City of God 1.1–1.11

Latin text: Hoffmann, CSEL 40 (Latin text: Dombart and Hoffmann, De civitate dei (CSEL 40, 1899-1900), digitized by Open Greek and Latin (csel-dev, University of Leipzig), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2 (1887).

Show

Chapter 1

1.1CSEL 40:4–6

CAPUT I. De aduersariis nominis Christi, quibus in uastatione Urbis propter Christum barbari pepercerunt. Ex hac namque existunt inimici, aduersus quos defendenda est Dei ciuitas, quorum tamen multi correcto inpietatis errore ciues in ea fiunt satis idonei; multi uero in eam tantis exardescunt ignibus odiorum tamque manifestis beneficiis redemtoris eius ingrati sunt, ut hodie contra eam linguas non mouerent, nisi ferrum hostile fugientes in sacratis eius locis uitam, de qua superbiunt, inuenirent. An non etiam illi Romani Christi nomini infesti sunt, quibus propter Christum barbari pepercerunt? Testantur hoc martyrum loca et basilicae apostolorum, quae in illa uastatione Urbis ad se confugientes suos alienosque receperunt. Huc usque cruentus saeuiebat inimicus, ibi accipiebat limitem trucidatoris furor, illo ducebantur a miserantibus hostibus, quibus etiam extra ipsa loca pepercerant, ne in eos incurrerent, qui similem misericordiam non habebant. Qui tamen etiam ipsi alibi truces adque hostili more saeuientes posteaquam ad loca illa ueniebant, ubi fuerat interdictum quod alibi belli iure licuisset, tota feriendi refrenabatur inmanitas et captiuandi cupiditas frangebatur. Sic euaserunt multi, qui nunc Christianis temporibus detrahunt et mala, quae illa ciuitas pertulit, Christo inputant; bona uero, quae in eos ut uiuerent propter Christi honorem facta sunt. non inputant Christo nostro sed fato suo, cum potius deberent, si quid recti saperent, illa, quae ab hostibus aspera et dura perpessi sunt, illi prouidentiae diuinae tribuere, quae solet corruptos hominum mores bellis emendare adque conterere itemque uitam mortalium iustam adque laudabilem talibus adflictionibus exercere probatamque uel in meliora transferre uel in his adhuc terris propter usus alios detinere: illud uero, quod eis uel ubicumque propter Christi nomen uel in locis Christi nomini dicatissimis et amplissimis ac pro largiore misericordia ad capacitatem multitudinis electis praeter bellorum morem truculenti barbari pepercerunt, hoc tribuere temporibus Christianis, hinc Deo agere gratias, hinc ad eius nomen ueraciter currere, ut effugiant poenas ignis aeterni, quod nomen multi eorum mendaciter usurparunt, ut effugerent poenas praesentis exitii. Nam quos uides petulanter et procaciter insultare seruis Christi, sunt in eis plurimi, qui illum interitum clademque non euasissent, nisi seruos Christi se esse finxissent. Et nunc ingrata superbia adque inpiissima insania eius nomini resistunt corde peruerso, ut sempiternis tenebris puniantur, ad quod nomen ore uel subdolo confugerunt, ut temporali luce fruerentur.

Chapter 1. On the enemies of the name of Christ, whom the barbarians spared for Christ's sake when the City was laid waste.

From this world, then, come the enemies against whom the city of God must be defended. Many of them, however, once they have corrected the error of their ungodliness, become quite worthy citizens in it; but many burn against it with such fires of hatred, and are so ungrateful for the plain benefits of its Redeemer, that today they would not be moving their tongues against it had they not found in its sacred places, as they fled the enemy's sword, the very life they are so proud of. Are not even those Romans hostile to the name of Christ whom the barbarians spared for Christ's sake? The shrines of the martyrs and the basilicas of the apostles bear witness to it: in that devastation of the City they received those who fled to them, their own people and strangers alike. Up to that point the bloodthirsty enemy raged; there the butcher's fury met its limit; to those places the enemies who had mercy led those whom they had spared even outside those places, so that they would not fall in with others who had no such mercy. Even those who elsewhere were savage and raged in the manner of an enemy, once they came to those places, where what the law of war would have allowed elsewhere was forbidden, found all their brutality in striking restrained and their greed for taking captives broken. So many escaped who now disparage these Christian times and blame Christ for the evils that the City suffered; but the good that was done them for the honor of Christ, so that they might live, they do not credit to our Christ but to their own fate. Yet if they had any right judgment, they ought rather to ascribe the harsh and bitter things they suffered from their enemies to that divine providence which is accustomed to correct and crush the corrupt morals of men by wars, and likewise to exercise the just and praiseworthy life of mortals by such afflictions, and, once it is proved, either to transfer it to better things or to keep it still on this earth for other purposes. And the fact that the savage barbarians, contrary to the custom of war, spared them, whether anywhere for the name of Christ or in the places dedicated to the name of Christ, places very large and chosen, in more generous mercy, to hold a multitude, this they ought to ascribe to the Christian times; for this they ought to give thanks to God; for this they ought to run truly to his name, so as to escape the punishment of eternal fire, the name that many of them usurped falsely so as to escape the punishment of present destruction. For among those whom you see insulting the servants of Christ with such insolence and impudence there are very many who would not have escaped that slaughter and disaster had they not pretended to be servants of Christ. And now, with ungrateful pride and most ungodly madness, they resist his name with a perverse heart, so as to be punished with eternal darkness, the name to which they fled with a mouth that was at least deceitful, so as to enjoy the light of this passing life.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine introduces the pagan enemies of the city of God, many of whom survived the sack of Rome only by taking refuge in Christian churches, yet now blame Christ for the disaster.

  • The opening sentence (“From this world, then …”) continues the preface to Book 1, which is not part of this staged text. The chapter headings (capitula) are printed with the text in this edition and are translated with it.
  • “The City” (Urbs) is Rome, sacked by the Goths under Alaric in August 410.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (word split by a line-end hyphen): uasta- tione → uastatione.

Topics: Persecution

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.1 (CSEL 40:4–6; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-1). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-1) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.2CSEL 40:6–7

CAPUT II. Quod nulla umquam bella ita gesta sint, ut uictores propter deos eorum, quos uicerunt, parcerent uictis. Tot bella gesta conscripta sunt uel ante conditam Romam uel ab eius exortu et imperio: legant et proferant sic ab alienigenis aliquam captam esse ciuitatem, ut hostes, qui ceperant, parcerent eis, quos ad deorum suorum templa confugisse compererant, aut aliquem ducem barbarorum praecepisse, ut inrupto oppido nullus feriretur, qui in illo uel illo templo fuisset inuentus. Nonne uidit Aeneas Priamum per aras Sanguine foedantem quos ipse sacrauerat ignes? Nonne Diomedes et Ulixes caesis summae custodibus arcis Corripuere sacram effigiem manibusque cruentis Virgineas ausi diuae contingere uittas? Nec tamen quod sequitur uerum est: Ex illo fluere ac retro sublabsa referri Spes Danaum. Postea quippe uicerunt, postea Troiam ferro ignibusque deleuerunt, postea confugientem ad aram Priamum obtruncauerunt. Nec ideo Troia periit, quia Mineruam perdidit. Quid enim prius ipsa Minerua perdiderat, ut periret? an forte custodes suos? Hoc sane uerum est; illis quippe interemtis potuit auferri. Neque enim homines a simulacro, sed simulacrum ab hominibus seruabatur. Quo modo ergo colebatur, ut patriam custodiret et ciues, quae suos non ualuit custodire custodes?

Chapter 2. That no war was ever waged in which the victors spared the vanquished for the sake of the gods of those they had conquered.

