Against the Nations 7.38–7.51
Latin text: CSEL 4 (Latin text: A. Reifferscheid (CSEL 4, 1875), digitized by Open Greek and Latin, University of Leipzig (csel-dev), CC BY-SA 4.0).English: Claude (claude-opus-5-5), public domain (CC0). Compare: Ante-Nicene Fathers, vol. 6 (1886).
Chapter 7
7.38CSEL 4:271
Sed si dii immortales nequeunt, inquit, irasci neque ullis animorum adfectibus eorum quatitur concutiturque natura, quid historiae sibi uolunt, quid annales, quorum in conscriptionibus legimus nonnullis offensionibus deos motos pestilentias, sterilitates ac frugum inopias aliaque intulisse ciuitatibus nationibusque discrimina eosque rursus sacrorum satisfactione placatos indignationum posuisse feruores et in habitum laetiorem statum caeli tempestatumque mutasse? quid terrarum fremitus, quid motus, quos esse accepimus factos, quod essent acti per indiligentiam ludi nec ad suam formam condicionemque curati, instauratis his tamen et curiosa obseruatione repetitis superorum conquieuisse terrores et ad hominum curam familiaritatemque reuocatos? quotiens, uatum iussis haruspicumque responsis postquam diuina res facta est et ex gentibus transmarinis acciti dii quidam delubraque his facta et in altioribus columnis signa quaedam et simulacra sunt constituta, et inminentium auersi sunt periculorum metus et grauissimi hostes pulsi et amplificata res publica est et uictoriarum frequentibus gaudiis et prouinciarum possessione conplurium? quod utique non fieret, si sacrificia, si ludos ceterosque aspernarentur dii cultus neque se honorari eorum procurationibus ducerent. si ergo his datis calor omnis numinum indignatioque frigescunt uertunturque in prospera ea quae uidebantur adferre terrores: manifestum est haec omnia non sine caelitum fieri uoluntate, et quod ea tribuantur a nobis, inaniter et cum tota inperitia reprehendi.
'But if the immortal gods cannot be angry,' he says, 'and their nature is not shaken and stirred by any feelings of mind, what do the histories mean, what the annals, in whose records we read that the gods, moved by some offenses, brought pestilences, barrenness, shortages of crops, and other dangers on cities and nations, and again, appeased by the satisfaction of sacrifices, laid aside the heat of their indignation and changed the state of the sky and the weather into a happier condition? What of the roarings and movements of the earth which we have learned took place because games had been performed carelessly and not attended to in their proper form and conditions, and yet, when these were renewed and repeated with careful observance, the terrors of the gods above were quieted and they were called back to the care and friendship of men? How often, after a divine rite was performed at the command of the prophets and by the answers of the soothsayers, and certain gods were summoned from nations overseas and shrines were made for them, and certain statues and images were set up on higher columns, have the fears of impending dangers been turned away, the most dangerous enemies driven off, and the state enlarged by frequent joys of victories and the possession of very many provinces? This surely would not have happened if the gods despised sacrifices, games, and the other forms of worship and did not think they were honored by their observances. If, then, when these are given, all the heat and indignation of the deities grows cold and things which seemed to bring terrors are turned into prosperity, it is plain that all these things are not done without the will of the heavenly ones, and that it is in vain and with complete ignorance that you find fault with our giving them.'
Notes and citation
Summary: The pagan objection: history shows that the gods sent disasters when offended and relented when appeased by sacrifices and games.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.38 (CSEL 4:271; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-38). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.39CSEL 4:271–273
uentum est ergo, dum loquimur, ad ipsum articulum causae, uentum rei ad cardinem, uentum ueram atque ad iustissimam quaestionem, in quam conuenit ut debeamus inspicere formidine superstitionis amota et gratificatione deposita, utrumne hi dii sint quos saeuire adseueratis offensos reddique sacrificiis mites an sint longe aliud et ab huius m debeant et nominis et potentiae segregari. non enim imus infitias, in annalium scriptis contineri haec omnia quae sunt a uobis in oppositione prolata: nam et ipsi pro modulo ingeniique pro captu et legimus et esse positum scimus, ludis quondam ipsis circensibus, qui Ioui maximo fierent, patremfamilias quendam, antequam inciperent res agi, seruum pessime meritum per circi aream mediam transduxisse caesum uirgis et ex more multasse post patibuli poena. ludis dein terminatis profligatisque curriculis non multi post temporis spatium ciuitatem occepisse pestilentia uastari, cumque dies adderet malum malo grauius, cateruatim et populus interiret, rusticulo cuidam sorte humilitatis obscuro Iouem per insomnium dixisse, uti ad consules uaderet, praesulem sibi displicuisse monstraret, posse melius fieri ciuitati, si ludis sua religio redderetur et ex integro rursus curiosa obseruatione procederent. quod cum ille facere minime curasset, uel quod esse uanum suspicaretur insomnium nullamque habiturum apud audituros fidem uel quod ingenitae humilitatis memor potestatis tantae fugeret et formidaret accessum, cunctatori redditum inimicum Iouem filiorum obitus inrogauisse pro poena. mox cum et ipsi proprium minaretur interitum, ni praesulis pergeret nuntius inprobati, obeundi formidine territatum, cum iam et ipse contactus pestilentiae flagraret incendio, de sententia propinquorum perlatum ad curiam patrum insomnique exposita uisione flammas euolauisse contagii: ludorum deinde instauratione decreta et spectaculis adhibitam grauem curam et priorem populo redditam sanitatem.
While we speak, then, we have come to the very turning point of the case, to the hinge of the matter, to the true and most just question, into which we ought to look with the fear of superstition removed and partiality laid aside: whether these are gods, whom you assert rage when offended and are made gentle by sacrifices, or whether they are something far different and ought to be separated from the name and power of this title. For we do not deny that all these things you have brought forward in opposition are contained in the writings of the annals; for we ourselves, according to our small measure and the capacity of our wit, have read them and know that it is recorded that once, at the very Circensian games held for Jupiter Greatest, a certain head of a household, before the proceedings began, led a slave who had deserved very ill across the middle of the circus arena, beaten with rods, and then, as the custom was, punished him with the penalty of the gibbet. Then, when the games were over and the races finished, not long afterward the city began to be ravaged by pestilence; and as each day added a heavier evil to evil, and the people were dying in crowds, Jupiter said in a dream to a certain rustic, obscure in his humble lot, that he should go to the consuls and show that the leader of the dance had displeased him, and that it could go better for the city if the religious observance were restored to the games and they were held again from the beginning with careful observance. When he had by no means cared to do this, either because he suspected the dream was vain and would find no credit with those who would hear it, or because, mindful of his inborn humbleness, he shunned and feared approaching so great a power, Jupiter, made hostile to the delayer, inflicted on him the death of his sons as punishment. Soon, when he threatened him too with his own death unless he went as messenger about the disapproved leader of the dance, terrified by the fear of dying, and when he himself, touched by the pestilence, was already burning with its fever, on the advice of his relatives he was carried to the senate house of the fathers, and when the vision of the dream had been set out, the flames of the contagion flew away; then, the renewal of the games having been decreed, grave care was given to the spectacles and its former health restored to the people.
