsh penalties.

### Latin text

Adtendite, aduertite, nolite in errorem perniciosum adhuc usque seduci. ueritatem, quae uobis occultabatur, deus aperire dignatus est, falsitatem, quae uobis offundebatur, deus confutare dignatus est; tanto eius beneficio quare adhuc estis ingrati? hoc est nempe, quod uobis saepe dicebant, unde cordis uestri oculos astuta fallacia caligabant, et adhuc etiam conuicti inde se iactant, inde nos lacerant, quia nos facimus persecutionem, ipsi patiuntur. hoc eis remansit omni ex parte superatis, unde adhuc nebulas faciant imperitis, hinc se quasi ostendentes esse ecclesiam ueritatis, quia persecutionem patitur, non facit. non uos ergo adhuc fallant; hoc eis facimus, quod maiores suos et ipsum quem praedicant uelut martyralis gloriae uirum Caeciliano fecisse gloriantur. hoc egit ille apud imperatorem, conuictus Caecilianus ut illius iudicio damnaretur: hoc et nos egimus, ut isti conuicti similia paterentur. si male fecit, quare hoc illi Donatus faciebat? si autem recte fecit, quare hoc catholica parti Donati non faciat? immo recte fieri nec illi dubitant, qui hoc maiores suos, quos multum laudant, fecisse gloriantur, nec nos dubitamus, qui hoc eis esse faciendum negare non possumus, ut sine effusione sanguinis, qui uerbis non emendantur, aliqua mitissima poena legum corripiantur inquieti; et si forte imperator permotus mentis sacrilegae pertinaciam grauiore supplicio statuit esse plectendam, mitius agant iudices, quibus semper licuit lenire atque emollire sententiam. interim ergo, quamuis non possit ostendi Caecilianum ab imperatore Constantino esse damnatum, a uobis tamen error ille sublatus est, quo putabatis eam esse ueram ecclesiam quae persecutionem patitur, non quae facit; fecit enim Donatus, passus est Caecilianus. et si persecutionem patitur pars Donati, patitur cum illa etiam pars Maximiani, quam et ipsi Christi ecclesiam non esse confirmant. ac per hoc et facere persecutionem non est iniquitatis indicium, quia et boni faciunt malis et mali bonis, et pati persecutionem non est iustitiae documentum, quia eam non soli boni pro pietate, sed (et) mali pro iniquitate patiuntur.

### English translation (Claude)

Pay attention, take notice, do not let yourselves be led any longer into a ruinous error. The truth that was hidden from you God has deigned to reveal; the falsehood that was spread over you God has deigned to refute: why are you still ungrateful for so great a kindness? This, surely, is what they often told you, by which their cunning deceit clouded the eyes of your heart, and even now, though convicted, they boast of it and tear us with it: that we inflict persecution and they suffer it. This is what remains to them, beaten on every side, with which to make fogs still for the unlearned, showing from this, as it were, that they are the church of truth, because it suffers persecution and does not inflict it. So do not let them deceive you any longer; we do to them what they boast that their forebears, and the very man they praise as a man of martyr’s glory, did to Caecilian. He acted before the emperor so that Caecilian, convicted, would be condemned by his judgment; we too have acted so that these men, convicted, would suffer similar things. If he did wrong, why did Donatus do this to him? But if he did right, why should the Catholic Church not do this to the party of Donatus? Indeed, neither do they doubt that it is done rightly, who boast that their forebears, whom they praise greatly, did it; nor do we doubt it, who cannot deny that this must be done to them: that those who are not amended by words, being restless, should be corrected without the shedding of blood by some very mild penalty of the laws; and if perhaps the emperor, moved by the stubbornness of a sacrilegious mind, has decreed that it be punished with a heavier penalty, let the judges act more mildly, who have always been permitted to soften and lighten a sentence. Meanwhile, then, although it cannot be shown that Caecilian was condemned by the emperor Constantine, that error has been taken away from you by which you thought that the true church is the one which suffers persecution, not that which inflicts it; for Donatus inflicted it, Caecilian suffered it. And if the party of Donatus suffers persecution, the party of Maximian suffers with it too, which they themselves affirm is not the church of Christ. And so to inflict persecution is not a sign of iniquity, since the good do it to the bad and the bad to the good; and to suffer persecution is not a proof of righteousness, since not only the good suffer it for piety, but the bad too for iniquity.

### Translation notes

- Augustine’s defense of coercion of the Donatists by imperial law, with his plea that no blood be shed and that judges mitigate sentences, is translated as written. The editor’s addition “(et)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 21 (CSEL 53:119–120; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/21).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 22

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-22
- Source: CSEL 53:120–121
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Persecution endured counts only if it is for righteousness; Augustine lists Donatist violence against Catholics and says Donatists who die do so by suicide or in violent attacks.

### Latin text

Restat ergo uobis errore depulso ecclesiam Christi uidere ac tenere catholicam, non ut inde eam eligatis, quia persecutionem patitur. cum enim dixisset dominus: beati qui persecutionem patiuntur, ne inde se iactent haeretici, addidit: propter iustitiam. nam quanta mala nostris fecerint furiosissimi clerici et circumcelliones partis Donati, nostis et uos. incensae sunt ecclesiae, missi in flammas codices sancti, incensae etiam priuatae domus, rapti homines de sedibus suis, et omnibus quae inerant ablatis aut perditis ipsi caesi laniati excaecati. nec ab homicidio potuit temperari, quamuis sit mitius huic luci morientem quam istam lucem auferre uiuenti. uentum est ad homines, non ut retenti aliquo ducerentur, sed tantum ut ista paterentur. nec tamen nostros ideo iustificamus, quia ista perpessi sunt, sed quia pro christiana ueritate, pro Christi pace, pro ecclesiae unitate perpessi sunt. illi autem sub tam multis, sub tam seueris legibus et sub tanta ecclesiae catholicae quam dominus ei tribuit potestate quid tale patiuntur? si quando enim morte multantur, aut ipsi se occidunt aut eorum cruentae uiolentiae dum resistitur occiduntur, non pro communione partis Donati nec pro errore sacrilegi schismatis, sed pro apertissimis facinoribus et sceleribus suis, quae more latronum inmani furore et crudelitate committunt. pro parte autem Donati uix aliquid tale patiuntur, quale Caecilianum Donato instante passum esse dixerunt.

### English translation (Claude)

It remains for you, then, with error driven away, to see and hold the Catholic Church of Christ, not choosing it because it suffers persecution. For when the Lord had said, “Blessed are those who suffer persecution,” so that heretics would not boast of this, he added, “for righteousness’ sake.” For you too know what great evils the most furious clerics and circumcellions of the party of Donatus have done to our people. Churches were burned, holy books thrown into the flames, private houses burned too, people dragged from their homes, and, everything in them carried off or destroyed, they themselves beaten, mangled, blinded. Nor could they refrain from murder, although it is milder to take a dying man from this light than to take this light from a living man. They went for the people themselves, not to hold them and lead them off somewhere, but only to make them suffer these things. Yet we do not justify our people because they suffered these things, but because they suffered them for Christian truth, for the peace of Christ, for the unity of the church. But what of the kind do they suffer, under so many and such severe laws and under so great a power of the Catholic Church as the Lord has given it? For if they are ever punished with death, either they kill themselves or they are killed while their bloody violence is being resisted, not for the communion of the party of Donatus nor for the error of a sacrilegious schism, but for their most open crimes and wickedness, which they commit with monstrous fury and cruelty after the manner of robbers. For the party of Donatus they hardly suffer anything like what they said Caecilian suffered at the insistence of Donatus.

### Scripture references

- Matt 5:10: quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Augustine’s description of the Donatists and circumcellions is translated as written.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 22 (CSEL 53:120–121; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/22).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 23

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-23
- Source: CSEL 53:121–122
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Either persecution can be just or just punishment is not persecution; the Donatists who first appealed to the emperor cannot now demand freedom of choice.

### Latin text

Aut ergo persecutio non omnis iniusta est aut non est persecutio dicenda cum iusta est. quapropter aut persecutionem pars Donati patitur iustam aut persecutionem non patitur, quia patitur iuste. non autem iuste passus est Caecilianus, quia innocens probatus et absolutus est. quod quidem illi negauerunt et potius ab imperatore damnatum esse dixerunt, et ideo maiores suos maximeque Donatum a se tanta praedicatione laudatum Caeciliano persecutionem fecisse confessi sunt. illum autem conuictum atque damnatum probare minime potuerunt, immo etiam, quod nos dicebamus, eum esse absolutum atque purgatum ipsi quoque multa contra se ipsos legendo firmarunt. et tamen liberum arbitrium sibi ab imperatore concessum esse iactant. uicti atque confusi id sibi etiam nunc flagitabant debere concedi, quod maiores eorum Caeciliano non concedebant, quem sic apud imperatorem accusarunt, quem illis accusantibus ab imperatore damnatum isti etiam mentiri uoluerunt. si uoluntas libera unicuique tribuenda est, Caeciliano prius tribueretur; si haec non homini iudici permittenda, sed deo potius dimittenda sunt, Caecilianus apud imperatorem prius non accusaretur.

### English translation (Claude)

So either not all persecution is unjust, or it should not be called persecution when it is just. Therefore either the party of Donatus suffers a just persecution, or it does not suffer persecution, because it suffers justly. But Caecilian did not suffer justly, since he was proved innocent and acquitted. They indeed denied this and said rather that he had been condemned by the emperor, and so confessed that their forebears, and above all Donatus, whom they praise so highly, persecuted Caecilian. But they could by no means prove that he had been convicted and condemned; on the contrary, by reading many things against themselves they too confirmed what we said, that he had been acquitted and cleared. And yet they boast that free choice was granted them by the emperor. Defeated and confounded, they even now demanded that what their forebears did not grant Caecilian should be granted to them, whom they so accused before the emperor, and whom these men even wished to claim falsely had been condemned by the emperor on their accusation. If free will is to be granted to everyone, it should have been granted first to Caecilian; if these things are not to be committed to a human judge but rather left to God, Caecilian should not first have been accused before the emperor.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 23 (CSEL 53:121–122; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/23).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 24

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-24
- Source: CSEL 53:122–123
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine urges the Donatists to wake and join the worldwide church, which Caecilian’s case cannot touch.

### Latin text

Expergiscimini aliquando; non uos tartareus obliget somnus, non in profundum sacrilegi erroris adhuc impia consuetudo demergat; iam consonate paci, cohaerete unitati, adquiescite caritati, cedite ueritati; ecclesiam catholicam incipientem ab Hierusalem cognoscite usque quaque diffundi, cui non communicat pars Donati, cui causa non praeiudicat Caeciliani. totiens enim purgatus, totiens absolutus etiamsi non esset innocens, nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae. haec uerba per orbem terrae uniuersa personat ecclesia, clamat etiam membrum eius in Africa: testimonium dei noui, negotium Caeciliani non noui; credo innocentem a uestris maioribus insectatum quem lego totiens absolutum, sed qualiscumque sit causa eius, causae meae nihil praeiudicat, qualiscumque sit persona eius, personae meae nihil praeiudicat. uos hoc dixistis, uos ad hoc suscripsistis: nec causa causae nec persona personae. ecce dominus dicit: per omnes gentes, incipientibus Hierusalem; diuinam ueritatem in una ecclesia teneamus et humanas lites aliquando finiamus.

### English translation (Claude)

Wake up at last; let not a hellish sleep bind you, let not impious habit plunge you still into the depths of sacrilegious error. Now agree with peace, cleave to unity, rest in love, yield to truth; recognize the Catholic Church, beginning from Jerusalem, spread everywhere, with which the party of Donatus is not in communion, and which the case of Caecilian does not prejudice. For, cleared so many times, acquitted so many times, even if he were not innocent, neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person. These words the whole church sounds through the world; its member in Africa also cries out: “I know God’s testimony; I do not know Caecilian’s business. I believe him innocent, harassed by your forebears, since I read so many times that he was acquitted; but whatever his case may be, it does not prejudice my case at all; whatever his person may be, it does not prejudice my person at all. You said this, you signed this: neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another.” See, the Lord says: “Through all nations, beginning from Jerusalem.” Let us hold the divine truth in one church and at last put an end to human quarrels.

### Scripture references

- Luke 24:47: quotation, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 24 (CSEL 53:122–123; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/24).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 25

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-25
- Source: CSEL 53:123–125
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ later gloss on their admission, that guilt passes down a “rope” of ordinations, is turned against them by their own reception of the Maximianist Felician.

### Latin text

Numquid enim uerba ista, ubi dixerunt nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae, ullo modo post ipsam conlationem defendere potuerunt ac non potius se multo perplexius implicarunt? sic namque in quibusdam scriptis suis locuti sunt: causam causae et personam non praeiudicare personae a nobis, inquiunt, dictum esse memoriter recensitum est, sed ad locum: (nobis non praeiudicari ab his qui a nobis uel reiecti sunt uel damnati'). hi autem, qui ex Caeciliani ordinatione descendunt, quos de praecessore origo numerat ad reatum, quemadmodum non possint ordinatoris sui criminibus obligari, cum per seriem protensus peccatorum funis, quoscumque communionis uinxerit uinculo, necesse est ut consortes faciat esse peccati? o mira defensio! tam densum et artum est lutum ubi eis adhaeserunt pedes, ut eos euellere conantes frustra et manus et caput figant et in eodem luto haesitantes artius inuoluantur. ex eis enim, quos uel reiecisse se uel damnasse commemorant, hoc est ex Maximianistis, secum habent Felicianum et damnatorem Primiani et a se damnatum in causa Primiani. quid est quod funem tam longum a Caeciliano usque ad haec tempora catholicae ecclesiae implicare contendunt et catenam suam tam in proximo non attendunt? praeclara quippe illa Bagaitana sententia de Maximiano et sociis eius: trahit, inquit, ad consortium criminis plurimos catena sacrilegii. Felicianus ergo ista catena trahebatur: si illis non praeiudicat Felicianus, quare nobis Caecilianus? an forte ubi uolunt praeiudicat, ubi autem nolunt causae non praeiudicat causa et pro libidine ipsorum fortior est funis antiquus quam noua catena? non praeiudicat Maximianus Feliciano a quo damnatus est, non praeiudicat Maximianus et Felicianus Primiano a quibus damnatus est, non praeiudicat Maximianus eis qui dilationem acceperunt, quibus in uno schismate sociatus est, non praeiudicat Felicianus parti Donati, a qua in eodem honore susceptus est nec baptismus quem in sacrilego schismate dedit ibi destructus est: et praeiudicat Caecilianus tot christianis gentibus, qui semel damnatus est absens quomodo Primianus et ter absolutus est praesens quomodo non Primianus. praeiudicat nobis olim defunctus ignotus: et istis non praeiudicat uiuus a quibus legitur paulo ante damnatus et quibus cernitur modo sociatus. nobis inuoluitur funis Caeciliani a quibus ignoratur: et illis non inuoluitur catena Feliciani quorum in eum sententia recitatur, ubi ipsa catena damnatur. illis licet dicere: suscepimus quos damnauimus pro pace Donati, quia nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae: et nobis non licet dicere: propter eos quos damnastis non deserimus pacem Christi, Quia nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae). o ferream frontem, o furoris tenebras, nocturnam sententiam iudici obicientes et in sui cordis nocte palpantes offendentes cadentes, contra nos rabide litigantes et pro nobis tanta dicentes!

### English translation (Claude)

Could they in any way defend those words, in which they said that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person, after the conference itself, and did they not rather entangle themselves much more intricately? For in some of their writings they spoke thus: “That we said ‘one case does not prejudice another case, nor one person another person’ was rehearsed from memory, but in the sense: ‘we are not prejudiced by those who have been either rejected or condemned by us.’ But how could those who descend from Caecilian’s ordination, whom their origin from their predecessor counts into guilt, not be bound by the crimes of their ordainer, since the rope of sins, stretched through the series, must make sharers in sin all whom it has bound with the bond of communion?” What a wonderful defense! So thick and tight is the mud in which their feet have stuck that, trying to pull them out, they plant their hands and head in it in vain and, sticking in the same mud, are wrapped in it more tightly. For of those whom they mention as either rejected or condemned by them, that is, of the Maximianists, they have with them Felician, both a condemner of Primian and one condemned by them in Primian’s case. Why is it that they strive to entangle the Catholic Church with so long a rope from Caecilian down to these times, and do not notice their own chain so near at hand? For that famous sentence of Bagai about Maximian and his associates says: “The chain of sacrilege drags very many into partnership in the crime.” So Felician was dragged by that chain: if Felician does not prejudice them, why does Caecilian prejudice us? Or perhaps one case prejudices another where they wish, but where they do not wish it does not, and at their pleasure an old rope is stronger than a new chain? Maximian does not prejudice Felician, by whom he was condemned; Maximian and Felician do not prejudice Primian, by whom they were condemned; Maximian does not prejudice those who received a period of grace, with whom he was associated in one schism; Felician does not prejudice the party of Donatus, by which he was received in the same rank, and the baptism he gave in a sacrilegious schism was not destroyed there: and Caecilian prejudices so many Christian nations, who was once condemned in his absence, as Primian was, and three times acquitted in his presence, as Primian was not. One long dead and unknown prejudices us: and one living, whom they are read to have condemned a little while ago and with whom they are seen to be associated now, does not prejudice them. The rope of Caecilian is wound around us, by whom he is unknown: and the chain of Felician is not wound around them, whose sentence against him is read, in which that very chain is condemned. They may say: “We received those whom we condemned for the peace of Donatus, because neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another”; and we may not say: “Because of those whom you condemned we do not desert the peace of Christ, because neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another.” O brow of iron, O darkness of madness, charging the judge with a night sentence while groping, stumbling, and falling in the night of their own heart, quarrelling rabidly against us and saying so much for us!

### Translation notes

- The Donatist writing quoted and the sentence of the council of Bagai (394) against Maximian are Donatist statements, quoted as such.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 25 (CSEL 53:123–125; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/25).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 26

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-26
- Source: CSEL 53:125
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The prophets lived among the wicked without pollution, separating by conduct, as vessels for honor in a great house; Haggai shows that consent, not contact, pollutes.