So many wars are on record, whether before Rome was founded or since its rise and rule: let them read and produce a case in which a city was taken by foreigners and the enemies who took it spared those they found had fled to the temples of their gods, or in which some barbarian commander ordered that, once the town was stormed, no one found in this or that temple should be struck down. Did not Aeneas see Priam “at the altars, defiling with his blood the fires he himself had hallowed”? Did not Diomedes and Ulysses, “having slain the guards of the citadel's height, seize the sacred image, and with bloody hands dare to touch the virgin goddess's fillets”? And yet what follows is not true: “From that time the hopes of the Greeks ebbed and slipped back.” For afterwards they conquered; afterwards they destroyed Troy with sword and fire; afterwards they cut down Priam as he fled to the altar. Nor did Troy perish because it lost Minerva. For what had Minerva herself lost first, that she should perish? Her guards, perhaps? That is certainly true: once they were slain she could be carried off. For the men were not protected by the image; the image was protected by the men. How then was she worshipped so that she might guard the country and its citizens, when she could not guard her own guards?

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues from Virgil's account of Troy that conquerors never spared the defeated for the sake of the defeated people's gods, whose images could not even protect themselves.

  • Quotations from Virgil, Aeneid 2.501–502, 2.166–168, and 2.169–170. The image is the Palladium of Minerva.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray period splitting the word): dele. uerunt → deleuerunt.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 2.501–502 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 2.166–170 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.2 (CSEL 40:6–7; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-2). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-2) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.3CSEL 40:7–9

CAPUT III. Quam inprudenter Romani deos penates, qui Troiam custodire non potuerant, sibi crediderint profuturos. Ecce qualibus dis Urbem Romani seruandam se commisisse gaudebant! o nimium miserabilem errorem! Et nobis suscensent, cum de dis eorum talia dicimus; nec suscensent auctoribus suis, quos ut ediscerent mercedem dederunt doctoresque ipsos insuper et salario publico et honoribus dignissimos habuerunt. Nempe aput Vergilium, quem propterea paruuli legunt, ut uidelicet poeta magnus omniumque praeclarissimus adque optimus teneris ebibitus animis non facile obliuione possit aboleri, secundum illud Horatii: Quo semel est inbuta recens seruabit odorem Testa diu - aput hunc ergo Vergilium nempe Iuno inducitur infesta Troianis Aeolo uentorum regi aduersus eos inritando dicere: Gens inimica mihi Tyrrhenum nauigat aequor Ilium in Italiam portans uictosque penates. Itane istis penatibus uictis Romam, ne uinceretur. prudentes commendare debuerunt? Sed haec Iuno dicebat uelut irata mulier, quid loqueretur ignorans. Quid Aeneas ipse, pius totiens appellatus, nonne ita narrat: Panthus Othryades, arcis Phoebique sacerdos, Sacra manu uictosque deos paruumque nepotem Ipse trahit cursuque amens ad limina tendit? Nonne deos ipsos, quos uictos non dubitat dicere, sibi potius quam se illis perhibet commendatos, cum ei dicitur: Sacra suosque tibi commendat Troia penates? Si igitur Vergilius tales deos et uictos dicit et, ut uel uicti quoquo modo euaderent, homini commendatos: quae dementia est existimare his tutoribus Romam sapienter fuisse commissam et nisi eos amisisset non potuisse uastari? Immo uero uictos deos tamquam praesides ac defensores colere, quid est aliud quam tenere non numina bona, sed nomina mala? Quanto enim sapientius creditur, non Romam ad istam cladem non fuisse uenturam, nisi prius illi periissent, sed illos potius olim fuisse perituros, nisi eos quantum potuisset Roma seruasset! Nam quis non, cum aduerterit, uideat quanta sit uanitate praesumtum non posse uinci sub defensoribus uictis et ideo periisse, quia custodes perdidit deos, cum uel sola esse potuerit causa pereundi custodes habere uoluisse perituros? Non itaque, cum de dis uictis illa conscriberentur adque canerentur, poetas libebat mentiri, sed cordatos homines cogebat ueritas confiteri. Verum ista opportunius alio loco diligenter copioseque tractanda sunt: nunc, quod institueram de ingratis hominibus dicere, parumper expediam ut possum, qui ea mala, quae pro suorum morum peruersitate merito patiuntur, blasphemantes Christo inputant; quod autem illis etiam talibus propter Christum parcitur, nec dignantur adtendere et eas linguas aduersus eius nomen dementia sacrilegae peruersitatis exercent, quibus linguis usurpauerunt mendaciter ipsum nomen, ut uiuerent, uel quas linguas in locis ei sacratis metuendo presserunt, ut illic tuti adque muniti, ubi propter eum inlaesi ab hostibus fuerunt, inde in eum maledictis hostilibus prosilirent.

Chapter 3. How imprudently the Romans believed that the household gods, who had not been able to guard Troy, would benefit them.

See to what kind of gods the Romans rejoiced to have entrusted the City for safekeeping! O most pitiable error! And they are angry with us when we say such things about their gods; yet they are not angry with their own authors, whom they paid money to learn by heart, and whose teachers they even held most worthy of a public salary and honors. Indeed, in Virgil, whom small boys read precisely so that this great poet, the most famous and the best of all, drunk in by tender minds, may not easily be blotted out by forgetfulness, according to that saying of Horace: “The jar will long keep the scent with which it was once steeped when new”, in this Virgil, I say, Juno is brought on, hostile to the Trojans, saying to Aeolus, king of the winds, as she stirs him up against them: “A race hateful to me sails the Tyrrhenian sea, carrying Ilium and its conquered household gods into Italy.” Ought prudent men to have entrusted Rome to these conquered household gods, so that it might not be conquered? But, they say, Juno said this like an angry woman, not knowing what she was saying. What of Aeneas himself, so often called “dutiful”: does he not tell it thus: “Panthus, son of Othrys, priest of the citadel and of Phoebus, himself drags along in his hand the sacred things, the conquered gods, and his little grandson, and runs frantic to the threshold”? Does he not declare that these very gods, whom he does not hesitate to call conquered, were entrusted to him rather than he to them, when it is said to him: “To you Troy commends its sacred things and its household gods”? If, then, Virgil says that such gods were both conquered and, so that even when conquered they might somehow escape, entrusted to a man, what madness it is to think that Rome was wisely committed to these guardians and could not have been laid waste unless it had lost them! Indeed, what else is it to worship conquered gods as protectors and defenders than to hold not good deities but bad omens? How much wiser to believe, not that Rome would not have come to this disaster unless they had perished first, but rather that they would have perished long ago had Rome not preserved them as far as it could! For who, if he pays attention, does not see how empty the presumption is that Rome could not be conquered under conquered defenders, and that it perished because it lost its guardian gods, when the only cause of its perishing could well have been its willingness to have guardians who were bound to perish? So when these things were written and sung about the conquered gods, it was not that poets liked to lie, but that truth compelled men of sense to confess it. But these matters will be treated carefully and at length more fittingly in another place. Now I shall briefly, as best I can, finish what I had begun to say about ungrateful men, who blasphemously blame Christ for the evils they suffer deservedly for the perversity of their morals. That they are spared for Christ's sake, even such as they are, they do not deign to notice; and in the madness of sacrilegious perversity they use against his name the very tongues with which they falsely usurped that name so as to live, or the tongues they held in check out of fear in the places consecrated to him, so that, safe and protected there, where for his sake they were unharmed by the enemy, they might leap out from there against him with hostile curses.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine mocks the belief that Rome depended on the conquered household gods of Troy, since Virgil himself shows those gods needing human protection.

  • Horace, Epistles 1.2.69–70; Virgil, Aeneid 1.67–68, 2.319–321, 2.293.
  • “Not good deities but bad omens” renders a wordplay in the Latin: non numina bona, sed nomina mala.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR n for u; stray letter): gaudebant!s o → gaudebant! o; sernabit → seruabit; suosqne → suosque.