Notes and citation
Summary: Arnobius accepts that the annals record such events, and retells the story of the flogged slave at the games, Jupiter's dream, and the pestilence.
- The story (the instauratio of 490 BC, involving T. Latinius) is told by Livy 2.36, Cicero, On Divination 1.55, and Valerius Maximus 1.7.4. 'in oppositions' in the digital text is corrected to 'in oppositione'.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (misread ending in the digital text): in oppositions → in oppositione.
Extrabiblical texts: Livy, 2.36 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion); Cicero, Div. 1.55 (Cicero; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.39 (CSEL 4:271–273; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-39). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.40CSEL 4:273
Sed neque illud aeque nos negabimus scire, temporibus quondam ciuitatis et reipublicae duris, uel quae lues infesta faciebat continua populum contage conficiens, uel quae hostes ualidi et ad periculum libertatis auferendae proeliorum prosperitate iam proximi, iussis et monitis uatum transmarinis ex gentibus quosdam deos accitos magnificisque honoratos templis et luis sedasse flagrantiam et uiribus hostium fractis frequentissime triumphatum et auctos imperii fines innumerasque prouincias sub leges uestri cecidisse dominatus. sed neque hoc nostram conscientiam fugit lectum et positum, ictum cum esset Capitolium fulmine multaque in hoc alia, Iouis etiam simulacrum, sublimi quod in culmine stabat, suis esse ab sedibus prouolutum. responsum deinde ab haruspicibus editum, res scaeuas tristissimasque portendi ab incendiis, caedibus, ab legum interitu et ab iuris occasu, maxime tamen ab domesticis hostibus atque ab impia coniuratorum manu. sed flecti haec posse, immo aliter publicari scelerata non posse consilia, nisi Iuppiter rursus altiore in culmine figeretur orientalem conuersus ad cardinem radiisque oppositus solis. adfuisse dicto fidem: nam subrecto culmine conuersoque ad solem signo patuisse res abditas et reserata in maleficia uindicatum.
Nor likewise will we deny that we know that once, in hard times for the city and the state, whether caused by a hostile plague wasting the people with continuous contagion, or by powerful enemies already close to the danger of taking away its freedom through success in battles, by the commands and warnings of prophets certain gods were summoned from nations overseas and honored with magnificent temples, and that they calmed the heat of the plague, and that, the strength of the enemy being broken, triumphs were celebrated very often, the boundaries of the empire were extended, and countless provinces fell under the laws of your dominion. Nor does it escape our knowledge that it has been read and recorded that when the Capitol was struck by lightning, and many other things in it, the image of Jupiter too, which stood on a lofty pedestal, was thrown down from its base; that then an answer was given by the soothsayers that ill-omened and most gloomy things were portended, fires, murders, the destruction of the laws, and the fall of justice, but especially from enemies at home and an impious band of conspirators; but that these things could be turned aside, indeed that the wicked plans could not otherwise be made public, unless Jupiter were fixed again on a higher pedestal, turned toward the eastern quarter and facing the rays of the sun. Credit was given to the saying: for when the pedestal was raised and the statue turned toward the sun, hidden things were revealed and, laid open, the misdeeds were punished.
Notes and citation
Summary: Arnobius acknowledges the Roman records of gods brought from abroad in crises and of Jupiter's statue turned to the east revealing a conspiracy.
- The turning of Jupiter's statue to the east coincided with the exposure of the Catilinarian conspiracy in 63 BC (Cicero, Against Catiline 3.19–21). A stray colon in the digital text is removed.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray punctuation in the digital text): transmarinis: ex gentibus → transmarinis ex gentibus.
Extrabiblical texts: Cicero, Cat. 3.19–21 (Cicero; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.40 (CSEL 4:273; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-40). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.41CSEL 4:273–274
Habent quidem miraculi speciem — quinimmo habere creduntur — cuncta ista quae dicta sunt, si ita ut sunt prompta humanum ueniant ad auditum, nec diffitemur inesse his quiddam, quod in prima positum quemadmodum dicitur fronte perstringere aures possit et ueritatis similitudine circumuenire. ceterum si penitus intueri res factas, personas et personarum uolueris uoluntates, nihil esse reperies diis dignum et, quod saepe iam dictum est, quod ad huius nominis speciem dignitatemque referatur. quis est enim primum qui deum illum fuisse credat, qui currentibus frustra delectaretur eculeis auocarique se genere hoc ludicri iucundissimum duceret? immo illum fuisse quis est qui adsentiatur Iouem, quem deum principem dicitis et rerum quaecumque sunt conditorem, qui spectatum proficisceretur e caelo cantherios de uelocitate certantes, replicantes gyros septem, et quos dissimiles ipse corporum esse in mobilitate uoluisset, eos tamen gauderet transire, transiri, pronos et cernuos ruere, cum curribus resupinos uerti, trahi alios, cruribus et claudicare praefractis, et ineptias nugis et crudelitatibus mixtas summis in uoluptatibus habuisset quas homo quiuis lautus nec ad studium plenae grauitatis ac ponderis eruditus puerilia duceret atque aspernaretur ut ludicra? quis est, inquam, qui credat, repetamus ut assidue hanc uocem, generis eum fuisse diuini, qui, quoniam ludis actus per circi est spatium meritorum poenas et supplicia redditurus, ira exacerbatus ardesceret seseque ad uices adcingeret ultionis? si enim nocens seruus atque illa fuerat animaduersione puniendus: qui debuit Iuppiter indignatione aliqua commoueri, cum ageretur iniuste nihil, immo cum nocens caput poenis conuenientibus plecteretur? sin autem inmunis ab scelere neque ulli obnoxius crimini: uitiosi praesulis ipse fuit in causa, cui cum subuenire potuisset, non fecit, immo ipse quaesiuit et pati quod inprobabat et ab aliis poenas suae permissionis exigere. et cur laesum deinde illo se questus est et pronuntiauit in praesule, quia crucis ad poenas per circi actus est medium uirgis dilaceratus et flagris?