### Latin text

Insuper adhuc etiam modo commemorare audent prophetica et apostolica testimonia, quibus nos uniuersaliter in illa conlatione respondimus, ostendentes ipsos prophetas sanctos cum iniquis in uno templo, sub eisdem sacerdotibus, inter eadem sacramenta uersatos nec tamen a malis fuisse pollutos, quia nouerant inter sanctum et inmundum non, sicut isti sentiunt, corporaliter populum diuidendo, sed bene iudicando et bene uiuendo discernere. et hoc sine intermissione faciebant, ut in illa domo magna, ubi erant, sicut dicit apostolus, alia uasa in honorem, alia in contumeliam, se ipsos a talibus morum diuersitate mundarent et essent uasa in honorem, utilia domino, ad omne opus bonum semper parata. sed bene quod ipsi ex multis testimoniis, quae litteris suis non intellegentes inseruerunt, quas in conlatione protulerunt et legerunt, tamquam praecipuum de Aggaeo propheta testimonium modo post conlationem uicti commemorarunt. in isto ergo propheta multo euidentius quod uolumus demonstramus, quia non corporalis, sed spiritalis contactus, qui fit per consensionem, ipse polluit homines, quorum causam unam facit ipsa consensio.

### English translation (Claude)

Moreover, they even now dare to cite prophetic and apostolic testimonies, to which we answered comprehensively at that conference, showing that the holy prophets themselves lived with the wicked in one temple, under the same priests, amid the same sacraments, and yet were not polluted by the bad, because they knew how to distinguish between the holy and the unclean, not, as these men think, by dividing the people bodily, but by judging well and living well. And this they did without ceasing, so that in that great house in which they were, where, as the apostle says, there are some vessels for honor and some for dishonor, they cleansed themselves from such people by difference of conduct and were vessels for honor, useful to the Lord, always ready for every good work. But it is well that, of the many testimonies which, not understanding them, they inserted in their letter, which they brought forward and read at the conference, they have now, defeated after the conference, cited as a principal testimony the one from the prophet Haggai. For in this prophet we demonstrate much more evidently what we want: that not bodily but spiritual contact, which comes about through consent, is what pollutes people, whose case consent itself makes one.

### Scripture references

- 2 Tim 2:20–21: allusion, high confidence
- Hag 2:11–14: allusion, medium confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 26 (CSEL 53:125; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/26).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 27

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-27
- Source: CSEL 53:125–127
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: God himself separates the wicked visibly at his judgment; the guest without a wedding garment stands for the many bad who share the Lord’s table now with the few good.

### Latin text

Nam quando impios dominus etiam uisibili poena perdere uoluit, ipse ab eis iustos admonitione separauit, sicut Noe cum domo sua ab eis, quos diluuio fuerat perditurus, sicut Loth ab eis, quos igne fuerat consumpturus, sicut populum suum a synagoga Abiron, quam mox fuerat extincturus. ideo et illum, qui non habebat uestem nuptialem, non illi qui inuitauerant, sed ipse dominus cuius erat conuiuium ligari iussit et proici. neque enim et ipse sicut piscis sub fluctibus erat et sic ab inuitatoribus quomodo (piscis) a piscatoribus uideri non poterat. proinde ne putaretur, sicut isti putant, quod uelut unus in turba latenter subrepsisset ignaris, continuo dominus in eodem ipso uno, quem ligatis manibus et pedibus in tenebras exteriores ex illo conuiuio proici iussit, multam societatem malorum esse intellegendam, inter quos pauciores boni in conuiuio dominico uiuunt, significare non distulit. nam posteaquam dixit: ligate illi manus et pedes et proicite eum in tenebras exteriores; ibi erit fletus et stridor dentium, continuo subiunxit: multi enim sunt uocati, pauci uero electi. quomodo hoc uerum est, cum potius unus e multis fuisset proiectus in tenebras exteriores, nisi quia in illo uno grande corpus figurabatur omnium malorum ante domini iudicium conuiuio dominico permixtorum? a quibus se boni corde interim ac moribus separant, simul manducantes et bibentes corpus et sanguinem domini, sed cum magna distinctione, quia isti in honore sponsi induti sunt ueste nuptiali, non sua quaerentes, sed quae Iesu Christi, illi autem non habent uestem nuptialem, hoc est fidissimam sponsi caritatem, sua quaerentes, non quae Iesu Christi. ac per hoc quamuis in uno eodemque conuiuio isti misericordiam manducant, illi iudicium, quia ipsius conuiuii canticum est quod et supra commemoraui: misericordiam et iudicium cantabo tibi, domine.

### English translation (Claude)

For when the Lord wished to destroy the impious even by a visible punishment, he himself separated the righteous from them by a warning: as Noah with his house from those whom he was about to destroy by the flood, as Lot from those whom he was about to consume by fire, as his people from the congregation of Abiram, which he was soon to wipe out. So too the man who had no wedding garment was ordered bound and thrown out, not by those who had invited him, but by the Lord himself whose feast it was. For he was not, like a fish, under the waves, so that he could not be seen by the inviters as a fish cannot be seen by the fishermen. Accordingly, so that it would not be thought, as these men think, that he was one man who had crept in secretly in the crowd unnoticed, the Lord did not delay to signify at once that in that same one man, whom he ordered thrown out of the feast with hands and feet bound into the outer darkness, a great fellowship of the bad is to be understood, among whom the fewer good live at the Lord’s feast. For after he said, “Bind his hands and feet and throw him into the outer darkness; there will be weeping and gnashing of teeth,” he at once added, “For many are called, but few are chosen.” How is this true, when rather one out of many had been thrown into the outer darkness, unless because in that one man was figured the great body of all the bad mixed in the Lord’s feast before the Lord’s judgment? From them the good meanwhile separate themselves in heart and conduct, eating and drinking the body and blood of the Lord together with them, but with a great distinction: for these, in honor of the bridegroom, are clothed with the wedding garment, not seeking their own things but those of Jesus Christ; but those do not have the wedding garment, that is, the most faithful love of the bridegroom, seeking their own things, not those of Jesus Christ. And so, though at one and the same feast, these eat mercy, those judgment; since the song of that feast is what I recalled above: “I will sing of mercy and judgment to you, O Lord.”

### Scripture references

- Gen 7:1: allusion, high confidence
- Gen 19:12–17: allusion, high confidence
- Num 16:23–27: allusion, high confidence
- Matt 22:11–14: quotation, high confidence
- Phil 2:21: allusion, high confidence
- Ps 101:1 (100:1 Vulg.): quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(piscis)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 27 (CSEL 53:125–127; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/27).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 28

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-28
- Source: CSEL 53:127
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Discipline continues through degradation and excommunication, but where it cannot be applied without breaking peace the church tolerates the bad, as Cyprian did.

### Latin text

Nec ideo tamen dormit ecclesiastica disciplina, ut corripiat inquietos. neque enim a populo dei separamus, quos uel degradando uel excommunicando ad humiliorem paenitendi locum redigimus. et ubi hoc facere pacis et tranquillitatis ecclesiae gratia non permittimur, non tamen ideo ecclesiae disciplinam refutamus, sed toleramus quae nolumus, ut perueniamus quo uolumus, utentes cautela praecepti dominici, ne, cum uolumus ante tempora colligere zizania, simul eradicemus et triticum. utentes etiam exemplo et praecepto beati Cypriani, qui collegas suos faeneratores fraudatores raptores pacis contemplatione pertulit tales nec eorum contagione factus est talis. unde et nos, si triticum sumus, eiusdem beati martyris uerba fidentissime dicimus, quia, etsi uidentur in ecclesia esse zizania, non tamen inpediri debet aut fides aut caritas nostra, ut quoniam zizania in ecclesia cernimus ipsi de ecclesia recedamus. haec uerba iustissime ac piissime dicerent maiores nostri, etiamsi Caecilianum et aliquos coepiscopos eius malos uiderent, quos tamen ab ecclesia separare non possent propter illos, quibus mali demonstrari non poterant et eos bonos innocentes putabant. haec uerba omnino dicerent, hoc omnino sentirent, ne, cum uellent temere zizania separare, simul et triticum eradicarent.

### English translation (Claude)

Yet church discipline does not therefore sleep, so as not to correct the restless. For we do not separate from the people of God those whom we reduce, by degrading or excommunicating them, to the humbler place of penance. And where we are not permitted to do this for the sake of the peace and tranquillity of the church, we do not therefore reject the discipline of the church, but we tolerate what we do not want in order to come to what we want, using the caution of the Lord’s command, lest, when we wish to gather the weeds before the time, we root up the wheat with them. We use also the example and precept of the blessed Cyprian, who for the sake of peace bore with colleagues of his who were usurers, swindlers, and robbers, and was not made such by their contagion. Hence we too, if we are wheat, say most confidently the words of the same blessed martyr: “Even if there seem to be weeds in the church, our faith or our love ought not to be hindered, so that, because we see that there are weeds in the church, we ourselves should withdraw from the church.” Our forebears would have said these words most justly and piously, even if they had seen that Caecilian and some of his fellow bishops were bad, whom they still could not separate from the church because of those to whom they could not be shown to be bad and who thought them good and innocent. These words they would by all means have said, this they would by all means have held, lest, wishing rashly to separate the weeds, they should root up the wheat as well.

### Scripture references

- Matt 13:29–30: allusion, high confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Cyprian, Laps. 6 (On the Lapsed): allusion, medium confidence
- Cyprian, Ep. 54.3 (Letters): quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Cyprian on bad colleagues: On the Lapsed 6; the quotation is Letter 54.3.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 28 (CSEL 53:127; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/28).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 29

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-29
- Source: CSEL 53:127–128
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The prophet’s fast in Bethel was a special command; Elijah, the seven thousand, and Samuel with Saul show that the righteous were not defiled by living among the wicked.

### Latin text

Quod ergo iussus est quidam propheta nec panem manducare nec aquam bibere in Samaria, quo missus fuerat, ut corriperet eos, qui uaccas constituerant adorandas more idolorum Aegyptiorum, hoc omnino facere debuit quod praeceperat dominus, cui tunc eo modo illos corripere placuit, ut nihil ibi alimentorum tangeret propheta quem miserat. neque enim in ecclesia non fit cotidie, quando [eos], quos acrius corripimus, etiamsi in eorum possessione sumus, nihil cibi apud eos contingimus, ut sentiant quantum eorum peccata doleamus. numquid tamen ideo etiam plebis discissio facienda est, ut sicut mollis herba indiscrete eradicentur infirmi, qui de cordibus hominum et ignotis factis, etiamsi nobis sint cognita, iudicare non possunt? nam in ipsa Samaria et Helias et Helisaeus erant, etsi ipsi in solitudine, non tamen deuiantes sacramentorum causa, sed quia persecutionem ab impiis regibus patiebantur. nam illic erant, non utique in solitudine separata, quae ipse ignorabat Helias, septem milia uirorum qui non curuauerunt genua ante Bahal. denique inter praecipuos sanctus habitus Samuhel et grauiter Saulem corripuit et cum eo tamen ad offerendum domino sacrificium sine excusatione perrexit nec peccatorum eius contagione pollutus est, sed omnino mundus meritorum suorum conseruatione permansit.

### English translation (Claude)

As for the prophet who was ordered neither to eat bread nor to drink water in Samaria, where he had been sent to rebuke those who had set up calves to be worshiped after the manner of the idols of the Egyptians: he certainly had to do what the Lord had commanded, whom it pleased then to rebuke them in this way, that the prophet he had sent should touch no food there. Nor is this not done daily in the church, when, toward those whom we rebuke more sharply, even if we are on their property, we touch no food in their house, so that they may feel how much we grieve over their sins. But must the congregation therefore be split as well, so that the weak, who cannot judge of people’s hearts and of unknown deeds, even if they are known to us, should be rooted up indiscriminately like soft grass? For in Samaria itself were both Elijah and Elisha, even if they were in the wilderness, not however going astray on account of the sacraments, but because they were suffering persecution from impious kings. For there, and certainly not in a separated wilderness, were the seven thousand men, of whom Elijah himself did not know, who had not bowed the knee before Baal. Finally Samuel, held a saint among the foremost, both rebuked Saul severely and yet went with him without excuse to offer sacrifice to the Lord, and was not polluted by the contagion of his sins, but remained wholly clean by keeping his own merits.

### Scripture references

- 1 Kgs 13:8–9: allusion, high confidence
- 1 Kgs 12:28–29: allusion, medium confidence
- 1 Kgs 19:18: allusion, high confidence
- Rom 11:4: allusion, medium confidence
- 1 Sam 15:30–31: allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The prophet forbidden to eat is the man of God in 1 Kgs 13:7–9 (sent to Bethel; Augustine says Samaria). The editor deletes “eos” after “quando”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 29 (CSEL 53:127–128; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/29).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 30

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/17/#p-30
- Source: CSEL 53:128–130
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Haggai shows the restored people stirred by God and commended (“my Spirit is in your midst”), so they cannot be the people whose touch defiles.

### Latin text

Sed istam nobis quaestionem, quamuis euidenter et in conlatione et modo soluta sit, euidentius tamen soluat Aggaeus, cuius testimonium prae ceteris legerunt, ut solum adhuc pro omnibus iactent. arguit dominus per Aggaeum prophetam populum ex Babylonia residuum, ubi captiuus tenebatur, quod domum domini neglegerent et suas domos excolerent, et dicit propterea se plaga sterilitatis eorum percussisse regionem. tunc Zorobabel filius Salathiel et Iesus filius Iosedec sacerdos magnus et omnis ille populus diuinitus inspiratus operari coepit in domo domini dei sui. sic enim eadem scriptura dicit: et suscitauit dominus spiritum Zorobabel filii Salathiel ex tribu Iuda, et spiritum Iesu filii Iosedec sacerdotis magni, et spiritum residuorum omnis populi, et introierunt et faciebant opera in domo domini omnipotentis dei sui, quarta et uicensima mensis sexti, secundo anno sub Dario rege. ecce et dies definitus est, quando intrauerunt ad operandum in domo dei. credo quod illi uiri et ille populus operans in domo dei non erat inmundus, praesertim quia dixerat ei dominus: ego uobiscum et suscitauerat spiritum eorum ad bene operandum in domo sua. denique uidete quid sequitur. contexit enim eadem scriptura et dicit: septimo mense, una et uicensima mensis, locutus est dominus in manu Aggaei prophetae dicens ad Zorobabel filium Salathiel ex tribu Iuda, et ad Iesum filium Iosedec sacerdotem magnum, et ad omnem populum residuum dicens: quis ex uobis qui uidit domum hanc in claritate illa sua pristina? et quomodo uidetis eam modo, tamquam non sit in conspectu uestro? et nunc praeuale, Zorobabel, dicit dominus, et praeuale, Iesus fili Iosedec sacerdos magne, et praeualesce, omnis popule terrae, dicit dominus omnipotens, et spiritus meus praeest in medio uestrum. bono animo estote, quoniam haec dicit omnipotens: adhuc semel, commouebo caelum et terram, mare et aridam, et concutiam omnes gentes, et uenient omnia electa gentium, et implebo domum hanc, dicit dominus omnipotens, et cetera quae addit etiam futura prophetans; quae de domini nostri Iesu Christi temporibus rectius intellegi solent, cuius populus uerissimum et sanctissimum est templum dei, non etiam in eis, qui permixti tolerantur, sed in eis solis, qui nunc interim a talibus bene uiuendo spiritaliter separantur, post uero etiam corporaliter separandi sunt. uerumtamen ille populus, cui prophetia ista praenuntiata est et qui tunc operabatur in domo dei, ubi erant et illi duo, Zorobabel filius Salathiel et Iesus filius Iosedec, quomodo sit exhortatus et commendatus a domino, satis in promptu est uidere in his uerbis prophetae, quae sicut dicta sunt inseruimus. numquidnam ergo istum populum inmundum possumus dicere, ad quem si quis accesserit inquinabitur, cui populo dicitur: et nunc praeuale, Zorobabel, dicit dominus, et praeuale, Iesus filius Iosedec sacerdos magne, et praeualesce, omnis popule terrae, dicit dominus omnipotens, et spiritus meus praeest in medio uestrum? quis dementissimus dixerit istum esse populum, ad quem si quis accesserit inquinabitur?

### English translation (Claude)

But let Haggai, whose testimony they read above the rest so that they still boast of it alone in place of all, settle this question for us even more clearly, though it was clearly settled both at the conference and now. Through the prophet Haggai the Lord rebukes the people left over from Babylon, where they had been held captive, because they neglected the house of the Lord and adorned their own houses; and he says that for this reason he struck their land with the plague of barrenness. Then Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel, and Jeshua son of Jozadak the high priest, and all that people, divinely inspired, began to work on the house of the Lord their God. For so the same Scripture says: “And the Lord stirred up the spirit of Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel of the tribe of Judah, and the spirit of Jeshua son of Jozadak the high priest, and the spirit of the remnant of all the people; and they came in and did work on the house of the Lord almighty, their God, on the twenty-fourth of the sixth month, in the second year under King Darius.” See, the day too is fixed when they came in to work on the house of God. I believe that those men and that people working on the house of God were not unclean, especially since the Lord had said to them, “I am with you,” and had stirred up their spirit to work well on his house. Finally, see what follows. For the same Scripture continues and says: “In the seventh month, on the twenty-first of the month, the Lord spoke by the hand of the prophet Haggai, saying to Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel of the tribe of Judah, and to Jeshua son of Jozadak the high priest, and to all the remnant of the people, saying: Who among you saw this house in that former glory of its own? And how do you see it now, as though it were not in your sight? And now be strong, Zerubbabel, says the Lord; and be strong, Jeshua son of Jozadak, high priest; and be strong, all people of the land, says the Lord almighty; and my Spirit presides in your midst. Be of good courage, for thus says the Almighty: Yet once more I will shake heaven and earth, the sea and the dry land, and I will shake all the nations, and all the choice things of the nations will come, and I will fill this house, says the Lord almighty”; and the other things which he adds, prophesying also things to come, which are more rightly understood of the times of our Lord Jesus Christ, whose people is the truest and holiest temple of God: not in those too who are tolerated while mixed in, but in those alone who now meanwhile are separated spiritually from such by living well, and later will be separated bodily as well. Yet how that people to whom this prophecy was announced, and which was then working on the house of God, where those two also were, Zerubbabel son of Shealtiel and Jeshua son of Jozadak, was exhorted and commended by the Lord is readily seen in these words of the prophet, which we have inserted just as they were spoken. Can we, then, call this people unclean, which anyone who approaches will be defiled, a people to whom it is said: “And now be strong, Zerubbabel, says the Lord; and be strong, Jeshua son of Jozadak, high priest; and be strong, all people of the land, says the Lord almighty; and my Spirit presides in your midst”? Who would be so utterly mad as to say that this is the people which anyone who approaches will be defiled?