Extrabiblical texts: Horace, Ep. 1.2.69–70 (Horace; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 1.67–68 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 2.319–321 (Virgil; quotation); Virgil, Aen. 2.293 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.3 (CSEL 40:7–9; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-3). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-3) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.4CSEL 40:9–10

CAPUT IIII. De asylo Iunonis in Troia, quod neminem liberauit a Graecis, et basilicis apostolorum, quae omnes ad se confugientes a barbaris defenderunt. Ipsa, ut dixi, Troia, mater populi Romani, sacratis locis deorum suorum munire non potuit ciues suos ab ignibus ferroque Graecorum, eosdem ipsos deos colentium; quin etiam Iunonis asylo Custodes lecti, Phoenix et dirus Ulixes, Praedam adseruabant; huc undique Troia gaza Incensis erepta adytis mensaeque deorum Crateresque auro solidi captiuaque uestis Congeritur. Pueri et pauidae longo ordine matres Stant circum. Electus est uidelicet locus tantae deae sacratus, non unde captiuos non liceret educere, sed ubi captiuos liberet includere. Conpara nunc asylum illud non cuiuslibet dei gregalis uel de turba plebis, sed Iouis ipsius sororis et coniugis et reginae omnium deorum cum memoriis nostrorum apostolorum. Illuc incensis templis et dis erepta spolia portabantur, non donanda uictis, sed diuidenda uictoribus; huc autem et quod alibi ad ea loca pertinere conpertum est cum honore et obsequio religiosissimo reportatum est. Ibi amissa, hic seruata libertas; ibi clausa, hic interdicta captiuitas; ibi possidendi a dominantibus hostibus premebantur, huc liberandi a miserantibus ducebantur: postremo illud Iunonis templum sibi elegerat auaritia et superbia leuium Graeculorum, istas Christi basilicas misericordia et humilitas etiam inmanium barbarorum. Nisi forte Graeci quidem in illa sua uictoria templis deorum communium pepercerunt adque illo confugientes miseros uictosque Troianos ferire uel captiuare non ausi sunt, sed Vergilius poetarum more illa mentitus est. Immo uero morem hostium ciuitates euertentium ille descripsit.

Chapter 4. On the sanctuary of Juno at Troy, which freed no one from the Greeks, and the basilicas of the apostles, which protected from the barbarians all who fled to them.

Troy itself, as I said, the mother of the Roman people, could not protect its citizens by the consecrated places of its gods from the fire and sword of the Greeks, who worshipped those same gods. On the contrary, “in Juno's sanctuary chosen guards, Phoenix and dread Ulysses, kept watch over the booty. Here from every side the treasure of Troy, torn from the burning shrines, the tables of the gods, bowls of solid gold, and captured garments are heaped together. Boys and trembling mothers stand around in a long line.” Evidently a place consecrated to so great a goddess was chosen, not as a place from which it was unlawful to lead captives away, but as a place in which it pleased them to shut captives up. Compare now that sanctuary, not of some common god or one of the rank and file, but of the sister and wife of Jupiter himself and queen of all the gods, with the memorial shrines of our apostles. To the one the spoils snatched from the burnt temples and from the gods were carried, not to be given back to the vanquished but to be divided among the victors; to the other, even what was found elsewhere to belong to those places was carried back with honor and the most reverent respect. There liberty was lost, here preserved; there captivity was confined, here forbidden; there people were herded to be possessed by enemies who were their masters, here they were led to be set free by enemies who had pity on them. In short, the avarice and pride of the fickle Greeks had chosen that temple of Juno for themselves; the mercy and humility of even savage barbarians chose these basilicas of Christ. Unless perhaps the Greeks in their victory did spare the temples of the gods they shared, and did not dare to strike down or take captive the wretched and conquered Trojans who fled there, and Virgil lied in the manner of poets! No, he described the custom of enemies who overthrow cities.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine contrasts Juno's sanctuary at Troy, used by the Greeks to hold captives and plunder, with the basilicas of the apostles, where the Goths spared refugees and restored property.

  • Virgil, Aeneid 2.761–767. The “memorial shrines” (memoriae) are the churches built over the apostles' tombs; church treasures found elsewhere were restored to St Peter's during the sack.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 2.761–767 (Virgil; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.4 (CSEL 40:9–10; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-4). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-4) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.5CSEL 40:10–11

CAPUT V. De generali consuetudine hostium uictas ciuitates euertentium quid Cato senserit. Quem morem etiam Cato, sicut scribit Sallustius, nobilitatae ueritatis historicus, sententia sua, quam de coniuratis in senatu habuit, conmemorare non praetermittit: rapi uirgines pueros, diuelli liberos a parentum conplexu, matres familiarum pati quae uictoribus conlibuisset, fana adque domos spoliari, caedem incendia fieri: postremo armis cadaueribus cruore adque luctu omnia conpleri. Hic si fana tacuisset, deorum sedibus solere hostes parcere putaremus. Et haec non ab alienigenis hostibus, sed a Catilina et sociis eius, nobilissimis senatoribus et Romanis ciuibus, Romana templa metuebant. Sed hi uidelicet perditi et patriae parricidae.

Chapter 5. What Cato thought of the general custom of enemies who overthrow conquered cities.

This custom Cato too, as Sallust, a historian of celebrated truthfulness, writes, does not fail to mention in the speech he gave in the senate about the conspirators: “maidens and boys are carried off, children torn from their parents' embrace, mothers of families suffer whatever the victors please, shrines and houses are plundered, slaughter and burning are done; in short, everything is filled with weapons, corpses, blood, and mourning.” Had he said nothing about shrines here, we might suppose that enemies usually spare the dwellings of the gods. And the Roman temples feared these things, not from foreign enemies, but from Catiline and his associates, senators of the highest nobility and Roman citizens. But these, no doubt, were abandoned men and parricides of their country.

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine cites Cato's speech in Sallust, which lists the plundering of shrines among the ordinary horrors of a captured city.

  • Sallust, Catiline 51.9. In Sallust these words belong to Caesar's speech, not Cato's; Augustine assigns them to Cato.

Extrabiblical texts: Sallust, Cat. 51.9 (Sallust; quotation)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.5 (CSEL 40:10–11; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-5). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-5) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.6CSEL 40:11–12

CAPUT VI. Quod ne Romani quidem ita ullas ceperint ciuitates, ut in templis earum parcerent uictis. Quid ergo per multas gentes, quae inter se bella gesserunt et nusquam uictis in deorum suorum sedibus pepercerunt, noster sermo discurrat? Romanos ipsos uideamus, ipsos, inquam, recolamus respiciamusque Romanos, de quorum praecipua laude dictum est: Parcere subiectis et debellare superbos, et quod accepta iniuria ignoscere quam persequi malebant: quando tot tantasque urbes, ut late dominarentur, expugnatas captasque euerterunt, legatur nobis quae templa excipere solebant, ut ad ea quisquis confugisset liberaretur. An illi faciebant et scriptores earundem rerum gestarum ista reticebant? Ita uero, qui ea quae laudarent maxime requirebant, ista praeclarissima secundum ipsos pietatis indicia praeterirent? Egregius Romani nominis Marcus Marcellus. qui Syracusas urbem ornatissimam cepit, refertur eam prius fleuisse ruituram et ante eius sanguinem suas illi lacrimas effudisse. Gessit et curam pudicitiae etiam in hoste seruandae. Nam priusquam oppidum uictor iussisset inuadi, constituit edicto, ne quis corpus liberum uiolaret. Euersa est tamen ciuitas more bellorum, nec uspiam legitur ab imperatore tam casto adque clementi fuisse praeceptum, ut quisquis ad illud uel illud templum fugisset haberetur inlaesus. Quod utique nullo modo praeteriretur, quando nec eius fletus nec quod edixerat pro pudicitia minime uiolanda potuit taceri. Fabius, Tarentinae urbis euersor, a simulacrorum depraedatione se abstinuisse. laudatur. Nam cum ei scriba suggessisset quid de signis deorum, quae multa capta fuerant, fieri iuberet, continentiam suam etiam iocando condiuit. Quaesiuit enim cuius modi essent, et cum ei non solum multa grandia, uerum etiam renuntiarentur armata, <relinquamus>, inquit <Tarentinis deos iratos. Cum igitur nec illius fletum nec huius risum, nec illius castam misericordiam nec huius facetam continentiam Romanarum rerum gestarum scriptores tacere potuerint: quando praetermitteretur. si aliquibus hominibus in honorem cuiuspiam deorum suorum sic pepercissent, ut in quoquam templo caedem uel captiuitatem fieri prohiberent?