All these things that have been said have indeed the appearance of a miracle, or rather are believed to have it, if they come to human hearing just as they are set out; nor do we deny that there is something in them which, placed, as the saying is, on the front, can dazzle the ears and deceive them with the likeness of truth. But if you are willing to look closely at the deeds, the persons, and the wishes of the persons, you will find nothing worthy of the gods, nothing, as has often been said already, that relates to the appearance and dignity of this name. For who, first, would believe that he was a god, who was delighted by nags running for nothing and thought it most pleasant to be diverted by this kind of amusement? Indeed, who would agree that it was Jupiter, whom you call the chief god and the founder of all things that exist, who set out from heaven to watch geldings contending in speed, rounding the seven laps, and who, though he himself had willed them to be unequal in the swiftness of their bodies, rejoiced to see them pass and be passed, fall headlong and on their faces, be overturned on their backs with their chariots, others be dragged along and limp with broken legs; and who held among his greatest pleasures follies mixed with trifles and cruelties, which any cultivated person, even one not trained to the pursuit of full gravity and weight, would think childish and scorn as amusements? Who, I say, would believe, to repeat this word constantly, that he was of divine race, who, because a man who was to pay the penalty and punishment of his deserts was led through the space of the circus during the games, burned, embittered with anger, and girded himself to take his turn at vengeance? For if the slave was guilty and had to be punished with that penalty, how ought Jupiter to have been moved by any indignation, when nothing unjust was done, but a guilty person was punished with fitting penalties? But if he was free from crime and liable to no charge, he himself was the cause of the faulty leader of the dance, since, though he could have helped him, he did not, but himself chose both to suffer what he disapproved and to exact from others the penalty of his own permission. And why then did he complain that he was injured by that man and pronounce against him as leader of the dance, because he was led through the middle of the circus to the punishment of the cross, torn by rods and whips?
Notes and citation
Summary: A god who delighted in chariot races and was angered by a slave's punishment at the games is unworthy of the name.
- 'eiacerbatus' in the digital text is corrected to 'exacerbatus'.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (misread letter in the digital text): eiacerbatus → exacerbatus.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.41 (CSEL 4:273–274; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-41). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.42CSEL 4:274–275
et quid ex hoc facto labis potuit et foeditatis ecfluere, quod aut circum faceret minus purum aut Iouem contaminatum, cum per exigua momenta, per puncta tot in orbe conspiceret milia mortis in generibus uariis et cruciatibus interire diuersis? ante, inquit, est actus, ludi quam inciperent confici. si sacrilego pectore religionisque contemptu, est ut ignoscere debeamus Ioui indignanti se spretum nec circensibus propriis sollicitiorem adhibitam curam, sin autem errore uel casu latens illud non est animaduersum et cognitum uitium, nonne fuerat rectum Iouique conueniens, ut humanis ignosceret lapsibus et inprudentiae caecitatem ueniali concessione donaret? sed uindicanda res fuit. et post haec aliquis fuisse illum deum credet, qui puerilis incuriam ludicri ciuitatis ultus est et persecutus interitu, grauitatis ac ponderis, aut ullius habuisse constantiae firmitatem, qui ut sibi ex integro uoluptatis in gaudia curreretur, uenenatam in perniciem aeris haustus uertit et pestilentiae morbo stragem mortalitatis indixit? si ludorum exhibitor magistratus minus curauit ediscere, quisnam esset illo die circi actus per medium, contractaque est ex hoc culpa, quid infelix commeruerat populus, ut aliena delicta capitis sui dissolueret poenis pestilentibusque contagiis crudeliter expelleretur e uita? immo quid feminarum genus, quas ab negotiis publicis condicio fragilitatis excepit, quid adultae uirgines, quid puerculi fecere pusiones, quid denique adhuc parui nutricum sub alimonia constituti, ut in eos inmitteretur par et una saeuitia priusque acerbitatem mortis quam dulcedinem aliquam perciperent luminis?
And what stain and foulness could flow from this deed that would make the circus less pure or Jupiter defiled, when every tiny moment and instant he saw so many thousands throughout the world perish by various kinds of death and different tortures? 'He was led through,' he says, 'before the games began to be performed.' If it was done with a sacrilegious heart and contempt of religion, then we ought to pardon Jupiter for being indignant that he was scorned and that no more careful attention was paid to his own Circensian games; but if the fault was hidden through error or chance and not noticed and recognized, would it not have been right and fitting to Jupiter to pardon human slips and grant the blindness of imprudence a pardonable indulgence? 'But the matter had to be avenged.' And after this will anyone believe that he was a god, who avenged and pursued with destruction the city's carelessness about a childish amusement; or that he had the firmness of any gravity, weight, or constancy, who, so that races might be run anew for the joys of his pleasure, turned the breathing of the air into poisonous destruction and decreed the slaughter of mortals by the disease of pestilence? If the magistrate who gave the games cared too little to learn who was led through the middle of the circus that day, and guilt was incurred from this, what had the unhappy people deserved, that they should pay for another's offenses with the penalty of their own lives and be cruelly driven from life by pestilential contagions? Indeed, what had the female sex done, whom the condition of their frailty excepted from public business; what grown maidens, what little boys, what finally those still small under the nourishment of nurses, that one and the same savagery should be let loose on them, and they should feel the bitterness of death before any sweetness of light?
Notes and citation
Summary: Punishing a whole city, including women and infants, with plague for a fault at the games would be monstrous in a god.
- The digital text has a stray period and 'n onne'; these are corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray period in the digital text; word split in the digital text): exigua. momenta → exigua momenta; n onne → nonne.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.42 (CSEL 4:274–275; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-42). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.43CSEL 4:275–277
si sibi Iuppiter ludos scrupulosius fieri restituique quaerebat, si fideliter reddere suam populo sanitatem nec malum quod fecerat prorogari ulterius et augeri, nonne rectius fuerat, consulem ut ad ipsum ueniret, sacerdotum ad aliquem publicorum, pontificem maximum aut ad flaminem suum Dialem eique per somnium et praesulis uitium et funesti causam temporis indicaret? quae fuerat ratio, ut ruri hominem suetum, obscuritate incognitum nominis, urbanarum inscium rerum, quid sit praesul fortasse nescientem, uoluntatis suae deligeret nuntium et expetitae satisfactionis auctorem? quem si utique sciebat, diuinus modo si fuerat, tergiuersatorem in obsequio futurum, nonne fuerat pronius et deo conueniens, mentem hominis uertere et parendi subicere uoluntatem quam uias adgredi saeuiotes et latrocinii ritu sine ulla passim ratione saeuire? si enim rusticus senior inexpeditus in rebus obeundis cunctabatur in re iussa causis superioribus retardatus, quid infelices eius commeruerant liberi, ut in eos ira et indignatio uerteretur offensasque alterius luminis sui spoliatione pensarent? et quisquam est hominum qui fuisse illum deum credat tam iniustum, tam impium nec mortalium saltem constituta seruantem, apud quos nefas haberetur magnum, alterum pro altero plecti et aliena delicta aliorum crucibus uindicare? sed et ipsum fecit pestilitatis saeuitia comprehendi. nonne ergo praestantius, quinimmo aequius fuerat, si hoc esse uidebatur faciendum, ut ab ipso patre terror cohercitionis inciperet, apud quem causa tanti fuerat motus et in oboedientia cessatio, quam in eius dolorem uim liberis facere et innoxias urere atque abolere personas? quaenam illa saeuitia, crudelitas fuit quae tanta, ut extincta subole intestinis periculis post territaret patrem? quod iamdudum si facere id est loco priore uoluisset, nec germanitas conficeretur innoxia et uoluntas numinis cognosceretur offensa. at enim conpleto adnuntiationis officio statim morbus euanuit et sanitati homo est continuo restitutus. et quid habet admirationis res ista, si malum quod inspirauerat rettudit seseque inani ostentatione iactauit? quodsi penitus res pendas, magis illa crudelitas quam beneficium salutis fuit, siquidem hominem miserum et interire post filios cupientem non gaudia seruauit ad uitae sed ut suam solitudinem disceret et orbitatis cruciamenta sentiret.