### Scripture references

- Hag 1:4: allusion, high confidence
- Hag 1:10–11: allusion, high confidence
- Hag 1:13: quotation, high confidence
- Hag 1:14–15: quotation, high confidence
- Hag 2:1–7: quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Haggai is quoted from the Old Latin (from the Septuagint).

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 30 (CSEL 53:128–130; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/30).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 31

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-31
- Source: CSEL 53:130–133
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Haggai 2:11–14 describes two peoples in one temple; the good were forbidden to approach the unclean by consent, not by separate altars, as with Moses and Samuel.

### Latin text

Nunc ergo adtendite, quid post illam prophetiam, quae huic populo de Christi temporibus annuntiata est, consequenter scriptura contexat: quarta et uicensima noni mensis anno secundo sub Dario rege factum est uerbum domini ad Aggaeum prophetam dicens: haec dicit omnipotens: interroga sacerdotes legem dicens: si sumpserit homo carnem sanctificatam in summo uestimenti sui et attigerit summum uestimenti eius panem aut pulmentum aut uinum aut omnem escam, si sanctificabitur? et responderunt sacerdotes et dixerunt: non. et dixit Aggaeus: si tetigerit inquinatus in animam aliquid horum, si inquinabitur? et responderunt sacerdotes et dixerunt: inquinabitur. et respondit Aggaeus et dixit: sic populus hic et gens haec in conspectu meo, dicit dominus, et sic opera manuum ipsorum. et quicumque accesserit illo, inquinabitur propter praesumptiones eorum matutinas a facie laborum suorum, et odio habebatis (in portis) arguentes. quis est iste populus tam inmundus, ut quisquis illo accesserit inquinetur? numquid ille cui dictum est: praeualesce, et spiritus meus in medio uestrum? absit ut ille sit. duo igitur erant, unus inmundus et alter qui ad inmundum prohibetur accedere, qui exhortabatur praeualescere, quia spiritus dei erat in medio eorum. si ergo duo erant, ostendantur et duo templa, unum quo iste, alterum quo ille ingrediebatur; ostendantur et altaria duo, unum in quo iste, alterum in quo ille uictimas offerebat; ostendantur et sacerdotes, huius alii et illius alii, qui pro suo quisque populo separatim sacrificabant. si autem quisquis hoc adfirmare conatur insanit, sic erant isti duo populi in uno populo, sub uno sacerdote magno, unum templum intrantes, sicut erant etiam sub uno Moyse quidam deum offendentes, quidam deo placentes, de quibus dicit apostolus: non in omnibus illis beneplacitum est deo. neque enim ait: in omnibus illis non est beneplacitum deo, tamquam omnes displicuerint deo, sed ait: non in omnibus illis beneplacitum est deo, ergo in quibusdam, non in omnibus. et omnes sub eisdem sacerdotibus erant in uno eodemque tabernaculo, in uno eodemque altari hostias offerebant, et tamen distinguebantur, factis non locis, animo non templo, moribus non altaribus. sic alii ad alios non accedebant, ne ab eis inquinarentur, hoc est eorum malis factis non consentiebant, ne pariter damnarentur. non enim et illos malos Moyses tantus propheta nesciebat, quorum impia murmura et horrendas amaritudines cotidie sufferebat. sed istum nescisse faciamus: numquid et Samuhel Saulem nesciebat, quem per os eius aeterna sententia damnauerat deus? uerumtamen et ipsum et sanctum Dauid unum dei tabernaculum intrantes inter eadem sacrificia uidebat, sed distincte utique uidebat, quia distinctos uidebat et unum eorum in aeternum amabat, alium pro tempore tolerabat. sic et Aggaeus nouerat in uno populo duos populos unum templum intrantes, sub uno magno sacerdote uiuentes, et alterum ostendebat inmundum, alterum ad inmundum accedere prohibebat, et tamen nec illos nec se ipsum ab eodem templo et ab eisdem altaribus separabat. ergo spiritalem prohibebat accessum consensionemque factorum, quod et ipsa uerba clamant, si aures adsint, quas animositas furiosa non claudat aut strepitus uanae contentionis (non) impediat. ait enim propheta: omnis qui accesserit illo inquinabitur. uitium notauit quo accedi prohibuit, non homines ab hominibus corporali disiunctione seclusit. acceditur autem ad uitium corruptionis uitio consensionis.

### English translation (Claude)

Now, then, notice what Scripture goes on to set after that prophecy announced to this people about the times of Christ: “On the twenty-fourth of the ninth month, in the second year under King Darius, the word of the Lord came to the prophet Haggai, saying: Thus says the Almighty: Ask the priests about the law, saying: If a man takes sanctified flesh in the fold of his garment, and the fold of his garment touches bread or stew or wine or any food, will it be sanctified? And the priests answered and said: No. And Haggai said: If one defiled in soul touches any of these, will it be defiled? And the priests answered and said: It will be defiled. And Haggai answered and said: So is this people and this nation before me, says the Lord, and so are the works of their hands; and whoever approaches there will be defiled because of their early-morning presumptions, in the face of their labors, and you hated those who reproved in the gates.” Who is this people so unclean that whoever approaches there is defiled? Is it the one to whom it was said, “Be strong, and my Spirit is in your midst”? Far be it that it should be that one. So there were two: one unclean, and the other which is forbidden to approach the unclean, which was exhorted to be strong because the Spirit of God was in their midst. If, then, there were two, let two temples also be shown, one which this people entered and the other which that one entered; let two altars also be shown, one on which this people offered victims and the other on which that one did; let priests too be shown, some of this people and others of that, each sacrificing separately for his own people. But if anyone who tries to affirm this is mad, then these two peoples were in one people, under one high priest, entering one temple; just as under one Moses too there were some who offended God and some who pleased God, of whom the apostle says, “Not with all of them was God well pleased.” For he does not say, “With all of them God was not pleased,” as though all displeased God; but he says, “Not with all of them was God well pleased”; therefore with some, not with all. And all were under the same priests, in one and the same tabernacle; they offered sacrifices on one and the same altar; and yet they were distinguished by deeds, not places; by spirit, not temple; by conduct, not altars. So the one group did not approach the other, so as not to be defiled by them; that is, they did not consent to their bad deeds, so as not to be condemned alike. For so great a prophet as Moses did not fail to know those bad people, whose impious murmurings and dreadful bitterness he bore daily. But suppose he did not know: did Samuel also not know Saul, whom God had condemned with an eternal sentence through Samuel’s own mouth? And yet he saw him and holy David entering the one tabernacle of God, among the same sacrifices; but he certainly saw them distinctly, because he saw them as distinct, and loved the one forever and tolerated the other for a time. So too Haggai knew two peoples in one people, entering one temple, living under one high priest; and he showed the one to be unclean and forbade the other to approach the unclean; and yet he separated neither them nor himself from the same temple and the same altars. So he was forbidding a spiritual approach and consent to deeds, as the very words cry out, if there are ears which furious animosity does not close nor the noise of empty contention hinder. For the prophet says, “Everyone who approaches there will be defiled.” He marked the vice to which he forbade approach; he did not shut people off from people by bodily separation. And one approaches the vice of corruption by the vice of consent.

### Scripture references

- Hag 2:10–14: quotation, high confidence
- Amos 5:10: echo, low confidence
- 1 Cor 10:5: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Sam 15:26–28: allusion, medium confidence

### Translation notes

- Haggai 2:10–14 is quoted from the Old Latin (from the Septuagint), including the clause “you hated those who reproved in the gates” (cf. Amos 5:10), which is not in the Hebrew of Haggai. The editor’s additions “(in portis)” and “(non)” are translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 31 (CSEL 53:130–133; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/31).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 32

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-32
- Source: CSEL 53:133–134
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: On the same day that Haggai called the people unclean, God promised to bless them, so the good and bad were mixed in one people and distinguished by will.

### Latin text

Ac ne quisquam diceret illum populum, cui primo dictum est: praeualesce, quoniam spiritus meus praeest in medio uestrum, paucis interpositis diebus in deterius commutatum, ut audire mereretur: sic populus iste et gens ista, omnis qui accesserit illo inquinabitur — dies enim ferme nonaginta conputantur inter uerba illa, quae bona in populum dicta sunt, et ista, quibus eius inmunditia uitanda praecipitur —, ne quis ergo hoc putaret bonum illum populum quamuis hoc paruo temporis interuallo tam pessimum effectum, uidete quid sequitur, adtendite quid dicatur eo ipso die, hoc est uicensima et quarta noni mensis, quo die dictum est: sic populus iste et gens ista, omnis qui accesserit illo inquinabitur. cum enim hoc dixisset et mala eorum commemorasset, quorum merito demonstrarentur inmundi, addens etiam et dicens: odio habebatis in portis arguentes, continuo subiunxit: et nunc ponite in cordibus uestris a die hoc et supra, prius, quam poneretur lapis super lapidem in templo domini, qui eratis cum mittebatis in capsella hordei uiginti sata, et fiebant decem sata, et intrabatis in torcular exhaurire quinquaginta amphoras, et fiebant uiginti. percussi uos infecunditate, et uenti corruptione et grandine omnia opera uestra, et non estis conuersi ad me, dicit dominus. constituite igitur corda uestra a die hoc et deinceps, a quarta et uicensima noni mensis, et a die qua fundatum est templum domini ponite in cordibus uestris, si adhuc cognoscetur in area, aut si uitis aut malum aut ficus et malum granatum et ligna oleae quae non fecerunt fructum. a die hoc benedicam. ecce ipso die etiam benedici meruerunt. benedictio ergo haec puto quod non pertineat ad illos, ad quorum inmunditiam prohibet accedi, sed ad illos bonos, qui prohibentur accedere. in uno ergo fuerunt et permixti et separati, permixti quidem corporali tactu, separati autem uoluntatis abscessu. sed more suo scriptura loquitur, quae sic arguit malos, tamquam omnes in eo populo mali sint, et sic consolatur bonos, tamquam omnes ibi tales sint. pro nobis ergo episcopi uestri etiam in eo, quod post conlationem uicti scripsisse dicuntur, Aggaei prophetiam posuerunt, unde nos commemorarent euidentius probare quod dicimus, quia et in uno populo, in uno templo, sub eisdem sacerdotibus, inter eadem sacramenta hominibus dissimili uoluntate uiuentibus et diuersis moribus discrepantibus nec causae causa nec personae potest praeiudicare persona.

### English translation (Claude)

And so that no one would say that the people to whom it was first said, “Be strong, since my Spirit presides in your midst,” had, after a few days, changed for the worse, so as to deserve to hear, “So is this people and this nation; everyone who approaches there will be defiled” (for about ninety days are counted between the words spoken in favor of the people and these, in which avoidance of its uncleanness is commanded): so that no one, then, would think that that good people had become so very bad in this short interval of time, see what follows, notice what is said on that very day, the twenty-fourth of the ninth month, the day on which it was said, “So is this people and this nation; everyone who approaches there will be defiled.” For when he had said this and recalled their evils, by whose desert they were shown to be unclean, adding also and saying, “You hated those who reproved in the gates,” he at once added: “And now set it in your hearts from this day and before, before stone was laid on stone in the temple of the Lord, you who were, when you put twenty measures of barley into the bin, and they became ten measures; and you went into the winepress to draw fifty jars, and they became twenty. I struck you with barrenness, and with blight of wind, and with hail all the works of your hands, and you did not turn to me, says the Lord. Set your hearts, therefore, from this day onward, from the twenty-fourth of the ninth month; and from the day on which the temple of the Lord was founded, set it in your hearts, whether it will still be known on the threshing floor, or whether the vine, the apple, the fig, the pomegranate, and the olive trees have not borne fruit. From this day I will bless.” See, on that very day they were even counted worthy to be blessed. This blessing, I think, does not belong to those whose uncleanness he forbids approaching, but to those good people who are forbidden to approach. So in one people they were both mixed and separated: mixed by bodily contact, separated by withdrawal of the will. But Scripture speaks in its own manner, which rebukes the bad as though all in that people were bad, and consoles the good as though all there were such. So your bishops, even in what they are said to have written, defeated, after the conference, set down Haggai’s prophecy for our benefit, so as to remind us to prove more evidently what we say: that even in one people, in one temple, under the same priests, amid the same sacraments, among people living with unlike wills and differing in conduct, neither can one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- Hag 2:4–5: quotation, high confidence
- Hag 2:14: quotation, high confidence
- Hag 2:15–19: quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Haggai is quoted from the Old Latin.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 32 (CSEL 53:133–134; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/32).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 33

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-33
- Source: CSEL 53:134–136
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Paul praises the Corinthians as if all were holy and rebukes them as if all were divided, yet all shared one altar; “to himself” shows that unworthy eaters harm only themselves.

### Latin text

Illud etiam quod ex apostoli epistula scriptis suis etiam modo commemorant, ubi ait: nolite iugum ducere cum infidelibus; quae enim participatio luci ad tenebras? et cetera, quae supra commemorauimus et quomodo recte intellegerentur ostendimus, quid aliud agunt, nisi ut nos commemorent, quibus hoc apostolus scripserit? in eodem quippe ipso populo Corinthiorum quod dicimus demonstramus, ne forte arbitrentur prophetarum tantummodo moris fuisse et non ad noui testamenti, sed ad ueteris consuetudinem pertinere sic arguere reprehensibiles, quasi omnes in eo populo arguantur, et sic adloqui laudabiles, quasi omnes ibi laudentur. ecce et ad Corinthios sic apostolus loquitur: Paulus uocatus apostolus Christi Iesu per uoluntatem dei et Sosthenes frater ecclesiae dei quae est Corinthi, sanctificatis in Christo Iesu, uocatis sanctis, cum omnibus qui inuocant nomen domini nostri Iesu Christi in omni loco, ipsorum et nostro: gratia uobis et pax a deo patre nostro et domino Iesu Christo. gratias ago deo meo semper pro uobis in gratia dei quae data est uobis in Christo Iesu, quia in omnibus diuites facti estis in illo, in omni uerbo et in omni scientia, sicut testimonium Christi confirmatum est in uobis, ita ut nihil uobis desit in ulla gratia. quis haec audiens credat in ecclesia Corinthiorum esse aliquos reprobos, quandoquidem uerba ista sic sonant, uelut ad omnes directa sit ista laudatio? et tamen paulo post dicit: obsecro autem, fratres, ut id ipsum dicatis omnes, et non sint in uobis schismata. rursus tamquam in hoc horrendo uitio uelut omnes arguens atque increpans dicit: diuisus est Christus? numquid Paulus crucifixus est pro uobis, aut in nomine Pauli baptizati estis? puto autem eos, qui in eo populo dicebant: ego sum Christi, non duxisse iugum cum eis, qui dicebant: ego sum Pauli, ego autem Apollo, ego uero Cephae, et tamen omnes ad unum altare accedebant, et eadem sacramenta communicabant qui eadem uitia non communicabant. his enim Corinthiis etiam illud dictum est: qui manducat et bibit indigne iudicium sibi manducat et bibit. quid enim aliud apostolus nisi istos uaniloquos cogitabat, ut ei non sufficeret dicere: iudicium manducat et bibit, nisi adderet sibi, ne hoc etiam ad illos pertineret qui pariter quidem, sed non iudicium manducabant?

### English translation (Claude)

Again, as for what they now cite in their writings from the apostle’s letter, where he says, “Do not be yoked with unbelievers; for what participation has light with darkness?” and the rest, which we recalled above and showed how they are rightly understood: what else are they doing but reminding us to whom the apostle wrote this? For in that very people of the Corinthians we demonstrate what we say, lest perhaps they think that it was only the custom of the prophets, and belonged to the practice not of the New Testament but of the Old, to rebuke the blameworthy as if all in that people were rebuked, and to address the praiseworthy as if all there were praised. See, the apostle speaks thus to the Corinthians too: “Paul, called an apostle of Christ Jesus by the will of God, and Sosthenes our brother, to the church of God which is at Corinth, to those sanctified in Christ Jesus, called saints, with all who call on the name of our Lord Jesus Christ in every place, theirs and ours: grace to you and peace from God our Father and the Lord Jesus Christ. I thank my God always for you for the grace of God which was given you in Christ Jesus, that in everything you were made rich in him, in every word and in all knowledge, as the testimony of Christ was confirmed in you, so that you lack nothing in any grace.” Who, hearing this, would believe that there were any reprobates in the church of the Corinthians, since these words sound as though this praise were addressed to all? And yet a little later he says: “But I beseech you, brothers, that you all say the same thing, and that there be no schisms among you.” Again, as though rebuking and reproaching all for this dreadful vice, he says: “Is Christ divided? Was Paul crucified for you, or were you baptized in the name of Paul?” I suppose, however, that those in that people who said, “I am of Christ,” were not yoked with those who said, “I am of Paul,” “and I of Apollos,” “and I of Cephas”; and yet all approached one altar, and those who did not share the same vices shared the same sacraments. For to these Corinthians too it was said, “Whoever eats and drinks unworthily eats and drinks judgment to himself.” For what else was the apostle thinking of but these empty talkers, so that it was not enough for him to say “eats and drinks judgment” unless he added “to himself,” lest this should apply also to those who were indeed eating together with them, but not eating judgment?

### Scripture references

- 2 Cor 6:14: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 1:1–7: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 1:10: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 1:12–13: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 11:29: quotation, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 33 (CSEL 53:134–136; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/33).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 34

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-34
- Source: CSEL 53:136–137
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The church at Corinth, praised as lacking no grace, contained deniers of the resurrection, yet the faithful were not yoked with them.