Chapter 6. That not even the Romans took any cities in such a way as to spare the vanquished in their temples.

Why then should our discourse run through the many nations that have waged war on one another and nowhere spared the vanquished in the dwellings of their gods? Let us look at the Romans themselves; the Romans themselves, I say, let us recall and consider, of whom it was said, as their special praise, “to spare the subject and subdue the proud”, and that when wronged they preferred to pardon rather than to avenge. When they stormed, took, and overthrew so many great cities to extend their rule, let someone read us which temples they used to exempt, so that whoever fled to them was set free. Or did they do so, and the writers of their history kept silent about it? Would those writers, who sought out above all things to praise, pass over what by their own standards are the most brilliant signs of piety? Marcus Marcellus, a man who did honor to the Roman name, who took the magnificent city of Syracuse, is reported to have wept for it before it fell and to have shed his tears for it before its blood. He also took care to preserve chastity even in the enemy. For before, as victor, he ordered the town to be entered, he laid down by edict that no one should violate a free person's body. Yet the city was overthrown in the manner of wars, and nowhere do we read that so chaste and merciful a commander ordered that whoever fled to this or that temple should be held unharmed. Such a thing would certainly not have been passed over, when neither his weeping nor his edict for the protection of chastity could go unmentioned. Fabius, who overthrew the city of Tarentum, is praised for having refrained from plundering the images. For when his clerk asked him what he ordered to be done with the statues of the gods, many of which had been captured, he seasoned his restraint even with a jest. He asked what they were like, and when he was told that many were not only large but even armed, he said: “Let us leave the Tarentines their angry gods.” Since, then, the writers of Roman history could not keep silent about the one man's weeping or the other's laughter, about the one's chaste mercy or the other's witty restraint, how would it have been passed over if they had spared any people in honor of one of their gods by forbidding slaughter or captivity in some temple?

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine shows from the examples of Marcellus at Syracuse and Fabius at Tarentum that even the most restrained Roman conquerors never granted asylum in temples.

  • Virgil, Aeneid 6.853; the Romans' preference for pardon echoes Sallust, Catiline 9.5. The stories of Marcellus and Fabius are in Livy 25.24 and 27.16.8.
  • The digital text reads “deos i1 at08)” and “c:Rtam”, clear OCR slips for iratos (“angry”) and castam (“chaste”), corrected.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR garbling of castam; OCR garbling of iratos; word split by a line-end hyphen): ciui- tates → ciuitates; deos i1 at08) → deos iratos; c:Rtam → castam.

Extrabiblical texts: Virgil, Aen. 6.853 (Virgil; quotation); Sallust, Cat. 9.5 (Sallust; quotation); Livy, 25.24 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion); Livy, 27.16.8 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion)

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.6 (CSEL 40:11–12; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-6). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-6) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.7CSEL 40:12–13

CAPUT VII. Quod in euersione Urbis, quae aspere gesta sunt. de consuetudine acciderint belli; quae uero clementer, de potentia prouenerint nominis Christi. Quidquid ergo uastationis trucidationis depraedationis concremationis adflictionis in ista recentissima Romana clade commissum est, fecit hoc consuetudo bellorum; quod autem nouo more factum est, quod inusitata rerum facie inmanitas barbara tam mitis apparuit, ut amplissimae basilicae inplendae populo cui parceretur eligerentur et decernerentur, ubi nemo feriretur, unde nemo raperetur, quo liberandi multi a miserantibus hostibus ducerentur, unde captiuandi ulli nec a crudelibus hostibus abducerentur: hoc Christi nomini, hoc Christiano tempori tribuendum quisquis non uidet, caecus, quisquis uidet nec laudat, ingratus, quisquis laudanti reluctatur, insanus est. Absit, ut prudens quisquam hoc feritati inputet barbarorum. Truculentissimas et saeuissimas mentes ille terruit, ille frenauit. e mirabiliter temperauit, qui per prophetam tanto ante dixit: Visitabo in uirga iniquitates eorum et in flagellis peccata eorum; misericordiam autem meam non dispergam ab eis.

Chapter 7. That in the overthrow of the City what was done harshly came from the custom of war, but what was done mercifully came from the power of the name of Christ.

Whatever devastation, slaughter, plundering, burning, and affliction was committed in this most recent Roman disaster, the custom of war did it. But what was done in a new way, that barbarian savagery, in an unheard-of turn of events, appeared so gentle that the largest basilicas were chosen and designated to be filled with people who were to be spared, where no one would be struck down, from which no one would be carried off, to which many were led by merciful enemies to be set free, and from which none were led away into captivity even by cruel enemies: whoever does not see that this must be credited to the name of Christ, to the Christian era, is blind; whoever sees it and does not praise it is ungrateful; whoever resists one who praises it is mad. Far be it from any sensible person to credit this to the ferocity of the barbarians. The most savage and cruel minds were terrified, bridled, and wonderfully tempered by him who said through the prophet so long before: “I will visit their iniquities with a rod and their sins with scourges; but my mercy I will not scatter from them.”

Ps 89:32–33 (88:33-Ps LXX) (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that the cruelty of the sack came from the custom of war, but the unprecedented mercy of the barbarians must be credited to Christ.

  • Psalm 89:32–33 (LXX/Vulgate 88:33–34), Old Latin wording.
  • The digital text reads “frenauit. e mirabiliter”; the lone “e” is probably a remnant of ille (“he terrified, he bridled, he tempered”). Translated by sense; the text is left as printed.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (initial letter lost in OCR; word split by a line-end hyphen): cle- menter → clementer; isitabo → Visitabo.

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.7 (CSEL 40:12–13; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-7). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-7) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.8CSEL 40:13–15