If Jupiter wanted the games to be held and restored for him more scrupulously, if he wanted faithfully to give the people back their health and not to prolong and increase further the evil he had done, would it not have been more right to come to the consul himself, to one of the public priests, the chief pontiff or his own flamen Dialis, and show him in a dream both the fault of the leader of the dance and the cause of the deadly time? What reason was there to choose as the messenger of his will and the agent of the satisfaction he sought a man used to the country, unknown through the obscurity of his name, ignorant of city affairs, perhaps not knowing what a leader of the dance is? And if he surely knew, if only he was divine, that the man would be slow to obey, would it not have been easier and fitting for a god to change the man's mind and supply the will to obey, rather than to take savage ways and rage in the manner of a robber without any reason? For if the old rustic, unready in undertaking affairs, hesitated in the matter commanded, held back by the reasons given above, what had his unhappy sons deserved, that anger and indignation should be turned on them and that they should pay for another's offenses with the loss of their light? And is there anyone who would believe that he was a god, so unjust, so impious, not even keeping the ordinances of mortals, among whom it would be held a great wickedness for one to be punished for another and to avenge the offenses of some with the tortures of others? 'But he also caused the man himself to be seized by the savagery of the pestilence.' Would it not then have been better, indeed fairer, if this seemed necessary, for the terror of punishment to begin with the father himself, with whom lay the cause of such great disturbance and the failure to obey, rather than to use violence on his children to grieve him, and burn up and destroy innocent persons? What savagery, what great cruelty was that, that after the offspring was destroyed, it should afterward terrify the father with dangers within? If he had wanted to do this long before, that is, in the first place, neither would the innocent brothers have been destroyed, and the will of the offended deity would have been known. 'But when the duty of announcing was completed, the disease at once vanished and the man was immediately restored to health.' And what is wonderful in that, if he beat back the evil he had breathed in and boasted with empty display? But if you weigh the matter thoroughly, that was cruelty rather than a kindness of saving health, since he saved a wretched man, who longed to die after his sons, not for the joys of life but so that he might learn his solitude and feel the tortures of bereavement.
Notes and citation
Summary: Jupiter's choosing an ignorant rustic, killing his innocent sons, and then sparing him only to feel his bereavement show cruelty, not divinity.
- The digital text has 'eipetitae' and 'netas'; these are corrected. 'saeuiotes' is doubtful and translated by sense.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (misread letter in the digital text): eipetitae → expetitae; netas → nefas.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.43 (CSEL 4:275–277; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-43). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.44CSEL 4:277–279
consimili ratione per alias ire licebit historias et ostendere in his quoque longe aliud quam esse dii debeant de his ipsis dici et earum in expositionibus indicari, uelut in hac ipsa quam deinceps ponam, una ei duabusue coniunctis, fastidium ne inmoderatione pariatur. Non imus infitias in annalium scriptis contineri haec omnia quae sunt a uobis in oppositione prolata. nam et ipsi pro modulo ingeniique pro captu et legimus haec eadem et esse posita scimus, sed quaestionis in hoc summa est, utrumne hi dii sint, quos saeuire adseueratis offensos reddique ludis et sacrificiis mites, an sint longe aliud et ab huius ui debeant et nominis et potentiae segregari. quis est enim primum qui eos deos existimet fuisse aut esse qui credat, qui motibus et saltationibus scaenicis, qui cantheriis frustra currentibus uoluptatum soluuntur in gaudia, ineptas et frigidas actiones spectatum proficiscuntur e caelo offendique se doleant et suis honoribus derogatum, si paulisper constiterit ludius aut tibicen modice interquieuerit fessus, qui praesulem sibi displicuisse pronuntient, si per circi medium pergat nocens aliquis meritorum poenas et supplicia redditurus? quae si penitus cuncta et sine ulla gratificatione cernantur, non tantum ab diis esse reperientur aliena, uerum ab homine quouis lauto nec ad summos apices grauitatis ac ponderis instituto. Quis est enim primum deos illos qui existimet fuisse aut esse qui credat, qui nocendi habeant saeuiendique naturam ** easque abiciant rursus cyatho uno sanguinis et thuris suffitione molliti, qui motibus scaenicis et saltationibus histrionum festos dies ducant et hilaritatis plenissimas uoluptates, qui cantherios frustra et sine ulla ratione currentes spectatum proficiscantur e caelo gaudeantque ex his alios transire, transiri, pronos et cernuos ruere, cum curribus resupinos uerti, trahi alios debiles et cruribus claudicare praefractis, qui praesulem sibi displicuisse pronuntient, si per circi medium pergat nocens aliquis meritorum poenas et supplicia redditurus, qui offendi se doleant et suis honoribus derogatum, si paulisper constiterit ludius, interquieuerit tibicen fessus, puer ille matrimus decidat fortuito alicuius instabilitate * prolapsus? quae si penitus cuncta et sine ulla partium gratificatione pendantur, non tantum longe longeque ab diis esse reperiuntur aliena, uerum a quouis homine sentiente communia nec ad studium ueri rationum cognitionibus erudito. Post aduectos, inquitis, transmarinis ex gentibus deos quosdam postque condita his templa, post cumulatas sacrificiis aras male habens sese recreatus conualuit populus et pestilentes morbi inducta sinceritate fugerunt. qui, effamini, dii quaeso? Aesculapius, inquitis, Epidauro, bonis deus ualetudinibus praesidens et Tiberina in insula constitutus. si esset nobis animus scrupulosius ista tractare, uobis ipsis obtineremus auctoribus, minime illum fuisse diuum, qui conceptus et natus muliebri aluo esset, qui annorum gradibus ad eum finem ascendisset aetatis in quo illum uis fulminis, uestris quemadmodum litteris continetur, et uita expulisset et lumine. sed quaestione ab ista discedimus, Coronidis filius sit, ut uultis ex immortalium numero et perpetua praeditus sublimitate caelesti. ex Epidauro tamen quid est aliud adlatum nisi magni agminis coluber? fidem si annalium sequimur et exploratam eis adtribuimus ueritatem, nihil, ut conscriptum est, aliud. quid ergo dicemus? Aesculapius iste quem praedicatis, deus praestans, sanctus deus, salutis dator, ualetudinum pessimarum propulsator, prohibitor et extinctor, serpentis est forma et circumscriptione finitus, per terram reptans, caeno natis ut uermiculis mos est, solum mento radit et pectore, tortuosis uoluminibus se trahens, atque ut pergere prorsus possit, partem sui postremam conatibus prioris adducit.