### Latin text

In ipsis etiam Corinthiis ibi erant, qui non credebant resurrectionem mortuorum, quae singularis fides est christianorum, quod eis ita dicit apostolus: si autem Christus praedicatur quod resurrexit a mortuis, quomodo dicunt quidam in uobis quia resurrectio mortuorum non est? non dixit (in hac terra uel (in hoc mundo, sed <in uobis inquit. neque enim posset de Christi resurrectione praescribere nisi iam utique christianis, quibus de ipsa resurrectione Christi dicit: sic praedicamus et sic credidistis. nunc adtendamus uerba illa, quibus Corinthiorum ecclesiam in epistulae principio sic laudat, ut dicat: gratias ago deo meo semper pro uobis in gratia dei quae data est uobis in Christo Iesu, quia in omnibus diuites facti estis in illo, in omni uerbo et in omni scientia, sicut testimonium Christi confirmatum est in uobis, ita ut nihil uobis desit in ulla gratia. ecce sic erant ditati in Christo in omni uerbo et in omni scientia, ita eis nihil deerat in ulla gratia, ut in illis essent, qui resurrectionem mortuorum adhuc usque non crederent. puto autem quod isti, quibus nihil deerat in ulla gratia, non ducebant iugum cum eis, qui resurrecturos mortuos non credebant. ecce quomodo non ducunt iugum cum infidelibus (fideles), quamuis eidem populo misceantur et sub eisdem sacerdotibus eisdem sacramentis inbuantur.

### English translation (Claude)

Among those same Corinthians there were also people who did not believe in the resurrection of the dead, which is the distinctive faith of Christians, so that the apostle says to them: “But if Christ is preached as having risen from the dead, how do some among you say that there is no resurrection of the dead?” He did not say “in this land” or “in this world,” but “among you.” For he could not have argued from the resurrection of Christ except to people who were already Christians, to whom he says of that very resurrection of Christ, “So we preach, and so you believed.” Now let us attend to those words with which, at the beginning of the letter, he praises the church of the Corinthians, saying: “I thank my God always for you for the grace of God which was given you in Christ Jesus, that in everything you were made rich in him, in every word and in all knowledge, as the testimony of Christ was confirmed in you, so that you lack nothing in any grace.” See, they were so enriched in Christ in every word and in all knowledge, they so lacked nothing in any grace, that among them were people who did not yet believe in the resurrection of the dead. I suppose, however, that those who lacked nothing in any grace were not yoked with those who did not believe that the dead would rise. See how the faithful are not yoked with unbelievers, though they are mixed in the same people and steeped in the same sacraments under the same priests.

### Scripture references

- 1 Cor 15:12: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 15:11: quotation, high confidence
- 1 Cor 1:4–7: quotation, high confidence
- 2 Cor 6:14: allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(fideles)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 34 (CSEL 53:136–137; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/34).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 35

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-35
- Source: CSEL 53:137
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Paul did not order bodily separation from the many Corinthians who denied the resurrection, as he did with the incestuous man, but warned against consenting to them.

### Latin text

Denique ipse apostolus, ne huic infidelitati consentirent, quorum iam fides tenebat resurrectionem mortuorum, non eis praecepit corporalem separationem; multi quippe erant, non sicut ille unus qui uxorem patris sui habuit, quem liberiore correptione et excommunicatione iudicat dignum; longe aliter iste, aliter uitiosa curanda et sananda est multitudo, ne forte, si plebs a plebe separetur, per schismatis nefas etiam triticum eradicetur. eos ergo, qui iam credebant resurrectionem mortuorum, ab his, qui eam in eodem populo non credebant, non corporaliter apostolus separat, sed tamen spiritaliter separare non cessat dicens: nolite seduci; corrumpunt mores bonos conloquia mala. non eorum congressum, sed consensum timet, ne malis conloquiis adcommodent fidem, quae corrumpunt mores bonos; moribus ergo eos, non altaribus admonet separari. postremo, antequam eis haec apostolus scriberet, in eadem ecclesia erant, qui resurrectionem mortuorum non credebant, in qua erant quibus nihil deerat in ulla gratia, et illi istos infidelitate Sua non inquinabant, quia isti illis ad eandem infidelitatem non consentiebant. ecce quomodo illo non acceditur, ne quisquis accesserit inquinetur; ecce quomodo nulla participatio est lumini ad tenebras; ecce quomodo, quamuis intra eadem retia natent pisces utrique, nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae.

### English translation (Claude)

Finally the apostle himself, so that those whose faith already held the resurrection of the dead should not consent to this unbelief, did not command them a bodily separation; for they were many, not like that one man who had his father’s wife, whom he judges worthy of a freer rebuke and of excommunication. That one man is to be treated one way, a faulty multitude quite another, to be cured and healed, lest perhaps, if congregation were separated from congregation, the wheat too be rooted up through the crime of schism. So the apostle does not separate bodily those who already believed in the resurrection of the dead from those in the same people who did not believe it; and yet he does not cease to separate them spiritually, saying: “Do not be led astray; bad company corrupts good morals.” He fears not their meeting but their consent, lest they give credence to bad conversations, which corrupt good morals; so he admonishes them to be separated by morals, not by altars. Lastly, before the apostle wrote this to them, there were in the same church those who did not believe in the resurrection of the dead, in which there were also those who lacked nothing in any grace; and the former did not defile the latter by their unbelief, because the latter did not consent to them in the same unbelief. See how one does not approach there, lest whoever approaches be defiled; see how there is no participation of light with darkness; see how, though both kinds of fish swim within the same nets, neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- 1 Cor 5:1–5: allusion, high confidence
- 1 Cor 15:33: quotation, high confidence
- 2 Cor 6:14: allusion, high confidence
- Hag 2:14: allusion, medium confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Menander, Thais (Menander (fragments)): echo, low confidence

### Translation notes

- 1 Cor 15:33 quotes Menander, Thais.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 35 (CSEL 53:137; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/35).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 36

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-36
- Source: CSEL 53:137–138
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Even by the Donatists’ own reading of the nets, unknown sinners do not pollute; and the good fish, though they see the bad, are not stained by them.

### Latin text

Quod cum ita sit, quae tam cruda stultitia, quis tam ferreus cordis somnus non excutiatur possitque aliquando sentire Caeciliani causam catholico orbi terrarum, cui non communicat pars Donati, praeiudicare non posse, si non praeiudicat parti Donati causa Maximiani uel potius causa Feliciani et Primiani modo coniunctorum, paulo ante inuicem damnatorum? sufficit certe, ut secundum ipsos loquamur, quod pisces mali sub fluctibus latitantes ignaros non polluunt piscatores, quamuis non sit de piscatoribus quaestio, quos fortasse in illa similitudine dominus angelos intellegi uoluit. magis enim adtendendum est intra ipsa retia pisces bonos a malis non posse maculari. neque enim et ipsi non uident inuicem simul natantes, sicut a piscatoribus intra aquam positi non uidentur. sed, ut dixi, sufficit causae nostrae, quod mali non polluunt, quorum mala facta nesciuntur.

### English translation (Claude)

Since this is so, what stupidity is so crude, what iron sleep of the heart is so deep that it would not be shaken off and at last be able to see that the case of Caecilian cannot prejudice the Catholic world, with which the party of Donatus is not in communion, if the case of Maximian does not prejudice the party of Donatus, or rather the case of Felician and Primian, now joined together, a little while ago condemned by each other? It is surely enough, to speak according to their view, that bad fish hiding under the waves do not pollute the fishermen who do not know them, although the question is not about the fishermen, by whom perhaps the Lord meant angels to be understood in that likeness. For it is rather to be noticed that within the nets themselves the good fish cannot be stained by the bad. For they too see one another as they swim together, though while in the water they are not seen by the fishermen. But, as I said, it is enough for our case that the bad do not pollute when their bad deeds are unknown.

### Scripture references

- Matt 13:47–49: allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The angels as fishermen: Matt 13:49.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 36 (CSEL 53:137–138; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/36).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 37

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-37
- Source: CSEL 53:138–139
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Even if Caecilian had been guilty, his contemporaries could rightly have tolerated him for unity, like the church at Ephesus; for later Catholics his case is simply unknown.

### Latin text

Fuerunt quidam tempore Caeciliani beati pacifici, qui eum, etiamsi innocens non esset, scientes pro catholica unitate tolerarent (et), cum eum uiderent tot ignotis gentibus, per quas ipsa unitas dilatatur, sacramentorum participandorum communione cohaerere eisque talem non posse monstrari, qualem ipsi eum esse cognoscerent, ipsi se contra istas calumnias defenderent uerbis beati et pacifici Cypriani clamarentque fidenter et dicerent: <ideo propter Caecilianum non deserimus unitatem, quia, etsi uidentur in ecclesia esse zizania, non tamen inpediri debet aut fides aut caritas nostra, ut quoniam zizania esse in ecclesia cernimus ipsi de ecclesia recedamus. istorum pacificae patientiae conueniret praeclarissima laus illa, qua laudatur angelus ecclesiae quae est Ephesi, quem nemo recte intellegens dubitat ipsius ecclesiae gestare personam, cui dicit in Apocalypsi spiritus: scio opera tua et laborem et patientiam, et quia non potes sustinere malos, et temptasti eos qui se dicunt apostolos esse et non sunt, et inuenisti eos mendaces; et patientiam habes, et sustinuisti eos propter nomen meum, et non defecisti. sic illi laudentur, qui in ista uita Caeciliani tempore fuerunt, qui propter nomen domini, quod sicut unguentum effusum per innumerabiles gentes toto iam orbe fragrabat, non deficerent, patientissime sustinendo etiam quem malum nossent, si malus ille esset, qui eorum iudicio aliis demonstrari et ab eis auelli separarique non posset. nostra alia causa est; arrogare nobis laudem huius patientiae non debemus. non enim possumus dicere nos pro pace tolerasse, quod ad nostram cognitionem prorsus non potuit peruenire. nobis Caeciliani causa sub fluctibus fuit. uox nostra talis est, qualis christianarum gentium ceterarum, contra quas isti non inuenerunt omnino quod dicerent. uerumtamen ignotam Caeciliani causam recte credimus bonam, quem semel inimicorum factione damnatum, ipsis autem accusantibus tertio legimus absolutum. aut credant isti centum ferme episcopis partis Donati de criminibus Primiani, et tunc nos cogant credere septuaginta maioribus suis de criminibus Caeciliani. quod autem dicunt Caecilianum obiecta sibi in illo concilio crimina, cum absens fuerit, tacendo firmasse, firmauit ergo et Primianus crimina, quae a centum episcopis sibi obiecta nec postea saltem ostenditur diluisse.

### English translation (Claude)

There were in Caecilian’s time, perhaps, blessed peacemakers who, even if he was not innocent, tolerated him knowingly for the sake of Catholic unity, and, seeing him bound in communion of the shared sacraments with so many unknown nations through which that unity is spread, and that to them he could not be shown to be such as they themselves knew him to be, defended themselves against these slanders with the words of the blessed and peaceable Cyprian, and cried out confidently, saying: “We do not desert unity because of Caecilian, because, even if there seem to be weeds in the church, our faith or our love ought not to be hindered, so that, because we see that there are weeds in the church, we ourselves should withdraw from the church.” To the peaceable patience of such men would belong that most splendid praise with which the angel of the church at Ephesus is praised, who, as no one who understands rightly doubts, bears the person of that church, to whom the Spirit says in the Apocalypse: “I know your works and toil and patience, and that you cannot bear the bad, and you tested those who say they are apostles and are not, and found them liars; and you have patience and have borne them for my name’s sake, and have not grown weary.” So let those be praised who were in this life in Caecilian’s time, who, for the name of the Lord, which like ointment poured out was already fragrant through countless nations in the whole world, did not grow weary, bearing most patiently even one whom they knew to be bad, if he was bad, who by their judgment could not be shown to others to be so and torn away and separated from them. Our case is different; we ought not to claim for ourselves the praise of this patience. For we cannot say that we tolerated for the sake of peace what could not come to our knowledge at all. For us Caecilian’s case was under the waves. Our voice is the same as that of the other Christian nations, against whom these men found nothing at all to say. Yet we rightly believe that Caecilian’s unknown case was good, since we read that he was once condemned by the faction of his enemies, but three times acquitted on their own accusation. Or let these men believe the hundred or so bishops of the party of Donatus about the crimes of Primian, and then compel us to believe seventy of their forebears about the crimes of Caecilian. And as for their saying that Caecilian confirmed by his silence the crimes charged against him in that council, since he was absent: then Primian too confirmed the crimes charged against him by a hundred bishops, which he is not shown even afterward to have washed away.

### Scripture references

- Matt 5:9: echo, low confidence
- Rev 2:2–3: quotation, high confidence
- Song 1:3: allusion, high confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Cyprian, Ep. 54.3 (Letters): quotation, high confidence

### Translation notes

- Cyprian, Letter 54.3. The editor’s addition “(et)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 37 (CSEL 53:138–139; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/37).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 38

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-38
- Source: CSEL 53:139–140
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine mocks the Donatist charge that obscure bishops like Novellus and Faustinus could defile the worldwide church.

### Latin text

Sed uidelicet nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae, ne pars Donati minuatur, praeiudicat autem, ut Christi hereditas diuidatur. an uero Caeciliani causa non praeiudicat unitati catholicae, quam tenemus et cuius societate gaudemus, cum fuerit Caecilianus Carthaginiensis episcopus, et praeiudicat ei causa Nouelli Tizicensis, Faustini Tuburbitani, quos nec accusandos postea sicut Caecilianum Felicemque putauerunt, quorum nomina, immo uero ipsarum in quibus fuerunt ciuitatum nomina nec uniuersae Africae nota sunt aut fortasse nec uniuersali proconsulari prouinciae? ecce quorum pisciculorum, etiamsi mali fuerunt, tam in profundo latentium causam uolunt praeiudicare causae tantae piscationis, cuius plena retia toto orbe diffusa sunt, qui piscibus iuxta natantibus uix noti esse potuerunt. cur autem non credamus etiam istos innocentes fuisse, quando nec accusari ab eis, sicut dixi, postea meruerunt et ille purgari potuit, quem maiores eorum malorum omnium fontem in concilii illius inimica conspiratione dixerunt?

### English translation (Claude)

But evidently neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another, so that the party of Donatus may not be diminished; but it does prejudice, so that the inheritance of Christ may be divided. Or does Caecilian’s case not prejudice the Catholic unity which we hold and in whose fellowship we rejoice, since Caecilian was bishop of Carthage, and yet the case of Novellus of Tizica and Faustinus of Thuburbo prejudices it, men whom they did not even think worth accusing afterward as they did Caecilian and Felix, whose names, or rather the very names of the cities where they were, are not known to the whole of Africa, nor perhaps even to the whole proconsular province? See: such little fish, even if they were bad, hiding so deep, they want their case to prejudice the case of so great a catch, whose full nets are spread through the whole world; fish who could scarcely be known to the fish swimming next to them. And why should we not believe that these too were innocent, when, as I said, they did not even earn accusation from them afterward, and he could be cleared whom their forebears, in the hostile conspiracy of that council, called the source of all evils?

### Translation notes

- Novellus of Tizica and Faustinus of Thuburbo were among Caecilian’s consecrators named by the Donatist council of 312.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 38 (CSEL 53:139–140; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/38).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 39

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-39
- Source: CSEL 53:140–141
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine asks what bribe could have made the Donatist bishops undermine their own case so thoroughly at the conference.

### Latin text

Sed qualescumque isti fuerunt, ad nos quid pertinet? neque enim uere non nobis concedunt, ut istorum nescio quorum causa atque persona non praeiudicet causae atque personae ecclesiae catholicae, si nec causa causae praeiudicat nec persona personae; et tamen obiciunt nobis, ut adhuc uos seducant, quod aurum iudici dederimus, ut pro nobis contra illos sententiam diceret. uos dicite, si potestis, quantum dare debuerimus electis defensoribus episcopis uestris, ut tanta contra se pro nobis uel dicerent uel proferrent, ut sic agerent causam nostram, sic perimerent suam. quanti emere debuimus, ut post uerba Primiani, quibus dixerat: indignum est ut in unum conueniant filii martyrum et progenies traditorum, uenirent tamen et in unum nobiscum, quod indignum esse dixerant, conuenirent? quanti emere debuimus, ut more forensium aduocatorum de temporibus et diebus, de personis etiam nobis praescribere conarentur et sic omnibus hominibus, etiam illis qui nostras disputationes intellegere non possent, satis aperte monstrarent quam malam causam haberent, quam proferre et agere sic timebant apud eum iudicem, cuius erga se benignitatem atque iustitiam tanto praeconio laudauerant et cuius motum aduersum se nullum adhuc senserant? quanti emere debuimus, ut ipsi deinde exigerent non secum agi debere forensibus formulis, sed diuinis potius testimoniis, et de scripturis sanctis similiter se responsuros esse promitterent et, cum mandatum concilii catholici, quod obtuleramus, recitatum esset atque in eo ipsis etiam confitentibus claruisset nos ecclesiae catholicae (causam) testimoniis sanctarum scripturarum agere noluisse, rursus tamquam obliti, quid sibi placere dixissent, ad easdem forenses praescriptiones perplexis et odiosis contentionibus remearent?