CAPUT VIII. De commodis adque incommodis, quae bonis ac malis plerumque communia sunt. Dicet aliquis: Quur ergo ista diuina misericordia etiam ad inpios ingratosque peruenit? Quur putamus, nisi quia eam ille praebuit, qui cottidie facit oriri solem suum super bonos et malos et pluit super iustos et iniustos? Quamuis enim quidam eorum ista cogitantes paenitendo ab inpietate se corrigant, quidam uero, sicut apostolus dicit, diuitias bonitatis et longanimitatis Dei contemnentes secundum duritiam cordis sui et cor inpaenitens thesaurizent sibi iram in die irae et reuelationis iusti iudicii Dei, qui reddet unicuique secundum opera eius: tamen patientia Dei ad paenitentiam inuitat malos, sicut flagellum Dei ad patientiam erudit bonos; itemque misericordia Dei fouendos amplectitur bonos, sicut seueritas Dei puniendos corripit malos. Placuit quippe diuinae prouidentiae praeparare in posterum bona iustis, quibus non fruentur iniusti, et mala inpiis, quibus non excruciabuntur boni; ista uero temporalia bona et mala utrisque uoluit esse communia, ut nec bona cupidius adpetantur, quae mali quoque habere cernuntur; nec mala turpiter euitentur, quibus et boni plerumque adficiuntur. Interest autem plurimum, qualis sit usus uel earum rerum, quae prosperae, uel earum, quae dicuntur aduersae. Nam bonus temporalibus nec bonis extollitur nec malis frangitur; malus autem ideo huiusce modi infelicitate punitur, quia felicitate corrumpitur. Ostendit tamen Deus saepe etiam in his distribuendis euidentius operationem suam. Nam si nunc omne peccatum manifesta plecteret poena, nihil ultimo iudicio seruari putaretur; rursus si nullum nunc peccatum puniret aperta diuinitas, nulla esse diuina prouidentia crederetur. Similiter in rebus secundis, si non eas Deus quibusdam petentibus euidentissima largitate concederet, non ad eum ista pertinere diceremus; itemque si omnibus eas petentibus daret, non nisi propter talia praemia seruiendum illi esse arbitraremur, nec pios nos faceret talis seruitus, sed potius cupidos et auaros. Haec cum ita sint, quicumque boni et mali pariter adflicti sunt, non ideo ipsi distincti non sunt, quia distinctum non est quod utrique perpessi sunt. Manet enim dissimilitudo passorum etiam in similitudine passionum, et licet sub eodem tormento non est idem uirtus et uitium. Nam sicut sub uno igne aurum rutilat palea fumat, et sub eadem tribula stipulae comminuuntur frumenta purgantur, nec ideo cum oleo amurca confunditur, quia eodem praeli pondere exprimitur: ita una eademque uis inruens bonos probat purificat eliquat, malos damnat uastat exterminat. Unde in eadem adflictione mali Deum detestantur adque blasphemant, boni autem precantur et laudant. Tantum interest, non qualia, sed qualis quisque patiatur. Nam pari motu exagitatum et exhalat horribiliter caenum et suauiter fragrat unguentum.

Chapter 8. On the advantages and disadvantages that are for the most part common to the good and the wicked.

Someone will say: Why then did this divine mercy reach even the ungodly and ungrateful? Why do we think, if not because it was granted by him who daily “makes his sun rise on the good and the evil and sends rain on the just and the unjust”? For though some of them, reflecting on these things, correct themselves from ungodliness by repentance, while others, as the apostle says, “despising the riches of God's goodness and long-suffering, according to the hardness of their heart and impenitent heart store up for themselves wrath on the day of wrath and of the revelation of the just judgment of God, who will render to each according to his works”, still the patience of God invites the wicked to repentance, just as the scourge of God trains the good to patience; and likewise the mercy of God embraces the good to cherish them, just as the severity of God rebukes the wicked to punish them. For it has pleased divine providence to prepare for the future good things for the righteous which the unrighteous will not enjoy, and evil things for the ungodly by which the good will not be tormented; but these temporal goods and evils it has willed to be common to both, so that the good things which the wicked are also seen to have may not be sought too greedily, and the evil things by which the good too are very often afflicted may not be shamefully avoided. But it makes a very great difference how one uses both the things called prosperous and those called adverse. For the good man is neither lifted up by temporal goods nor broken by temporal evils; but the wicked man is punished by misfortune of this kind precisely because he is corrupted by good fortune. Yet God often shows his working more plainly even in distributing these things. For if every sin were now punished with manifest penalty, nothing would be thought to be kept for the last judgment; again, if the Godhead punished no sin openly now, it would be believed that there is no divine providence. Similarly in prosperity: if God did not grant it to some who ask with the most evident generosity, we would say these things do not belong to him; and again, if he gave it to all who ask, we would think he must be served only for such rewards, and such service would make us not godly but covetous and greedy. This being so, when good and wicked have been afflicted alike, they are not therefore undistinguished because what both suffered is undistinguished. For the unlikeness of the sufferers remains even in the likeness of the sufferings, and though under the same torment, virtue and vice are not the same. For as under one fire gold glows and chaff smokes, and under the same threshing-sledge the straw is crushed and the grain is cleaned, and the lees are not mixed with the oil because they are pressed out by the same weight of the press, so one and the same force falling upon them proves, purifies, and refines the good, but condemns, ruins, and destroys the wicked. So in the same affliction the wicked curse and blaspheme God, while the good pray and praise. So much does it matter, not what things one suffers, but what kind of person suffers them. For stirred by the same motion, filth gives off a horrible stench and ointment a sweet fragrance.

Matt 5:45 (quotation, high confidence) · Rom 2:4–6 (quotation, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine explains that temporal goods and evils fall on good and bad alike, but the same suffering purifies the good and destroys the wicked.

  • Matthew 5:45; Romans 2:4–6.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray punctuation): seruari; putaretur → seruari putaretur.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.8 (CSEL 40:13–15; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-8). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-8) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.9CSEL 40:15–18

CAPUT VIIII. De causis correptionum, propter quas et boni et mali pariter flagellantur. Quid igitur in illa rerum uastitate Christiani passi sunt, quod non eis magis fideliter ista considerantibus ad prouectum ualeret? Primum quod ipsa peccata, quibus Deus indignatus inpleuit tantis calamitatibus mundum, humiliter cogitantes, quamuis longe absint a facinerosis flagitiosis adque inpiis. tamen non usque adeo se a delictis deputant alienos, ut nec temporalia pro eis mala perpeti se iudicent dignos. Excepto enim quod unusquisque quamlibet laudabiliter uiuens cedit in quibusdam carnali concupiscentiae, etsi non ad facinorum inmanitatem et gurgitem flagitiorum adque inpietatis abominationem, ad aliqua tamen peccata uel rara uel tanto crebriora, quanto minora — hoc ergo excepto quis tandem facile reperitur, qui eosdem ipsos, propter quorum horrendam superbiam luxuriamque et auaritiam adque execrabiles iniquitates et inpietates Deus, sicut minando praedixit, conterit terras, sic habeat, ut habendi sunt? sic cum eis uiuat, ut cum talibus est uiuendum? Plerumque enim ab eis docendis ac monendis, aliquando etiam obiurgandis et corripiendis male dissimulatur, uel cum laboris piget, uel cum os eorum uerecundamur offendere, uel cum inimicitias deuitamus, ne inpediant et noceant in istis temporalibus rebus, siue quas adipisci adhuc adpetit nostra cupiditas, siue quas amittere formidat infirmitas, ita ut, quamuis bonis malorum uita displiceat et ideo cum eis non incidant in illam damnationem, quae post hanc uitam talibus praeparatur, tamen, quia propterea peccatis eorum damnabilibus parcunt, dum eos in suis licet leuibus et ueniabilibus, metuunt, iure cum eis temporaliter flagellantur, quamuis in aeternum minime puniantur, iure istam uitam, quando diuinitus adfliguntur cum eis, amaram sentiunt, cuius amando dulcedinem peccantibus eis amari esse noluerunt. Nam si propterea quisque obiurgandis et corripiendis male agentibus parcit, quia opportunius tempus inquirit uel eisdem ipsis metuit, ne deteriores ex hoc efficiantur, uel ad bonam uitam et piam erudiendos inpediant alios infirmos et premant adque auertant a fide: non uidetur esse cupiditatis occasio, sed consilium caritatis. Illud est culpabile, quod hi, qui dissimiliter uiuunt et a malorum factis abhorrent, parcunt tamen peccatis alienis, quae dedocere aut obiurgare deberent, dum eorum offensiones cauent, ne sibi noceant in his rebus, quibus licite boni adque innocenter utuntur, sed cupidius, quam oportebat eos, qui in hoc mundo peregrinantur et spem supernae patriae prae se gerunt. Non solum quippe infirmiores, uitam ducentes coniugalem, filios habentes uel habere quaerentes, domos ac familias possidentes, (quos apostolus in ecclesiis adloquitur docens et monens quem ad modum uiuere debeant et uxores (cum maritis et mariti cum uxoribus, et filii cum parentibus et parentes cum filiis, et serui cum dominis et domini cum seruis) multa temporalia, multa terrena libenter adipiscuntur et moleste amittunt, propter quae non audent offendere homines, quorum sibi uita contaminatissima et consceleratissima displicet; uerum etiam hi, qui superiorem uitae gradum tenent nec coniugalibus uinculis inretiti sunt et uictu paruo ac tegimento utuntur, plerumque, suae famae ac saluti dum insidias adque impetus malorum timent, ab eorum reprehensione sese abstinent, et quamuis non in tantum eos metuant, ut ad similia perpetranda quibuslibet eorum terroribus adque inprobitatibus cedant, ea ipsa tamen, quae cum eis non perpetrant, nolunt plerumque corripere, cum fortasse possint aliquos corripiendo corrigere, ne, si non potuerint, sua salus ac fama in periculum exitiumque perueniat, nec ea consideratione, qua suam famam ac salutem uident esse necessariam utilitati erudiendorum hominum, sed ea potius infirmitate, qua delectat lingua blandiens et humanus dies et reformidatur uulgi iudicium et carnis excruciatio uel pereratio, hoc est propter quaedam cupiditatis uincula, non propter officia caritatis. Non mihi itaque uidetur haec parua esse causa, quare cum malis flagellentur et boni, quando Deo placet perditos mores etiam temporalium poenarum adflictione punire. Flagellantur enim simul, non quia simul agunt malam uitam, sed quia simul amant temporalem uitam, non quidem aequaliter, sed tamen simul, quam boni contemnere deberent, ut illi correpti adque correcti consequerentur aeternam, ad quam consequendam si nollent esse socii, ferrentur et diligerentur inimici, quia donec uiuunt semper incertum est utrum uoluntatem sint in melius mutaturi. Qua in re non utique parem, sed longe grauiorem habent causam, quibus per prophetam dicitur: Ille quidem in suo peccato morietur, sanguinem autem eius de manu speculatoris requiram. Ad hoc enim speculatores, hoc est populorum praepositi, constituti sunt in ecclesiis, ut non parcant obiurgando peccata. Nec ideo tamen ab huius modi culpa penitus alienus est, qui, licet praepositus non sit, in eis tamen, quibus uitae huius necessitate coniungitur, multa monenda uel arguenda nouit et neglegit, deuitans eorum offensiones propter illa quibus in hac uita non indebitis utitur, sed plus quam debuit delectatur. Deinde habent aliam causam boni, quare temporalibus adfligantur malis, qualem habuit Iob: ut sibi ipse humanus animus sit probatus et cognitus, quanta uirtute pietatis gratis Deum diligat.