On a similar principle one could go through other histories and show that in them too something far other than the gods ought to be is said of them and indicated in their accounts, as in this one which I will set down next, one or two joined together, lest weariness be produced by excess. We do not deny that all these things which you have brought forward in opposition are contained in the writings of the annals. For we ourselves, according to our small measure and the capacity of our wit, have read these same things and know they are recorded; but the sum of the question is this: whether these are gods, whom you assert rage when offended and are made gentle by games and sacrifices, or something far different, which ought to be separated from the force of this name and power. For who, first, would think that they were gods, or believe that they are, who are dissolved into the joys of pleasures by stage movements and dances and by nags running for nothing, who set out from heaven to watch silly and cold performances, and are grieved that they are offended and their honors diminished if a dancer has stood still for a moment or a flute player, tired, has paused a little, who declare that the leader of the dance has displeased them if some guilty person goes through the middle of the circus to pay the penalty and punishment of his deserts? If all these things are examined thoroughly and without any partiality, they will be found foreign not only to the gods but to any cultivated person, even one not trained to the highest peaks of gravity and weight. Who, first, would think that they were gods, or believe that they are, who have a nature of harming and raging ..., and cast them off again, softened by one cup of blood and the fumigation of incense; who spend festive days and the fullest pleasures of merriment in stage movements and actors' dances; who set out from heaven to watch nags running for nothing and without any reason, and rejoice to see some of them pass and be passed, fall headlong and on their faces, be overturned on their backs with their chariots, others be dragged along disabled and limp with broken legs; who declare that the leader of the dance has displeased them if some guilty person goes through the middle of the circus to pay the penalty and punishment of his deserts; who grieve that they are offended and their honors diminished if a dancer has stood still for a moment, a tired flute player has paused, or that boy with his mother living falls by chance, slipping through someone's unsteadiness ...? If all these things are weighed thoroughly and without any partiality to sides, they are found to be very, very far from the gods, and foreign even to any man of common sense, though not trained in the knowledge of reasons for the pursuit of truth. 'After certain gods were brought from nations overseas,' you say, 'and after temples were founded for them and the altars were heaped with sacrifices, the people, who were in a bad way, recovered and grew strong, and the pestilent diseases fled as soundness was brought in.' What gods, tell me, I pray? 'Aesculapius,' you say, 'from Epidaurus, the god who presides over good health and is established on the island in the Tiber.' If we had a mind to treat these things more scrupulously, we would establish on your own authorities that he was not a god at all, who was conceived and born of a woman's womb, and who had ascended by the steps of years to that end of age at which the force of the thunderbolt, as is contained in your writings, drove him from both life and light. But we leave that question: let him be the son of Coronis, as you wish, of the number of the immortals and endowed with everlasting heavenly majesty. Yet what else was brought from Epidaurus but a snake of great length? If we follow the credibility of the annals and grant them ascertained truth, nothing else, as it is written. What then shall we say? This Aesculapius whom you proclaim, an excellent god, a holy god, the giver of health, the driver-away, preventer, and destroyer of the worst illnesses, is bounded by the form and outline of a serpent, crawling on the ground as little worms born of mud do, scraping the soil with chin and breast, dragging himself along in twisting coils, and, so that he can go forward, drawing his hindmost part along by the efforts of the front.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Notes and citation
Summary: The histories show gods delighting in games and angered by trifles; and the Aesculapius brought to Rome to end a plague was simply a large snake.
- This section contains a doublet: the passage on the gods' delight in games appears twice in slightly different forms, probably an author's revision preserved in the manuscript. The bringing of Aesculapius from Epidaurus in the form of a snake (293–291 BC) is told by Livy (Epitome 11) and Ovid, Metamorphoses 15.622–744. Gaps are marked in the edition. The digital text has 'jnterquieuerit' and a stray period; these are corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (misread letter in the digital text; stray period in the digital text): jnterquieuerit → interquieuerit; deus. praestans → deus praestans.
Extrabiblical texts: Livy, Per. 11 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion); Ovid, Metam. 15.622–744 (Ovid; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.44 (CSEL 4:277–279; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-44). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.45CSEL 4:279–280
et quoniam legitur usus cibis etiam, quibus uita in corporibus inmoratur, habet patulas fauces, quibus cibos transuoret oris hiatibus adpetitos, habet receptaculum uentris et ubi mansa et uorata decoquat uiscera, sanguis detur at corpori et uiribus redintegratio subrogetur, habet et extremos tramites, per quos inmunda faex eat auersabili corpora foeditate deonerans. si quando mutat loca et ab aliis transgredi in alias regiones parat, non ut deus obscure per caeli euolat sidera punctoque in temporis ubi causa postulauerit sistitur, sed uelut animal brutum uehiculum quo sustineatur petit, undas pelagi uitat atque ut tutus possit incolumisque praestari, cum hominibus nauem ascendit et ille publicae sanitatis deus fragili se ligno et tabularum compagibus credit. non arbitramur euincere atque obtinere uos posse, Aesculapium illum fuisse serpentem, nisi hunc colorem uolueritis inducere, ut in anguem dicatis conuertisse se deum, quominus curiose possent quisnam esset aut qualis homines intueri. quod si fuerit a uobis dictum, quam infirmiter inualideque dicatur, ipsa rerum inaequalitas indicabit. si enim se deus uideri ab hominibus euitabat, nec in forma serpentis uelle debuit conspici, cum in qualibet forma non ab ipso se alius, sed ipse esset futurus. sin autem intenderat cernendum se dare-non enim debuit oculorum negare se conspectui – cur non talem uideri se praebuit, qualem sciebat se esse qualemque se nouerat sui numinis in potentia contineri? erat enim hoc potius multoque praestantius augustaeque conueniens dignitati quam fieri beluam horrentisque animalis in similitudinem uerti et dare ambiguis contradictionibus locum, essetne uerus deus an nescio quid aliud longeque ab supera sublimitate seiunctum.
And since we read that he also used food, by which life lingers in bodies, he has wide jaws with which to swallow food sought with the gaping of his mouth; he has a stomach as a receptacle and inward parts where he may digest what is chewed and swallowed, so that blood may be given to the body and renewal supplied to its strength; he has also the final passages through which the unclean dregs may go, unloading the body of its repulsive foulness. If ever he changes place and prepares to pass from some regions into others, he does not fly unseen through the stars of heaven like a god and come to a stop in a moment of time where the cause demands, but, like a brute animal, he seeks a vehicle by which to be carried; he avoids the waves of the sea, and, so that he may be kept safe and unharmed, he boards a ship with human beings, and that god of public health entrusts himself to fragile wood and the joining of planks. We do not think that you can prove and establish that Aesculapius was that serpent, unless you choose to bring in this color: to say that the god turned himself into a snake, so that people could not curiously look at who or what he was. But if this is said by you, the very inconsistency of the matter will show how weakly and feebly it is said. For if the god avoided being seen by human beings, he ought not to have wanted to be seen in the form of a serpent either, since in any form he would be not another but himself. But if he intended to let himself be seen (for he ought not to deny himself to the sight of eyes), why did he not show himself to be seen such as he knew he was, and such as he knew himself to be held in the power of his divinity? For this was preferable and much more excellent and fitting to august dignity than to become a beast, to be turned into the likeness of a bristling animal, and to give room to doubtful contradictions whether he was a true god or something else, far removed from heavenly majesty.