### English translation (Claude)

But whatever these men were, what has it to do with us? For they do not truly refuse to grant us that the case and person of these men, whoever they were, does not prejudice the case and person of the Catholic Church, if neither does one case prejudice another nor one person another; and yet, to lead you astray still, they charge us with having given gold to the judge so that he would pronounce sentence for us against them. Tell us, if you can, how much we must have given your bishops, who were chosen as defenders, to make them say or bring forward so much against themselves and for us, to make them plead our case in this way and destroy their own. At what price must we have bought it, that after Primian’s words, in which he had said, “It is unworthy that the sons of the martyrs and the offspring of betrayers should come together in one place,” they nevertheless came and came together with us in one place, which they had said was unworthy? At what price must we have bought it, that, in the manner of courtroom advocates, they tried to raise pleas against us about times and days, and about persons too, and so showed all people, even those who could not understand our arguments, plainly enough what a bad case they had, which they so feared to bring forward and argue before the judge whose kindness and justice toward them they had praised with such acclaim and whose displeasure against them they had not yet felt at all? At what price must we have bought it, that they themselves then demanded that the case be argued with them not by forensic formulas but rather by divine testimonies, and promised that they would likewise answer from the holy Scriptures; and when the mandate of the Catholic council which we had offered had been read, and it had been made clear in it, even by their own admission, that we had wished to argue the case of the Catholic Church by testimonies of the holy Scriptures, they went back again, as if forgetting what they had said they wanted, to the same forensic pleas with tangled and hateful disputes?

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(causam)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 39 (CSEL 53:140–141; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/39).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 40

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-40
- Source: CSEL 53:141–142
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ demand to see every Catholic signatory exposed forged signatures in their own list, including one for a man who had died.

### Latin text

Quanti emere debuimus, ut suscriptionum nostrarum, quae in eodem mandato demonstrabantur, numerositate commoti exigerent totius concilii nostri praesentiam, ex quo concilio non nisi decem et octo secundum edictum cognitoris aderamus, et quaestionem falsitatis inferrent, quod alii pro aliis subpositi suscribere potuerunt? sic enim peruentum est, ut eorum quoque numerus recenseretur et ipsi in ea falsitate deprehenderentur, cuius in nos suspicionem intendere uoluerunt, ita ut non solum quidam in eorum mandato legerentur suscripsisse pro absentibus qui nec Carthaginem uenerant, uerum etiam quendam recitatum et non respondentem, cum in itinere defecisse dixissent quaesitumque ab eis esset, quomodo apud Carthaginem suscribere potuerit qui in itinere iam defecerat, post magnas angustias perturbationis atque inconstantis et uariae responsionis suae non uenientem, sed posteaquam suscripsit, ad propria remeantem in itinere defecisse adseuerarent. deinde sub diuina testificatione interrogati, utrum eum constaret fuisse Carthagini, uehementius perturbati dicerent: quid, si alius se pro eodem opposuit?, atque ita uerbis suis falsitatem, quam nobis obiecerant, in suo mandato apparuisse et conuictam claruisse firmarent.

### English translation (Claude)

At what price must we have bought it, that, disturbed by the number of our signatures shown in the same mandate, they demanded the presence of our whole council, of which only eighteen of us were present according to the commissioner’s edict, and raised the question of falsehood, that others could have been substituted to sign for others? For it came about in this way that their number too was reviewed, and they were caught in the very falsehood which they had wanted to cast on us in suspicion: so that not only were some read in their mandate as having signed for absent men who had not even come to Carthage, but also a certain man was called who did not answer; and when they had said he had died on the journey, and they were asked how a man who had already died on the journey could have signed at Carthage, after great straits of confusion and an inconsistent and shifting answer they asserted that he had not died coming, but had died on the journey returning home after he had signed. Then, asked under divine testimony whether it was established that he had been at Carthage, they said in still greater confusion, “What if someone else put himself forward in his place?”, and so confirmed by their own words that the falsehood they had charged against us had appeared in their own mandate and been clearly convicted.

### Translation notes

- See Breviculus 1.14.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 40 (CSEL 53:141–142; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/40).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 41

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-41
- Source: CSEL 53:142–143
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ claim of more than four hundred bishops contradicts their own notice that all but the sick had come, when only 279 signatures were listed.

### Latin text

Quanti emere debuimus, ut, cum uellent de numerositate gloriari, etiam in hoc mendacia sua proderent? nam cum aliquanto amplior nostrorum numerus adfuisset dictumque a nobis esset alios centum ferme episcopos catholicos partim senectute, partim ualetudine, partim diuersis necessitatibus impeditos non uenisse Carthaginem, illi hoc audito multo plures suos non uenisse dixerunt; sicut etiam nunc plus quam quadringentos per totam Africam se esse iactantes obliti sunt, quod in sua notoria posuerunt, usque adeo se omnes uenisse Carthaginem, ut eis solis exceptis, quos uel in propriis sedibus uel in itinere tenuit corporis aegritudo, nec grauissimos senes annositas et labor prolixi itineris potuerit impedire. et lectae sunt in mandato eorum suscriptiones, sicut facta supputatione respondit officium, ducentae septuaginta nouem, adnumeratis etiam his, in quibus falsitas deprehensa est et qui pro absentibus suscripserant, quod aegritudine detenti non potuerint uenire Carthaginem. quomodo ergo uerum est plures quadringentis eos esse, quando illos solos Carthaginem non uenisse dixerunt, quos ualetudo corporis impediuit, cum et pro ipsis quibusdam alii suscripserunt, ut non dicamus hoc pro omnibus aegrotantibus esse factum? an forte sic eos inuaserat pestilentia, ut eorum tertiam partem repente prosterneret? sic autem a primate suo per tractoriam fuerant euocati, quo praetermissis omnibus properarent conuenire Carthaginem, ut scirent se decepisse quod haberent optimum in causa, quicumque uenire noluissent. hoc erat uidelicet optimum in causa, ut ingens eorum numerus appareret, quasi tanto plus prosit ad aliquid facilius inueniendum, quanto maior fuerit quaerentium multitudo caecorum.

### English translation (Claude)

At what price must we have bought it, that, when they wished to boast of their numbers, they betrayed their lies in this too? For when a somewhat larger number of ours had been present, and we had said that another hundred or so Catholic bishops had not come to Carthage, hindered partly by old age, partly by ill health, partly by various necessities, on hearing this they said that many more of theirs had not come; just as even now, boasting that they are more than four hundred throughout Africa, they have forgotten what they put in their notice, that they had all come to Carthage, to such an extent that, apart only from those whom bodily sickness held either in their own sees or on the journey, neither great age nor the toil of a long journey could hinder even the most aged. And in their mandate there were read, as the staff answered after the count, two hundred seventy-nine signatures, including also those in which falsehood was detected and those who had signed for absent men, because these were held back by sickness and could not come to Carthage. How then is it true that they are more than four hundred, when they said that only those had not come to Carthage whom ill health hindered, while for some of these others signed, not to say that this was done for all the sick? Or had a plague perhaps so attacked them as suddenly to lay low a third of them? And they had been summoned by their primate by a circular letter, to hasten to gather at Carthage, setting everything aside, in such terms that whoever refused to come would know he had betrayed what was best in their case. This, evidently, was what was best in their case: that their huge number should appear; as if the greater the multitude of blind searchers, the more it helps to find something more easily.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 41 (CSEL 53:142–143; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/41).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 42

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-42
- Source: CSEL 53:143–144
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists obtained the Catholic mandate in advance and a six-day postponement, so they cannot plead lack of time; their contradictions were their own.

### Latin text

Quanti emere debuimus, ut in diem perendinum utrisque nostrum consentientibus cognitione dilata pridie per notoriam peterent, ut sibi nostrum mandatum ab officio ederetur, quo instructi adesse possent, causantes quod conscribendis gestis tam angusto tempore occurrere non posset officium? sic enim factum est, ut sequenti die cognitionis, quamuis iustam peterent (et) acciperent dilationem, qui considerata causa, quae mandato nostro tota continebatur, magnas patiebantur angustias, conuincerentur tamen contra suos uenire consensus. quid enim iustius quam petere dilationem tanta ueritatis firmitate turbatos? quod eis utinam profuisset, ut considerato mandato nostro, cui respondere minime potuerunt, corrigere potius prauitatem quam in deterius augere maluissent. iuste itaque dilationem petebant, sed pridie non debuerunt in notoria sua dicere ideo sibi nostrum edi debere mandatum, ut parati ad diem constitutum uenirent, quia exceptores occurrere cum gestorum conscriptione non possent, et ipso actionis die rursus de ipsis exceptoribus, quia non occurrerant, uelle causari quid eos ad hoc conpulit nisi uehemens perturbatio, cum uiderent sic a nobis esse actam causam in conscriptione mandati, ut responsionem inuenire non possent? nam illud quanti emendum fuit, ut ipsam peterent dilationem et acciperent sex dierum, ut nemo posset eos dicere angustia temporis impeditos non potuisse nostro respondere mandato?

### English translation (Claude)

At what price must we have bought it, that, when the hearing had been adjourned to the day after next with the consent of both of us, they asked the day before by a notice that our mandate be issued to them by the staff, so that they could appear prepared, alleging that the staff could not manage to write out the minutes in so short a time? For so it came about that on the following day of the hearing, though they asked for and received a just postponement, they who, having considered the case, which was wholly contained in our mandate, were suffering great straits, were nonetheless convicted of going against their own agreements. For what is more just than for men disturbed by such firmness of the truth to ask for a postponement? Would that it had profited them, so that, having considered our mandate, which they could by no means answer, they had preferred to correct their perversity rather than increase it for the worse! So they rightly asked for a postponement; but they ought not, the day before, to have said in their notice that our mandate should be issued to them so that they might come prepared on the appointed day because the stenographers could not produce the written minutes, and then on the very day of the session to wish to complain again about those same stenographers because they had not produced them. What drove them to this but violent confusion, when they saw that our case had been so argued in the writing of the mandate that they could find no answer? For at what price must that have been bought, that they asked for that very postponement and received six days, so that no one could say they had been hindered by shortness of time from being able to answer our mandate?

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(et)” is translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 42 (CSEL 53:143–144; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/42).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 43

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-43
- Source: CSEL 53:144–145
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatist delegates’ own complaint that they were being “drawn into the case” revealed their fear of it more clearly than any bribe or torture could have.

### Latin text

Ipso uero tertio nostrae conlationis die quanti emendum fuit, quod inanissimis et superuacuis morarum interpositionibus se omni modo peruenire ad causam nolle monstrabant et, quam malam causam haberent, ipso suo timore clamabant, quamquam eorum timor etiam in testimonium manifestissimae uocis erupit, quando dixerunt: sensim inducimur in causam et alio loco: peruidet, inquiunt, potestas tua sensim nos in causae interna deduci? o uiolentia ueritatis quolibet eculeo, quibuslibet ungulis fortior ad exprimendam confessionem! congregantur ex uniuersa Africa tot episcopi, ingrediuntur Carthaginem cum tanta speciosi agminis pompa, ut tam magnae ciuitatis oculos in se intentionemque conuertant. qui loquantur pro omnibus eliguntur ab omnibus, locus etiam re tanta dignus in urbe media procuratur, utrique conueniunt, iudex praesto est, tabulae patent, suspensa omnium corda exitum tantae conlationis expectant. tunc a lectissimis et disertissimis uiris, quantis uiribus agi debuit aliquid, tantis agitur ut agatur nihil. quaerunt personas forensi more discutere, in qua quaestione annosa etiam tempora litigatores conterere consuerunt. ista quippe actione catholicos mandatum suum diuinis potius testimoniis quam forensibus formulis conscripsisse confessi sunt et similiter se de scripturis responsuros esse promiserunt. et quoniam mirifica opitulatione deus uoluit, ut, cum quaerunt personam petitoris ne ueniretur ad causam, ipsa inquisitio petitoris subito in medium mitteret causam, clamant praeclari uiri, qui ad agendum uidebantur electi ac se potius ad non agendum electos esse testantur, et inuidiose iudici conqueruntur sensim se in causae interna deduci, quasi aliquid aliud praetermissis omnibus agi debuerit quam illud, quod tanto post uel sero agi nolebant, quia numquam prorsus agi uolebant ubi uinci metuebant. huius timoris apertissimam uocem quis de illorum clauso pectore excuteret, [et] non dico si eos donis largissimis ditaremus, sed si eos poenis crudelissimis torqueremus?

### English translation (Claude)

And on the third day of our conference itself, at what price must it have been bought, that by the most empty and needless interpositions of delay they showed that they were in every way unwilling to reach the case, and proclaimed by their very fear what a bad case they had? Their fear even broke out into testimony in the plainest words, when they said, “We are being drawn into the case little by little,” and in another place, “Does Your Excellency see that we are being led little by little into the inner parts of the case?” O force of truth, stronger than any rack, than any hooks, to wring out a confession! So many bishops gather from all Africa; they enter Carthage with such pomp of a showy procession that they turn the eyes and attention of so great a city upon themselves. Those who are to speak for all are chosen by all; a place worthy of so great a matter is provided in the middle of the city; both sides assemble, the judge is present, the tablets are open, the hearts of all wait in suspense for the outcome of so great a conference. Then, by most select and most eloquent men, with all the strength with which something ought to have been done, they do everything so that nothing may be done. They seek to discuss persons in courtroom fashion, a question on which litigants are accustomed to wear away even years. In that very session they confessed that the Catholics had written their mandate with divine testimonies rather than forensic formulas, and promised that they would likewise answer from the Scriptures. And since God, by a wonderful help, willed that, while they were seeking the person of the plaintiff so as not to reach the case, that very inquiry into the plaintiff should suddenly put the case into the open, the distinguished men who seemed to have been chosen to plead cry out, testifying that they had rather been chosen not to plead, and complain spitefully to the judge that they are being led little by little into the inner parts of the case; as though, everything else set aside, anything ought to have been dealt with but that which, so long after, or late, they did not want dealt with, since they never wanted it dealt with at all where they feared defeat. Who could have shaken out of their closed breast so plain a voice of this fear, I do not say if we had enriched them with the most lavish gifts, but if we had tortured them with the cruellest punishments?

### Translation notes

- The editor deletes “et” before “non dico”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 43 (CSEL 53:144–145; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/43).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 44

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-44
- Source: CSEL 53:145–146
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: When the record of the first Donatist accusation of Caecilian was read, the Donatists cried that they were being drawn into the case, fearing it as a demon fears an exorcist.

### Latin text

Cum enim personam petitorum forensi tritura inquirerent et uolentes ostendere nos esse petitores, ut personas nostras permitterentur iure discutere et moras annosissimas inuenire, legerent libellum nostrum aliquando proconsuli datum, quo eos petiuimus conueniri, ut ipsa inter nos conlatio tunc fieret, quam modo ab imperatore ut fieret inpetrauimus, et eo libello nos quasi petitores esse monstrarent, responsum est a nobis ideo nos semper uoluisse fieri conlationem, non ubi eis crimina obiceremus, sed ubi ea quae solent obicere purgaremus: propter hoc quippe haeretici et ab ecclesiae unitate separati, quia crimina obiciunt quae probare non possunt. deinde quia uidebatur cognitor secutus ordinem temporum, ut gestis quae protuleramus, ubi et ipsi apud praefectos conlationem petiuerant, ideo praeferret libellum nostrum ab ipsis prolatum, quia gesta illa praefectoria tempore praecedebat, facillime nos atque iustissime hac occasione oblata a cognitore inpetrauimus, ut, si ea praeferret, quae tempore priora esse constaret, illud iuberet potius recitari, ubi ipsi apud imperatorem Constantinum per Anullinum proconsulem accusarunt Caecilianum, cuius crimina nostrae communioni obiciunt, quae uolebamus illa conlatione purgare. proinde posteaquam legi coepit, quoniam illic apertissime in omnibus uincebantur, clamare coeperunt: sensim inducimur in causam, et iterum: peruidet potestas tua sensim nos in causae interna deduci. o magna, sed non miranda confusio! quando enim daemon sic exorcistam timeret, quomodo timuerunt ne illa legerentur, ubi apparebat Caecilianus et ab eorum praecessoribus apud imperatorem accusatus et tot iudiciis non solum episcopalibus, sed etiam imperialibus absolutus?

### English translation (Claude)

For when they were inquiring into the person of the plaintiffs with courtroom threshing, and, wishing to show that we were the plaintiffs, so that they would be permitted to discuss our persons by law and find delays of many years, they read our petition once given to the proconsul, in which we asked that they be summoned so that the conference between us, which we have now obtained from the emperor, might be held then; and when they tried to show by that petition that we were, so to speak, the plaintiffs, we answered that we had always wanted a conference to be held not in order to bring charges against them, but in order to clear ourselves of the charges they are accustomed to bring; for this is why they are heretics and separated from the unity of the church, because they bring charges they cannot prove. Then, since the commissioner seemed to follow the order of time, preferring our petition produced by them to the minutes we had produced, in which they too had asked for a conference before the prefects, because that petition preceded those prefectural minutes in time, we very easily and very justly obtained from the commissioner, taking this opportunity, that if he preferred what was established as earlier in time, he should rather order to be read the record in which they themselves accused Caecilian before the emperor Constantine through the proconsul Anullinus, whose crimes they charge against our communion, crimes which we wanted to clear at that conference. Accordingly, after it began to be read, since there they were being beaten most plainly on every point, they began to cry out, “We are being drawn into the case little by little,” and again, “Your Excellency sees that we are being led little by little into the inner parts of the case.” O great but not surprising confusion! For when would a demon so fear an exorcist as they feared that those documents would be read, in which it appeared that Caecilian had been both accused by their predecessors before the emperor and acquitted by so many judgments, not only episcopal but also imperial?

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 44 (CSEL 53:145–146; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/44).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 45

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-45
- Source: CSEL 53:146–147
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Once Caecilian’s acquittal began to be read, the Donatists revived their discredited plea that the deadline had passed, betraying their fear.

### Latin text

Quando uel quanto pretio emere possemus, quod ipso timore turbati redire ausi sunt etiam ad illius temporis praescriptionem, ubi dixerant lapsam esse iam causam et quattuor mensibus euolutis agi iam omnino non posse? quid est hoc? quis tam idoneus index inueniri potest animi eorum quam timor iste sic expressus, sic apertus, ut, cum timor soleat adimere libertatem, isti tam libere timuerint, ut indicium suum de mala sua causa nec silentio tegerent, sed uerbis apertissimis proderent? o uehementem trepidationem ad extorquendam confessionem! tam fortis ex ore prosiliuit timor, ut eius impetu de fronte fugerit pudor. si non legerentur ea, quibus ostendebatur Caecilianus accusatus atque purgatus, petitores propter agendam causam inquirebantur, personae discutiebantur et, quamuis morarum tendiculae, ne ad ipsam causam perueniretur, tergiuersatorie necterentur, tamen propter agendam causam etiam ista postulari ueluti iure uidebantur: postquam causa optima Caeciliani recitanda prolata est, reuocatur explosa et conuicta praescriptio, diem causae agendae iam transisse clamatur.