Chapter 9. On the reasons for the chastisements by which both good and wicked are scourged alike.

What, then, did the Christians suffer in that general devastation that did not serve rather for their advancement, if they considered these things faithfully? First, because, humbly reflecting on the very sins in anger at which God has filled the world with such calamities, even if they are far from the criminal, the depraved, and the ungodly, they still do not count themselves so free of faults as to judge themselves unworthy to suffer temporal evils for them. For, apart from the fact that everyone, however praiseworthily he lives, yields in some things to carnal desire, if not to monstrous crimes, the abyss of depravity, and the abomination of ungodliness, then at least to some sins, whether rare or more frequent the smaller they are, apart from this, I say, who can easily be found who treats those very people, for whose horrible pride, luxury, and avarice, and whose detestable iniquities and impieties God, as he foretold in his threats, crushes the earth, as they ought to be treated, and lives with them as one ought to live with such people? For very often we wrongly hold back from teaching and admonishing them, and sometimes also from reproving and rebuking them, either because the labor irks us, or because we are ashamed to offend them to their face, or because we avoid their enmity, lest they hinder and harm us in these temporal things, whether things our greed still seeks to gain or things our weakness fears to lose. So although the life of the wicked displeases the good, and therefore they do not fall with them into the damnation prepared for such people after this life, yet, because they spare their damnable sins for this reason, fearing for their own sins, even though light and pardonable, they are rightly scourged with them in time, although they are by no means punished in eternity; rightly they find this life bitter when they are afflicted by God along with them, because, loving its sweetness, they were unwilling to be bitter to them when they sinned. For if someone holds back from reproving and rebuking wrongdoers because he looks for a more suitable time, or fears for them lest they become worse through it, or lest they hinder others who are weak from being trained in a good and godly life, oppress them, and turn them from the faith, this seems not an occasion of greed but a counsel of love. What is blameworthy is that those who live differently and shrink from the deeds of the wicked nevertheless spare other people's sins, which they ought to correct or rebuke, while they guard against offending them lest they harm themselves in those things which the good use lawfully and innocently, but more greedily than befits those who are pilgrims in this world and profess the hope of a heavenly homeland. For not only the weaker ones, who lead married lives, have children or seek to have them, and possess houses and households (those whom the apostle addresses in the churches, teaching and admonishing how they ought to live, wives with husbands and husbands with wives, children with parents and parents with children, slaves with masters and masters with slaves), gladly acquire many temporal and earthly things and lose them with distress, and for their sake do not dare to offend people whose most defiled and wicked life displeases them; but even those who hold a higher rank of life, are not entangled in the bonds of marriage, and make do with little food and clothing, very often abstain from reproving the wicked while they fear their plots and attacks against their reputation and safety. And though they do not fear them so much as to yield to any of their threats and wickedness so as to commit similar things, still they are often unwilling to rebuke the very things they do not commit with them, when perhaps they could correct some by rebuking them, lest, if they fail, their own safety and reputation come into danger and ruin. And this is not from the consideration by which they see that their reputation and safety are needed for the good of instructing people, but rather from that weakness which delights in the flattering tongue and the day of human approval, and dreads the judgment of the crowd and the torment or destruction of the flesh; that is, because of certain bonds of greed, not because of the duties of love. This, then, seems to me no small reason why the good too are scourged with the wicked, when it pleases God to punish depraved morals even by the affliction of temporal penalties. For they are scourged together, not because they lead an evil life together, but because they love the temporal life together, not equally, yet together; the life which the good ought to despise, so that the wicked, rebuked and corrected, might attain eternal life; and if they would not be companions in attaining it, they should be borne with and loved as enemies, since as long as they live it is always uncertain whether they will change their will for the better. In this matter those to whom it is said through the prophet have not an equal but a far heavier case: “He indeed shall die in his sin, but his blood I will require at the hand of the watchman.” For watchmen, that is, those set over the peoples, have been appointed in the churches for this purpose, that they may not spare to rebuke sins. Yet one who is not a leader is not therefore entirely free of this kind of fault, if among those with whom the needs of this life join him he knows of many things to be admonished or reproved and neglects them, avoiding offending them for the sake of things which he uses in this life not wrongly, but in which he takes more delight than he ought. Then the good have another reason for being afflicted by temporal evils, such as Job had: that the human spirit may be proved and known to itself, how great the strength of its godliness is in loving God for nothing.

Eph 5:22–6:9 (allusion, medium confidence) · Col 3:18–4:1 (allusion, medium confidence) · Ezek 33:6 (quotation, high confidence) · Job 1:9 (allusion, medium confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine gives reasons why good Christians suffered with the wicked: their own lesser sins, their failure to rebuke sinners out of attachment to temporal things, and the testing of their love for God.

  • The household instructions allude to Ephesians 5:22–6:9 and Colossians 3:18–4:1; the prophet is Ezekiel 33:6; Job is the example of loving God “for nothing” (Job 1:9).
  • “Torment or destruction of the flesh”: the digital text reads pereratio, probably an OCR slip for peremptio; translated by sense.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (stray letter; stray mark; stray punctuation): Ille e quidem → Ille quidem; Flagellantur -enim → Flagellantur enim; uictu. paruo → uictu paruo.