Notes and citation
Summary: The snake ate, digested, and needed a ship to travel, like an animal; a god who wished to be seen should have appeared in his true form.
- 'detur at corpori' is taken as 'detur ut corpori'; translated by sense.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.45 (CSEL 4:279–280; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-45). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.46CSEL 4:280–281
sed si deus, inquit, non erat, cur e naui postquam extulit sese et Tiberinam ad insulam repsit, nusquam statim conparuit et uiderier ut ante desiit? possumus enim scire, utrumne aliquod obstaculum fuerit, cuius sese obiectu atque oppositione protexerit, an hiatus aliquis? uos pronuntiate, uos dicite, quidnam illud fuerit aut cuinam rerum generi debuerit applicari, si personarum officia sunt certa certarum. uestra cum res ista sit deque uestro numine uestraque et religione tractetur, uestrum est potius edocere uestrumque monstrare, quid illa res fuerit, nostras uelle quam exaudire sententias nostraque exspectare decreta. nam nos quidem quid aliud possumus dicere, nisi quod fuit et uisum est, quod historiae prodidere omnes et oculorum sensibus est conprehensum? hanc tamen scilicet colubram ualidissimi corporis et prolixitatis inmensae aut, si nomen hoc sordidum est, anguem dicimus, serpentem nominitamus, aut si quod aliud nobis usus uocamen obtulerit aut ampliatio sermonis ecfinxerit. si enim repsit ut coluber non pedibus se ferens neque suas subexplicans itiones sed uentre nisus ac pectore, si ex materia formatus carnis longitudinem porrigebatur in lubricam, caput si habuit atque caudam, si obsita squamis terga, si macularum corium suffectionibus uarium, si os dentibus horridum et ad infligendos instructum morsus: quid aliud possumus quam generis eum dicere fuisse terreni, quamuis fuerit inmanis et nimius, quamuis illum ab Regulo exercitus ui caesum longitudine corporis et robore anteierit? sed aliud nos remur et labefactamus et destruimus ueritatem. ergo uestrum est explicare, quidnam ille fuerit uel cuius generis, nominis et qualitatis cuius. nam deus esse qui potuit, cum haberet ea quae diximus, quae dii habere non debent, si cogitant dii esse et uocaminis huius eminentiam possidere? Tiberinam postquam ad insulam repsit, nusquam continuo apparuit: qua ex re numen fuisse monstratur. possumus enim scire, utrumne istic aliquod rei fuerit alicuius obstaculum, cuius sese obiectu atque oppositione protexerit, an hiatus aliquis aut ex molibus inaequaliter aggeratis successus quidam et fornices, in quos intulit se raptim circumscripto tuentium uisu? quid enim, si flumen transiliuit? quid, si transnatauit? quid, si siluarum densitatibus se dedit? argumentatio flaccida est, ea re suspicari deum illum fuisse serpentem, quod ab oculis sese properata agminis festinatione subtraxit, cum deum non fuisse eadem rursus possit argumentatione monstrari.
'But if he was not a god,' he says, 'why, after he took himself out of the ship and crawled to the island in the Tiber, did he at once appear nowhere and cease to be seen as before?' Can we know whether there was some obstacle, by whose interposition and opposition he protected himself, or some chasm? You declare, you tell us, what that was or to what kind of thing it should be assigned, if the functions of certain persons are certain. Since this is your affair, and the discussion is about your deity and your religion, it is rather for you to teach and show us what that thing was, than to want to hear our opinions and wait for our decisions. For what else can we say but what was and was seen, what all the histories have published and was grasped by the senses of the eyes? We call this, then, a snake of very strong body and immense length, or, if this name is mean, we say serpent, we call it a reptile, or whatever other word usage offers us or the enlargement of speech devises. For if he crawled like a snake, not carrying himself on feet nor unfolding his goings beneath him but pressing on belly and breast; if, formed of the matter of flesh, he stretched out his length slippery; if he had a head and a tail, a back covered with scales, a hide varied with patches of spots, a mouth bristling with teeth and equipped for inflicting bites: what else can we say but that he was of earthly kind, however huge and excessive he was, even if he surpassed in length and strength of body the one slain by the force of Regulus's army? 'But we think otherwise, and undermine and destroy the truth.' Then it is for you to explain what he was, or of what kind, name, and quality. For how could he be a god, when he had those things we have mentioned, which gods ought not to have, if they mean to be gods and possess the eminence of this name? 'After he crawled to the Tiber island, he at once appeared nowhere: by this it is shown that he was a deity.' Can we know whether there was some obstacle of something there, by whose interposition and opposition he protected himself, or some chasm, or some recesses and arches from masses heaped up unevenly, into which he carried himself quickly, escaping the sight of the onlookers? For what if he leaped across the river? What if he swam across? What if he gave himself to the thickets of the woods? It is a feeble argument to suspect from this that the serpent was a god, because he withdrew himself from their eyes by the swift haste of his motion, since by the same argument it could again be shown that he was not a god.
Notes and citation
Summary: The snake's disappearance on the Tiber island proves nothing; by every visible feature it was an earthly animal.
- The huge serpent killed by Regulus's army in Africa (256 BC) is told by Livy (Epitome 18) and others. The passage repeats itself in part, as in 7.44.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.46 (CSEL 4:280–281; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-46). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.47CSEL 4:281–282
sed si deus praesens anguis ille non fuit, cur post illius aduentum pestilentiae uis fracta est et populo salus est reddita Romano? referimus et nos contra: si ex libris fatalibus uatumque responsis inuitari ad urbem deus Aesculapius iussus est, ut ab luis contagio morbisque pestilentibus tutam eam incolumemque praestaret, et uenit non aspernatus, ut dicitis, colubrarum in formam conuersus: cur totiens Romana ciuitas mali huius afflicta est cladibus, totiens aliis aliisque temporibus dilacerata, uexata est et innumeris stragibus ciuium minor facta est millibus? cum enim deus adcitus in hoc esse dicatur, ut omnino omnes causas quibus pestilentia conflabatur auerteret, sequebatur ut ciuitas intacta esse deberet flatuque a noxio inmunis semper innocuaque praestari. atquin uidemus, ut superius dictum est, saepenumero his morbis cursus eam uitae habuisse funestos nec dispendiis leuibus esse populi fractas debilitatasque uirtutes. ubi ergo Aesculapius fuit, ubi ille promissus oraculis uenerabilibus? cur templa post condita sibique exaedificata delubra diutius aditus habere perpessus est bene meritae ciuitatis luem, cum in id esset adcitus, ut et malis mederetur instantibus nec sineret in futurum tale aliquid quod
'But if that snake was not a present god, why, after his arrival, was the force of the pestilence broken and health restored to the Roman people?' We reply in turn: if the god Aesculapius was ordered, from the books of fate and the answers of prophets, to be invited to the city to keep it safe and unharmed from the contagion of plague and pestilent diseases, and he came without disdain, as you say, turned into the form of a snake: why has the Roman state so often been afflicted by the disasters of this evil, so often at one time and another torn, harassed, and made smaller by countless thousands of citizens in slaughters? For since the god is said to have been summoned for this purpose, to turn away absolutely all the causes by which pestilence was produced, it followed that the city ought to have been untouched and always kept free and unharmed by harmful breath. Yet we see, as was said above, that it has often had deadly courses of life from these diseases, and that the strength of the people has been broken and weakened with no slight losses. Where then was Aesculapius, where was he who was promised by venerable oracles? Why, after temples were founded and shrines built for him, did he long allow the plague of a city that deserved well of him to have access, when he had been summoned to heal the present evils and not allow anything of the kind that might be feared
Notes and citation
Summary: If Aesculapius had come to protect Rome from plague, why did Rome continue to suffer many plagues afterward?