### English translation (Claude)

When, or at what price, could we have bought it, that, thrown into confusion by that very fear, they dared to go back even to the plea of the time limit, in which they had said that the case had already lapsed and could no longer be heard at all, the four months having run out? What is this? What more fitting informer on their mind can be found than this fear, so expressed, so open, that, though fear usually takes away freedom, they feared so freely that they did not cover with silence their own verdict on their bad case, but betrayed it in the plainest words? O violent trepidation to extort a confession! So strong did fear leap from their mouth that by its onrush shame fled from their brow. As long as the documents showing that Caecilian was accused and cleared were not being read, the plaintiffs were inquired into for the sake of pleading the case, persons were discussed; and though snares of delay were evasively woven so that the case itself would not be reached, still these too seemed to be demanded, as it were by right, for the sake of pleading the case. After Caecilian’s excellent case was brought forward to be read, the plea of prescription, hooted off and refuted, is called back; it is cried that the day for pleading the case has already passed.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 45 (CSEL 53:146–147; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/45).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 46

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/31/#p-46
- Source: CSEL 53:147
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists refused a co-judge, but their own fear served as a second judge and pronounced against them before the commissioner did.

### Latin text

Quid adhuc expectatis, quid pro nobis pronuntiauerit cognitor, cum uideatis, quid contra se ipsos episcoporum uestrorum pronuntiauerit timor? dederat certe ipse cognitor potestatem, ut alium cum illo quem uellent iudicem constituerent, quod illi recusauerunt, quoniam si aliquem delegissent, mentiri uobis non possent etiam a nobis ipsum fuisse corruptum. sed fecerunt quod recusauerunt: prorsus constituerunt cum illo alterum iudicem, non quemlibet extraneum, sed intimum suum. ecce ipse timor eorum alius iudex fuit. certe ipse a nobis nihil accepit et pro nobis libere iudicauit: non gratificatus est eorum personae quibus internus haerebat. de quorum secreto cubiculo procedebat, et antequam causa diceretur prior iudicauit, quia eam prior in ipsorum corde cognouit. denique processit ille ut causam nosset, processit iste qui nouerat; ille iudicauit stando audiendo loquendo, iste tantummodo in medium procedendo. puto quod melius dicebant ut iam causa non ageretur; quanto enim citius eam finiuit litigatorum timor quam cognitoris labor! ille quaerebat quid ex eorum chartulis legeretur, iste indicauit quid in eorum cordibus ageretur.

### English translation (Claude)

What are you still waiting for, to learn what the commissioner pronounced for us, when you see what your bishops’ fear pronounced against themselves? The commissioner himself had certainly given them the power to appoint whomever they wished as judge alongside him; they refused this, since, if they had chosen anyone, they could not lie to you that he too had been corrupted by us. But they did what they refused: they did appoint another judge with him, not some outsider, but one most intimate with them. See, their fear itself was the other judge. Certainly it received nothing from us and judged freely for us; it did not favor the persons to whom it clung within. It came out of their secret chamber, and before the case was argued it judged first, because it knew the case first in their own hearts. Finally, the one came forward to learn the case; the other came forward already knowing it. The one judged by standing, listening, speaking; the other merely by coming forward into the open. I think they did better to say that the case should no longer be pleaded; for how much more quickly the fear of the litigants finished it than the labor of the commissioner! He was asking what was read from their papers; it revealed what was going on in their hearts.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 46 (CSEL 53:147; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/46).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 47

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-47
- Source: CSEL 53:147–148
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Catholics offered to argue the church question from Scripture alone, but charges against men like Caecilian could only be tried by documents, which the Donatists feared.

### Latin text

Quoniam autem ad hoc uenerant territi eis, quae prolata fuerant recitanda, ut dicerent iam lapsam esse causam temporibus et agi non posse, proposuerunt nobis quod iam fuerat ante transactum, ut, si de scripturis sanctis ageremus, illa minime legerentur, si autem illa recitanda eligeremus, habere se ualidam praescriptionem, ut lapsam temporibus causam omnino agi non sinerent, cum ipsi non seruauerint quod ante promiserant, se mandato nostro, ubi nos ecclesiae causam scripturarum testimoniis egisse confessi sunt, similiter [se] scripturarum testimoniis responsuros, qui petitorum discutiendas esse personas non more disputantium, sed more litigantium contendebant: respondimus ergo eis, ut, si nihil aliud agi mallent, nisi ut quaereretur quae uel ubi sit catholica ecclesia, causam eius nos non nisi diuinis quibus praenuntiata est testimoniis ageremus; si autem hominibus aliqua crimina obicerent, quoniam nec ipsi ea possent testimoniis diuinis, sed aliquibus aliis talibus documentis ostendere, etiam nos ea documentis talibus purgaturos. sic illis adsidue sua inania repetentibus haec a nobis perseuerantissime repetita sunt; sic eos ueritas uicit et ad illa quae protuleramus audienda confutatos superatosque constrinxit. uidebant enim, si nulla crimina Caeciliani obicerent communioni nostrae, nihil sibi remanere, unde suam ab unitate separationem aliquo modo excusarent, si autem obicerent crimina Caeciliani, nec a se nisi talibus documentis posse asseri nec a nobis aliter posse defendi.

### English translation (Claude)

But since, terrified by the documents brought forward to be read, they had come to the point of saying that the case had already lapsed by time limits and could not be pleaded, they put to us what had already been settled before: that if we argued from the holy Scriptures, those documents should by no means be read; but if we chose to have them read, they had a valid plea of prescription, so as not to allow at all a case lapsed by time limits to be pleaded. Yet they themselves had not kept what they had promised before, that they would answer our mandate, in which they confessed we had argued the case of the church with testimonies of the Scriptures, likewise with testimonies of the Scriptures, they who contended that the persons of the plaintiffs must be discussed not in the manner of debaters but in the manner of litigants. We answered them, then, that if they preferred nothing else to be dealt with but the question what or where the Catholic Church is, we would argue its case only from the divine testimonies by which it was foretold; but if they brought any charges against men, since they themselves could not show them by divine testimonies but by some other documents of that kind, we too would clear them by documents of that kind. So, while they kept repeating their empty pleas, we repeated these things most perseveringly; so the truth overcame them and bound them, refuted and beaten, to hear what we had brought forward. For they saw that if they charged no crimes of Caecilian against our communion, nothing would remain to them by which to excuse in any way their separation from unity; but if they charged Caecilian’s crimes, these could not be asserted by them nor defended by us except by documents of that kind.

### Translation notes

- The editor deletes “se” (the digital text has “[sej”) before the second “scripturarum testimoniis”.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 47 (CSEL 53:147–148; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/47).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 48

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-48
- Source: CSEL 53:148–150
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: By saying the overseas church should wait to join the winner, the Donatists admitted it was innocent; since it joined Caecilian, he won, and the African Catholics in its communion are innocent too.

### Latin text

Iam uero illud inter hos eorum contentiosissimos strepitus quanti emendum fuit, quod, cum diceremus hoc nos proponere, ut crimina, quae solent obicere nostrae communioni quae per omnes gentes dilatatur, probarent si possent, ut hinc eorum separatio utrum iusta fuerit nosceretur, responderunt alienam causam nos agere uelle, hoc est transmarinarum ecclesiarum quibus haec non obicerent, quoniam inter Afros esset ista contentio, illas uero ecclesias potius expectare debere, ut eos sibi copulent, qui in hac conlatione uicerint, et ipsi cum eis habeant catholicum nomen? quid ergo adhuc quaeritis quidue dubitatis, quam ecclesiam tenere debeatis? ecce habetis eam, contra quam uestri episcopi causam se non habere confessi sunt, cui communio nostra coniuncta est, unde ipsorum communio separata est. si enim modo eam expectare debere dixerunt, ut qui nostrum uicerint ipsi ei copulentur et cum illa teneant catholicum nomen, iam utique maiores nostri maiores eorum ante uicerunt; ideo illi ecclesiae copulati catholicum nomen in eius unitate tenuerunt. isti autem si a maioribus nostris iam in suis maioribus uicti sunt, quare nobiscum adhuc usque contendunt? si autem uicti non sunt, quare non communicant illi ecclesiae, quam negare catholicam non ualentes nullam causam contra eam se habere confessi sunt? ecce ecclesia catholica transmarina in tot gentibus dilatata, quam debere expectare dixerunt, ut eos sibi qui uicerint copulet, quomodo expectare debet eos sibi copulare qui uicerint, nisi ab eis criminibus, de quibus inter nos agitur, aliena sit? nam si ab eis aliena non est, etiam ipsa rea uicta cum uictis quomodo sibi est copulatura uictores? porro si ab his criminibus, sicut fatentur, aliena est, alieni et nos sumus, qui eidem communione cohaeremus. nam si propter istam communionem nos contaminat crimen alienum, et ipsam cui communicamus crimen contaminat nostrum. sed ipsam confessi sunt non pollutam crimine Afrorum, quamuis ei sacramentorum communione socientur. ibi ergo conuicti sunt nec nos pollui potuisse crimine illorum, quibus sacramentorum communione sociamur, quia nullo nexu consensionis inuoluimur. quamquam et ipsius Caeciliani uictrix causa eisdem uerbis istorum facillime demonstratur. si enim confligentibus nobis expectare debet ecclesia transmarina ab istis criminibus aliena, ut eos qui uicerint sibi et catholico nomini adiungat, tunc expectabat, quando maiores istorum cum Caeciliano acriter confligebant. ille ergo tunc uicit, quem sibi post conflictum illa quae hoc expectauerat copulauit. aut si potuit et pollutum sibi in sacramentorum communione copulare et, sicut iam confessi sunt, ab his criminibus inpolluta persistere, multo magis uicimus, hinc ostendentes proprium onus quemque portare et nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae.

### English translation (Claude)

Now, amid these most contentious noises of theirs, at what price must this have been bought: that when we said that what we proposed was that they should prove, if they could, the charges they are accustomed to bring against our communion, which is spread through all nations, so that it might be known from this whether their separation had been just, they answered that we wished to plead another’s case, namely that of the churches overseas, against which they brought no such charges, since this dispute was among Africans; and that those churches should rather wait to join to themselves those who won in this conference, and that these should have the Catholic name with them? Why, then, are you still asking, or doubting, which church you ought to hold? See, you have the church against which your bishops confessed they had no case, the church with which our communion is joined, from which theirs is separated. For if they said now that it should wait so that whichever of us won would be joined to it and hold the Catholic name with it, then surely our forebears already won against their forebears before; that is why they were joined to that church and held the Catholic name in its unity. But if these men were already beaten by our forebears in the person of their forebears, why do they still contend with us? And if they were not beaten, why are they not in communion with that church, against which, unable to deny that it is Catholic, they confessed they had no case? See, the Catholic Church overseas, spread through so many nations, which they said ought to wait so as to join to itself those who won: how ought it to wait to join to itself those who win, unless it is free of the crimes that are being disputed between us? For if it is not free of them, how will it, itself guilty and beaten along with the beaten, join the winners to itself? Further, if it is free of these crimes, as they admit, we too are free of them, who cleave to the same communion. For if, because of this communion, another’s crime contaminates us, our crime also contaminates the church with which we are in communion. But they have admitted that it is not polluted by the crime of Africans, though Africans are joined with it in the communion of the sacraments. There, then, they were convicted that we too could not be polluted by the crime of those with whom we are joined in the communion of the sacraments, since we are entangled by no bond of consent. Moreover, the victorious case of Caecilian himself is very easily shown by the same words of these men. For if, while we contend, the church overseas, free of these crimes, ought to wait so as to join to itself and to the Catholic name those who win, it was waiting then, when their forebears were contending fiercely with Caecilian. So he won then, whom, after the contest, the church which had waited for this joined to itself. Or if it could join him to itself in the communion of the sacraments even though polluted, and, as they have already admitted, remain unpolluted by these crimes, much more have we won, showing from this that each bears his own burden, and that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person.

### Scripture references

- Gal 6:5: allusion, high confidence

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 48 (CSEL 53:148–150; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/48).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 49

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-49
- Source: CSEL 53:150–151
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Given time and a copy, the Donatists still answered the Catholic mandate only in part, in a letter the Catholics answered at once.

### Latin text

Iam uero ut mandato nostro, ubi uniuersam causam complexi fueramus, nec repentinis uerbis, sed conscriptis litteris respondendum putarent, quanti emendum fuit? sic enim constitit eos respondere non potuisse his omnibus, quae in nostro mandato posita nec attingere omnino suis litteris uoluerunt. neque enim potest aliquis dicere prosecutionem nostram memoriter eos non potuisse retinere et propterea rebus necessariis non omnibus respondere uoluisse. editum est eis mandatum nostrum per notoriam postulantibus et hoc ipsum allegantibus, ut instructi possent ad omnia respondere. et cum iam septem delecti essent a ceteris, qui omnia pro omnibus agerent, litteras tamen ipsas, quibus nostro mandato respondere conati sunt, totius concilii sui nomine protulerunt tamquam epistulam ab omnibus illis ad cognitorem datam. quam si nollemus admittere, iure optimo faceremus. neque enim ordinis erat, ut post iniunctam septem hominibus causam iam quicquam nisi per illos qui delecti fuerant ageretur. sed ne litteris nostris litteras eorum timuisse uideremur, sine ulla haesitatione ut legerentur allegarentur admisimus. optandum enim et ut dixi emendum erat, ut post tot dierum dilationem, quam eis petentibus concesseramus, adferrent elucubratum laborem, in quo eos mandato nostro non respondisse satis utrasque litteras legentibus appareret et nos eisdem ipsis litteris eorum sine ulla dilatione mox respondisse constaret. si enim homines tam tardo ingenio sunt, ut eos arbitrentur aliquid dixisse, in quibus locis mandati nostri tacere noluerunt, neminem puto esse tam stolidum, qui etiam in his locis aliquid eos respondisse existimet, in quibus omnino tacuerunt. non enim parua uel quasi contemnenda sunt, cum in his potius omnis causa consistat.

### English translation (Claude)

Again, at what price must it have been bought, that they thought our mandate, in which we had set out the whole case, should be answered not with sudden words but with a written letter? For in this way it was established that they could not answer all the things set down in our mandate, which they did not wish even to touch at all in their letter. For no one can say that they could not keep our statement in memory and for that reason did not wish to answer all the necessary points. Our mandate was issued to them when they asked for it by a notice and alleged this very reason, that they might be prepared to answer everything. And though seven had already been chosen by the rest to do everything for all, they nonetheless brought forward the very letter with which they tried to answer our mandate in the name of their whole council, as a letter given by all of them to the commissioner. If we had wished not to admit it, we would have been fully within our rights. For it was not in order that, after the case had been entrusted to seven men, anything further be done except through those who had been chosen. But so that we would not seem to have feared their letter with our own, we admitted without any hesitation that it be read and entered. For it was something to be wished for, and, as I said, to be bought, that after so many days of postponement, which we had granted at their request, they should bring a labor worked over by lamplight, in which it would be plain enough to those who read both letters that they had not answered our mandate, and it would be established that we had answered that very letter of theirs at once without any postponement. For if people are of such slow wit as to think they said something in those places of our mandate where they did not wish to be silent, I think no one is so stupid as to suppose that they answered anything in those places where they were wholly silent. And these are not small or contemptible matters, since the whole case rests rather on them.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 49 (CSEL 53:150–151; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/49).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 50

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-50
- Source: CSEL 53:151–152
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists ignored both the Scripture proofs of a worldwide church and Cyprian, who differed on baptism yet stayed in unity with those who disagreed.

### Latin text

Nam testimonia scripturarum, quibus adseruimus ecclesiam cui communicamus ab Hierusalem coeptam toto terrarum orbe diffundi, tamquam omnino dicta non fuerint, praeterierunt magna mole diuinae auctoritatis oppressi. item quod in nostro mandato positum est de beato Cypriano, qui tolerandos potius in ecclesia malos quam propter eos ecclesiam deserendam et praecepto admonuit et suo confirmauit exemplo, attingere omnino non ausi sunt, credo intellegentes, quod, Cypriani auctoritatem si in aliquo scripto eius labefactare temptarent, faterentur etiam nos recte auctoritati eius non cedere in eo, quod de iterando baptismo solent eius placita uel decreta proferre. quam(quam) nec ipsam de baptismo Cypriani sententiam aperte commemorare uoluerunt, scientes etiam illic, si facerent, se offensuros esse naufragium, quoniam Cyprianus non reliquit unitatem et cum eis in illa permansit, qui de hac re diuersa senserunt. unde aut tunc ecclesia perisse dicenda est et non fuit iam, ex qua nasceretur Donatus illorum, aut si, quod uerum est, permansit ecclesia, non in ea contaminant mali bonos, sicut Cyprianus etiam iudicauit, qui cum diuersa sentientibus in eadem uniuersitate permansit. ac per hoc isti se detestando sacrilegio schismatis induerunt, qui propter nescio quorum crimina non probata, etiamsi uera essent, nullo modo se ab unitate toto orbe diffusa separare debuerunt. hoc illi quantum intellegitur praeuidentes ab illo testimonio Cypriani, quod in nostro mandato commemoratum est, toto silentio transierunt.