Topics: Ethics, Church office

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.9 (CSEL 40:15–18; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-9). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-9) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.10CSEL 40:18–22

CAPUT X. Quod sanctis in amissione rerum temporalium nihil pereat. Quibus recte consideratis adque perspectis adtende utrum aliquid mali acciderit fidelibus et piis, quod eis non in bonum uerteretur, nisi forte putandum est apostolicam illam uacare sententiam, ubi ait: Scimus quia diligentibus Deum omnia cooperatur in bonum. Amiserunt omnia quae habebant Numquid fidem? numquid pietatem? numquid interioris hominis bona, qui est ante Deum diues? Hae sunt opes Christianorum, quibus opulentus dicebat apostolus: Est autem quaestus magnus pietas cum sufficientia. Nihil enim intulimus in hunc mundum, sed nec auferre aliquid possumus. Habentes autem uictum et tegumentum his contenti sumus. Nam qui uolunt diuites fieri, incidunt in tentationem et laqueum et desideria multa stulta et noxia, quae mergunt homines in interitum et perditionem. Radix enim est omnium malorum auaritia, quam quidam adpetentes a fide pererrauerunt et inseruerunt se doloribus multis. Quibus ergo terrenae diuitiae in illa uastatione perierunt, si eas sic habebant, quem ad modum ab isto foris paupere, intus diuite audierant, id est, si mundo utebantur tamquam non utentes, potuerunt dicere, quod ille grauiter tentatus et minime superatus: Nudus exiui de utero matris meae, nudus reuertar in terram. Dominus dedit, Dominus abstulit, sicut Domino placuit, ita factum est; sit nomen Domini benedictum; ut bonus seruus magnas facultates haberet ipsam sui Domini uoluntatem, cui pedisequus mente ditesceret, nec contristaretur eis rebus uiuens relictus, quas cito fuerat moriens relicturus. Illi autem infirmiores, qui terrenis his bonis, quamuis ea non praeponerent Christo, aliquantula tamen cupiditate cohaerebant, quantum haec amando peccauerint, perdendo senserunt. Tantum quippe doluerunt, quantum se doloribus inseruerant, sicut apostolum dixisse supra commemoraui. Oportebat enim ut eis adderetur etiam experimentorum disciplina, a quibus tam diu fuerat neglecta uerborum. Nam cum dixit apostolus: Qui uolunt diuites fieri, incidunt in tentationem et cetera, profecto in diuitiis cupiditatem reprehendit, non facultatem, quoniam praecepit alibi dicens: Praecipe diuitibus huius mundi non superbe sapere neque sperare in incerto diuitiarum, sed in Deo uiuo, qui praestat nobis omnia abundanter ad fruendum; bene faciant, diuites sint in operibus bonis, facile tribuant, communicent, thesaurizent sibi fundamentum bonum in futurum, ut adprehendant ueram uitam. Haec qui de suis diuitiis faciebant, magnis sunt lucris leuia damna solati plusque laetati ex his, quae facile tribuendo tutius seruauerunt, quam contristati ex his, quae timide retinendo facilius amiserunt. Hoc enim potuit in terra perire, quod piguit inde transferre. Nam qui receperunt consilium Domini sui dicentis: Nolite uobis condere thesauros in terra, ubi tinea et rubigo exterminant et ubi fures effodiunt et furantur; sed thesaurizate uobis thesaurum in caelo, quo fur non accedit neque tinea corrumpit; ubi enim est thesaurus tuus, illic erit et cor tuum, tribulationis tempore probauerunt quam recte sapuerint non contemnendo ueracissimum praeceptorem et thesauri sui fidelissimum inuictissimumque custodem. Nam si multi gauisi sunt ibi se habuisse diuitias suas, quo contigit ut hostis non accederet: quanto certius et securius gaudere potuerunt, qui monitu Dei sui illuc migrauerunt, quo accedere omnino non posset! Unde Paulinus noster, Nolensis episcopus, ex opulentissimo diuite uoluntate pauperrimus et copiosissime sanctus, quando et ipsam Nolam barbari uastauerunt, cum ab eis teneretur, sic in corde suo, ut ab eo postea cognouimus, precabatur: Domine, non excrucier propter aurum et argentum; ubi enim sint omnia mea, tu scis. Ibi enim habebat omnia sua, ubi eum condere et thesaurizare ille monstrauerat, qui haec mala mundo uentura praedixerat. Ac per hoc qui Domino suo monenti oboedierant, ubi et quo modo thesaurizare deberent, nec ipsas terrenas diuitias barbaris incursantibus amiserunt. Quos autem non oboedisse paenituit. quid de talibus rebus faciendum esset, si non praecedente sapientia, certe consequente experientia didicerunt. At enim quidam boni etiam Christiani tormentis excruciati sunt, ut bona sua hostibus proderent. Illi uero nec prodere nec perdere potuerunt bonum, quo ipsi boni erant. Si autem torqueri quam mammona iniquitatis prodere maluerunt, boni non erant. Admonendi autem fuerant, qui tanta patiebantur pro auro, quanta essent sustinenda pro Christo, ut eum potius diligere discerent, qui pro se passos aeterna felicitate ditaret, non aurum et argentum, pro quo pati miserrimum fuit, seu mentiendo occultaretur, seu uerum dicendo proderetur. Namque inter tormenta nemo Christum confitendo amisit, nemo aurum nisi negando seruauit. Quocirca utiliora erant fortasse tormenta, quae bonum incorruptibile amandum docebant, quam illa bona, quae sine ullo utili fructu dominos sui amore torquebant. Sed quidam etiam non habentes quod proderent, dum non creduntur, torti sunt. Et hi forte habere cupiebant nec sancta uoluntate pauperes erant; quibus demonstrandum fuit non facultates, sed ipsas cupiditates talibus dignas esse cruciatibus. Si uero uitae melioris proposito reconditum aurum argentumque non habebant, nescio quidem utrum cuiquam talium acciderit, ut dum habere creditur torqueretur: uerum tamen etiamsi accidit, profecto, qui inter illa tormenta paupertatem sanctam confitebatur, Christum confitebatur. Quapropter etsi non meruit ab hostibus credi, non potuit tamen sanctae paupertatis confessor sine caelesti mercede torqueri. Multos, inquiunt, etiam Christianos fames diuturna uastauit. Hoc quoque in usus suos boni fideles pie tolerando uerterunt. Quos enim fames necauit, malis uitae huius, sicut corporis morbus, eripuit: quos autem non necauit, docuit parcius uiuere, docuit productius ieiunare.

Chapter 10. That the saints lose nothing in losing temporal things.