- The sentence continues in 7.48.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.47 (CSEL 4:281–282; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-47). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.48CSEL 4:282–283
metueretur mreperer nisi forte aliquis dicet, minoribus et consequentibus saeculis idcirco dei talis defuisse custodiam, quod impiis iam moribus et inprobabilibus uiueretur, opem autem contulisse maioribus, quod innoxii fuerint et ab omni scelerum contagione dimoti. quod ratione cum aliqua et audiri forsitam potuisset et dici, si aut in temporibus priscis omnes essent usque ad unum boni aut sequentia tempora malos omnes generarent et nulla diuersitate discretos. cum uero res ita sit, ut in magnis populis, nationibus, quinimmo et in ciuitatibus cunctis mixtum sit humanum genus naturis uoluntatibus moribus tamque potuerint in prioribus saeculis quam in nouellis aetatibus boni simul malique existere, stultum satis est dicere, propter malitias posteros auxilia numinum non meruisse mortales. si enim propter malos sequentium saeculorum boni non sunt protecti temporum nouellorum, et propter antiquos malos boni aeque maiores non debuerant mereri beniuolentiam numinum: sin propter bonos priscos mali etiam conseruati sunt prisci, et propter bonos minores aetas debuit sequens, quamuis esset inprobabilis, protegi. aut ergo iam fracta atque inminuta ui morbi anguis ille perlatus famam conseruatoris adsumpsit, cum nihil omnino commoditatis attulisset, aut fatalia dicenda sunt carmina multum ueris aberrauisse praesagiis, cum remedium ab his datum non deinceps cunctis sed auxilio fuisse uni tantum reperiatur aetati.
to return in the future? Unless perhaps someone will say that the protection of such a god was lacking to the later and following ages because people were then living with impious and disreputable characters, while he gave help to the ancestors because they were innocent and far removed from all contagion of crimes. This could perhaps have been heard and said with some reason, if either in ancient times everyone to a man had been good, or the following times produced all bad people, distinguished by no difference. But since the fact is that in great peoples and nations, indeed in all cities, the human race is mixed in natures, wishes, and characters, and good and bad could exist together as much in earlier ages as in new times, it is foolish enough to say that later mortals did not deserve the help of the deities because of their wickedness. For if the good of recent times were not protected because of the bad of the following ages, then neither ought the good ancestors to have deserved the goodwill of the deities, because of the bad people of old; but if the bad of old were also preserved because of the good of old, then the following age too, however disreputable, ought to have been protected because of the good among the later generations. So either that snake, brought when the force of the disease was already broken and diminished, took on the reputation of a preserver though he had brought no benefit at all; or it must be said that the prophetic songs of fate strayed far from true presages, since the remedy given by them is found to have been a help not to all ages thereafter but only to one.
Notes and citation
Summary: The claim that later generations were too wicked for Aesculapius's help fails, since every age mixes good and bad; so either the snake was credited with a recovery already under way or the oracles were false.
- The first words complete the sentence of 7.47; 'mreperer' in the digital text is garbled (probably 'repeti', 'to return') and is translated by sense. The digital text has 'torte aiiquis', 'minoriDus', and a stray period; these are corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (capital letter inside a word in the digital text; misread letters in the digital text; stray period in the digital text): torte aiiquis → forte aliquis; minoriDus → minoribus; famam. conseruatoris → famam conseruatoris.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.48 (CSEL 4:282–283; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-48). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.49CSEL 4:283
sed et Magna, inquit, Mater accita ex Phrygio Pessinunte iussis consimiliter uatum salutaris populo et magnarum causa laetitiarum fuit. nam et diu potens hostis ab Italiae possessione detrusus est et gloriosis inlustribusque uictoriis decus urbi restitutum est pristinum et imperii fines longe lateque porrecti et innumeris gentibus ciuitatibus populis libertatis ius raptum est et iugum seruitutis inpositum, multaeque res aliae foris domique perfectae ineluctabili firmitate gentis nomen maiestatemque fundarunt. si uerum locuntur historiae neque ullas inserunt rerum conscriptionibus falsitates, adlatum ex Phrygia nihil quidem aliud scribitur missum rege ab Attalo, nisi lapis quidam non magnus, ferri manu hominis sine ulla inpressione qui posset, coloris furui atque atri, angellis prominentibus inaequalis, et quem omnes hodie ipso illo uidemus in signo oris loco positum, indolatum et asperum et simulacro faciem minus expressam simulatione praebentem. quid ergo dicemus?
'But the Great Mother too,' he says, 'summoned from Phrygian Pessinus likewise by the commands of prophets, was a source of health to the people and the cause of great joys. For the enemy, long powerful, was driven from the possession of Italy, the former glory was restored to the city by glorious and famous victories, the boundaries of the empire were extended far and wide, the right of freedom was taken from countless nations, cities, and peoples and the yoke of slavery imposed, and many other things accomplished abroad and at home founded the name and majesty of the race with unshakable firmness.' If the histories speak the truth and insert no falsehoods in their records of events, nothing else is written to have been brought from Phrygia, sent by King Attalus, but a certain stone, not large, which could be carried in a man's hand without any pressure, of dark and black color, uneven with little projecting corners, and which we all see today placed in that very statue in the place of the mouth, unhewn and rough, giving the image a face too little expressed in its likeness. What then shall we say?
Notes and citation
Summary: The Great Mother brought from Pessinus, credited with Rome's victories, was only a small black stone.
- The black stone of the Great Mother was brought to Rome in 204 BC during the war with Hannibal (Livy 29.10–14).