### English translation (Claude)

For the testimonies of the Scriptures by which we asserted that the church with which we are in communion, begun from Jerusalem, is spread through the whole world, they passed over as if they had not been said at all, overwhelmed by the great mass of divine authority. Likewise, what was set down in our mandate about the blessed Cyprian, who both admonished by precept and confirmed by his own example that the bad should rather be tolerated in the church than the church be deserted because of them, they did not dare to touch at all; understanding, I believe, that if they tried to undermine Cyprian’s authority in any writing of his, they would be admitting that we too rightly do not yield to his authority in the matter in which they are accustomed to bring forward his opinions or decrees about repeating baptism. Although they did not wish to mention openly even Cyprian’s view on baptism itself, knowing that there too, if they did, they would suffer shipwreck, since Cyprian did not leave unity but remained in it with those who thought differently on this matter. Hence either the church must be said to have perished then, and there was no longer any church from which their Donatus could be born; or, as is true, the church remained, and in it the bad do not contaminate the good, as Cyprian also judged, who remained in the same universal body with those who thought differently. And therefore these men have clothed themselves in the detestable sacrilege of schism, who because of some people’s crimes, unproved, and even if they were true, ought by no means to have separated themselves from the unity spread through the whole world. Foreseeing this, as far as can be understood, they passed over in total silence that testimony of Cyprian which was cited in our mandate.

### Scripture references

- Luke 24:47: allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition in “quam(quam)” is translated (“Although”).

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 50 (CSEL 53:151–152; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/50).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 51

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-51
- Source: CSEL 53:152
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatist letter was silent on the Maximianists, whose baptism they accepted, and on Caecilian’s case.

### Latin text

Illud etiam, quod in causa Maximianistarum ipsi quoque suo iudicio declararunt, nec propter malos unitatem deserendam, qui Maximiani socios a Maximiano dixerunt non fuisse pollutos et eos inde quos damnauerunt in honore integro susceperunt et baptismum Christi licet foris ab ecclesia datum agnoscendum potius quam destruendum esse monstrarunt, cum a Feliciano in schismate baptizatos et cum illo postea receptos iterum baptizare non ausi sunt, etiam hoc ergo cum in nostro mandato legerent, tacendum potius et praetereundum quam ulla contradictione refricandum esse censuerunt. causam etiam Caeciliani a causa ecclesiae in nostro mandato distinctam et tamen etiam ipsam omni ex parte defensam respondendo prorsus non attigerunt. quis ergo eos illi mandato nostro respondisse arbitretur, quando contra haec omnia nullum uerbum facere nec saltem qualiscumque responsionis obumbratione conati sunt? quod autem uisi sunt respondere, legat qui uoluerit et iudicet eidem ipsi mandato nostro conferens litteras eorum praeter responsionem quam continuo reddidimus, qua omnia uanitatis eorum machinamenta subuersa sunt.

### English translation (Claude)

That too which they themselves declared by their own judgment in the case of the Maximianists, that unity is not to be deserted because of the bad, when they said that Maximian’s associates had not been polluted by Maximian, and received back from there with their honor intact those whom they had condemned, and showed that the baptism of Christ, though given outside the church, is to be recognized rather than destroyed, since they did not dare to baptize again those baptized by Felician in the schism and received back with him afterward: this too, then, when they read it in our mandate, they decided was better kept silent and passed over than rubbed up again by any contradiction. The case of Caecilian also, distinguished in our mandate from the case of the church and yet defended on every side, they did not touch at all in their answer. Who, then, would think they answered that mandate of ours, when against all these things they did not try to say a word, nor even to throw over them the shadow of any answer whatever? As for what they seemed to answer, let anyone who wishes read it and judge, comparing their letter with that same mandate of ours, besides the reply which we gave at once, by which all the machinery of their emptiness was overturned.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 51 (CSEL 53:152; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/51).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 52

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-52
- Source: CSEL 53:152–153
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ concession that one case does not prejudice another, wrung from them by the Maximianist parallel, granted the whole Catholic argument.

### Latin text

Iam illud, si montes aureos daremus, quando emere possemus, quod obiecta sibi Maximiani causa, ut intellegerent eo modo non obfuisse Caeciliano concilium, quo in eum absentem septuaginta episcopi quod uoluerunt pronuntiauerunt, quomodo non obfuit Primiano, cum similiter absentem pro Maximiano centum ferme episcopi damnauerunt, uehementissime perturbati et in horrendas contrusi angustias responderunt nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae, his paucissimis uerbis totam nostram causam, de qua cum eis superius confligebamus, omnino inuictam esse firmantes? quid enim aliud agebamus, tot testimoniis sanctorum eloquiorum, tanta auctoritate prophetarum apostolorum episcoporum ipsorumque aduersariorum demonstrantes bonos a malis sacramentorum communione non pollui, si corde uoluntate moribus operibus diuersas habeant causas gerantque personas? quid enim aliud laborabamus, nisi ut appareret nec causam causae nec personam praeiudicare personae? hoc ipsi breuiter conpulsi summa necessitate dixerunt, quia, cum a nobis diu diceretur, ueritati cedere noluerunt.

### English translation (Claude)

Now, if we were giving mountains of gold, when could we have bought this: that when the case of Maximian was put to them, so that they might understand that the council in which seventy bishops pronounced what they wished against the absent Caecilian did not harm him, just as the council did not harm Primian when about a hundred bishops likewise condemned him in his absence in favor of Maximian, they, most violently disturbed and thrust into dreadful straits, answered that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person, confirming with these very few words that our whole case, on which we had been contending with them above, was wholly unconquered? For what else were we doing, showing by so many testimonies of the holy oracles, by such authority of prophets, apostles, bishops, and of our opponents themselves, that the good are not polluted by the bad through communion of the sacraments, if they have different cases and play different persons in heart, will, conduct, and works? What else were we laboring for, but that it should appear that neither does one case prejudice another case nor one person another person? This they themselves said briefly, compelled by utmost necessity, since, when we said it at length, they would not yield to the truth.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 52 (CSEL 53:152–153; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/52).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 53

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-53
- Source: CSEL 53:153–154
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: By boasting that their forebears had Caecilian condemned by the emperor, the Donatists confessed that they had persecuted him, destroying their claim to be the church that only suffers persecution.

### Latin text

Illud etiam quibus thesauris, quibus opibus, quibus pretiosorum lapidum aggeribus emendum fuit, quod maiores suos apud imperatorem Constantinum persecutos Caecilianum non confiteri tantum, uerum etiam profiteri atque gloriari minime dubitarunt eumque ab imperatore damnatum etiam mentiendo adseuerare conati sunt? ubi est illa uox, qua uos decipere consuerunt nobis inuidiam concitantes, quod apud imperatorem causam agamus ecclesiae? ubi sunt uerba Primiani apud acta magistratus Carthaginiensis expressa: illi portant multorum imperatorum sacras, nos sola offerimus euangelia? ubi est illa praeclara laudatio, qua extollunt separationem suam, dicentes eam esse ecclesiam ueritatis quae persecutionem patitur, non quae facit? nempe elisa est, nempe prostrata. leguntur prosecutiones eorum; negare non possunt, quia leguntur etiam suscriptiones eorum. tenemus eos confitentes profitentes gloriantes maiores suos Caecilianum apud imperatorem grauiter persecutos, tenemus etiam Caecilianum persequentibus eis ab imperatore damnatum. non ergo iam clament segregationem suam ideo esse ecclesiam ueritatis, quia persecutionem non facit sed patitur, aut fateantur non eam fuisse ecclesiam ueritatis, quando a maioribus eorum Caecilianus patiebatur. si enim continuo boni sunt qui persecutionem patiuntur, bonus erat Caecilianus quando patiebatur; si autem potest quidem fieri, ut et mali persecutionem patiantur, sed boni non possunt esse qui faciunt, non erant boni maiores eorum quando Caecilianum persequebantur. porro si fieri potest, ut et boni faciant et mali patiantur, non ideo nos culpandi sumus nec ideo isti laudandi, quia tale aliquid patiuntur, quale Caecilianum maioribus suis facientibus passum esse gloriantur. et tamen Caecilianum ab imperatore damnatum omnino non constitit, sed in eius absolutione atque purgatione, quae iudicii episcopalis et imperialis recitatione constiterat, nihil postea probari potuit inmutatum. ita factum est, ut remota Caeciliani damnatione, de qua ipsi mentiti sunt, remanserit persecutio, quam maiores suos fecisse confessi sunt.

### English translation (Claude)

With what treasures, what riches, what heaps of precious stones should this too have been bought: that they did not hesitate not only to confess, but even to profess and boast, that their forebears persecuted Caecilian before the emperor Constantine, and even tried, by lying, to assert that he was condemned by the emperor? Where is that cry with which they used to deceive you, stirring up ill will against us because we plead the church’s case before the emperor? Where are Primian’s words stated in the records of the magistrate of Carthage: “They bring the sacred letters of many emperors; we offer only the Gospels”? Where is that splendid praise with which they extol their separation, saying it is the church of truth, which suffers persecution and does not inflict it? It is surely crushed, surely laid low. Their statements are read; they cannot deny them, because their signatures too are read. We hold them confessing, professing, boasting that their forebears gravely persecuted Caecilian before the emperor; we hold them also saying that Caecilian was condemned by the emperor while they persecuted him. So let them no longer cry that their segregation is the church of truth because it does not inflict persecution but suffers it; or let them confess that it was not the church of truth when Caecilian was suffering at the hands of their forebears. For if those who suffer persecution are at once good, Caecilian was good when he suffered; but if it can indeed happen that the bad too suffer persecution, but those who inflict it cannot be good, their forebears were not good when they persecuted Caecilian. Further, if it can happen both that the good inflict it and the bad suffer it, we are not therefore to be blamed, nor these men therefore to be praised, because they suffer something like what they boast that Caecilian suffered at the hands of their forebears. And yet it was by no means established that Caecilian was condemned by the emperor; rather, in his acquittal and clearing, which had been established by the reading of the episcopal and imperial judgment, nothing could afterward be proved to have been changed. So it came about that, with the condemnation of Caecilian removed, about which they lied, there remained the persecution which they confessed their forebears had inflicted.

### Translation notes

- Primian’s words are quoted as a Donatist statement.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 53 (CSEL 53:153–154; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/53).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 54

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-54
- Source: CSEL 53:154–156
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists’ appeal to Optatus and to their forebears’ petitions and Constantine’s letter to Verinus proved, against them, that Caecilian was never condemned.

### Latin text

Parum fuit, ut Caecilianum ab imperatore damnatum et mentiendo gloriari auderent et asserendo probare non possent. insuper etiam probauerunt et nostra in eam rem documenta fortius adiuuerunt, Caeciliani absolutionem mansisse firmissimam, non, sicut mentiti fuerant, imperatoris posteriore iudicio in contrarium commutato. nam primo Mileuitanae ecclesiae catholicum episcopum Optatum recitandum petiuerunt, pollicentes inde se probaturos Caecilianum ab imperatore damnatum. quae lectio cum magis contra eos recitaretur, nemo risum potuit continere. qui tamen risus non utique conscriptioni gestorum potuisset adiungi et omnino latuisset, nisi et ipsum latere non sinerent dicentes: audiant qui riserunt. hoc sane scriptum est et suscriptum. quod enim pro se legi uoluerunt, ambiguum fuit. unde cum rectissime cognitor iussisset paulo superius recitari, ut inde si possent uerba illa clarescerent, hoc recitatum est quod nolebant, id est Caecilianum fuisse purgatum, quem prius legendum dederant non sicut iactabant damnatum, sed Brixae bono pacis retentum. hic cum dixissent illis uerbis Optatum damnationem Caeciliani extenuare uoluisse, dictum est eis, ut euidentem Caeciliani damnationem aliunde recitarent, ut ab Optato eam extenuatam posset ostendi, qui apertissime scripserat Caecilianum fuisse purgatum. hoc cum facere omnino non possent, interiectis atque consummatis omnium morarum superfluis ambagibus apertissime nos adiuuare coeperunt. tamquam enim a nobis essent instructi uel tamquam nobiscum ad innocentiam Caeciliani defendendam declarandamque delecti, cum quaereretur ab eis, ut, si possent, ostenderent quod dicebant, posteriore iudicio Caecilianum ab imperatore damnatum, cuius imperatoris litteras legeramus quae illum ostenderant absolutum, protulerunt libellum maiorum suorum ad eundem Constantinum imperatorem datum, quo apertissime demonstrarant illius iudicio se potius fuisse damnatos. contigit enim eis apud imperatoriam potestatem quod inimicis sancti Danihelis, qui hoc ab eisdem leonibus passi sunt quod pati uoluerant innocentem. hic cum breuiter admonuissemus illum libellum pro nobis contra se potius recitasse, aliud addiderunt, proferentes eiusdem imperatoris litteras ad Uerinum uicarium datas, ubi eos grauiter detestatus et domini iudicio, qui iam in eos coeperat uindicare, dimittens ignominiosissima indulgentia de exilio relaxauit. ita manifestissime constitit non solum nullam Caeciliani damnationem fuisse postea consecutam, uerum etiam eius absolutionem atque purgationem et poena illorum et detestabili indulgentia fuisse firmatam. haec tam excellentia documenta, quod fatendum est, non habebamus in manibus, sed forsitan, si alicubi esse audiremus, unde nobis gratis dari non possent, quolibet praemio perueniremus ut nobis describenda permitterentur. quantum autem daremus, si uenale proponeretur, ut pro nobis etiam ab ipsis aduersariis legerentur?

### English translation (Claude)

It was not enough that they dared to boast, by lying, that Caecilian had been condemned by the emperor, and could not prove it by asserting it. Moreover, they even proved, and helped our documents on this point more strongly, that Caecilian’s acquittal had remained most firm, not changed into its opposite by a later judgment of the emperor, as they had lied. For first they asked that Optatus, Catholic bishop of the church of Milevis, be read, promising to prove from him that Caecilian had been condemned by the emperor. When this reading turned out rather against them, no one could keep from laughing. And yet that laughter could not have been added to the written minutes and would have remained wholly unknown, had they not refused to let even it remain unknown, saying, “Let those who laughed hear.” This indeed was written and signed. For what they wished to have read in their favor was ambiguous. So when the commissioner, most rightly, ordered the passage a little above to be read, so that those words might become clear from it if they could, what was read was what they did not want, namely that Caecilian had been cleared, whom they had earlier offered to be read as not condemned, as they were boasting, but held at Brescia for the good of peace. Here, when they said that by those words Optatus had wished to play down Caecilian’s condemnation, they were told to read an evident condemnation of Caecilian from elsewhere, so that it could be shown to have been played down by Optatus, who had written most plainly that Caecilian had been cleared. When they could not do this at all, after interposing and exhausting all the needless windings of delay, they began most plainly to help us. For, as though instructed by us, or as though chosen with us to defend and declare the innocence of Caecilian, when they were asked to show, if they could, what they were saying, that Caecilian was condemned by the emperor in a later judgment, whose letter showing him acquitted we had read, they brought forward a petition of their forebears given to the same emperor Constantine, by which they showed most plainly that it was rather they who had been condemned by his judgment. For there happened to them before the imperial power what happened to the enemies of holy Daniel, who suffered from those same lions what they had wished the innocent man to suffer. Here, when we had briefly pointed out that they had read that petition for us rather against themselves, they added something else, bringing forward the same emperor’s letter given to Verinus, deputy prefect, in which, detesting them severely and leaving them to the judgment of the Lord, who had already begun to avenge himself on them, he released them from exile by a most ignominious indulgence. So it was most clearly established not only that no condemnation of Caecilian followed afterward, but also that his acquittal and clearing were confirmed both by their punishment and by that detestable indulgence. These so excellent documents, it must be confessed, we did not have in hand; but perhaps, if we had heard that they were somewhere from which they could not be given us for nothing, we would have gone to any price to be allowed to copy them. And how much would we give, if it were offered for sale, to have them read for us even by our adversaries themselves?

### Scripture references

- Dan 6:24: allusion, high confidence

### Extrabiblical texts

- Optatus, Parm. 1.26 (Against Parmenian the Donatist): allusion, high confidence

### Translation notes

- The enemies of Daniel thrown to the lions: Dan 6:24. Optatus, Against Parmenian 1.26.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 54 (CSEL 53:154–156; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/54).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 55

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-55
- Source: CSEL 53:156–158
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The Donatists themselves read Constantine’s letter declaring Felix innocent, so that like Balaam they blessed whom they meant to curse.

### Latin text

Quid uidetur addi iam posse, ut nos cumulatius adiuuarent? et tamen addiderunt. commemorauerunt enim causam Felicis Aptugensis, a quo Caecilianus fuerat ordinatus, cui Felici traditionis crimen intenderant. absoluto autem Caeciliano cum perficiendae instaretur unitati, quaestionem de isto Felice commouerant, eo modo posse arbitrantes Caecilianum iam purgatum alienis criminibus inretiri. etiam haec ergo causa Felicis discussa est proconsulari iudicio, ubi liquidissime innocentia Felicis apparuit. sed quoniam quidam Ingentius, qui eodem iudicio aduersum Felicem falsum se fecisse confessus est, nec puniri facile debuit, ubi causa episcopi uertebatur, nec facile a proconsule dimitti potuit tanti criminis reus nisi imperatore consulto, quo instante illa omnia gerebantur, rettulit inde pro consule et rescripsit imperator, ut ad eius comitatum idem Ingentius mitteretur, uolens maiores istorum, a quibus cotidie interpellabatur, in praesentia confutari, nihil tamen dubitans de purgatione, immo eam uerborum quoque suorum manifestatione confirmans, sicut rescriptum eius ostendit. haec nos omnia documenta causae Felicis in manibus habebamus et disposueramus tradere recitanda. in quo ipsi nos praeuenerunt et easdem imperatoris litteras de Ingentio ad se mittendo priores protulerunt et recitauerunt, iam fortasse nobis ea non recitaturis, quia sufficere putabamus etiam causam Caeciliani ita peractam esse, ut nihil amplius exigi uideretur. sed aduersariis nostris id agentibus, ut persecutio, quam maiores eorum apud imperatores nostris maioribus fecerunt, et eorum calumniae superatae cumulatius apparerent, quid faceremus nisi oblata libenter accipere et gratias domino in omnibus agere? Constantini ergo litteras ipsi protulerunt, ipsi recitauerunt. incredibile uidetur esse quod dico, sed gesta testantur: conscriptae sunt eorum prosecutiones, tenentur suscriptiones. ipsi, inquam, recitauerunt Constantinum suscripsisse, quod Aelianus pro consule in causa Felicis (audientiam) praebuerit conpetentem et quod a crimine traditionis innocentem Felicem fuisse constiterit, sed Ingentium ad comitatum suum propterea mitti uoluisse, ut his, inquit, qui in praesentiarum agunt et diurnis diebus interpellare non desinunt, praesentibus et coram adsistentibus apparere et intimari posset frustra eos Caeciliano inuidiam conparasse et aduersus eum uiolenter insurgere uoluisse. ipsi recitauerunt. quis nostrum hoc auderet optare, ut, quos iniquitas fecerat nostros accusatores, eos ueritas nostros faceret defensores? sic et illum Balaam, quem temporibus antiquis ad maledicendum dei populum conduxit iniquitas, benedicere conpulit ueritas.