When these things have been rightly considered and examined, see whether anything evil happened to the faithful and godly that was not turned to their good; unless perhaps we must think that the apostle's saying is empty, where he says: “We know that for those who love God all things work together for good.” They lost everything they had. Their faith? Their godliness? The goods of the inner man, who is rich before God? These are the riches of Christians, in which the apostle was wealthy when he said: “But godliness with contentment is great gain. For we brought nothing into this world, nor can we take anything out. Having food and covering, with these we are content. For those who want to become rich fall into temptation and a snare and many foolish and harmful desires, which plunge men into ruin and destruction. For avarice is the root of all evils; and some, craving it, have wandered from the faith and pierced themselves with many sorrows.” Those, then, whose earthly riches perished in that devastation, if they held them as they had heard from this man, poor outwardly and rich within, that is, if they used the world as though not using it, could say what that man said who was sorely tempted and by no means overcome: “Naked I came from my mother's womb, naked I shall return to the earth. The Lord gave, the Lord has taken away; as it pleased the Lord, so it has been done; blessed be the name of the Lord.” So a good servant would count his Lord's will itself as his great wealth; following it, he would grow rich in mind, and would not grieve, while still alive, at being left by the things he would soon have left at his death. But those weaker ones who clung to these earthly goods with some small greed, though they did not prefer them to Christ, discovered by losing them how much they had sinned by loving them. For they grieved just as much as they had pierced themselves with sorrows, as I recalled above that the apostle said. For those who had so long neglected the instruction of words needed to have the instruction of experience added. For when the apostle said, “Those who want to become rich fall into temptation” and the rest, he was certainly rebuking greed in riches, not the means, since elsewhere he commanded: “Charge the rich of this world not to be proud nor to hope in uncertain riches, but in the living God, who richly provides us with all things to enjoy; let them do good, be rich in good works, give readily, share, store up for themselves a good foundation for the future, that they may lay hold on the true life.” Those who did this with their riches were consoled for light losses by great gains, and rejoiced more over what they kept more safely by giving it readily than they grieved over what they lost more easily by keeping it fearfully. For what could perish on earth was what they had been reluctant to transfer from there. For those who accepted the counsel of their Lord when he said, “Do not lay up for yourselves treasures on earth, where moth and rust destroy and where thieves dig through and steal; but lay up for yourselves treasure in heaven, where no thief comes near and no moth corrupts; for where your treasure is, there will your heart be also,” proved in the time of tribulation how rightly they had judged in not despising the most truthful teacher and the most faithful and invincible guardian of their treasure. For if many rejoiced that they had kept their riches in a place the enemy happened not to reach, how much more surely and securely could they rejoice who, at the warning of their God, had moved them to where the enemy could not come at all! So our Paulinus, bishop of Nola, who from being very wealthy became by his own choice very poor and most abundantly holy, when the barbarians laid waste Nola itself and he was held by them, prayed thus in his heart, as we afterwards learned from him: “Lord, let me not be tortured for gold and silver; for where all my things are, you know.” For he had all his things where he had been shown to store and treasure them by him who foretold that these evils would come upon the world. And so those who had obeyed their Lord's warning about where and how they ought to lay up treasure did not lose even their earthly riches when the barbarians overran them. But those who repented of not having obeyed learned what should be done with such things, if not by wisdom going before, then at least by experience following after. But, they say, some good people, even Christians, were tortured to make them hand over their goods to the enemy. They could neither hand over nor lose the good by which they themselves were good. But if they preferred to be tortured rather than hand over “the mammon of iniquity,” they were not good. They should have been admonished, since they suffered so much for gold, how much must be endured for Christ, so that they might learn rather to love him who would enrich with eternal happiness those who suffered for him, not gold and silver, for which it was most wretched to suffer, whether it was hidden by lying or handed over by telling the truth. For under torture no one lost Christ by confessing him; no one saved gold except by denying it. So perhaps the tortures were more useful, teaching them to love the incorruptible good, than those goods which tormented their owners with love of them without any useful fruit. But some, even having nothing to hand over, were tortured because they were not believed. Perhaps these too desired to have, and were not poor by holy choice; to them it had to be shown that not their means but their very desires deserved such torments. But if, by the resolve of a better life, they had no gold and silver hidden away, I do not know whether it happened to any of them to be tortured while thought to have it; but even if it did, surely whoever confessed holy poverty amid those tortures confessed Christ. Therefore, even if he did not deserve to be believed by the enemy, the confessor of holy poverty could not be tortured without a heavenly reward. Many, they say, even Christians, were destroyed by long famine. This too the good faithful turned to their use by enduring it godly. For those whom famine killed it rescued from the evils of this life, as bodily sickness does; those whom it did not kill it taught to live more sparingly and to fast longer.

Rom 8:28 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Tim 6:6–10 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Cor 7:31 (allusion, high confidence) · Job 1:21 (quotation, high confidence) · 1 Tim 6:17–19 (quotation, high confidence) · Matt 6:19–21 (quotation, high confidence) · Luke 16:9 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that Christians who lost property, were tortured, or starved in the sack lost nothing essential, and that those who had stored their treasure in heaven were not harmed.

  • Romans 8:28; 1 Timothy 6:6–10 and 6:17–19; 1 Corinthians 7:31; Job 1:21; Matthew 6:19–21; Luke 16:9 (“mammon of iniquity”). Paulinus of Nola was taken when the Goths sacked Nola in 410.

Notes on the original text

  • Digital text corrected (OCR n for u; OCR t for f; word split): diu ites → diuites; contitendo → confitendo; anrum → aurum.

Topics: Ethics

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.10 (CSEL 40:18–22; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-10). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-10) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).

1.11CSEL 40:22–23

CAPUT XI. De fine temporalis uitae siue longioris siue breuioris. Sed enim multi etiam Christiani interfecti sunt, multi multarum mortium foeda uarietate consumti. Hoc si aegre ferendum est, omnibus, qui in hanc uitam procreati sunt, utique commune est. Hoc scio, neminem fuisse mortuum, qui non fuerat aliquando moriturus. Finis autem uitae tam longam quam breuem uitam hoc idem facit. Neque enim aliud melius et aliud deterius, aut aliud maius et aliud breuius est, quod iam pariter non est. Quid autem interest, quo mortis genere uita ista finiatur, quando ille, cui finitur, iterum mori non cogitur? Cum autem unicuique mortalium sub cottidianis uitae huius casibus innumerabiles mortes quodam modo comminentur, quamdiu incertum est quaenam earum uentura sit, quaero utrum satius sit unam perpeti moriendo an omnes timere uiuendo. Nec ignoro quam citius eligatur diu uiuere sub timore tot mortium quam semel moriendo nullam deinceps formidare. Sed aliud est quod carnis sensus infirmiter pauidus refugit, aliud quod mentis ratio diligenter enucleata conuincit. Mala mors putanda non est, quam bona uita praecesserit. Neque enim facit malam mortem, nisi quod sequitur mortem. Non itaque multum curandum est eis, qui necessario morituri sunt, quid accidat ut moriantur, sed moriendo quo ire cogantur. Cum igitur Christiani nouerint longe meliorem fuisse religiosi pauperis mortem inter lingentium canum linguas quam inpii diuitis in purpura et bysso, horrenda illa genera mortium quid mortuis obfuerunt, qui bene uixerunt?

Chapter 11. On the end of temporal life, whether longer or shorter.

But, they say, many Christians too were killed; many were carried off by a hideous variety of many kinds of death. If this is hard to bear, it is certainly common to all who have been born into this life. This I know: no one has died who was not going to die at some time. The end of life makes a long life and a short one the same. For what has equally ceased to be is not one better and another worse, or one greater and another shorter. And what does it matter by what kind of death this life is ended, when he whose life is ended is not forced to die again? Since for every mortal, amid the daily accidents of this life, countless deaths in a way threaten, as long as it is uncertain which of them will come, I ask whether it is better to suffer one by dying or to fear all by living. I am not unaware how much more readily people choose to live long under the fear of so many deaths than by dying once to fear none thereafter. But what the sense of the flesh in its weak fear shrinks from is one thing; what the reasoning of the mind, carefully examined, proves is another. A death must not be thought evil which a good life has preceded. For nothing makes death evil except what follows death. So those who must necessarily die need not care much what happens to make them die, but where they are compelled to go by dying. Since, then, Christians know that the death of the godly poor man among the licking tongues of the dogs was far better than that of the ungodly rich man in purple and fine linen, how did those terrible kinds of death harm the dead who had lived well?

Luke 16:19–22 (allusion, high confidence)

Notes and citation

Summary: Augustine argues that the manner of death does not matter to those who have lived well, since only what follows death makes it evil.

  • Luke 16:19–22 (the rich man and Lazarus).

Topics: Eschatology

Cite (SBL): Augustine, Civ. 1.11 (CSEL 40:22–23; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/augustine-civitate-dei/1-1/#p-1-11). (abbreviation not yet checked)

BibTeX · RIS (whole work; this passage's key: sophiascriptura-augustine-civitate-dei-1-11) · Report an error

Translation: Translated by Claude from Hoffmann's Latin text (CSEL 40, 1899–1900); compared afterwards with the NPNF¹ 2 translation (Dods, 1887).