Extrabiblical texts: Livy, 29.10–14 (Livy, History of Rome; allusion)
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.49 (CSEL 4:283; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-49). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.50CSEL 4:283–284
Hannibalem illum Poenum, hostem potentem ac ualidum, sub quo anceps et dubia res Romana contremuit et magnitudo trepidauit, lapis ex Italia depulit, lapis fregit, lapis fugacem ac timidum suique esse dissimilem fecit? et quod rursus urbs exsiliuit ad imperii columen et regium principatum, nihil consiliis actum est, nihil hominum uiribus, nec ad reditum sublimitatis antiquae tot tantisque ab ducibus quicquam est scientia militari aut rerum experientia conlatum? lapis aliis uires, aliis roboris infirmitatem dedit, hos secundis praecipitauit ab rebus, aliorum extulit stratas desperatione fortunas? et quis hominum credet terra sumptum lapidem, sensu agitabilem nullo, fuliginei coloris atque atri corporis, deum fuisse matrem? aut qui rursus accipiat - hoc enim solum restat — numinis alicuius habitasse uim silicis fragmentis ignis more subiectam uenisque in eius abstrusam? et unde parta uictoria est, si Pessinuntio lapidi nullum inerat numen? sedulitate possumus dicere ac uirtute pugnantium, usu tempore consilio ratione, fato etiam possumus et reciproca uarietate fortunae. sed si auxilio lapidis res facta est melior et felix reciperata uictoria est, ubinam Mater Phrygia tempore illo fuit, cum tot tantisque exercitibus caesis inclinata est res summa et ad ultimae labis periculum uenit? cur non minaci hosti se obtulit? cur impetus tantos belli non prius fregit ac reppulit quam immanes ac * inciderent plagae, quibus omnis effunderetur sanguis et exhaustis rueret uita ipsa paene uitalibus? aduecta enim nondum nec fauorem fuerat ut commodaret rogata. esto: sed bonus auxiliator numquam rogari se poscit spontanea semper opitulatione subueniens. hostem pellere ac fugare non potuit multo adhuc mari terrisque ab Italia discreta. sed deo, si deus est, longum nihil omnino est, cui punctum terra est et sub nutu omnia constituta.
Did a stone drive out of Italy that Carthaginian Hannibal, a powerful and strong enemy, under whom the Roman state trembled, uncertain and doubtful, and its greatness shook? Did a stone break him, did a stone make him fugitive, timid, and unlike himself? And that the city leapt up again to the pinnacle of empire and royal primacy, was nothing done by counsels, nothing by human strength, and was nothing contributed toward the return of its former greatness by so many and such great generals through military science or experience of affairs? Did a stone give strength to some and weakness to others, cast these down from prosperity, and raise the fortunes of others laid low by despair? And who among men will believe that a stone taken from the earth, moved by no sense, of sooty and black body, was the mother of the gods? Or who again would accept (for this alone remains) that the force of some deity dwelt in the fragments of flint, placed beneath like fire, and hidden in its veins? 'And from where was the victory won, if there was no deity in the stone of Pessinus?' We can say: by the diligence and courage of the fighters, by practice, time, counsel, and reason; we can say also by fate and the alternating variety of fortune. But if the situation was improved and happy victory recovered by the help of a stone, where was the Phrygian Mother at that time when, so many and such great armies having been slaughtered, the whole state leaned toward and came into the danger of final ruin? Why did she not present herself to the threatening enemy? Why did she not break and drive back such great attacks of war before those huge and ... blows fell, by which all the blood was poured out and life itself almost collapsed with its vitals drained? 'She had not yet been brought, nor had she been asked to lend her favor.' Granted: but a good helper never demands to be asked, always coming to aid with spontaneous help. 'She could not drive and put to flight the enemy while still separated from Italy by much sea and land.' But to a god, if he is a god, nothing at all is far, for whom the earth is a point and all things are placed under his nod.
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Notes and citation
Summary: Rome's victory over Hannibal came from human courage and circumstance, not a stone; a true god would not have waited to be summoned or been hindered by distance.
- A gap is marked in the edition. The digital text has 'P' for a question mark and a stray period; these are corrected.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (question mark misread as a letter in the digital text; stray period in the digital text): fortunas P et → fortunas? et; atri,. corporis → atri corporis.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.50 (CSEL 4:283–284; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-50). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.
7.51CSEL 4:284–287
sed fuerit praesens, ut exposcitis credi, illo ipso numen in lapide: et mortalium quisquam est, quamuis ille sit credulus et facillimas aures quibuslibet fictionibus praebeat, qui eam iudicet fuisse aut tempore illo deam aut hodie dici appellarique debere, quae modo haec appetat, modo illa deposcat, suos deserat fastidiatque cultores, prouinciis ab humilioribus migret, potentioribus populis ditioribusque se iungat? uerum bellicas res amet interque esse desideret pugnis caedibus mortalitatibus et cruori. si deorum est proprium, si modo sunt ueri et quos deceat nuncupari ui uocis istius et potentia nominis, nihil facere malitiose, nihil iniuste hominibusque se cunctis una et parili gratia sine ulla inclinatione praebere, credet generis eam fuisse diuini quisquamne hominum aut habuisse aequitatem diis dignam, quae humanis sese discordiis inserens aliorum opes fregit, aliis se praebuit exhibuitque fautricem, libertatem his abstulit, alios ad columen dominationis euexit, quae ut una ciuitas emineret in humani generis perniciem nata, orbem subiugauit innoxium?
But let there have been a deity present, as you demand to be believed, in that very stone: is there any mortal, however credulous and however easily he lends his ears to any fictions, who would judge that she was a goddess at that time, or ought to be called and named one today, who now seeks these things and now demands those, deserts and disdains her worshipers, moves from humbler provinces and joins herself to more powerful and richer peoples? Or that she loves warlike affairs and desires to be among battles, slaughter, deaths, and blood? If it is proper to gods, if indeed they are true and such as it befits to call by the force of that word and the power of that name, to do nothing maliciously, nothing unjustly, and to show themselves to all human beings with one and equal favor without any bias, will any human being believe that she was of divine race, or had a fairness worthy of gods, who, thrusting herself into human discords, broke the power of some and showed and displayed herself as the patron of others, took freedom from these and raised others to the pinnacle of dominion; who, so that one city might stand out, born for the ruin of the human race, subjugated an innocent world?
Textual problem in this passage: see the notes.
Notes and citation
Summary: A goddess who deserted her own people, favored the powerful, and helped one city subjugate the world could not be a true divinity.
- The work ends here abruptly in the manuscript; some think Arnobius left it unfinished. A stray period and letter at the end of the digital text are removed.
Notes on the original text
- Digital text corrected (stray period and letter at the end of the digital text): innoxium?. I → innoxium?.
Cite (SBL): Arnobius, Nat. 7.51 (CSEL 4:284–287; trans. Sophia Scriptura, https://sophiascriptura.com/fathers/arnobius-nationes/7-38/#p-7-51). (abbreviation not yet checked)
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Translation: Translated by Claude from the Latin text of Reifferscheid, CSEL 4 (1875); made independently of existing English translations and compared afterwards with ANF 6.