### English translation (Claude)

What could it seem possible to add, for them to help us more abundantly? And yet they added it. For they recalled the case of Felix of Abthugni, by whom Caecilian had been ordained, against whom they had pressed the charge of betrayal. When, after Caecilian’s acquittal, there was pressure to complete unity, they had raised the question about this Felix, thinking that in this way Caecilian, already cleared, could be entangled in others’ crimes. So this case of Felix too was examined in a proconsular judgment, in which Felix’s innocence appeared most clearly. But since a certain Ingentius, who confessed in that judgment that he had committed forgery against Felix, could neither easily be punished, since the case of a bishop was involved, nor easily be released by the proconsul, guilty of so great a crime, without consulting the emperor, at whose instance all these things were being done, the proconsul reported on it, and the emperor wrote back that the same Ingentius should be sent to his court, wishing their forebears, by whom he was pestered daily, to be refuted in person; yet not doubting the clearing at all, but rather confirming it by the plain statement of his own words, as his rescript shows. We had all these documents of Felix’s case in hand and had arranged to hand them over to be read. In this they got ahead of us, and brought forward and read first the same letter of the emperor about sending Ingentius to him, when perhaps we were no longer going to read these, because we thought it enough that Caecilian’s case too had been so concluded that nothing more seemed required. But since our adversaries were bringing it about that the persecution which their forebears inflicted on our forebears before the emperors, and their slanders, overcome, should appear more abundantly, what were we to do but gladly accept what was offered and give thanks to the Lord in everything? So they themselves brought forward Constantine’s letter, they themselves read it. What I say seems incredible, but the minutes testify: their statements were written down, their signatures are held. They themselves, I say, read that Constantine wrote that Aelianus the proconsul had given a competent hearing in Felix’s case and that it had been established that Felix was innocent of the crime of betrayal, but that he wished Ingentius to be sent to his court so that, as he says, “to those who are acting at present and do not stop pestering me day after day, being present and standing before me, it might appear and be made known that they have stirred up ill will against Caecilian in vain and wished to rise up violently against him.” They themselves read it. Which of us would have dared to wish that those whom iniquity had made our accusers, truth would make our defenders? So too that Balaam, whom in ancient times iniquity hired to curse the people of God, truth compelled to bless.

### Scripture references

- Num 23:11–12: allusion, high confidence
- 1 Thess 5:18: echo, medium confidence

### Translation notes

- The editor’s addition “(audientiam)” is translated. Balaam: Num 22–24.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 55 (CSEL 53:156–158; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/55).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 56

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-56
- Source: CSEL 53:158–159
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: The consular dates show the order: Miltiades acquits Caecilian (313), Aelianus clears Felix (314), Constantine clears Caecilian (316), the Donatists are released from exile (321).

### Latin text

Sicut autem ordo consulum ostendit, quem tunc considerare temporis angustia non sinebat — neque enim praesto erant libelli, qui consulares uocantur, aut quisquam eos rem tam inanem crederet obiecturos, ut respondere nos uellent, quid misso Ingentio gestum fuerit uel utrum omnino sit missus Ingentius, cum et innocentiam Felicis proconsularis sententia declarauerit et eandem sententiam responsio imperatoris ab ipsis prolata et recitata firmauerit, et magis utique ipsi protulissent, si quid misso Ingentio pro se gestum fuisse confiderent —, sicut ergo consulum ordo declarat, primo Caecilianus episcopali iudicio Miltiadis est absolutus, deinde non post longum tempus Felicem proconsulari iudicio constitit innocentem, ac sic postea Caecilianus etiam ab imperatore inter partes cognoscente purgatus est, deinde post aliquot annos aduersarii eius ignominiosa illa indulgentia relaxati sunt. nam Miltiades iudicauit Constantino ter et Licinio iterum consulibus VI Nonas Octobres. Aelianus pro consule causam Felicis audiuit Uolusiano et Anniano consulibus XV Kal. Martias, id est post menses ferme quattuor. Constantinus ad Eumalium uicarium de purgatione Caeciliani scripsit Sabino et Rufino consulibus IIII Idus Nouembres, id est post biennium et menses prope octo. et idem imperator ad Ualerium uicarium de illorum exilio soluto et eorum furore deo uindici dimittendo litteras dedit Crispo et Constantino iterum consulibus III Nonas Maias, id est post quartum annum et mensem ferme sextum. unde sine ullis ambagibus liquidissime constat siue misso ad comitatum Ingentio siue non misso nihil postea contra Caecilianum fuisse iudicatum, immo eum iudiciis quoque imperialibus uictorem aduersariorum et persecutorum suorum postea declaratum.

### English translation (Claude)

Now as the order of the consuls shows, which the shortness of time did not then allow us to consider (for the books called consular lists were not at hand, nor would anyone have believed that they would raise so empty a matter as to want us to answer what was done after Ingentius was sent, or whether Ingentius was sent at all, when both the proconsul’s sentence had declared Felix’s innocence and the emperor’s reply, brought forward and read by them, had confirmed the same sentence; and they would certainly rather have brought it forward themselves if they had been confident that anything was done in their favor after Ingentius was sent): as the order of the consuls declares, then, first Caecilian was acquitted by the episcopal judgment of Miltiades; then, not long afterward, Felix was established innocent by the proconsul’s judgment; and so later Caecilian was also cleared by the emperor, hearing the case between the parties; then, some years later, his adversaries were released by that ignominious indulgence. For Miltiades judged in the consulship of Constantine for the third time and Licinius for the second, on the sixth day before the Nones of October. Aelianus the proconsul heard Felix’s case in the consulship of Volusianus and Annianus, on the fifteenth day before the Kalends of March, that is, about four months later. Constantine wrote to the deputy prefect Eumalius about the clearing of Caecilian in the consulship of Sabinus and Rufinus, on the fourth day before the Ides of November, that is, after two years and nearly eight months. And the same emperor gave a letter to the deputy Valerius about ending their exile and leaving their fury to God the avenger in the consulship of Crispus and Constantine for the second time, on the third day before the Nones of May, that is, after four years and about six months. From this it is most clearly established, without any windings, that whether Ingentius was sent to the court or not, nothing was afterward judged against Caecilian; rather, he was afterward declared, by imperial judgments too, the victor over his adversaries and persecutors.

### Translation notes

- The dates are October 2, 313; February 15, 314; November 10, 316; May 5, 321. Here the deputy is named Valerius, though at the conference the letter was read as addressed to Verinus (see 54); the digital text is translated as printed.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 56 (CSEL 53:158–159; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/56).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 57

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-57
- Source: CSEL 53:159–160
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine dismisses the charge of bribery: the Donatist spokesmen themselves helped the Catholic case so much that, if anyone was bought, it would seem to be they.

### Latin text

Eat nunc pars Donati totiens inprobata, totiens calumniosa, totiens mendax, totiens confutata, totiens modis omnibus superata atque confusa: adhuc iactet iudicem a nobis fuisse corruptum. quasi uox alia uictis esse consueuit! prorsus iudex corrumpendus fuit, ut quod ipsi bene egerant illius infirmaret auctoritas. sed nec male illos egisse dixerim; immo uero optime egerunt, qui contra suos errores pro ueritate tanta dixerunt. nam si causa eorum consideretur, re uera contra ipsos, si autem prosecutiones eorum legantur, magis secundum ipsos iudicauit. an uero in ea causa ille qui medius erat aduersaretur nobis, in qua illi qui ex aduerso stabant dixerunt protulerunt recitauerunt tanta pro nobis? quid emere a iudice deberemus, quando ab aduersariis illa non emimus quae iudicem cogerent, etiamsi ab ipsis accepisset pecuniam, pro nobis ferre sententiam? quamquam si non eum nossemus deum timentem et iustitae dilectorem et ab omnibus huiusmodi sordibus alienum, nos in illum talem suspicionem dirigere deberemus, qui [nimia patientia] cum eos uideret premi ueritate nec eis uideri uellet aduersus, nimium patienter pertulit homines per inania uagantes et tam multa superflua dicentes et ad eadem totiens conuicta redeuntes, ut gesta tantis uoluminibus onerata paene omnes pigeret euoluere et quemadmodum acta causa sit legendo cognoscere. quod illi utrum magis inopia ueritatis an industria calliditatis egerint nescio. hinc tamen solum causam tam pessimam utcumque adiuuare potuerunt, quam potius deserere debuerunt. denique si in illos qui egerunt intendant ceteri accusationem eosque potius asserant a nobis fuisse corruptos, ut tot prosecutionibus uel a se prolatis lectionibus sic adiuuarent causam nostram, sic perimerent suam, nescio quemadmodum se possint defendere et ab ista suspicione purgare, nisi forte dicant: si corrupti essemus, causam tam malam et per nos et per illos conuictam cito etiam finiremus. nunc uero uel inde credite nos ex animo adfuisse et aliquid prodesse uoluisse, quod multum loquendo egimus, ne quod actum est facile legeretur et nos esse uictos cito cognosceretur. si hoc ab eis non fieret, nec ipsis nec nobis iurantibus forsitan crederetur illa, quae pro nobis contra se et tam multa dixerunt et tam multa legerunt, gratis eos nobis omnia praestitisse. nec tamen ipsis, sed deo potius hinc agimus gratias. ut enim illa omnia uel loquendo uel legendo pro causa nostra promerent atque propalarent, ueritas eos torsit, non caritas inuitauit.

### English translation (Claude)

Let the party of Donatus go now, so often rejected, so often slanderous, so often lying, so often refuted, so often beaten and confounded in every way: let it still boast that the judge was corrupted by us. As if the defeated were used to any other cry! Indeed, the judge had to be corrupted, so that his authority might undo what they themselves had done well. But I would not say they did badly; on the contrary, they did excellently, who said so much for the truth against their own errors. For if their case is considered, he judged truly against them; but if their statements are read, he judged rather in accordance with them. Or would the one who was in the middle oppose us in a case in which those who stood on the other side said, brought forward, and read so much for us? What should we have had to buy from the judge, when we did not buy from our adversaries those things which would have compelled the judge, even if he had received money from them, to give sentence for us? And yet, if we did not know him to be a man who fears God and loves justice and is far from all filth of this kind, we would have to direct such a suspicion at him, who, seeing them pressed by the truth and not wishing to seem against them, bore too patiently men wandering through empty things and saying so much that was needless and returning so often to the same things already refuted, so that the minutes, loaded with so many volumes, are almost a burden for anyone to unroll and to learn by reading how the case was pleaded. Whether they did this more from lack of truth or from the industry of cunning, I do not know. Yet in this alone could they help in any way so very bad a case, which they ought rather to have abandoned. Finally, if the rest direct an accusation against those who pleaded, and assert rather that they were corrupted by us, so as to help our case and destroy their own by so many statements and readings brought forward by themselves, I do not know how they could defend themselves and clear themselves of this suspicion; unless perhaps they say: “If we had been corrupted, we would also have quickly finished a case so bad and convicted both by us and by them. As it is, believe that we were present with good will and wished to be of some use, at least from this: that we acted by talking a great deal, so that what was done would not easily be read and it would not quickly be known that we were beaten.” If they had not done this, perhaps, even if they and we swore it, it would not be believed that they did for us for nothing everything they said and read, so much and so often, for us and against themselves. Yet we give thanks for this not to them but rather to God. For it was truth that tortured them into bringing out and publishing all these things for our case, by speaking or by reading; it was not love that invited them.

### Translation notes

- The editor deletes “nimia patientia” after “qui”. The judge is Marcellinus.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 57 (CSEL 53:159–160; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/57).

## To the Donatists after the Collation (Against the Party of Donatus after the Proceedings) 58

- URL: https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-post-collationem/47/#p-58
- Source: CSEL 53:160–162
- Translation: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), 2026-09-27

Summary: Augustine closes by calling the Donatists brothers, answers their last complaints about the night sentence and the closed hall, and urges them to unity now that the truth has appeared.

### Latin text

Quapropter, fratres, si tamen non irascimini quia fratres uocamus — illi enim, cum hoc a nobis audirent, iniuriam sibi fieri apud acta dixerunt nec mandato nostro ammoniti, ubi hoc ex propheta testimonium positum est, recolere potuerunt deum praecepisse: dicite fratres nostri estis (his) qui uos oderunt et qui uos detestantur, ut nomen domini honorificetur et appareat illis in iucunditate, ipsi autem erubescant —, ergo iam, fratres, appareat uobis nomen domini in iucunditate, quod super nos inuocatum est et cuius utrique sacramenta portantes non inmerito dicimur fratres. iam pacem amate, consuetudinem litigiosam et calumniosam iam saltem conuictam confusamque relinquite nec ipsos odieritis, quando ad nos correcti transeunt, sed quando in errore nefario permanentes uos adhuc usque seducunt. nec sibi ipsi magni uideantur, quod eis honorem in unitate deferimus quem possideant liberandi; hunc enim habentes extra unitatem magis sunt inde damnandi. signa quippe militaria perniciosius ab usurpatoribus habentur quam si omnino non haberentur, nec tamen eis correctis et in castra imperatoris redactis illa franguntur aut abolentur, sed eos, quos antea prodebant atque puniebant, iam ornare incipiunt et munire. quid adhuc adtenditis ad eorum insanas querellas et uana mendacia? nocte causa finita est, sed ut nox finiretur erroris; nocte dicta sententia est, sed fulgens lumine ueritatis. inclusos se tamquam in carcere fuisse conquesti sunt; ibi et nos eramus: aut utrisque facta est iniuria aut utrisque adhibita diligentia. sed quomodo dicamus iniuriam, quando in tam spatioso et lucido et refrigeranti loco nos fuisse recolimus? aut quomodo erat carcer, ubi erat et iudex? postremo clausum fuisse nos nesciebamus, qui simul intus eramus. ipsi unde sciunt, nisi quia fugere fortasse uoluerunt? sed quis non uideat, quod ista inania et ridenda potius quam refellenda de tali cognitore non dicerent, si pro sua causa possent ualidum aliquid inuenire quod dicerent? scimus quam multi uestrum et forte omnes aut paene omnes dicere soleatis: o si in unum locum conuenirent, o si aliquando conferrent atque illis disputantibus ueritas appareret! ecce factum est, ecce conuicta est falsitas, ecce apparuit ueritas. quid adhuc fugitur unitas, quid adhuc contemnitur caritas? quid nobis (opus) est per nomina hominum diuidi? qui nos creauit unus est deus, qui nos redemit unus est Christus, qui nos consociare debet unus est spiritus. iam nomen domini honoretur et appareat uobis in iucunditate, ut agnoscatis fratres uestros in ipsius unitate. iam in prosecutionibus episcoporum uestrorum qui nos separabat error est uictus: aliquando in cordibus uestris uincatur et diabolus et gregi suo collecto atque pacato sit propitius qui hoc praecepit Christus.

### English translation (Claude)

Therefore, brothers, if indeed you are not angry that we call you brothers (for they, when they heard this from us, said on record that it was an insult to them, and, though reminded by our mandate, in which this testimony from the prophet was set down, could not recall that God commanded: “Say, You are our brothers, to those who hate you and who detest you, so that the name of the Lord may be honored and may appear to them in joy, but they themselves will be ashamed”): now, therefore, brothers, let the name of the Lord appear to you in joy, the name which has been invoked over us, and whose sacraments we both carry, so that we are not undeservedly called brothers. Love peace now; abandon at last the quarrelsome and slanderous habit, now convicted and confounded; and do not hate your bishops when, corrected, they come over to us, but when, remaining in wicked error, they still lead you astray. Nor let them think themselves great because we confer on them in unity an honor which they possess to be set free by it; for having it outside unity they are rather to be condemned for it. For military standards are held more ruinously by usurpers than if they were not held at all; yet when those men are corrected and brought back into the emperor’s camp, the standards are not broken or abolished, but begin now to adorn and protect those whom before they betrayed and punished. Why do you still pay attention to their mad complaints and empty lies? The case was finished at night, but so that the night of error might be finished; the sentence was pronounced at night, but shining with the light of truth. They complained that they were shut in as in a prison; we were there too: either a wrong was done to both or care was taken for both. But how can we call it a wrong, when we remember that we were in so spacious, bright, and cool a place? Or how was it a prison, where the judge was too? Finally, we did not know we had been shut in, we who were inside together. How do they know it, unless perhaps they wanted to run away? But who does not see that they would not say these empty things, more to be laughed at than refuted, about such a commissioner, if they could find anything strong to say for their case? We know how many of you, and perhaps all or nearly all, are accustomed to say: “Oh, if they would meet in one place! Oh, if they would at last confer, and the truth would appear as they debated!” See, it has been done; see, falsehood has been convicted; see, the truth has appeared. Why is unity still fled, why is love still despised? What need is there for us to be divided by the names of men? One God created us, one Christ redeemed us, one Spirit ought to unite us. Now let the name of the Lord be honored and appear to you in joy, so that you may recognize your brothers in his unity. Now, in the statements of your bishops, the error that separated us has been defeated: let the devil too be defeated at last in your hearts, and may Christ, who commanded this, be gracious to his flock gathered and at peace.

### Scripture references

- Isa 66:5: quotation, high confidence
- Eph 4:4–6: echo, medium confidence
- 1 Cor 1:12–13: echo, low confidence

### Translation notes

- The quotation is Isa 66:5 in the Old Latin (from the Septuagint). Clergy coming over to the Catholic Church kept their rank, as the military-standards image explains. The editor’s additions “(his)” and “(opus)” are translated.

### Citation (SBL)

Augustine, Don. 58 (CSEL 53:160–162; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/p/augustine-post-collationem/58).
